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 UNIVERSiTY OF CALIFOPJ^ 
 AT LOS ANGELES
 
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 S^wonHf lEtritfott^ 
 
 PRESENT SITUATION 
 
 F 
 
 FRANCE & EUROPE. 
 
 t '< 
 
 9 8 2
 
 LETTER 
 
 TO THE 
 
 RIGHT HON. LORD ERSKEVE, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 39its$ent Situation 
 
 OP 
 
 FRANCE AND EUROPE; 
 
 ACCOMPANIED BY 
 
 OFFICIAL AND ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS. 
 
 Be assured, mj Lords, of this (I hope yoa are alreadj assured of 
 it), that there is for this Gountrj no separate safetj, no separate peace 
 there is neither safety nor peace for England but with the safety and 
 peace of Europe. 
 
 Speech of Lord Grenville, Nov. 4, 1813. 
 
 Oblatumque ridet rotis sibi mille petitum 
 Tempus, in extremos quo mitteret omnia casus 
 JEger quippe mortc, flagransque cupidine b^ii. 
 
 LvcaN. 
 
 SECOND EDITION, WITH ADDITIONS. 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 PRINTED rOH JOHN MUKRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 
 
 1815.
 
 Piinted hj J. F. OOYE, St. JoLd'i Sqatre, Losdoo.
 
 13C 
 
 L5& 
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 ^ All the passages in the following Letter 
 from French documents are translated by 
 the writer, and he pledges himself for their 
 
 CO fidelity. 
 
 ^ His object has l)een to endeavour to 
 <t offer a fair and consistent argument for 
 the justice and policy of war, in the event 
 of the alHes being determined to revive 
 and enforce the spirit of the 2d Article of 
 the Treaty of Chaumont. 
 
 C3 
 
 |?-c London, JprilGtfi, 1813. 
 
 .'ivJi.'kli
 
 ADVERTISEMENT 
 
 TO THE 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 This Letter has been supposed by some 
 persons to have been written for party pur- 
 poses. The Writer takes this opportunity of 
 statmg, that he is not, in the slightest degree, 
 connected with any Political Party, nor has 
 he ever held any office ; but that, in a moment 
 like the present, he was anxious to state pro- 
 spectively those opinions, which appeared to 
 him to l)e connected with the best interests 
 of the Empire, and to lend his feeble effort 
 towards the correction of public opinion. 
 The name cf the distinguished person, to whom 
 this Letter is addressed is a sufficient gua- 
 rantee of the integrity of the Writer's inten- 
 tions. 
 
 Mundai/^ April 2ith, 1815.
 
 LETTER, 
 
 My DEAR Lord, 
 
 NO person can be more fully aware 
 than yourself, that the public mind in this 
 country is no criterion of our situation; 
 that it is subject to extreme alternations of 
 depression or elevation, and that it is ne- 
 cessary to allow for this difference in any 
 calculation upon the real posture of affairs. 
 Wherever I go, I hear the keenest regret 
 expressed for the errors of the past, and 
 each person offers an antedated prophecy 
 of the present crisis. 
 
 The solecism of the policy of the allies 
 is descanted upon with bitter disappoint- 
 ment. To accept a voluntary abdication 
 from a man, who was in a situation to obey,
 
 8 
 
 and not to prescribe proposals ; to take 
 away his empire, and to allow him to re- 
 tain his title ; to depri\ e him of the com- 
 mand of ode army, and yet to permit him 
 to carry another with him, a sort of repre- 
 sentative body selected from an infinite va- 
 riety of regiments ; to take from him a 
 navy, and yet to allow him a flag ; to per- 
 mit him to retain the elements of power, 
 the quality though not the quantity ; to 
 keep alive the embers of slaked ambition, 
 by allowing his island throne to comprise 
 an epitome of his past greatness ; to omit 
 every necessary precaution for preventing 
 his escape, with the certain knowledge that 
 tlie army was all powerful in France, that 
 the interests of this army were involved in 
 his return^ and that their affections, though 
 repressed by the strong hand of power, had 
 never been alienated from his person. 
 
 These, and a variety of collateral ob- 
 servations, all tending to the same morti- 
 fying retrospect, are to be heard in every 
 society ; but I am anxious to take a pros- 
 pective view of our situation, and to point
 
 out that train of reflections, which appears 
 to me to be alone calculated to induce a 
 correct judgment as to the important ques- 
 t:ion of the policy of peace or war. In 
 furtherance of this object, let me invite 
 your attention, to only a short period of 
 what may be called the diplomatic history 
 of Buonaparte, from the commencement of 
 the Russian campaign to the present mo- 
 ment. 
 
 I shall add a few observations on his 
 character, and on the political, as well as 
 private, feelings which he is pledged to 
 retain and enforce against this country. I 
 shall offer nothing that is not supported by 
 official documents or the most authentic 
 information, 
 
 Tlien, at least, whether the decision is for 
 peace or war, we shall thoroughly under- 
 stand the character of the man, against 
 whom we are to fight, or with whom we 
 are to negotiate. 
 
 Biionnparte was at the zenith of his 
 
 B
 
 10 
 
 power and greatness, at the commencement 
 of the Russian campaign, in June 1812. 
 
 The object of this memorable expedition 
 was to complete his plan of hermetically 
 sealing the ports of Europe against Eng- 
 land ; had he succeeded, he would have 
 taken advantage of the discontent and 
 privations, which this total cessation of 
 commerce must have created in every 
 countrv, to invite a simultaneous effort 
 against the tyrant of the seas, the prox- 
 imate cause of their distress, and thus to 
 overthrow the only barrier which opposed 
 his plans of universal empire. In his ad- 
 dress to his army on the plains of Fried- 
 land, not deeming it prudent even to hint 
 at his real sentiments, he accuses Russia of 
 perfidy. " La Russie est entrainee par la 
 " fatalite, ses destins doivent s'accomplir.'' 
 He promises his army a similar result with 
 that of the first Polish war, and that a 
 peace glorious for France shall prescribe 
 " une terme ^ cette orgueilleuse iniluenct 
 " (jue la Russie a exercee depuis cinquantc 
 " ans sur les affaires de TEurope."
 
 11 
 
 When this domineering influence had 
 been evinced, or against whom it had 
 operated, would have been difficult to de- 
 monstrate, but historical truth was not 
 more attended to in this than in other 
 instances. His combinations, for once, 
 failed of success. Destruction and death 
 in every variety of shape, swept away 
 three-fourths of the miserable agents of 
 his ambition. 
 
 History presents no example of an equal 
 sum of human misery condensed in so short 
 a space of time. He returned to Paris, a 
 lonely fugitive, with the unmitigated pur- 
 pose of preparing fresh means for the sub- 
 jugation of the world. It is interesting to 
 observe the repentant tone of the Emperor 
 of Austria, for not having intercepted his 
 son-in-law in his last retreat. The follow- 
 ing is an extract from the second Manifesto 
 of that sovereign, 1813. 
 
 " After the disasters of the llu.ssiau 
 " campaign, it was in our power to have 
 " scattered the remains of a once number- 
 *' less, but now despairing and fugilivt^ 
 
 B 2
 
 12 
 
 <* army, but special considerations, and 
 " that humanity, on which we pride our- 
 " selves, combined with the loyalty of otir 
 " pohcy, and the rectitude of our intett- 
 " tions, seduced as they* were by his ex- 
 " quisitely insidious persuasions, retained 
 " us in inaction, when we might have de- 
 " cided the fate of Europe against him, 
 " who, after a series of infinite aggressions, 
 " had painfully humiliated us by pecu- 
 " niary extortions, and military conscrip- 
 " tions, and by parcelling out the inhe- 
 " ritance of our ancestors/' 
 
 After a short breathing time, we find a 
 prospective development of Buonaparte's 
 plan in the Moniteur of the 10th January, 
 1813, in which he offers a new and bloody 
 bill of fare for the ensuing season. 
 
 " The campaigns of Spain and the 
 " north shall be carried on at the same 
 *' time. 300,000 Frenchmen will be as- 
 " sembled in the course of February at 
 " Hamburg, on the Elbe, on the Rhine, 
 " and the Oder, independently of 200,000
 
 IS 
 
 " moil wlio are with the grand armyj 
 " the ensuing campaign is about to open 
 ** zdtJi a French army nearly twice as strong 
 " as the one assembled in the last. At the 
 ** same time, the French army in Spain 
 ** will be reinforced and maintained at its 
 " full complement of 300,000 men. 
 
 " England boasts of having altogether 
 on foot 400,000 men, including her sea- 
 men and marines. The population of 
 France is at least quadruple. Upon 
 this principle, if England has 400,000 
 men the proportion of France should be 
 at least triple. In subtracting from this 
 calculation 200,000 men for her naval 
 service, there will remain one million 
 effective soldiers, which France may 
 have on foot as easy as England can 
 have 400,000." 
 
 An extract from the registers of the 
 Conservative Senate, of the 11th January, 
 officially announces that 350,000 men are 
 placed at the disposal of the Minister of 
 War; soon after, the venerable Camba-
 
 14 
 
 ceres assures him, that these brave soldiers, 
 Avhich the nation adds to its numerous 
 phalanxes, and which his Majesty is about 
 to put in motion, will be the Conquerors 
 of Peace; that darling project of peace, 
 " I'objet de tons vos desirs, de toutes vos 
 " victoires, et du sacrifice si souvent re- 
 " nouvele de votrc repos de vos afFec- 
 " tions, de vos jouissances les plus cheres/' 
 Can any thing exceed the grossness of this 
 imposture, and yet there are persons in 
 this country who believed it " au pied de 
 la lettre/' 
 
 Early in February the Act of Regency was 
 passed, and Napoleon assured the deputies 
 of the departments at the Corps Legislatif, 
 " that he was desirous of peace, provided 
 " that it was honourable, and congenial to 
 " the interests of his empire." On the 
 23d March, in his reply to the President 
 of the Corps Legislatif, he employed this 
 emphatic and remarkable language : 
 
 " Invited by providence and the wishes 
 " of the nation to effect the establishment
 
 15 
 
 " of tliis empire, my progress has been 
 
 " gradual, uniform, consistent with the 
 
 " spirit of events, and with the interests 
 
 " of my people ; in a few years this great 
 
 " work wilt be accomplished^ and all that is 
 
 " in progress completely consolidated. I 
 
 " shall shortly place myself at the head of 
 
 " my troops, and confound the fallacious 
 
 " declarations of our enemies. In any ne- 
 
 " goeiations, the integrity of the empire 
 
 " never has nor ever shall he questioned,'' 
 
 In the Moniteur of the 8th May, it is 
 announced, that the Empress has received a 
 dispatch from the Emperor, announcing a 
 complete victory near Lutzen, over the 
 troops of the allies commanded by the 
 Emperor of Russia and the King of Prus- 
 sia. In his proclamation to his army, the 
 day after the battle, nothing can exceed 
 the insolence and exultation of uncxpcct(\l 
 prosperity, and of gratified revenge a 12a in ^t 
 tlie Russians. 
 
 ' Nous rejetterons ccs Tartarcs dans 
 ' leurs aflVeux climats, qu'ils ne doi\Tnt 

 
 16 
 
 ** pas franchir. Qu'ils restewt dans leurs 
 " deserts glaces, sejour d'esclavage, de 
 " bai-barie et de corruption/' 
 
 This anathema, however, did not pre- 
 vent their bivouacking before the Hospital 
 of Invalids in less than a year from its 
 utterance. After the battles of Lutzen, 
 Wurtzchcn, and Bautzen, in which his 
 numerical superiority prevailed against the 
 heroic exertions of Prussia and Russia, 
 Buonaparte professed an anxiety to treat 
 for peace, the accomplishment of which 
 did not occupy his thoughts for a moment; 
 these were only bent upon regaining that 
 ascendancy, which the reverses of the pre- 
 ceding winter appeared to have removed 
 for ever. In the Moniteur of the 23d, the 
 subject is thus introduced in the coldest 
 manner : 
 
 " The Emperor Napoleon has proposed 
 " the assembling of a Congress at Prague. 
 " for the purposes of a general pacifica- 
 " tion. On the part of France it is pro- 
 " posed, that her plenipotentiaries should
 
 17 
 
 " be invited to this Congress, as well as 
 " those of the United States of America, 
 " of Denmark, of the King of Spain, and 
 " of all their allies, on the opposite side, 
 " those of England, Russia, and Prussia, 
 " the Spanish Insurgents, and the other 
 " branches of the alliance opposed to 
 " France. At this Congress shall be 
 " laid down the bases of a permanent 
 " peace. If England refuses to accede, 
 " the Emperor is not less anxious to pro- 
 " mote the assemblino^ at Prague of all the 
 " other plenipotentaries of tlie belligerent 
 " powers, to regulate a continental peace. 
 " His Majesty even proposes to stipulate 
 " for an armistice at the moment of the 
 " meeting of the Congress, to prevent 
 " the further effusion of human blood ! ! 
 " These principles are conformable to the 
 " views of Austria ; it remains to ascertain 
 " the disposition of the courts of England, 
 " Russia, and Prussia." 
 
 The mysticism of Buonaparte's official 
 documeiil.-i is only calculated lor the meri- 
 dian of Paris. This proposal also contains 
 
 c
 
 18 
 
 the most violent abuse of England, its 
 palpable object was to excite a jealousy of 
 this country, and to gain time by offering 
 an armistice tlie anxiety about human 
 blood is too absurd to demand a comment. 
 It is sufficient to say, that his insidious 
 proposals were ultimately rejected. The 
 nipture of the Congress, the adhesion of 
 Austria to the allies, the premature attack 
 on Dresden, the death of Moreau, and the 
 events which preceded and attended tlie 
 decisive battle of Leipsic, are fresh in the 
 recollection of every person. 
 
 The tide of French success began once 
 more to ebb ; it w as in vain that the im- 
 perial bulletins claimed victory after vic- 
 tory ; the retrograde movements of the 
 French army furnished an invidious com- 
 ment on tlieir accuracy, even the farcical 
 deputation of the captured colours to the 
 Einj)rcss failed of its success. In the " se- 
 ance" of the 15th November, the project 
 of a senutus-consultum was presented, which 
 placed 300,000 tnore victims at the disposi- 
 tion of the minister at war ; in this win-
 
 19 
 
 ning rhapsody, the defection of Bavaria \s 
 bitterly inveighed against, and the parti- 
 tion of Poland deprecated /br the first time, 
 as furnishing a precedent to the same ra- 
 venous powers, for the spoliation and divi- 
 sion of France. The warning words of 
 the Empress, Maria Louisa, are quoted with 
 awful solemnity. " Je connois mieux que 
 " personne ce que n6s peuples auroient a 
 " redouter s'ils se laissoient jamais vaincre/* 
 I have never attached any other meaning 
 to these words, than an allusion to the de- 
 gradation, which Austria had experienced 
 from the successful tyranny of France; 
 but, as there were yet men and money, the 
 appeal to the sword was not to be aban- 
 doned ; the chance of war was preferred to 
 an adoption of just and reasonable princi- 
 ples, which, at any moment^ could have 
 commanded an honourable peace ; but the 
 real interests of France were to be balanced 
 against the mortified vanity and insatiable 
 ambition of her Emperor, who felt that 
 abdication was less to be deprecated than 
 the acceptance of those terms, which would 
 leave him, what he called, a " degraded 
 
 c2
 
 20 
 
 throne/' nor was he insensible to the per- 
 sonal danger which might result from the 
 dissolution of that ^'prestige," (which was 
 the bt st security of a despot,) being suc- 
 ceeded b}' a state of inaction. 
 
 " La France/' says the orator of the se- 
 nate, " L'Europe entiere ont besoin de la 
 paix et la desirent mais le peiiple Fran- 
 cois ne vcut qu'une paix honorable et 
 digne de la gloire que nous avons ac- 
 quise, et pour I'obtcnir, il est dispose a 
 " niettre autant d'ardeur a se dcfcndre, 
 " (|ur r Europe liguce contre lui en met a 
 " Tattacjuer/' On the 19th of December, 
 Napok^on adch'cssed the senators, counsel- 
 lors of state, and deputies of departments 
 at the Corps Ltgislatif. lla balanced the 
 defections of his allies against the victories 
 of his troops, and contcssed, that even 
 France would Ijc u\ danger without energy 
 and union. After various compliments to 
 his own nu>Jci"ation and efficicijcv, he de- 
 clared, that lie'liud no oppcjsuion to ofter 
 to tilt- restoration of peace; that he knew, 
 and sympathized witli tiie sentiments of the
 
 21 
 
 whole Eiench nation. " Je dis/' he adds, 
 " des Franf ais, parce qu'il n'en est auciin 
 " qui desirat la paix au prix de rhonneur." 
 In the " seance" of the 27th December, 
 1813, Monsieur le Conite de Fontanes, in 
 the name of the special commission, ad- 
 dressed the assembly ; and, after diluting 
 the topics of the Emperor's speech on the 
 19th ult. he entered a strong protest 
 against the appeal of the allied powers to 
 the people against their leaders, and then, 
 with unexampled effrontery, inquired, 
 " against whom is this indirect attack 
 " levelled? against a great man, who de- 
 " served the gratitude of kings; for, in re- 
 '* establishing the throne of France, he 
 " choked up the volcano which threatened 
 " to overwhelm them all!'' The Crown 
 Prince of Sweden, the Emperor Aiexandei, 
 and the Emperor of Austria, are succes- 
 sively propitiated in sentimental <i^os- 
 trophes'. He concludes by hoping, that 
 time and place for a conference may be 
 immediately named, as a prelude to au 
 hoi.ourable peace. The Congress at Chatil- 
 hm was conse^iuently assembled, and, on
 
 22 
 
 the l6th oflMarcli, 1814, the Declaration 
 of tljc alhed powers was pubhshed,* in 
 wliich they record the motives of their 
 assent to that Congress, and the causes of 
 its rupture. 'I'hey state, that the fatal ex- 
 perience of the past, had taught them not 
 to consent to a suspension of arms during 
 any negociation. The French plenipoten- 
 tiary remonstrated against this resolution, 
 and proposed, on the part of the Emperor, 
 an armistice, founded upon a basis, con- 
 formable to that, which the allied powers 
 thought necessary to the re-establishment 
 of a general peace, and he offered, at the 
 same time, an immediate surrender of those 
 strong places, which France was prepared 
 to give up. 
 
 To this proposal the i)lenipotcntiaries 
 replied, that twenty years of experience 
 had taught them, that French professions 
 were carefully to be cHstijis;iikhed from //t- 
 tcntious; and, on their part, offered to sign 
 immediately the preliminaries of peace, 
 
 * Appendix A.
 
 23 
 
 which had all the advantages of an armis- 
 tice, without entailing upon the allies the 
 danger of a suspension of arms. 
 
 The French plenipotentiary was not au- 
 thorized to assent to this proposal ; unne- 
 cessary delays succeeded, till, on the loth 
 of March, he delivered a counter-project, 
 which proved, that the misfortunes of 
 France had not changed the spirit of her 
 government: it was here proposed to iden- 
 tify with France, countries and people, 
 " que dans des si6cles de domination ne 
 " fondroient pas dans la nation/' This 
 was absolutely refused ; and, upon this 
 occasion, the allied sovereigns took the 
 opportunity of renewing their sacred en- 
 gagement, " never to lay down their arms, 
 without having attained the great ohjeet 
 of their alliance tlie peace of Europe." 
 II est tcms cnfin (they add) que k s prin- 
 ces puissent sans intlucnce etrangere, 
 vt)iller au bien-etre de leurs peuples : que 
 Ics nations rcspcctent leur independ- 
 ence reciprocjue, que les institutions so- 
 cialcs soieiit a I'abri de /loulcveiseuicus
 
 24 
 
 " journalkrs ; les propriet^s assurees, le 
 " commerce libr^." 
 
 On the mornino; of the ,31st of March, 
 the allied armies, having defeated the forces 
 of Buonaparte, entered Paris. The memo- 
 rable declaration of the Emperor of Rus- 
 sia, in the name of the allies, is dated on 
 the same day at three o'clock in the after- 
 noon. In this declaration, which is in- 
 serted at length in the Appendix,* 
 They declare that they uill never treat any 
 more 'with ISapoleon Btwnaparie, nor with 
 any of his family, and that they will ac- 
 hiouledge and guarantee whatever consti- 
 tution the French nation shall adopt. They 
 consequently invite the senate to establish 
 a provisional government, to prepare such 
 a form of constitution as may be suitable 
 to the French nation. 
 
 An extract from the resjisters of the con- 
 scrvalive senate announces, that, on the 
 evening of Friday, the 1st of i'Vpiii. a pro- 
 
 * Appendix A A.
 
 ^5 
 
 visional government was appointed. In 
 the proclamation of tlie general council 
 of the department of the Seine, to the 
 inhabitants of Paris, of the date of the 1st 
 April,* they state, in the most forcible 
 and impressive manner, and in a tone of 
 indignant eloquence, the reasons which 
 induce them formally to renounce their al- 
 legiance to Napoleon Buonaparte; and they 
 conclude by expressing their most ardent 
 wish that the monarchical government may 
 be re-established in the person of Louis 
 XVII [. and his legitimate successors. In 
 the " seance'' of the 3d April, the con- 
 servative senate,*!* after recording the re- 
 peated infractions of the constitution, and 
 instances of despotic tyranny on the part 
 of Buonaparte, declare that Ae is dethroned, 
 and that the hereditary succession estab- 
 lished in his family is abolished ; that the 
 French people and the army are released 
 from their oath of allegiance to him. This 
 was succeeded by two addresses, signed 
 by the five members of the provisional 
 
 * Appcudi* B. t Appenilix C 
 
 i>
 
 26 
 
 government; the one to the French army,* 
 the other to the people. 
 
 An extract from the registers of the 
 conservative senate, of Wednesday ,-f' the 
 6th April, 1814, contains the recal of the 
 Bourbons to the throne of France, " dans 
 " I'ordre ancien," and the plan of a con- 
 stitution, which Louis XVIII. is invited to 
 accept. The Moniteur, of the 7th April, 
 contains this paragraph : " Louis Stanis- 
 " laus Xavier est rendu aux vceux des 
 " Francois par une cliarte constitutionclle 
 " egalement avantageuse au pcuple et a 
 " Taugustc famillc destinee a Ic gou- 
 " verner.'' 
 
 At half past twelve o'clock, on the night 
 of Tuesday, the 5th April, Marshal Ney 
 wrote to Talleyrand,^ stating, that he had 
 })een at Paris the day before, together with 
 Macdonald and Caulincourt, with full 
 powers to the Emperor of Russia, to de- 
 
 * Ap|K'iulix D. t^])pciulix E. | Appcudix F.
 
 27 
 
 fend the interests of the dynasty of the 
 Emperor Napoleon, but that an unforeseen 
 event liaving suddenly put a stop to the 
 negociations, which wer^e otherwise in the 
 most promising train, he saw distinctly that 
 there were no means of averting the horrors 
 of civil war from France, but by an adop- 
 tion of the ancient dynasty ; and that being 
 convinced of this truth, he had just been 
 with the Emperor Napoleon, to point out 
 to him the wishes of the nation ; he adds, 
 that the Emperor, being convinced of the 
 critical situation* in which he himself had 
 placed France, and of his own personal 
 incompetency to save her, had appeared 
 willino- to resio-n, and to consent to an un- 
 qualified abdication ; and that he (Marshal 
 Ney) hoped to be able to transmit the for- 
 mal and authentic act of abdication in the 
 course of the next da v. However, the act 
 
 * No person can reasonably doubt of the treacfiery of 
 Ney at this moment, and that an understanding took phice 
 between thetn, that when the prisoners were sent home, 
 the allied forces removed, and other means and appliances 
 exerted, that Buonaparte should unexpectedly land and 
 appeal to the army to reinstate him. 
 
 D 2
 
 2S 
 
 of abdication is dated at the Palace of 
 Fontainbleau, on Monday, 11th April, 
 1814, and is as follows:* "The allied 
 " powers having declared that the Em- 
 " peror Napoleon was the only obstacle to 
 " the restoration of peace in Europe, the 
 " Emperor Napoleon, faithful to his oath, 
 " declares, that he renounces for himself, 
 *' and his heirsj-f- all claim to the thrones 
 " of France and Italy, and that there is no 
 " personal sacrifice, that of life not ex- 
 " cepted, which he is not prepared to 
 " make for the interests of France/' 
 
 On the same day, :j: a secret treaty was 
 signed at the same place, on the part of 
 Napoleon, by Caulincourt, Ney, and Mac- 
 donald ; and, on the part of the allies, by 
 Count Nesselrode. 
 
 In the first article of this treaty, Napo- 
 leon repeats the terms of liis abdication. 
 
 * Appendix G. 
 i" It is singular that the words ''for ever" were not re- 
 quired to be inserted here. 
 
 % Appendix H.
 
 29 
 
 In the third it is stated, " that the Island 
 " of' Elba, selected hij the Emperor Napo^ 
 " leon himself, for the place of his residence, 
 " shall ibrm, during his life, a separate 
 " principality, with all rights of sove* 
 " reignt}^'' &c. 
 
 By the 17th article he is permitted to 
 take with him, and retain as a guard, four 
 hundred men, " de bonne volonte," includ- 
 ing officers, non-commissioned officers, and 
 privates. 
 
 In article 20, " the high allied powers 
 " guarantee all the articles of the present 
 " treaty, and engage that they shall he 
 " adopted and guaranteed by France J" 
 
 On the 20th April, Buonaparte quitted 
 Fontainbleau, and landed in Elba a few 
 days afterwards. 
 
 In professing thus to give a sketch of 
 the diplomatic history of Buonaparte, fron. 
 the commenGcmcnt of the Russian war t<.- 
 the present moment, there is no necessity
 
 so 
 
 that 1 should allude to any transactions 
 which have occurred from the date of his 
 abdication, until I find, in the Moniteur 
 of the 21st March, 1815, published under 
 his influence, that he landed in France, at 
 the head of his guards, in the department 
 of the Var, on the 3d IVIarch, and that 
 having been joined by all the troops which 
 were sent to oppose him, he arrived at 
 Paris on the 20lh ult. the king having left 
 the capital on the evening of the 19th 
 ult. 
 
 By a decree, dated Lyons, and signed 
 " Napoleon," the chamber of peers and 
 the chamber of deputies are declared to be 
 dissolved; and, it is decreed, that the elec- 
 toral colleges of the departments of the 
 Empire shall be assend)led at Paris, in the 
 course of the month of May next, to take 
 such measures as may be convenient to 
 correct and modify "o//;-" constitutions, 
 conformably to the interest and zcill of the 
 nation. 
 
 In the mean time, may it be permitted
 
 31 
 
 to inquire, on what principle can the po- 
 litical existence of Buonaparte, as sovereign 
 of France, be recognized by any sovereign, 
 who was directly or indirectly a party to 
 the Treaty of Fontainblcau ? 
 
 What constitutes the political existence 
 of an European sovereign ? Is it not the 
 law of hereditary succession, or the election 
 of the nation, as expressed through its ac- 
 credited organs, and the recognition of that 
 election by the sovereigns of Europe ? If 
 that title is correct, Louis XVIII. is the 
 sovereign of France, and Buonaparte is 
 ncnv an usurper. W the French nation 
 choose deliberately to elect him Emperor, 
 then his political existence ynaif revive Avitli 
 relation to France; but with respect to 
 Russia, Austria, Prussia, and England, 
 he can onlv be considered as an outlaw, 
 having broken his virtual, if not his actual 
 parole, and as manifestly guilty of an in- 
 fraction of a solemn treaty concluded with 
 his knowledge and under his authority, and 
 signed by his appointed plenipotentiaries, 
 ilis title to his crown is his sword, support-
 
 32 
 
 ed by the treason of the army, anil the 
 apathy of the people. 
 
 It has been contended by some reason- 
 ers in this country, that Louis XVIII. had 
 forfeited all right to the allegiance of his 
 subjt cts, from having neglected to adhere 
 to the letter of the constitutional charter, 
 but Buonaparte is infinitely too subtle a 
 logician, to adopt such untenable grounds 
 of argument. He and his French adherents 
 assert, that the Bourbon restoration was 
 effected by the allies, in despite of the 
 wishes of the French people; and that 
 consequently, the imperial authority did 
 never actually lapse, but remained as it 
 were in abeyance, and that Buonaparte now 
 resumes the reins of government, which, 
 in theory at least, had never fallen from his 
 hand. In the spirit of this reasoning* he 
 
 * Since writing the above, I meet with a passage in the 
 extract from the Kegister of Deliberations of the Council 
 of State of the " seance" of March 23th, 1815, which 
 .Contii!i. the views which I had taken, 
 
 "in id 14, Frantc was invaded by hostile armies ; the 
 capital was occupied. Foreigners created a pretended prO'
 
 33 
 
 declares all the acts of the Bourbon ad- 
 ministration null and void, and appears to 
 consider that the government of the coun- 
 try is to be carried on until the meeting 
 of the electoral body, by that momentum, 
 which had been, as it were, imparted to the 
 machine of government, by the former con- 
 stitution, and whose force had only been 
 suspended and not suppressed. Here the 
 reasoning is correct, but the premises are 
 utterly false ; as the exposition, which I 
 have made, by the circumstances of his ab- 
 dication, compared with the official docu- 
 ments, cannot fail to establish. Upon these 
 grounds, and after mature consideration, I 
 am disposed to think, that the allies are 
 completely justified in employing the lan- 
 guage of tlie following part of their decla- 
 ration*, " By thus breaking the conven- 
 tion which has established him in the Island 
 
 visioJial government. They assembled a minority of the 
 senators, and compelled them, contrary to their mission, 
 and contrary to their will, to destroy the existing constitu- 
 tion, to overthrow the imperial throne, and to recal the 
 family of the Bourbons." 
 
 * Appendix I. 
 
 r,
 
 d4 
 
 of Elba, Buonaparte destroys the only le- 
 gal title on which his existence (i. e. his 
 political existence) depended ; by appearing 
 again in France, with projects of confu- 
 sion and disorder, he has deprived himself 
 of the protection of the law, and has ma- 
 nifested " to the universe, that there can 
 " be neither peace nor truce with him." 
 
 If they are not justified in this part, at 
 least, of their Declaration, then all treaties 
 are a mere fallacy, and the corps diploma- 
 tique may be abolished " en masse'^ tliro'- 
 out Europe. The code of public law and 
 of private honour will be equally useless, 
 and new principles must be established for 
 the intercourse of mankind. 
 
 But, as the melancholy truth cannot be 
 denied, that Buonaparte is virtually on the 
 throne, and commands the resources of 
 France, and as a cry is heard on every 
 side, of the infatuation of the " war fac- 
 " tion" in this country, we must advert to 
 otlicr points, which more materially affect 
 ourselves. It is fruitless to comment any
 
 35 
 
 longer upon " the genius and dispositions" 
 of the French government or people, as dis- 
 tinct from Buonaparte, as long as he retains 
 the supreme power, it is to his " genius and 
 " dispositions" that the attention of Europe 
 must be turned ; we must consider the prin- 
 ciples and character of the man, who indivi- 
 dually represents the nation over which he 
 presides, who has declared himself to he the 
 Throne^* to whose exclusive keeping, the 
 honour and interests of France are surren- 
 dered, who wields her energies at will, by 
 the master-key which he possesses to the 
 passions of the army, and who commands 
 her resources by the intensity of his despo- 
 tism. 
 
 * Since the return of Buonaparte, he has been endeavour- 
 ing to cajole tlie republicans. The patriot Carnot swallow- 
 ed the bait of a title, and an ofiice ; the jinj^ie (jf citizen- 
 ship has foimd its way into the addi esses and leplies ot the 
 new cabuiet. He has pretended to abolish the cen'^me of 
 the press ; but the sleep of that man, vvlio in)pea( bed his 
 pretensions or conduct, wDuld be the sleep oi death. In 
 the ap[)c'iidi\ K, will be founil a co/vei Y c()|<y of his nicnio- 
 rable answer of the 1st January, 1814, to the l.egi.ilative 
 Body, which cojnprises /^/.scode of civil govcrnnieiit. 
 
 K'i
 
 The character of this person has been 
 imperfectly appreciated in this country, 
 when resolved into its simple elements, and 
 collated with his career, they mutually ex- 
 plain and elucidate each other. From the 
 earliest record of his history, he has been 
 one " unchanged unchangeable/' 
 
 In a period of tranquillity, he would 
 have perished on a scaffold ; in times of re- 
 volution, he has figured upon a throne ; he 
 has lived like Caesar, and may perish like 
 Cataline, 
 
 In a work published in 1799, by Wright, 
 Piccadilly, entitled " Copies of Original 
 " Letters from the Army of General Buo- 
 " naparte in Egypt," there is a lac simile of 
 his hand-writing, taken from a letter, writ- 
 ten to Joseph Buonaparte; and, in page 
 100, there is a translation of extracts from 
 it. The rest of the letter was suppressed, 
 from motives of delicacy, as it partly re- 
 lated to subjects of a private nature. In 
 this letter, which is of unquestionable au- 
 tlienticity, Buonaparte desires his brothev
 
 37 
 
 to secure for him a small country house in 
 Burgundy, as he is determined to retire 
 altogether from public life. He paints the 
 agonizing listlessness of his feelings, that 
 he is *' blase" for every thing, and that 
 every thing is " epuise'' for him ; that life 
 has no interest in a career of restricted ex- 
 ertions : his tone is that of the despairing 
 angel, who thinks it " better to reign in 
 " hell, than serve in heaven/* 
 
 In Nov. 1799, he returned to France, 
 and landed in the department of the Var 
 to use his own words " Le trone etait 
 " vacant, je Fai saisi'' fifteen years of pro- 
 gressive aggrandizement have preserved his 
 mind, from preying upon itself. The bloody 
 page of the history of these years forms 
 the best comment of his self-drawn charac- 
 ter. His late " exile upon a rock'' lias re- 
 vived these dormant sjinptoms, and he 
 awaits with restless impatience the moment, 
 v^'hen he can again resume his insatiable 
 purpose, and blend the experience with th<> 
 energy of the past. 
 
 :5ui;ir>i
 
 38 
 
 His ambition, as he himself implies, is 
 boundless ; he is not weak enough to sup- 
 pose, that the accomphshment of any ob- 
 ject would satisfy its cravings; his pleasure 
 is in the pursuit. Happiness has been well 
 defined to consist in " a destiny in unison 
 " with our faculties/' Buonaparte pursues 
 the phantom upon this principle, he pro- 
 poses the conquest of the civilized world, 
 as his " object :" his first combinations have 
 been defeated, but he has life and health, 
 increased military reputation and efficiency, 
 unimpaired vigour of mind, and unrelent- 
 ing consistency of purpose even the zest 
 of recommencement presents an increased 
 stimulus. To cloke his designs, he will bor- 
 row the language of candour and humility ; 
 he will employ such exquisite art, that 
 those, who have not reflected on his past 
 conduct, may be duped by the fascination 
 of his present professions. 
 
 He meditates revenge who least complains, 
 And like a lion slumbering on his way, 
 Or sleep-dissembling, while he waits his prey. 
 His fearless foes within his distance draws, 
 Constrains his roaring, and contracts his paws ^
 
 39 
 
 Tilt at tlie last, liis time for fury founds 
 
 He shoots with sudden vengeance from the ground. 
 
 DRYDEN^. 
 
 He has been stigmatized as a coward 
 the accusation is unjust ; he is not a Paulus 
 iEmilius, prodigal of hfe, but employs it 
 upon the best commercial principles ; and 
 never hazards an extensive risk, without the 
 probability of a commensurate profit; if the 
 moment arrives, Avhen his deliberate judg- 
 ment pronounces it necessary, he presents 
 himself to danger without anxiety or hesi- 
 tation. 
 
 He has been reprobated as cruel. He is 
 not cruel in the active signification of the 
 word he is utterly indifferent and callous 
 to sentiments of humanity, when they in- 
 terfere with his pursuit.- He is a modern 
 philosopher in the strictest sense of the 
 term. There is no individuality in his con- 
 ceptions : if five hundred thousand men 
 perish in a campaign, he regrets the in- 
 convenience of his OiCn loss, but never feels 
 a moment's remorse for the sacrifice. Their 
 fate is inino;lcd with that of former genera-
 
 40 
 
 tioiis ; and, if their doom is antedated, it has 
 been but for a moment. The spring of popu- 
 lation is amply sufficient to supply their 
 place, and a slight fiscal encouragement to 
 marriage, or diminution of penalty for illegi- 
 timate births, will expedite the purposes of 
 nature, and operate as a sinking fund upon 
 the debt incurred. If any individual is 
 obnoxious to him, it is a sort of duty which 
 he owes to his high situation to remove the 
 nuisance. Whether it is a prince of the 
 House of Bourbon, seized in the sanctuary 
 of a neutral territory, or an itinerant ven- 
 der of suspicious pamphlets, he signs their 
 death warrant with equal apathy, and re- 
 tires to rest, " with the crimes, but without 
 " the compunctious visitings'^ of conscience, 
 which Shakespeare has given to his proto- 
 type, Richard. 
 
 He has been proclaimed false and per- 
 fidious and with reason ; but perfidy and 
 falsehood are in hk catalogue of virtues < 
 He acknowledges no legitimate motive ot 
 action, except interest : beino utterly des- 
 titute of religious and moral feeling, he
 
 41 
 
 values men in proportion to their extent 
 of finesse and consistency of purpose. If 
 an officer breaks his parole, he compli- 
 ments him upon his ingenuity ; if a man 
 betrays his friend, or forfeits a trust, he 
 values him as a being superior to the con- 
 temptible prejudices of moralists and bi- 
 gots ; and considers him as an eligible 
 agent in his transactions with mankind. 
 It is thus that he has greeted the Prince of 
 Moskwa, the Marshal Ney, who, wheu he 
 parted from Louis XVIII. the sovereign to 
 whom he had sworn a voluntary allegiance, 
 drew his sword half out of the scabbard, 
 and solenuily devoted it to the service of 
 his master, pressed the king's hand to his 
 heart, and called heaven and earth to wit- 
 ness that the last drop of his blood should 
 be shed in the cause of the Bourbons. 
 This man 
 
 " For since the howling wild, 
 Disclaims him, man lie must be styl'd/' 
 
 retired from this scene of stage effect, and 
 within tliat day, prostituted his services to 
 an usurper and a tyrant. 
 
 1'
 
 42 ' 
 
 Buonaparte has permitted private jus- 
 tice to be generally enforced by the laws, 
 because he cannot be subjected to any in- 
 convenience by their operation, and men 
 are deceived and prone to confound pri- 
 vate with public justice. He admires Alex- 
 ander and Caesar as conquerors, but de- 
 spises the clemency of the one, and the 
 high sentiments of the other. But the dis- 
 tinguishing quality of his mind, to which 
 his greatness is mainly to be attributed, is 
 his appreciation of the character of the 
 people over whom he has reigned, and the 
 dexterous manner in which he employs 
 moral effect to excite a voluntary subser- 
 vience to his purpose. He knows that 
 vanitij is the basis of the national character ; 
 his object has been to cherish this feehng, 
 and to correct and identify, by a thousand 
 associations, the personal vanity of the 
 people with liis person, actions, name, and 
 dynasty. Columns, statues, and arches 
 bear testimony to his glory ; the Code 
 Napoleon is the only code of law; the 
 current coin, the creation and embellish- 
 ment of palaces, the patronage of the arts
 
 43 
 
 and sciences, are all associated with hi^ 
 name : even since his return he has ordered 
 the inscription of " Musee Napoleon'' to 
 be placed on the gate of the Louvre. 
 
 It is thus that he has obtained a mort- 
 gage of the most indefinite extent upon 
 the public opinion; a series of reverses, and 
 the presence of foreign invasion from every 
 point of the compass, for a moment pre- 
 vented his foreclosing it with effect; but, 
 after the interval of one short year, and in 
 two addresses, which are master-pieces of 
 apposite declamation, he awakens every 
 association which can weaken any senti- 
 ment of loyalty towards the Bourbons, and 
 rouse to enthusiasm the spirit of the army. 
 
 In his address to the people, he accuses 
 Augereau and Marmont of treason, as an 
 apology for military failure; and, to relieve 
 their mortification upon that point, as well 
 as to remove all tarnish from his own re- 
 putation, he ^ converts the fatal and mis- 
 taken lenity of the allies into an act exclu- 
 sively emanating from himself a personal 
 
 r 2
 
 441 
 
 sacrifice for the benefit of France. " I 
 " consulted only the interest of my coun- 
 " try; I exiled myself upon a rock in the 
 " middle of the sea." He even avaib 
 himself of any dormant revolutionary 
 spirit, by contending, that a national go- 
 vernment, and a new dynasty, were the 
 natural consummation of that glory, which 
 had resulted to France from the effects of 
 the Revolution. 
 
 He then denounces Louis XVIII. as a 
 mere sovereign of the allies, a king of 
 shreds and patches ; and, with some inge- 
 nuity, at the total expense of historical 
 truth, offers a seeming analogy, in which 
 he introduces the name of the Prince Re- 
 gent of England. To inspire confidence, 
 he solemnly promises ignorance and obli- 
 vion of the past, and introduces an un- 
 meaning phrase of " circumstances being 
 of such a nature as to be above all human 
 organization," but which is quite suited to 
 the analytical powers of his readers. 
 
 In his address to the soldiers, he assumes
 
 45 
 
 a more energetic tone. " Shall those, 
 " whom, during twenty-five years, we 
 " have seen traversing all Europe to raise 
 ** up enemies against us, who have passed 
 " their lives in fighting against us in the 
 " ranks of foreign armies, cursing our fine 
 " Frarice shall they pretend to command 
 " and controul our eagles, on which they 
 " have not dared even to look/' Thus, in 
 the same sentence, the slothful adherents 
 of the House of Bourbon are accused of 
 having fought against France, and of not 
 having dared to fight against her! He 
 then represents himself as having braved 
 all sorts of obstacles and perils for their 
 sakes ; entreats them to mount the tri- 
 colour cockade, that badge so identified 
 with fame and victory ; he strings together 
 a series of names of talismanic influence: 
 " Recover those eagles Avhich you had at 
 " Ulm, at Austerlitz, at Jena, at Eylau,"* 
 &c. &c. in other words, I pledge^ myself to 
 lead you again against all these nations: 
 
 * How consistent the tone of this address is with tlie p>ui- 
 tic expose of Cauluincourt? Second Edition.
 
 46 
 
 he then scoffingly adverts to the 19 year** 
 residence of the king in a foreign country, 
 and tauntingly recommends him to return 
 and complete his glorious reign there. 
 Then succeeds a tirade about honourable 
 wounds, and scars, and glory, and vic- 
 tories, and the eagle flying from steeple to 
 steeple, and the hacknied apostrophe of 
 the soldier, exclaiming, " And I, too, was 
 ** of the grand army, which delivered 
 " Paris from the foul blot which treason 
 " and the presence of the enemy imprinted 
 " on it/' He concludes, by proclaiming 
 eternal shame to those guilty Frenchmen, 
 who fought for 25 years with the foreigner to 
 tear the bosom of their country. 
 
 Such has been the metaphysical experi- 
 ment, which, united with a deep-laid con- 
 spiracy, has replaced him on the throne. His 
 whole career has been marked by similar 
 resources ; he has been unilbrmly aware, 
 that it was possible to supply physical 
 force by means of moral effect applied at 
 a proper moment ; that, by a due applica- 
 tion of this agent, an inferior force might
 
 47 
 
 be rendered competent to contend with a 
 superior, uninfluenced by similar electric 
 impulse that the strength of enthusiasm 
 was positive strength. If possible he se- 
 lected the anniversary of a victory for the 
 day of battle ; " this is the dawn of Ma- 
 " reno'o this the sun of Austerlitz '," it is 
 well known, that in action, he would send 
 twenty aides-de-camp to different parts of 
 the army, each of whom announced his 
 approaching arrival in a particular divi- 
 sion ; and, while he was at a windmill with 
 a telescope, the soldiers were swept down 
 by hundreds, as they supposed in the im- 
 mediate presence of the emperor. After 
 the battle every one boasted that the em- 
 peror had been near them, and though no 
 person had actually seen him, yet his pre- 
 sence was never the subject of doubt. 
 
 The very cry of " Vive TEmpereur," was 
 sufficient, when once excited, to have 
 shaken the allegiance of the French army; 
 that cry, identified with their proudest 
 recollections, whether of victory in the 
 plains of Austria, of sustained suffering in
 
 48 
 
 the wilds of Russia, or of indignant, though 
 orderly retreat, after the battle of Leip- 
 sic, still had its charms ; and, when con- 
 trasted with their present state, the stimu- 
 lus of defeat and privation was preferable 
 to the torpor of inactivity. 
 
 Buonaparte had long availed himself of 
 the phrase of " Vive TEmpereur V his bul- 
 letins are crowded with records of the 
 troops advancing to the charge with this 
 exclamation. In the bulletin of the battle 
 ofLutzen, the wounded soldiers are intro- 
 duced as " faisant treve a leur douleur en 
 criant Vive TEmpereur." 
 
 Such appears to be the simple means, 
 by which this extraordinary man produces 
 the most unexpected results. 
 
 To suppose that his reverses and re- 
 tirement have taught him to prize and 
 practise moderation, is an impeachment of 
 common sense. His conversations with 
 those who visited him in Elba, were not 
 couched in the tone of the mathematician
 
 49 
 
 retired from tlie world to pursue neglected 
 science, or of the general, whose only ob- 
 ject was to record the annals of military 
 exertion ; they were for the most part po- 
 litical, and betrayed the regrets of the 
 past, and hopes of the future : the brood- 
 ings of a mortified despot, who assumed a 
 tone of contempt and stoical indifference, 
 to check suspicion, and secretly grasped 
 at the opinions and suggestions of all who 
 approached him. 
 
 If a superior being was to guarantee to 
 Buonaparte a long reign of uninterrupted 
 prosperity, the peaceable succession of his 
 dynasty, the progressive improvement of 
 France, in all the arts and principles which 
 arc favourable to haj)pincss, in rational 
 religion, practical morality, in the enjoy- 
 ment of civil liberty, in real power, popu- 
 lation and energy if this offer was made 
 upon condition that he should abstain 
 from all wars, which had not for their ob- 
 ject the restoration of the balance of power 
 in Europe, he would reject the offer with 
 disdain. It is necessary to his happiness
 
 50 
 
 that he should be in a state of progressive 
 and indefinite expansion it would be pre- 
 ferable to him to become a captain of ban- 
 ditti, than to hold empire upon terms of 
 limitation. 
 
 The existence of this man, as ruler of 
 France, is therefore dangerous to the re- 
 pose of the world ; to avoid this danger, 
 you must regenerate his nature, and that 
 of the Janizaries who have restored him, 
 or you must remove the one, and crush 
 the other into inefficiency. The French 
 people, degraded and debased as they are, 
 beyond historical parallel, arc admirable 
 agents for his purpose. He delights in 
 high play; his stake is universal empire; 
 his cards are conscriptions ; he has only to 
 play them out, and call for a fresh pack, 
 and they are purveyed to him without a 
 murnmr, by the abject slaves of his crea- 
 tion. In a word, the pursuit of military 
 glory is his " second nature;" it alone 
 offers sufficient stimulus to relieve him from 
 the weight of that listlessness which would 
 destroy him, if his eyes wei'e only to be
 
 51 
 
 gladdened by the sight of a free, peaceable, 
 and prosperous population. 
 
 Such is his nature, and, to use the words 
 which he himself lately employed, with re- 
 ference to the restriction of the natural 
 limits of France, by the annexation of 
 Belgium to Holland, " On pent il est vrai 
 " la contraindre maintenant, on pent 
 *' meme compressor Fair, mais a la fin il 
 " eclatera avec le bruit du tonnere." As 
 Lord Stanhope justly observed, in the 
 house of lords, " He is one of the vilest ty- 
 " rants that ever existed, who makes war 
 " merely for the pleasure of carrying it on, 
 " and for the purpose of making military 
 " establishments to injure mankind." 
 
 Volumes of official documents might be 
 compiled, to prove the extent of his ran- 
 corous luitred to this country, which he has 
 endeavoured to inspire throughout the cir- 
 cuit of his empire; but, if we only trace 
 his sentinu^nts from the coininenccmcnt of 
 the year 1813, when misfortune niiiiht luive 
 taught him other ieelings, we shall tind
 
 5^ 
 
 that his unyielding purpose a purpose 
 Avhich he could not even conceal with the 
 specious veil of official phraseology re- 
 mained in its full force. 
 
 This rooted detestation arises simply 
 from the obstacles which England has in- 
 terposed in his path ; her name, her arms, 
 and her subsidies, have baffled his pro- 
 foundest combinations: she is the object 
 upon which the line of European inde- 
 pendence has been formed; her voice has 
 been the rallying point to enslaved na- 
 tions; her example the stimulus which 
 impelled them to persevere and conquer. 
 
 In j\Iaret's report, of the 9th January, 
 1813, the English government is accused 
 of havino- neolected no sort of intriorue to 
 influence the sentiments of the sovereigns, 
 allies of Bonaparte ; but finding this mea- 
 sure impracticable, " they attempted to 
 " shake the fidelity of the people, by corrupt 
 ' agents in courts, by vile emissaries in the 
 " field, and by ialse enthusiasts in the very 
 " schools and seminaries of learnin 12^;" and,
 
 53 
 
 as a counterbalance to these atrocious at- 
 tempts, the minister coolly proposes a levy 
 of 350,000 men! 
 
 The Senatus Consultum, of Jan. 11, is 
 one continued invective against England. 
 
 England, dreading a war with the United 
 States of America, and anticipating the 
 unsuccessful issue of the peninsula contest, 
 was desirous of creating a war between 
 France and Russia. 
 
 England has been the source of all the 
 continental coalitions, which have been 
 successively annihilated by the genius of 
 the Eni]i(MX)r. It is the emissaries of Eng- 
 land, wlio, by preaching Antigallican doc- 
 trines in all tlu^ coin'ts of Europe, have 
 banished peace and re])()se from tlie earth. 
 It is England,'-" who brought on the last 
 
 * The ])iike of Ba^sauo, in a C()'niIainiiig letter to 
 Jiaion Knisemaik, on llie (It iV'c'tion ol Piisssia, gives an- 
 otlicr < xplanalion of the causes of this lvii'>'-;an campaign ; 
 Jt would be difficult to find a parallel example yf useless
 
 54 
 
 Russian campaign of 1812, " Qui a coute 
 " h la Russic la devastation de ses plus 
 " belles provinces, le repos a TEurope, des 
 " regrets ^ riiumanite/' It is thus that 
 England disunites and divides those coun- 
 tries which she cannot rule over; " ainsi 
 " elle prepare la mine des etats qu'elle ne 
 " pent soumettre a son syst^me." 
 
 Even in the expose of the state of the 
 empire, presented to the Corps Legislatif, 
 in the " seance'" of the 25th of Februa- 
 ry, by M. de Montaleriibert, minister of 
 the interior, a retrogade attack is volun- 
 teered upon us ; that, taking advantage of 
 our naval superiority, after the battle of 
 La Hogue, in l6'92, and the termination 
 
 blasphemy, but it was not intended to alarm the baron, but 
 to please the citizens of Paris. 
 
 " Le doigt de la Pioviilence est emprciiildans les cve- 
 " nemens de cet hiver (one should naturally suppose that 
 " he was on the point of alluding to the destruction of the 
 ** host of the modern Pharaoh) E//e les a produits pour 
 " dtniasquer les faux amis et signaler les amis hdeles, et 
 " elic (I doiuit a S. M. assez de puissance pour assurer lei. 
 " triomphes des uns, ct le chatimcnt des autres/'
 
 55 
 
 of the war of 1758, we imposed commer- 
 cial treaties upon France, Avhich are dis- 
 graceful to her annals, as they were de- 
 structive of her industry; and that when 
 we thought it expedient to make war for 
 the sake of oppressing her commerce, or 
 possessing ourselves of her colonial estab- 
 lishments, we found her destitute of tlie 
 means of maritime resistance. " Dela,'* 
 says the expositor, " ce mepris que le 
 " peuple d'Angleterre tcmoignoit en toute 
 " occasion pour nous." 
 
 On the 23d of March, 1813, Buonaparte 
 assured the Corps Legislatif, that all his 
 designs, all his entcrprizcs had only one 
 object the prosperity of the empire which 
 he wished for ever to separate from the ef- 
 fects of English influence. 
 
 I have already mentioned, that in his 
 proposition for a Congress at Prague, 24th 
 of May, 1813, he had indulged in a vior 
 lent attack upon England. '' It is doubt- 
 ful," says he, " whether England will con- 
 " sent to submit her egoistical nnd unjust
 
 cl 
 
 56 
 
 principles to tlie judgment and opinion 
 of the universe; for there is no power, 
 however inconsiderable, who does not 
 in the first instance lay claim to those 
 privileges which are adherent to sove- 
 reignty, and which are solemnly ratified 
 by the articles of the Treaty of Utrecht, 
 relating to maritime law/' 
 
 * If England, in compliance mth that 
 " egoistical spirit^ on which her policy is 
 *' founded, refuses to co-operate in this 
 " great work of the peace of the world, 
 " because she wishes to exclude the whole 
 " universe from that element which com- 
 " prises three fourths of the globe,'' the 
 Emperor is not less anxious to assemble 
 the other plenipotentiaries, Sec. Sec. 
 
 On the 24th of August, Monsieur le 
 Comte Regnaud de St. Jean d'Angelay, 
 one of the orators appointed to present 
 the project of the Senatus Consultum, pro- 
 nounced a furious philippic against Eng- 
 land. He remmded the senate that he 
 had already stigmatised the English Cabi-
 
 BjQt a " FArtisan de la guerre/^ the justice 
 oi" which aippeLktiou he said: had been fuller 
 CQCtfirnied by late eveots. He talks of 
 Fraficfi resuming an attitude worthy of 
 herself, and of expediting the moment, 
 when England shall no longer apply the 
 tncaswres of Mexico to the destruction of 
 Spain. Those treasures^ which she purloins 
 from them, and with which she fosters her 
 Indian couLisifirce, pi]rok)ng& her mxDn^pioliy 
 in lUirope, boktei's. up laer totterijng credit^ 
 bribes her corrupted emissaries, antl pays 
 those &tal subsidies to the eabine<;s which 
 she deludes ! M 
 
 In his address to the senators of the 19th 
 of December, 1814, Buonaparte said, let 
 not po&terity record of us tlmt we have 
 sacrificed the first interest of our coun- 
 try, that we have recognised those laws, 
 which Englafid has vaiuii/ attempied for 
 four centuries to impme upon Frmiee. 
 
 Such are the means which he has em- 
 ployed to generate and mature sentiments 
 of jealousy and suspicion against this coun-
 
 58 
 
 try; it is thus, like Hamilcar, he has swoni 
 the French nation to interminable hatred 
 against us, and has irrevocably pledged 
 himself against the fundamental principles 
 of our national greatness. 
 
 If the view which I have taken of the 
 character of Buonaparte shall be deemed 
 incorrect ; if he does not merit the imputa- 
 tion of the most selfish ambition, in having 
 rejected honourable terms of peace after 
 the battle of Lutzen, and still more so at 
 the Congress at Chatillon ; if the allies were 
 not justified with reference to the best in- 
 terests of the civilized world, in refusing to 
 treat with him, or with any of his family, 
 after the capture of Paris ; and if the sus- 
 picions which they entertained of his punic 
 faith have not been confirmed by his es- 
 cape from Elba in despite of the fatal ge- 
 nerosity extended towards him, and of the 
 solemn Treaty by wliich he was bound ; 
 if his career does not mark him as a man 
 of blood, " let loose to scourge mankind,'' 
 whose heart is callous to the sympathies of 
 private feeling, as to sentiments of public
 
 59 
 
 honour; as one who is virtually incapable of 
 sincerely adopting a line of pacific policy, 
 who is replaced on the throne by a band 
 of adherents, whom he has promised to lead 
 to victory and plunder : 
 
 ** At tu quos sceleruin superos? quas rite vocasti 
 " Eumenidas, Caesar ? Stygii quae numina regni 
 " Infernum nefas et mersos nocte furores 
 " Iinpia tarn soev6 gesturus bella." 
 
 If, I repeat, this view is unjust and in- 
 apposite, I may at least be permitted to 
 quote some high authorities, the extent 
 and tone of whose accusations cannot be 
 explained away upon mere feelings of poli- 
 tical animosity. 
 
 Extract of a Letter of the Crown Trince of 
 Sweden, to his Majesty the 'Emperor Aa- 
 poleon, March 23r/, 1813. 
 
 " Your system, sir, is to prevent the 
 " extension or establishment of those rio;hts 
 " which nations have received from na- 
 " ture. The right of conuncM'cial intcr- 
 
 II 2
 
 60 
 
 " cnl frelftticyrts of peace sthd attiity. 
 
 Extrttctfrtftii the Profcla7nafir)n ofihe PYinbt 
 Royal of Sweden, !5d Marth, 1814. 
 
 " He (fiuonapaTte) endeavours by h&rri- 
 " ble calumnies, which he promiilgates 
 " against the Allies and their brave troops, 
 " to make those dangers and misfortunes 
 " o(f a war, which is directed solely 'agdinst 
 " hinmelf, recoil upon the whole naitioa.'* 
 
 Mxtrcbct from the Sd Manifesto of the Em- 
 peror of Austria, 1813. 
 
 " That phrenzy of power, that extrava- 
 " gant passion of subjugating Europe, 
 " still blinded him in des^pite of his real 
 " interest and happiness,* still blinded 
 " that man, who but the other day an 
 
 * This would be just, as applied to the " real ^interests 
 and happiness of France," but Buonaparte is incompetent 
 to feel any interest or happiness, except in the indulgence 
 of his ambition.
 
 61 
 
 " obscui't individual^ could nmv have re- 
 " posed 'tranqiiil on a Throne, have cfon- 
 " fkrtied the happiness of a brilhant mo- 
 " narchy, and mingled his blood -with 
 " that of a i*aee of kings." 
 
 Etif^ct from if he Manifesto of the Emperor 
 of Mussia, 
 
 " And this Europe, on the point of 
 
 *' becoming the prey of a monster, might 
 
 " fiaaMy ^in the event of certain results,) 
 
 " recover her independence and tranquil- 
 
 " lity, and of this bloody Colossus, which 
 
 " menaces the continent with its criminal 
 
 ** temerity, there should only remain an 
 
 " eterntd sentiment of horror and of pity/' 
 
 Eatract from a TroclamatioH of the "Duke 
 of Wellington to the Inhabitants of France. 
 Head Quarters at Tolosa, 27ih Januarj, 
 1814. 
 
 " Do not doubt, that the allies will 
 " succeed in breaking the oppressive yoke 
 " under which the immeasurable ambi-
 
 m 
 
 " lion of a modern Attila condemns you 
 
 " to groan. It is your blood that is the 
 
 " price of his triumphs, it is by the de- 
 
 " struction of your devoted race that he 
 
 " meditates the foundation of the grandeur 
 
 " of his execrable dijnasty, A stranger to 
 
 " all the sympathies and feelings of na- 
 
 " ture, to those even which belong to a gen- 
 
 " tleman, his life, his existence is dedicated 
 
 " to destruction/' 
 
 Krtract from the Froclamation of General 
 Moreaa. 
 
 " Profoundly ungrateful, ferocious by 
 " temperament; Incest, Assassination all 
 " those crimes, from which mankind re- 
 " volt, are familiar to him. He forms the 
 " misery of the whole world. I attest all 
 *' the nations of whom he is the scourge, 
 " Spain, Italy, Germany, Poland, Prus- 
 " sia, Holland. Let them raise their voice, 
 " and pronounce his judgment.'' 
 
 If it is argued, that whatever character 
 he might once have deserved is now no
 
 63 
 
 longer applicable, that lie has changed his 
 policy, and puts on "the new man," that 
 he proposes to abide by the treaty of Paris, 
 and, for ojice to keep his word, that he has 
 renounced all ideas " du grand Empire, 
 dont, depuis quinze ans, il* n'avoit en- 
 core que pos6 les bases/' I can only reply 
 that I am compelled to distrust every syllable 
 which he utters, and to plead the history 
 of the past, as a justification of my in- 
 credulity. A year has not elapsed, since 
 he renounced, in a nmch more solemn man- 
 ner, the thrones of France and Italy ; but 
 what did a verbal renunciation avail ; where 
 is the security of an Imperial asseveration? 
 The policy of war appears to many per- 
 sons to resolve itself into a question of 
 means ; I cannot doubt that the means of 
 the allies are fully adequate to redeem the 
 
 * What can tlic woids " du grand Empire" placed in 
 opposition to the Empire of France signify, except the 
 Universal Empire of the Woild, and thus his former and 
 fixed deter minatiori to have accomplished that object, is 
 unblnshingly avowed by himself his motto will be '* cc 
 ^ui est differe n'est pas perdu."
 
 m 
 
 pledge o Uieii! late JDeoIavaiiiopi^; at aH 
 events, if the united energies of Englamd, 
 Russia, Prussia,^ Austria, Sweden, Sp^in, 
 and Portugal^ HoUamt}, Bavaria, Wirttoi^ 
 berg, and the, eiinor powers; of Germany^ 
 coQihioed with the neutraht^i of other states^ 
 (if such theaie should be found) are insuf- 
 ficieiit to tear dowaa faithlessi usurper from 
 the thrGtate of France^ who.se very nature 
 and temperament is hostile to the irepose of 
 the world -where is the golden dream 
 of the restored balance of pow:er, which has 
 delighted these our lattei days? 
 
 I feel the most implicit confidence, that 
 whenever the allies enter the territories of 
 the great nation, the population of the 
 south-west of France will instantly be 
 found in a state of organized civil war; for 
 their vanity is as much identified with the 
 House of Bourbon, as that of the army 
 with Buonaparte. 
 
 But, it may be asked can our finances 
 support a war ? Is not the expiMJment ol 
 trusting to this man preferable to the cer-
 
 65 
 
 tain embarrassments which must accrue 
 from a resumption of a war establishment? 
 Upon the most dehberate reflection, I am 
 disposed to think, that, if the alhes unani- 
 mously resolve to act up to the spirit of 
 their late Declaration of the 13th ult. the 
 most vigorous hostilities are infinitely more 
 safe than a temporary postponement of the 
 evil hour, and the possible disunion of the 
 most politic as well as legitimate confede- 
 racy, that was ever combined for the interests 
 of mankind. For the interval of peace will 
 be short, and will be measured by his capa- 
 city of reviving the contest; for, sooner or 
 later, a monsoon of blood will set in, which 
 will shake the fabric of European inde- 
 pendence to its foundation. 
 
 But will it be necessary materially to en- 
 crease our war establishment? The most 
 beneficial assistance which this country can 
 afford, is by means of a subsidy strictly and 
 economically applied, under the superin- 
 tendence of accredited agents. The pub- 
 lic opinion is adverse to this mode of as- 
 sistance; but it is acknowledged, that we
 
 66 
 
 ean purchase the services of m^n on the 
 continerit at an infinitely less rate than at 
 home; and that wc can thus bring into 
 the field a much greater body of men for 
 the same e^wpense : as the occasion would 
 only be temporary, the country would not 
 be cticumbered with an additional and use- 
 less estabhshment. In the ninth article of 
 the treaty, signed at Chaumont, oti the 
 1st March, 1814, *' His Britannic Majesty 
 reserves the right of furnishing his contin- 
 gent to the requiring power, in foreign 
 troops in his pay ; or to pay annually to 
 that power a sum of money, at the rate of 
 twenty pounds sterling per annum, for each 
 man for infantry, and thirty pounds ster- 
 ling for cavalry, until the stipulated succour 
 (of 60,000 men, viz. 50,000 infantry, 10,000 
 cavalry, artillery, and ammunition) be 
 complete." Our pecuniary engagements, 
 under this treaty, could not have exceeded 
 1,300,000/. The out-fit would be supplied 
 from this countr}^ for the benefit of our 
 manufactures. But, as a mere question of 
 economy, if Buonaparte continues on the 
 throne of France, what government would
 
 67 
 
 venture to hazard the safety of tliis coun 
 try, bj reducing the peace estabUshment 
 to even its anticipated average ? Let the 
 goverpiTient announce without reserve to 
 the nation, that in the certain event pf a for- 
 tunate result of war, (if war should be dcr 
 ci!(Je4; i^pon), the iAtended peace establishrt 
 uiejjt of nineteen millions should experi- 
 ence a most material diminution. If the, 
 justig^ and policy of a, war (to use the lan- 
 gua^ge -pf the Crown Prince) against Buo- 
 naparte, could be brought home to the 
 conviction of the people of this empire, I 
 have no hesitation in expressing a confi- 
 dent opinion, that the financial means of 
 supporting the short, but sanguinary strug- 
 gle,, would not be found wanting. If the 
 impatience of taxation has been lately ex- 
 pressed in murmurs " loud and deep," it 
 must be remembered, that the people are 
 scarcely to be blamed for expecting that 
 peace, the purcljasc^ of their blood and 
 treasure, should bring in its train its wonted 
 blessings, and that they were consccpiently 
 indisposed to submit to any incumbrances; 
 which did not appear to bo justified by tlie 
 
 I 2
 
 68 
 
 relative situation of the country. The time 
 has been, when Buonaparte extended his 
 power from the Baltic to the extreme shores 
 of the Adriatic; when he was the idol of a 
 nimiberless population, intoxicated with his 
 greatness. And yet England did not shrink 
 from contending with him single-handed ; 
 but is the relaxing effect of the suspension 
 of effort so great, that she now hesitates, 
 though supported by an auxiliary force of 
 600,000 men, commanded by generals, who 
 have plucked the laurel from his brow; 
 united in a just and necessary cause, against 
 a country, disunited, dissatisfied, and 
 alarmed; dragooned into a sullen and ne- 
 gative obedience; on the point of becoming 
 a prey to civil war, and still suffering from 
 the partial horrors of a recent invasion ? 
 
 We must forget that any time has elap- 
 sed since the capture of Paris. Buona- 
 parte has promised to forget that he has 
 been master of nations, and all that has 
 been done or written since his abdication ; 
 we, too, must have our " oblivious anti- 
 dote." We must forget that the disturber
 
 69 
 
 of Europe has been prostrate at our feet ; 
 his personal freedom, his very life the boon 
 of the conquerors. We must forget that 
 we expected that a mild government would 
 conciliate a band of robbers, inoculated 
 with the ferocity and mad ambition of their 
 captain, who were trained in his lyccums, 
 and taught to worship him, instead of a 
 god. We must forget tliat we had hoped 
 that the coarse manners, and still coarser 
 minds of the Buonaparte school, would 
 liave progressively amalgamated with the 
 polished manners of the remains of the 
 Court of Louis XVI. The Bourbons have 
 been accused, in general terms, of impolicy 
 and weakness;* but were they impolitic to 
 place a manly and unreserved confidence 
 
 * It was remarked lately with much point, that Louis 
 XVIII. was not adapted to suit the French nation; for 
 ** he was a Christian and a gentleman," and they detested the 
 one, and despised the other. He has been blamed (and, in 
 a political sense, justly) for his mildness and iunnanity. 
 
 " Mild, easy, humble, studious of their good, 
 " Inclin'd to mercy, and averse from blood ; 
 " If niildness ill wjth stubborn Israel suit, 
 *' His crime is God's beloved attribute.
 
 70 
 
 in tliusc public I'uactionaries, who might be 
 presumed to be the accredited organs of tlic 
 French nation, who had pubHcly ti;ajQsfer- 
 red their allegiance to them, and accompa- 
 nied that transfer with every private pro- 
 testatiofi. of fidelity..,,j i.,,, 
 
 " Spme by their monarch's fatal mercy, grovvu 
 " From pardouM rebels, kinsmen to the throne. 
 *' Were raisd iu power and public office high, 
 " Strung handsy if bands ungrateful men could' tie." 
 
 It is true, that the superfluous devotion 
 of one prince might disgust his cortege of 
 atheists: that the hasty disposition of 
 another, though succeeded by pledges of 
 conciliation, w^ould only teach them to 
 resent the aftVont, and despise the apo- 
 logy. That a princess, the daughter of 
 their murdered king, might offend by an 
 impolitic simplicity, when tinsel shew and 
 effect had preoccupied the taste of the 
 court, and Avliose purity of mind, and re- 
 serve of manners, the chastened result of 
 sorrow and resignation, might operate as 
 a satire upon their contrasted chnrarter.
 
 71 
 
 But such causes as these are wo^ sufficient 
 to account for the phsenomena which now 
 astonish Europe, they are to be explained 
 on other principles, which have been de- 
 tailed ait length. The sum of human hap- 
 piness had increased, and was increasing, 
 amongst the people ; the proximate cause 
 of the secession of the House of Bourbon, 
 has been the presence of Buonaparte in their 
 kingdom, but the remote and predominat- 
 ing one is to be found in the degradation 
 and demoralization of France. This state, 
 the natural result of anarchy engrafted 
 upon republicanism, and in its turn ab- 
 sorbed by despotism, was fostered and 
 cherished by himself; it was the main ful- 
 crum of his power, it stifled individual 
 opinion, it destroyed every germ of civil 
 libert}', and generated a selfish apathy, 
 which aspired to nothing beyond the praise 
 of servility. In the short space of the last 
 ten months, a new light has broken in 
 upon the nation, but not sufficient to dis- 
 sipate the darkness of their moral horizon. 
 From the highest to the lowest, tlu^re lias
 
 7^z 
 
 beeti an utter abandonment of honour and 
 principle. 
 
 Mr. Burke has said, that the age of chi- 
 valry was past, and that a race of calcu- 
 lators and economists had succeeded; but 
 what language would his indignant spirit 
 have uttered, had he witnessed the perfidy 
 of some of the marshals of France;* of 
 Marshal Ney, whose merits I have re- 
 corded; of Augereau, who taunted the 
 Emperor with cowardice, in the zealous 
 adhesion which he sent to the Bourbons, in 
 last May who then betrayed them to the 
 
 * Soult's adhesion to the Bourbons, appeared to speak 
 the sentiments of the army : 
 
 " The nation having manifested its wishes respecting llie 
 " abdication of Napoleon, and the establishment of I^ouis 
 " XVIII, on the throne of our ancient kings, the army, 
 " essentially obedient and national, will confirm the will 
 " of the nation." 
 
 With a slight alteration, it may suit his counter-adhcsiou 
 to Buonaparte. 
 
 2'he army having manifested its wishes respecting the 
 restoration of Napoleon, and the rejection of Louis XVI IF. 
 from the throne of our ancient kings, the nation^ csscn-- 
 tially obedient and military, will confirm the wish of tlic army.
 
 73 
 
 object of his obloquy, by whom he per- 
 mitted himself to be branded as a traitor, 
 and then striking a balance between mu- 
 tual crimination, openly withdrew his alle- 
 giance from Louis, and restored it to his 
 former master ! ! The publication of the 
 addresses and adhesions of the last year, 
 would furnish an endless commentary on 
 this subject. Individuals may be false and 
 perfidious, but what shall we think of the 
 moral feeling of an empire, where every 
 city, town and village, vied in the intense- 
 ness of their gratulations to the king, upon 
 bis return, and upon their escape from the 
 tyranny which had just passed away, whose 
 addresses were not couched in niere tech- 
 nical official language, as an unAvilling test 
 of forced allegiance, but poured forth in 
 the tone of unaffected sincerity and yet, 
 where no hand has been lifted up, to sus- 
 tain their professions? Their intentions, 
 however, can only he suspended, the pre- 
 sence of foreign, will light the torch of 
 civil war, in that country. The best in- 
 terests of the great mass of its population 
 are engaged on the side of a pacific 
 
 K
 
 74 
 
 system, which never can be permanent 
 under the domination of Buonaparte. 
 
 It has been ailed ged, that the French 
 nation are now about to support a sove- 
 reign of their own choice. Where is the 
 proof of this assertion ? Have we heard 
 of rejoicings, congratulations, and counter- 
 adhesions, to neutralize the hundreds of 
 folio pages in the Moniteur of last year, 
 which are filled with them. Until such do- 
 cuments begin to appear, the substantial 
 argument is all on the side of those who 
 contend, that the mass of the French na- 
 tion is adverse to the return of T^uonaparte. 
 Even if it was allowed, that the presence 
 of the allies was the remote cause of the 
 recal of the Bourbons, the proximate cause 
 was the difficulty in which France found 
 herself placed by the ambition of her 
 Ruler; from which difficulty it was impos- 
 sible to escape (as Ney expresses, in his 
 letter to Talleyrand), except by the adop- 
 tion of the ancient dynasty. France re- 
 called the House of Bourbon for her own 
 special benefit, as the only means to dissi-
 
 75 
 
 pate the storm of war and desolation, 
 which was gathering around her* 
 
 The Bourbons reascended the throne, 
 and one burst of joy resounded throughout 
 the country. The army alone remained 
 cold and silent, 
 
 " Nee magis incepto voltum sermone movetur, 
 *' Quatn si dura silex, aut stet Marpesia cautes." 
 
 and meditated deep, though tardy ven- 
 geance. They have lja4 their triumph, but 
 will the powers of Europe submit to the 
 doctrine, that the French army, having 
 chosen to restore Napoleon, have a right to 
 call upon the nation, as essentially obedient 
 and military, to confirm their act for 
 such is the literal state of the case. Will 
 they admit a precedent, which is only jus- 
 tified by the praetorian bands of old, or 
 janissaries of modern times ? 
 
 The late temporary deliverance of Eu- 
 rope was effected by engaging the feelings 
 of the people on the side of the allies. 
 The cause was just, the purpose noblc\ Uu 
 
 K <2
 
 76 
 
 Operations well combined. That moral 
 effect, derived from presumed invincibility, 
 which had given such fatal energy to the 
 aimies of France, was transferred to their 
 Opponents; it was then discovered, that 
 mere military skill, unaided by the agency 
 of corruption, disunion, and overweening 
 confidence, could avail little against propor- 
 tionate opposition, that kingdoms were not 
 lost and won by the varied combination of 
 masses, but by the "unconquerable souV" 
 which stimulated armies to victory. The 
 lesson which the campaign of 1813-14 read 
 to Europe can never be forgotten. There 
 is no sort of analogy between the war at 
 the commencement of the Revolution, and 
 that which the present year ma}^ produce; 
 the one vras directed against a w^hole na- 
 tion, whose frantic career was endangering 
 the very basis of civil society, but at the 
 same time struggling lor theoretical rights 
 of liberty and eciuality, in which the inte- 
 rests of all icerc ^uppo^cd to be involved, 
 the other would be a sacred league against 
 the pr'uiciphs of t/iiiitan/ despotism^ where 
 the happiness of all is sacrificed for the
 
 77 
 
 gain of a few. I trust, therefore, that 
 the alhes will proclaim their determination 
 to revive the second article of the treaty 
 of Chaumont, " never to lay down their 
 " arms until the object of the war, mu- 
 " tually understood and agreed upon, shall 
 " have been attained, viz. to put an end 
 " to the miseries of Europe by perma- 
 " nently establishing a just balance of 
 " power/' This object is palpably unat- 
 tainable, as long as Buonaparte, having 
 violated a solemn treaty, signed by him- 
 self, and regained the throne by a military 
 insurrection, shall be permitted to direct 
 the energies of France. 
 
 After such a proclamation, the principle 
 of the war is at once made simple, its po- 
 licy unimpeachable, its success certain, its 
 object to remedy the errors of the past, 
 and to confirm the sacred j)Iedge ofiered 
 in the hce of heaven to secure the liber- 
 ties of mankind. 
 
 But if one of the main links of this chain 
 are broken, by whirli the h()})es of Eu-
 
 78 
 
 ropean independence are still suspended ; if 
 any one of the four great powers shall 
 secede from the contest, or lend a cold and 
 feeble assistance; if singleness of purpose, 
 and enthusiasm of effort is not to mark 
 the short, but awful moment, then the po- 
 licy of war may become doubtful, and we 
 must be content, " by partial truces, by 
 " concession following concession, to pur- 
 *' chase from our insatiable enemy, a pre- 
 " carious cpiiet, a troubled sleep, furnish- 
 " ing to him the very means of his aggres- 
 " sion, and of our own subjugation/' 
 
 Such are my sentiments ; 1 have some 
 reason to think, that they are not essen- 
 tially different from those of your Lord- 
 ship. I shall be happy to fmd my expec- 
 tations confirmed. 
 
 I have the honour to remain, 
 
 <Scc. &c. <S:c.
 
 POSTSCRIPT 
 
 THE SECOND EDITION.
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 April 22, 1815. 
 
 The lapse of time (however inevitable) 
 that has already occurred, without offen- 
 sive movements on the part of the allies, 
 has been highly favourable to the cause of 
 Buonaparte; it has crushed the demon- 
 strations of loyalty in the south, where the 
 vigour of the hand has not corresponded to 
 the sentiments of the heart. It has enabled 
 him to circulate statements and Exposes,* 
 which, though utterly inconsistent, and 
 contradictory to the letter and spirit of his 
 
 To suppose that these abstract speculations of Camot, 
 Caulaincourt, '.uul Co. under the permission of Buonaparte, 
 are really proofs of a vital and permanent change of Jiis sys- 
 tem, would be as absurd as to contend that a pious arid moral 
 sermon was decisive of the character of a profligate preacher. 
 They are proofs of his present weakness in being compelled 
 to chew the cud of Ilepublicanism to satisfy the self created 
 leaders of that party, and to gain a new hold on public 
 opinion ; but the stage-trick is teo glaring, even to deceive a 
 French audience. 
 
 L
 
 82 
 
 Lyons address, are, in the highest degree, 
 ingenious and plausible, and resemble their 
 multiplied precedents in former Moniteurs, 
 which remain as monuments of insincere 
 professions to lull the people into tolerance 
 and inaction. If the twenty -five millions 
 of inhabitants, of which France proper is 
 said to be composed, are really devoted to 
 Buonaparte, I should be the first to ex- 
 press my conviction of the impossibility of 
 conquering them ; nor would the experi- 
 ment be justifiable, even if it were fea- 
 sible, were he to offer such practical se- 
 curities for the guarantee of the Peace of 
 Paris, as would be deemed a fair counter- 
 balance to that perfidy which may now be 
 said to belong historically to his character; 
 but, upon the present evidence, I cannot 
 but remain completely sceptical as to this 
 vaunted unanimity of French sentiment 
 towards him, even though they may re- 
 semble the Jews, 
 
 " Who, banish'd David did from Hebron bring, 
 " And, with a general shout, proclaim'd him king; 
 '' Those very Jews, who, at their very best, 
 *' Their humour, more than loyalty, exprest,
 
 83 
 
 ' Now woDder'd why so long they had obey'd 
 " An idol monarch, which their hands had made.** 
 
 I must still believe that the nation is not 
 prepared to re-kindle the flame of quenched 
 enthusiasm, and to revive the spirit of the 
 Revolution in the cause of Buonaparte. 
 
 It has been well remarked, " that short 
 " and dogmatical explanations of great 
 ** events are at once agreeable to the 
 ** pride of intellect, and suitable to the 
 ** narrow capacity and indolent minds of 
 " ordinary men :"" and the converse of 
 this general proposition is equally true, 
 that a long and detailed analysis of the 
 variety of causes of great events is at once 
 agreeable to the poverty of intellect, and 
 serves to supply the absence of general 
 principles by a concourse of multifarious 
 details. A lock may appear to have great 
 intricacy of structure, and to require a key 
 with an infinite variety of wards, and of 
 complex construction, to open it, but a 
 pick-lock, of the most simple form, passes 
 by all the unnecessary apparatus, and, fix- 
 ing upon the real [mint of resistance, accom- 
 L 2
 
 84 
 
 plishes its purpose with perfect facility. 
 It has been argued, that the limitation of 
 territory, and the recession of France from 
 her pretended natural limits, has been one 
 of the principal causes of the apathy which 
 has been shewn to the House of Bourbon ; 
 but would it have been expedient to have 
 permitted her to retain Belgium, or a sec- 
 tion of Italy, for the sake of preserving her 
 wounded vanity from annoyance; to invest 
 her with physical force for the purpose of 
 economizing her moral irritability ? but, 
 above all, is not this argument most incon- 
 sistent from the lips of those who contend 
 that circumstances and position will compel 
 Buonaparte to abide by the peace of Paris? 
 What security does this mock alliance 
 with the republicans afford to the world? 
 What ? this boasted constitution which the 
 month of INIay is to invite from its pigeon 
 hole? a worthy subject of rejoicing to the 
 friends of liberty! as if it was a novel ex- 
 periment, instead of a stale expedient, in 
 a country saturated with every variety and 
 modification of government, which she has 
 precipitated in succession.
 
 B5 
 
 Is tlie Constituent Assembly forgotten ? 
 the Legislative Assembly ? the Republic 
 one and indivisible? the Dictatorships of 
 Marat and of Roberspierre? the insurrec- 
 tion of the Jacobins ? the insurrection of 
 the 13th Vendemaire, the end of the Con- 
 vention ? the Directory of Five, and the 
 Two Councils? the Revolution of the 18th 
 Fructidor in favour of the Directory against 
 the Two Councils? the Revolution of No- 
 vember 1799, and the election of Buona- 
 parte as head of the Triple Consulate ? the 
 abolition of the Triple Consulate, and the 
 election of Buonaparte as Consul for life ? 
 his subsequent elevation to the imperial 
 dignity; and, finally, the Bourbon Revolu- 
 tion, and complete reorganization of the 
 government? Are all these changes for- 
 gotten ? 
 
 Has not France been freer and did slir 
 retain her freedom ? 
 
 " In vain might liberty invoke 
 
 " The spirit to its boii(hic;e broke, 
 
 " And ease the neck that courts the yoke." 
 
 Who has more judiciously commented
 
 86 
 
 upon her abortive pretensions to a free go- 
 vernment than her present ruler? who has 
 more mathematically demonstrated that it 
 is fruitless to build a superstructure of free- 
 dom upon a basis of ignorance, impulse, 
 and frivolity ? He has most correctly 
 pointed out in those conversations, which 
 were some relief to his bursting mind in the 
 moments of " his exile,'^ the distinctions be- 
 tween the character of the people of Eng- 
 land and France, which make liberty, as it 
 were, indigenous in the one, and exotic in 
 the other country. The long transmission 
 of feelings of liberty through succeeding 
 generations, which, like physical qualities, 
 are strictly hereditary, as contrasted with 
 habits of servility and dependence, repro- 
 duced through an equal period a gradu- 
 ated scale of ranks, from the peasant to 
 the monarch, each partially incorporated 
 with its preceding and succeeding class, 
 and thus circulating through the whole a 
 practical sentiment of tempered freedom 
 as compared with a vast assemblage of 
 individuals collected together in the same 
 area, visited by the same return of sea-
 
 87 
 
 Bons, and partaking of the same customs 
 and habits of living, but connected by no 
 tie except mutual vanity ; breathing no 
 common sentiment, except hatred of Eng- 
 land ; professing no fixed opinions, but of 
 their own infalhbihty ; yielding to suc- 
 cessive and contrasted impulses, forming 
 to themselves models in the schools of 
 wild and speculative theory, and not of 
 sober and rational practice. A collection 
 of individuals, but not a nation. It is 
 not enough to plant the tree of liberty 
 the more arduous process, and which 
 requires time, is the preparation of the soil 
 in which alone it can flourish. At any 
 moment, the French, collectively or indi- 
 vidually, would barter liberty for the in- 
 dulgence of national vanity. 
 
 The injustice of the Congress has been 
 quoted as a main exciting cause of the 
 favourable reception of Buonaparte, al- 
 though at the same time it is allowed, that 
 its results wTre unknown. Even if they 
 had been known, 1 cannot believe that 
 P'rance would so iar forsake her habitual
 
 88 
 
 selfishness as to feel the slightest regret at 
 any arrangement from which she derived 
 no special inconvenience ; and, on the other 
 hand, if the acts of Congress were calcu- 
 lated to form an effective balance of 
 power, her exasperation would be in pro- 
 portion to their merit and efficiency. 
 
 It was a fatal error to hesitate to gua- 
 rantee the crown of Naples to Murat ; 
 policy, and even justice should have dic- 
 tated such a measure as one of primary 
 necessity. Its principle should have been to 
 mark the distinction between power used, on 
 the one hand, for the benefit of the people, 
 and abused on the other for the personal 
 gratification of tlie monarch. When the 
 allies refused to treat with Buonaparte, 
 tlie refusal had no retrospect to his Avant of 
 hereditar}^ right, or to his former state as 
 an obscure individual; they had recognised 
 his authority, and that acknowledgment 
 was a valid and permanent title; but it 
 referred to his boundless and impracti- 
 cable ambition, to his unexampled perfidy, 
 and to that baneful assumption of supre-
 
 89 
 
 macy in the commonwealtli of Europe, 
 which ill itself was an infraction of the 
 compact, to which as Monarch he was 
 bound to subscribe they only confirmed 
 that dethronement, which his actions had 
 already incurred. The recognition of 
 Murat would have furnished the best 
 commentary upon the justness of their 
 principle. But the time is past, and Mu- 
 rat marches to claim those rights by the 
 sword, which were refused by the pen. 
 
 It is contended, that as the Treaty of 
 Fontainbleau was not kept by the con- 
 tracting powers, that Buonaparte was re- 
 leased from obligation on his part; but 
 may it not be presumed, that his solemn 
 act of abdication w^as a separate and ex- 
 clusive act, in no degree dependant upon 
 the Treaty of Fontainbleau, though its pro- 
 visions were then repeated, and that his 
 independent sovereignty for life was only 
 co-existent with the performance of the 
 terms therein contained ? 
 
 The powers of Europe are justly blamed
 
 90 
 
 by many persons for having placed the 
 shghtest confidence in him, and for not 
 having watched him in his retreat ; but how 
 can the same persons assert, that he was an 
 independent sovereign, who, by the spirit 
 of their proposition, ought not to have been 
 watched, and who now pronounce that his 
 protestations of adherence to the Treaty 
 of Paris are strictly to be depended upon ? 
 It is pretended, that had his pension been 
 paid, he would have hesitated to escape, 
 and that no prospective concert could 
 have existed between himself and the 
 Marshals at the period of the Treaty of 
 Fontainbleau, because he had expressed an 
 anxiety to come to this country : that ac- 
 knowledged fact appears to confirm the 
 truth of the supposition ; he knew that his 
 proposal of coming to England would not 
 be accepted, though it might deceive the 
 powers of Europe as a proof of his un- 
 qualified abandonment of all ideas of re- 
 turn. 
 
 It is incorrect to assert, that the con- 
 stitution of the year 1814 was framed by
 
 91 
 
 Buonaparte's senate, when surrounded by 
 Russian bayonets, in opposition to the will 
 of the people. -The Bourbon revolution 
 not only had the appearance, but the 
 reality of an unanimous national act with 
 reference to the civil part of the population. 
 It was great impolicy on the part of the 
 Bourbons not to repeat, and repeat again'j 
 their solemnly-expressed determination to 
 confirm the title of the " Acquereurs des 
 biens nationaux ;" but, though reports, 
 which would alarm and shake public con- 
 fidence to its base, were circulated by the 
 emissaries of Buonaparte of their insince- 
 rity upon this point, it is impossible to 
 believe that they had the slightest founda- 
 tion. If the French nation can only look 
 to security for their property, privileges, 
 and prejudices to a government arising, 
 like these objects, out of the Revolution ; 
 and, if the new Bourbon government, 
 though manifestly less despotic than that 
 of Buonaparte, was insufficient to satisfy 
 them, which government (though Louis 
 antedated his reign) may be said, in point 
 of fact, to have emanated precisely as 
 31 '3
 
 92 
 
 Auch as his own from the results of the 
 Revokition* what chances are there of 
 the repubhcan principle ultimately predo- 
 minating in this embryo constitution, which 
 principle is hailed as a test of its pacific 
 character? 
 
 It has been most ably remarked, " that 
 " frequent changes in Government, however 
 " arising, promote a disposition to ac- 
 " quiesce in change. They are incom- 
 " patible with enthusiasm: the people are 
 " mere spectators of revolutions, instead oi' 
 " being actors in them; and they areblood- 
 " less, not from the humanity, but from the 
 " indifference of the people/' 
 
 The spirit of this reasoning appears to 
 me most just, and to warrant the expecta- 
 tion, that no exertions Avill be made in 
 
 * The series may tlius be traced Free government, un- 
 mixed democracy, oligarchy, anarchy Military tyranny tcr- 
 jninating in insurrection at home, and in conquest from 
 abroad, and then a recurrence to the old family as the onl\ 
 means of preserving the nation.
 
 93 
 
 France in the cause of Buonaparte. But 
 if this reasoning, though grounded upon 
 a correct appreciation of human nature in 
 general, is vitiated hy that extent of French 
 caprice and inconstancy^ which bajfle$ all 
 7noral estimate, the alhes will give peace 
 to France with more effect with an army 
 of six hundred thousand men within her 
 territory, than in a more pacific attitude. 
 Whatever errors of policy may have been 
 committed by the Bourbons, it is a fair 
 and manly concession on the part of an 
 advocate for peace with Buonaparte, un- 
 der any circumstances, to allow " that more 
 " civil liberty has been enjoyed in France, 
 " during these ten months, than in any 
 " period of French History." It is not 
 difficult to enumerate " a priori^" the va- 
 rious causes of impatience which different 
 parties and sects of France might be pre- 
 sumed to feel against the House of Bour- 
 bon, and it is undeniable, that their go- 
 vermnent was one of orthodoxy and pre- 
 scription, while that of Buonaj)arte has 
 been, and ever will be, one of energy 
 and moral effect, suited to the camcleon
 
 94 
 
 shades of* public opinion ; but if we refer 
 them to that standard by which all govern- 
 ments should be measured, the maintenance 
 and augmentation of human happiness 
 upon principles of private and public mo- 
 rality, of regulated, but practical liberty, 
 and their reflected effects upon the civilized 
 world, no person will be found to hazard a 
 comparison. In the one, the hope of 
 Europe was centered ; in the other, the 
 despair. That material and extensive 
 change was in progress, on which alone 
 the safety of the Bourbon dynasty de- 
 pended ; the gradual transmutation of the 
 soldier into the citizen, the combination of 
 elements hitherto irreconcileablc since the 
 Revolution ; this has been even less prac- 
 ticable in the higher than in the lower 
 classes; it is easy to change the sword into 
 the reaping hook, but a fruitless task to at- 
 tempt to convert a military despot into a 
 patriot and philosopher. 
 
 It was the palpable policy of the allies 
 not to have alluded in any proclamation 
 directly to the Bourbons. To preserve an
 
 95 
 
 inviolate silence with respect to tbejn, was 
 to give a bonus to popular feeling in France 
 on their return. The restoration of Louis 
 XVIII. to powe7\ for he must be considered 
 as yet virtually the King of France, may be 
 the happy result, but cannot be the legiti- 
 mate object of war. The allies ought to 
 consider that he has been driven suddenly 
 from his throne by a military insurrection, 
 and that exclusive of views of justice, ho- 
 nour, and policy, as relating to themselves, 
 they are invited on principles of lunnanity 
 to defend the intesirity of civil orovernment 
 in France from the tyranny of military 
 usurpation, and such a declaration of prin- 
 ciple would, in my humble opinion, have 
 been preferable to the one promulgated in 
 the treaty of the 25th ult. 
 
 In a word, the question of war resolves 
 itSitW into a, question of means, which ques- 
 tion involves the poner of attack, and tlic 
 prol)ability of resistance; its justice and po- 
 licy are evident, if the means shall be 
 ^ound adequate to justify the attempt a
 
 96 
 
 short period will determine whether we are 
 to slumber in our armour, with the beacons 
 trimmed, or to resume a state of tranquil 
 and confident repose.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 ac= 
 
 (A) 
 Declaration des Puissances AlMs, 
 
 Cfafttillon-sur-Seine, 16 mars 1814. 
 
 Les puissances alli^es se doiyent k elles-memes, d leurs 
 peuples et ^ la France, d'annoncer publiquement dans le 
 moment de la rupture des conferences de Chi^tUIon lej 
 motifs qui les ont portees k entamer une n^gociation avec le 
 gouvernement fran^ais, et les causes de la rupture de cette 
 negociation. 
 
 Des ^v^nemens militaires, tels que I'bistjoire aura peine 
 k en receuillir dans d'autres temps, renvers^rent, au raois 
 d'octobre dernier, I'edifice monstrueux compris sous la de- 
 nomination d'Empire frangais, Edifice politique fond6 sur 
 les mines d'6tats jadis independans et heureux, agrandi par 
 des provinces arrachees k d'antiques monarchies, soutenu 
 au prix du sang, de la fortune et du bienetre d'une genera- 
 tion entiere. Conduits sur le Rhin par la victoire, les 
 ^ouverains allies crurent devoir exposer de nouveau d 
 I'Europe les principes qui forment la base de leur alliance, 
 Icuis vujux et leur determination. Eloignes de toute vue 
 d'ambition et de couquete, animes du seul desir 4*^ voir 
 I'Europe reconslruite sur une juste ecbelle de proportion 
 cntrc lei puissances, decides a nc point poser les amies
 
 98 
 
 avaiil d'avoir atteiiit le noble but de leurs eft'orts, ils mani- 
 lestcicnl la Constance de leurs intentions par un acte public, 
 el'ils n'hesit^reut pas a s'expliquer vis-^-vis du gouverue- 
 nient ennemi darre un sens conforme A leur inimuable re- 
 solution. Le gouvernement frangais se prevalut des ex- 
 plications franches des cours alliees pour teinoigner des 
 dispositions pacifiques. II avoit besoin sans doute d'en 
 emprunter les apparences pour justifier aux yeux de ses 
 peuples les nouveaux efforts qu'il ne cessoit de leur de- 
 niander. Tout cependant prouvoit aux cabinets allies qu'il 
 ne vouloit que tirer parti d'une negociation apparente, dans 
 I'intention de disposer I'opinion publique en sa faveur, et 
 que \d paix de T Europe etoit loin encore de sa pensee. 
 
 Les puissances, p6n6trant ses vues secretes, se deciderent 
 d aller conqu6rir en France nieme cette paix tant desir6e. 
 Des armies nombreuses pass^rent le Rhin; d peine eu- 
 rent-elles franchi les premieres barricres, que le ministre 
 des relations exterieures de la France se presenta aux 
 avant-postes. 
 
 Toutes les demarches du gouvernement frangais n'eu- 
 rent des-lors plus d'autre but que de donner le change a 
 Topinion, de fasciner lex yeux du peuple frangais, et de 
 cliercher k rejeter sur les allies I'odieux des malheurs in- 
 separables d'une guerre d'invasion. 
 
 La niarche des evenements avoit donne a cette ^poque 
 :iux cours alliees le sentiment de toute la force de la ligue 
 turopeenne. Les principes qui presidoient aux conseils 
 fits souverains des leur premiere reunion pour le salut 
 <:ommun avoient regutout leur d6veloppement ; rien n'em- 
 jHchoit plus qu'ils n'exprimassent les conditions necessaires 
 a la reconstruction de Tedificc social : ccs conditions ne 
 dcvoieut plus, a la ^nitc de tant de victpires, former un
 
 99 
 
 obstacle a la paix. La seule puissance appelee ^ 
 placer dans la balance des compensations pour la 
 I'rance, I'Angleteire, pouvoit enonccr avec detail les 
 sacritices qu'elle etoit prete d porter d la pacification g6n^- 
 rale. Les souverains allies pouvoient esperer enfin que 
 I'exp^rience des derniers ten)ps auroit influ6 sur un con* 
 querant en butte aux reproclies d'une grande nation, et 
 temoin pour la premiere fois, dans sa capitale meme, des 
 maux qu'il a attires sur la France. Cette experience 
 pouvoit I'avoir conduit au sentiment que la conservation 
 des tr6nes se lie essentiellement a la moderation et 'A la 
 justice. Toutefois les souverains allies, convaincus que 
 I'essai qu'ils feroient ne devoit pas compromettre la niarche 
 cles operations militaires, convinrent que ses operations 
 continueroient pendant la negociation : I'histoire du passe 
 et de fimestes souvenirs leur avoient d^montre la ne- 
 cessite de cette demarche. Leius plenipotenliaires se 
 reunirent avec celui du Jiouvernenient francais. 
 
 Bienlot les arniees victorieuses s'avancerent jusqu'aux 
 portes de la capitale. Le gouvcrnement ne songea dans re 
 moment qu'a la sauver d'une occupation ennemie. Le 
 plenipotentiaire de France reout I'ordre de yiroposer un 
 armistice fond^ sur des bases conformes vi celles que les 
 cours alli6es jugeoient tlles-memes necessaires au retjiblis- 
 sement de la paix generale. II oflrit la remise imniediale 
 des places fortes dans les pays que la France codcroit, 
 le tout 'X la condition d'une suspension des operations 
 militaires. 
 
 Les cours allies, convaincues par vuigt annees d'oxpo- 
 rience que, dans les ucgociations avec le cabinet tVanr;iis, 
 les apparences doivent etre soigncuscuunt dislingut'cs iK'; 
 mtentions, substitut-icnt a cette |>ro|)os:tion c( !lc de ^i'jntr 
 
 \ '-1
 
 100 
 
 8ur-le-champ les pr^limlnaires de la paix. Cette signature 
 avoit pour la France tons Ifes avantages d'lm ftririistice, 
 sahs entrainer pour les allies lies dangers d*une suspension 
 d'armes. Quelques succ^s partiels venoient cependant de 
 marquer les premiers pas d'une arm^e, form6e, sous leS 
 nturs de Paris, de I'^lite de la generation actuelle, d6r- 
 ni^re esperance de la nation et dfes debris d'un million de 
 braves qui avoient p6ri sur les champs de bataille, ou qui 
 avoient 6te abandonn6s sur les grandes routes, depuis 
 Lisbonne jusqu'^ Moscou, sacrifi^s d des intei&ts Stran- 
 gers A la France. Aussitot les conferences de ChStillou 
 chang^rent de caract^re : le pl6nipotentiaire franQais de- 
 meura sans instruction, et fut hors d'6tat de repondre aui 
 propositions des cours alliees. Elles charg^rent leurs pl6- 
 nipotentiaires de remettre un projet de traits preliminaire, 
 renfermant toutes les bases qu'elles jugeoient n^Cessaires 
 pour le r^tablissement de I'^quilibre politique, et ([ill, 
 peu de jours avant, avoient ete offertes par le gouverne- 
 meiit frangais lui-nieme, dans un moment oil il croyoit 
 sans doute son existence compromise. Les principes 
 de la reconstruction de 1' Europe se trouvoient 6tablis dans 
 ce projet. 
 
 La France, rendue aux diirierisions que des si^cleS d^ 
 gloire et de prosperite, sous la domination de ses rois, lui 
 avoient assurees, de\o:t partager avec 1' Europe les bifen- 
 faits de sa libcrte, de Tind^pendance nationale et de la paix. 
 11 ne dependoit que de son gouvernement de mettre, par 
 un seul mot, un terme aux soufFrances de la liatibn, dfe 
 lui rendre, avec la paix, ses colonies, son cbmmerce> et 
 le libre exercice de son industrie. Vouloit-il plui ? Les 
 puissances s'etoient offertes ^ discuter, dans un esprit de 
 conciliation, ses voeux sur des objets de possession d'liiie
 
 101 
 
 tnutuelle cbnvenance qiii depasseroient les limites de la 
 France avant les guerres de la revolution. 
 
 Quinze jours se passerent satis reponse de la part du 
 gouvernenient fran^ais. Les plenipotentiaires allies insis- 
 t^reht snr un terme peremptoire pour I'acceptation ou le 
 refas des cdnditions de paix. On laissa au pl6nipoten- 
 tiaire franigais la latitude de presenter un contre-projet 
 poutTU que ce contre-projet r6pondit A I'esprit et d la 
 substance des conditions propos^es par les cours alliees. 
 Le terme du 10 mars fut fix6 d'un comniun accord. Le 
 plenipotentiaire fran^ais ne produisit, d i'echcance du 
 terme, que des pieces aont la discussion, loin de rappro- 
 cher du but, u'ont fait que prolonger de st6riles negotia- 
 tions. Un nouveaii terme de peu de jours fiit accorde a la 
 demande du plenipotentiaire de France. Le lomarsenlifa 
 ce plenipotentiaire remit un contre-projet qui ne laissa 
 plus de donte que les malheurs de la France n'avoierit pas 
 encore change les vues de son gouvernement. Revenant, 
 alors sur ce qu'il avoit propose lui-meme, le gouvernement 
 frangais demanda dans un nouveau projet que des peu- 
 ples etrangeri d I'esprit fran^ais, des peuples qite dans 6es 
 si^clesde domination ne fondroient pas dans la nation fran- 
 <^'aise, dcvoient continuer A en faire partie. 
 
 La France devoit conserver des dimensions incompa- 
 tibles avec retablissemeiit d'un STstenie d'eqiiilibie ct hors 
 de proportion avec les autres grands corps politiques eU 
 Europe ; elle devoit garder les positions et les points of- 
 fen^fs au moyen desquels son gouvernement avoit, pour Ic 
 malheur de I'Europe etde la France, ainen6 la cluite de tatlt 
 de trones, et oper6 tant de bonlevcrscmens ; dcs memhres 
 fie fa funiiUe rtgnante de France dcvoient etre repfach 
 tui des trdHC! ctrani^rrf! ; le gouvenuinent fran^ais enfin,
 
 102 
 
 ce gouvernetnent qui depuis taut d'anuees n'a pas moius 
 cherche ii leguer sur 1' Europe par la discorde que par 
 la force des armes, devoit rester I'arbitre des rapports iu- 
 tericurs et du sort des puissances de I'Europe. 
 
 Les cours allices, en continuant la negociation sous de 
 tels auspices, eussent manque a tout ce qu'elles se doivent 
 a elles-niemes ; elles eussent di^s ce moment renonce au 
 but glorieux qu'elles se proposent ; leurs eftorts n'eussent 
 plus lourue que contre leurs peuples. En signant un traite 
 sur les bases du contre-projet fran^ais, les puissances 
 eussent depose les armes entre les mains de I'ennemi 
 commun ; elles eussent trompe I'attente des nations et la 
 confiaJice de leurs allies. 
 
 C'est dans un moment aussi decisif pour le salut du 
 monde que les souverains allies renouvellent I'engagement 
 solennel qu'ils ue poseront pas les armes avant d'avoir 
 atteint le grand objet de leur alliance. La France ne pent 
 s'en prendre qu'a son gouvernement des maux qu'elle 
 soufFre. La paix seule pourra fermer les plaies qu'uu 
 esprit de domination universelle et sans exemple dans les 
 annates du monde lui a portees. Celle paix sera celle de 
 r Europe; toute autre est inadmissible, 11 est temps enfin 
 que les princes puissent, sans influence etrangere, veillcr 
 au bien-etre de leurs peuples ; que les nations respectent 
 leur independance reciproque ; que les institutions sociales 
 soient a I'abri de bouleverseniens journaliers, les proprietes 
 assurees ctle commerce libre. 
 
 L' Europe enti^re ne forme qu'un vccu, celui de faire 
 participer a ccs bienfaits de la paix la France, dont les 
 puissances alliees elles-memes ne desirent, ne veulent et 
 ne souftriront pas le demembrement. La foi de leurs pro- 
 messes est dans les printipes pour lesquels tiles combat-
 
 103 
 
 tent. Mais par oil les souveraiiis pourroiit-ils juger que la 
 France veut les partager, ces principes qui doivent fonder 
 le bonheur du monde aussi long-temps qu'ils verroient que 
 la nienie ambition qui a repandu tant de maux sur I'Eu- 
 rope, est encore le seul mobile du gouvernement ; que, 
 prodigue du sang frangais, et le versant d flots, I'interet 
 public est toujours immole -A I'interet personnel ? Sous 
 de tels rapports, oil seroit la garantie de I'avenir, si un 
 systeme aussi destructcur ne trouvoit pas un terme dans 
 la volonte geuerale de la nation? Dcs-lors la paix de 
 I'Europe est assuree, et rien ne saiuoit la troubler A 
 Tavenir. 
 
 (A A) 
 Declaration. 
 
 Paris, 31 mars 1814, fl licures aprt-s mid!, 
 
 l^es armees des puissances alliees ont occupe la capitale 
 de la France. Les souveraiiisallies accueillent le voeu tie 
 la nation fran^aise. 
 
 i Is declarent : 
 
 Que si les conditions de la paix devoient renfermer de 
 ])lus fortes garanties lorsqu'il s'agissoit d'enchainer I'am- 
 bition de Bonaparte, elles doivent etre plus favorable?, 
 lorsque, par un retour vers ini gouvernement ^age, le 
 i'rance elle-meme offrira Tassurance de ce rejws. 
 
 Les souverains allies proclament en consequence, 
 
 Qu'ils ne traiteront plus avoc Naj)olt()n Bonaparte, ni 
 avcc aucun de sa famille ; 
 
 Qu'ils respectent I'integrite de Tancienne France, ttllo 
 ju'elle a existe sous ses rois legitimes; ils peuvonl ineint!
 
 104 
 
 hire plus, parce qu'ils professeut toujour^ le principc que, 
 pour le bonheur de I'Europe, il hut qu^ la France soit 
 grande et forte ; 
 
 Qu'ils reconuoitrout et garantiront la constitution que la 
 nation fran^aise se donnera. lis iuvitent par consequent 
 le s6nat ^ designer un gouverncment provisoire qui puisse 
 pourvoir aux besoius de I'administiation et preparer la 
 constitution qui conviendra au peuple firan^ais. 
 
 Les intentions que je viens d exprimer me sout communes 
 avec toutes les puissances alliees. 
 
 ALEXANDRE. 
 
 Par S. M. I. les ecretaire d'etat comte 
 De Nesselrode. 
 
 (B) 
 
 Proclamation du Conseil general du departe- 
 ment de la Seine, Conseil municipal de 
 Faris. 
 
 Habitans de Paris, 
 
 Vos magistrats seroient traitres envers vqus et la patrie, 
 si, par de viles considerations persounelles, ils compri- 
 moient plus long-temps la voix de leur conscience. 
 
 Elle leur crie que vous devez tons les maux qui vous 
 accablent a un seul homme. 
 
 C'est lui qui, cliaquQ annee, par la conscription, decime 
 DOS families. Qui de nous n'a perdu un fils, un frere, des 
 parens, des amis ? Pour qui tous ces braves sont-ils morts i' 
 Pour lui 3eul et non pour le pays. Pour quelle cause ? 
 Ils put etc iinmoleS; miiquement immoles 4 la dem^nce
 
 105 
 
 de laisser apr^s lui le souvenir du plus epouvantable op- 
 presseur qui ait pes6 sur I'esp^ce humaine. 
 
 C'est lui qui, au lieu de quatre cent millions que la 
 France payoit sous nos bons et anciens rois pour Stre libre, 
 heureuse et tranquille, nous a surchages de plus de quinze 
 cent millions d'inipots, auxquels il menagoit d'ajouter 
 encore. 
 
 C'est lui qui nous a ferm6 les mers des deux Mondes ; 
 qui a tari toutes les sources de I'industrie nationale ; arrache 
 d nos champs les cultivateurs, les ouvriers d nos manu- 
 factures. 
 
 A lui nous devons la haine de tons les peuples, sans 
 I'avoir meritee, puisque, comme eux, nous fiimes les 
 malheureuses victimes, bien plus que les tristes instrumens 
 de sa rage. 
 
 N'est-ce pas lui aussi qui, violant ce que les hommes ont 
 de plus sacre, a retenu captif le venerable chef de la re- 
 ligion ; a prive de ses etats, par une detestable perfidie, uu 
 roi son allie, et livre ^ la devastation la nation espagnole, 
 notre antique et toujours fiddle amie ? 
 
 N'est-ce pas lui encore qui, ennemi de ses propres su- 
 jets long-temps trompes par lui, apr^s avoir tout -X I'heure 
 refuse une paix honorable dans laquelle notre malheureux 
 pays du moins eut pu respirer, a fini par donner I'ordre 
 paricide d'exposer inutilement la garde nationale pour la 
 defense impossible de la capitale, sur laquelle il appeloit 
 ainsi toutes les vengeances de I'ennemi ? 
 
 N'est-ce pas lui enfin qui, redoutant par-dessus tout la 
 v6rite, a chasse outrageusement, ^ la face de I'Europe, 
 iios legislateurs, parce qu'une fois ils ont tenl6 de la lui 
 dire avecautant de nicnagement que de dignite. 
 
 Qu'importe qu'il n'ait sa< rifie qu'im petit nombre de
 
 106 
 
 personnes ^ ses haines Ou bien h ses vengeances particu- 
 li^res, s'il a sacrifie la France, que disons-nous la France ? 
 toute r Europe a son ambition sans mesure ? 
 
 Ambition ou vengeance, la cause n'est rien. Quelle que 
 soit cette cause, voyez I'effet ; voye2 ce vaste continent 
 de I'Europe partout convert des ossenituis confondus de 
 Fran^ais et de peuples qui n'avoient rien -k se demander 
 les uns aux autres, qui ne se haissoient pas que les dis- 
 tances afFranchissoient des querelles, et qu'il n'a precipites 
 dan la guerje que pour remplir la terre du bruit de son 
 nom. 
 
 Que nous parle-t-on de ses victoires passees ? Quel bien 
 nous ont-elles fait ces funestes victoires ? La haine des 
 peuples, les larmes de nos families, le celibat force de nos 
 fiUes, la mine de toutes leS fortunes, le veuvage premature 
 de nos ferames, le deses|>oir des peres et des meres a qui, 
 d'une malheureuse posterite, il ne reste plus la main d'un 
 enfant pour leur fermer les yeux ; voila ce que nous ont 
 produit ses victoiies ! Ce sont elles qui amenent au- 
 jomd'hui, jusque dans nos niurs toujours restes vierges sous 
 la pateruelle administration de nos rois, les etrangers dont 
 la genereuse protection nous commande la reconnoissance, 
 lorsqu'il nous efit ^te si doux de leur oftrir une alliance 
 desinteresse. 
 
 11 n'est pas un d'enlre nous qui, dans le secret de son 
 CCEur, ne le deteste comme un ennemi public ; pas un qui, 
 daus ses plus intimes communications, n'ait forme le vceu 
 de voir arriver un terme k tant d'inutiles cruautes. 
 
 Ce vceu de nos coeurs et des votres, nous serious de5 
 deserteurs d^ la cause publique si nous tardions a I'ex- 
 primcr. 
 
 L'Europe en annes nous la demande. EUe I'implorc
 
 107 
 
 comme un bienfait envers rhumaiiite, comme le garant 
 d'uue paix universelle et durable. 
 
 Parisiens, I' Europe en armes ne Tobtiendroit pas de vo 
 magistrats, s'il u'etoit pas confornie ^ leurs devoirs. 
 
 Mais c'est au nom de ces devoirs memes et des plus 
 acres de tous que nous abjurons toute obeissance envers 
 i'usurpateur pour retourner a nos maitres legitimes. 
 
 S'll y a des perils a suivre ce raouvement du coeur et de 
 la conscience, nous les acceptons. L'bistoire et la recon- 
 noissance des Frauif^ais recueillerout nos noms. Elles les 
 Icgueront a rcstiaie dc la posterite. 
 
 En consequence, 
 
 Le couseil general du department de la Seine, conseil 
 municipal de Paris spontanement reuni, 
 
 Declare, k I'unaniinite de ses mcmbres presens, 
 
 Qu'il renonce formeiiement d toute obeissance envers 
 Napoleon Bonaparte ; 
 
 Exprime le voeu le plus ardent pour que le gouverne- 
 ment monarchique soit retabli dans la personne de Louis 
 XV IIL et de ses successeurs legitimes ; 
 
 Arretc que la presente declaration et la proclamation 
 qui i'explique seront iniprimees, distribuees et aftichees X 
 Paris, notifiees 'k toutes autorites restees 'k Paris et dans le 
 departement, et envoyees a tous les conseils generaux de 
 departement. 
 
 Fait en conseil general a Paris, en rhotel-de-ville, le 
 i er avril. 
 
 Sigrie Badeniek, Bf.llard, Barthelemy, 
 
 BONHOM RT, BOSCHERON, DeI.AITRK, GaU- 
 TRIER, d'ILvRCOURT, DE LaMOIGNON, Le- 
 
 n E A u, president ; M o N T A M A N T, secretcdre ; 
 J^EUiGNON, Vial. 
 
 o'2
 
 108 
 
 (C) 
 Extrait de la seance du 3 avril 1814}, 
 
 Le senat conservateur, 
 
 Considerant que dans une monarchie constitutionnelle le 
 monarque n'existe qu'en vertu de la constitution ou du 
 pacte social ; 
 
 Que Napoleon Bonaparte, pendant quelque temps d'un 
 gouvernement ferme et prudent, avoit donne ^ Jh nation 
 des sujets de compter pour I'avenir sur des actes de sagesse 
 et de justice ; mais qu'ensuite il a di dure le pacte qui 
 I'unissoit au peuple frangais, notaniineut en levH)it des ini- 
 pdts, en 6tablissant des taxes autreuieiit qn't n veitu de la 
 loi, contre la teneur expresse du serment qu'il avoit prete 
 A son avenement au Irone, conformement a I'art. 53 do 
 Facte des constitutions du 28 tloreal an 12 ; 
 
 Qu'il a commis cet attentat aux droits du peuple lors 
 meme qu'il venoit d'ajourner, sans necessite, le corps le- 
 gislatif, et de faire supprimer comme criminel un rapport, 
 de ce corps, auquel il contestoit son titre et sa part a la 
 representation nationale ; 
 
 Qu'il a entrepris une suite de guerres, en violation de 
 I'art, 50 de I'acte des constitutions du 22 frimaire an 8, qui 
 vent que la declaration de guerre soit proposee, discutee 
 decretee et promulguee comme des lois ; 
 
 Qu'il a inconstitutionnellement rendu plusieurs decrets 
 portant peine de mort, nomHiement les deux decrets du 5 
 mars dernier, tendant a faire considerer comme nationale 
 ime guerre qui n'avoit lieu que dans I'interet de son am- 
 bition demesuree ; 
 
 Qu'il a viole les lois constitutionnelles par ses decrets 
 sur les prisons d'etat ;
 
 109 
 
 Qiul a aneanti la responsabilite des ministres, confondu 
 tous les pouvoirs et detruit Tindependance des corps judi- 
 Giaires ; 
 
 Consid^rant que la liberie de la presse, etablie et con- 
 sacree comme I'un des droits de la nation, a ete constam- 
 ments oumise A la censure arbitraire de sa police, et qu'eu 
 meme temps il s'est toujours servi de la presse pour reni- 
 plir la France et I'Europe de faits controuves, de niaximes 
 fausses, de doctrines favorables au despotisme, et d'ou- 
 trages contre les gouvememens etrangers ; 
 
 Que des actes et rapports entendus par le senat ont 
 subi des alterations dans la publication qui en a ete faite ; 
 
 Considerant qu'au lieu de regner dans la seule vue de 
 I'interet, du bonheur et de la gloire du peuple frangais, aux 
 termes de son serment, Nnpoleon a mis le comble aux 
 malheurs de la patrie par son refus de trailer ^ des con- 
 ditions que I'interet national obligeoit d'accepler, el qui ne 
 compromcttoient pas I'lionneur I'rangais ; 
 
 Par I'abus qu'il a fait de tous lesmoyens qu'on luia con- 
 fies en homnies el en argent ; 
 
 Par I'abandon des blesses sans pansemens, sans se- 
 rours, sans subsistances ; 
 
 Par differentes mesures dont les suites etoient la ruine 
 des villes, la depopulation des campagnes, la famine et lei 
 maladies contagieuses ; 
 
 Considerant que par toutes ces causes le gouvemement 
 imperial elabli par le senatus-consulte du (28 tloreal an IC 
 a cesse d'exister, et que le voeu manifcste de tous \e> 
 Franqais appelle im ordre de clioses dont le premier re- 
 sultat soil le retablissement de la paix generale, et qui soit 
 aussi i'epoque d'une reconciliation solennelie entre tnus ler> 
 etats dc la giandc famille europocne ;
 
 110 
 
 Le scnat declare ct decr^te ce pui suit : 
 Art. ler. Napoleon Bonaparte est dechu du U6ne, et/e 
 droit d'hercdite etabli dans sa famille est aboli. 
 
 2. Le peuple fran^ais et I'armee sont d^lies du serment 
 de fidelity envers Napoleon Bonaparte. 
 
 3. Le present decret sera transmis par un message an 
 gouvememeut provisoim de la France, envoy^ de suite a 
 tons les d6partemens et aux armees, et proclani6 incessam- 
 ment dans tons les quartiers de la capitale. 
 
 Aucun autre ohjet ne se trouvant k I'ordre du jour, M. 
 Ic president leve la stance. 
 
 Les president ct secretaires, 
 
 Barthelemy. 
 
 Comte de Valence, Passoret. 
 
 Adresse mix Armees franfaises. 
 
 SOLDATS, 
 
 La France vient de briser le joug sous lequel elle gemit 
 avec vous depuis tant d'annees. 
 
 Vous n'avez jamais combattu que pour la patrie ; vou 
 ne pouvez plus combattre que contre elle sous les drapeaux 
 de riiomme qui vous conduit. 
 
 Voyez ce que vous avez souffert de sa tyrannic : vous 
 etiez nagu^re un million de soldats, presque tous ont peri ; 
 on les a livres au fer de I'tnnemi, sans subsistances, sans 
 hopitaux; ils ont ete condamnes a perir de niis^re et dc 
 faim.
 
 in 
 
 Soldats, il est temps de finir les maiix de la patrie ; la 
 paix est dans vos mains, la refuserez-vous ^ la France 
 d^solee ? Les ennemis memes vous la demandent ; ils re- 
 grettent de ravager ces belles contrees, et ne veulent s'ar 
 mer que contre votre oppresseur et le notre. Seriez-vous 
 sourds ^ la voix de la patrie qui vous rappelle et vous sup- 
 plie ? Elle vous parle par son senat, par sa capitale, e 
 surtout par ses malheurs ; vous etes ses plus nobles enfans, 
 et ne pouvez appartenir d celui qui Fa ravag6e, qui Ta 
 livree sans armes, sans defense, qui a voulu rendre votre 
 nom odieux h toiites les nations, et qui auroit peut-ctre 
 compromis votre gloire, si un homme, qui n'est pas m^m 
 Francais, pouvoit jamais affoiblir I'honneur de nos armes 
 et la generosite de nos soldats. 
 
 Vous n'etes plus les soldats de Napoleon, le senat et la 
 France enti^re vous degagcnt de vos sermons. 
 
 Sigiie les membres dii goveniement proiisoire, 
 Le Prince de Ben event, Fkanc. de Montes- 
 otiiou, J AUcouRT, Beurxonville, Dalberg. 
 
 Pour copie conforme, 
 Lp secretaire-adjoint du goveniement: provisoire. 
 Koux-Labouie. 
 
 Addra^sc du Go^ivevnement yrovhioire an 
 peiipic francais. 
 
 FhAN(,AIS, 
 
 Au sortir des discordes civiles, vous avez choisi pour 
 ciief un hoinnie qui paroissoit sur la sccue du monde aver 
 Ifs caracttres de la grandeur. \ou% avt.' mis cu hii toutes
 
 112 
 
 OS esperanccs : ces esp6rances ont cte troinpees. Sur 
 les mines de rannrchie il n'a fonde que le despotisine. 
 
 U devoit au moins par leconnoissance deveuir Fran^aia 
 avec vous. II ne I'a jamais etc. 11 n'a cess6 d'eutrc- 
 piendre, sans but et sans motif, des guerres injustes, en 
 aventuiier qui veut etre fameux. 11 a, dans peu d'annees, 
 devore vos richesses et votre population. 
 
 Chaque famille est en deuil : toute la France gemit ; il 
 est sourd a nos maux. Peut-etre reve-t-il encore a ses 
 desseins gigantesques, meme quand des revers iuou'is piuiis- 
 sent avec tant d'eclat I'orgueil et Tabus de la victoire. 
 
 II n'a su regner ni dans I'interet national, ni dans I'interet 
 meme de son despotisme. II a detruit tout ce qu'il vouloit 
 creer, et recree tout ce qu'il vouloit detruire. 11 ne croyoit 
 qu'a la force, et la force Taccable aujourd'hui, juste retour 
 d'une ambition insens6e. 
 
 Entin cette tyrannie sans exemple a cesse ; les puis- 
 sances alliees viennent d'entrer dans la capitale de la 
 France- 
 Napoleon nous gouvernoit conune un roi de barbares; 
 Alexandre et ses magnanimes allies ne parlent que le Ian- 
 gage de I'honneur, de la justice et de rhumanite. Us 
 viennent rcconcilier avec 1' Europe un peuple brave et nial- 
 heureux, 
 
 Frangais, le senat a declare Napolton dcchu J a trone ; 
 la patrie n'est plus avec lui; un autre ordre de choi-es pent 
 seul la sauver. Nous avons connu les exces de la licence 
 populaire et ceux du pouvoir absolu ; retablissons la veri- 
 table monarchic, en liniitaut, par de sages lois, les divers 
 pouvoirs qui la composent. 
 
 Qu'a i'abri d'un trone patemel i'agriculture tpuisee re- 
 fieurisse ; que le commerce, charge d'entravcs, reprtiuje
 
 113 
 
 ^a liberie ; que la jeunesse ne soit plus moissonn6e par les 
 arnies avant d'avoir la force de les porter ; que I'ordre de la 
 nature ne soit plus interrompu, et que le vieillard puisse 
 esp6rer mourir avant ses enfans .' Franc ais, rallions-nous ; 
 les calamit6s pass^es vont finir, et la paix va mettre un 
 terme aux bouleversemens de I'Europe. Les augustes 
 allies en ont donne leur parole. La France se reposera de 
 ses longues agitations, et, mieux eclair6e par la double 
 epreuve de ranarchie et du despotisme, elle trouvera le 
 bonheur dans le retour d'un gouvernement tutelaire. 
 
 (E.) 
 SENAT CONSERVATEUR. 
 
 Extrait cles registres dii SSnat Conscrvateur 
 du mercredi 6 Avril, 1814. 
 
 Le senat conservateur, delib^rant sur le projet de consti- 
 tution qui lui a etc pr^sente par le gouvernement provisoire, 
 en execution de I'acte du senat du 1*"^ de ce mois; 
 
 Apres avoir entendu le rapport d'une commission sp6- 
 ciale de sept membres, 
 
 Decr^te ce qui suit : 
 
 Art. l*"^. Le gouvernement fran^ais est monarchique et 
 lic'reditaire de male en male par ordre de primog6niture. 
 
 2. Le peuple frangais appelle librement au trone de 
 France Louis-StanislastXavier de France, fr^re 
 du dernier roi, et apr^s lui les autres membres de la maison 
 de Bourbon, dans I'ordre ancien, 
 
 V>. La noblesse aucieune reprend ses litres. La nou- 
 velk conserve les siens hert'ditairement. La legion d'hon- 
 
 I*
 
 114 
 
 near est inaiHtcuae avec ses prerogatives. Lc lui dcter- 
 minera la decoration. 
 
 4. Le pouvoir executif appartient au roi. 
 
 5. Le roi, le seuat, le corps legislatif coucourcnt a la 
 formation des lois. 
 
 Les projets de lois peuvent etre egalement proposes dans 
 le senat et dans le corps legislatif. 
 
 Ceux relatifs aux contributions ne peuvent I'etre que 
 dans le corps legislatif. 
 
 Le roi pent inviter egalement les deux corps a s'occuper 
 des objetsqu'il jiige convenables. 
 
 La sanction du'roi est necessaire pour le complement de 
 la loi. 
 
 6. II y a cent cinquante senateurs au moins, et deux 
 cents au plus. 
 
 Leur dignite est inamovible et hereditaire de male en 
 male par primogeniture. lis sont nommes par le roi. 
 
 Les senateurs actuels, a I'exceptiou de ceux qui renon- 
 ceroieut a la qualite de citoyens francais, sont maintenus 
 et font partie de ce nombre. La dotation actuelie du senat 
 et des senatoreries leur appartient. Les revenus en sont 
 partages egalement entre eux, et passent a leurs succcs- 
 seurs. Le cas echeant de la mort d'un senateur sans pos- 
 terite masculine directe, sa portion retourne au tresor pulj 
 lie. Les senateurs qui seront nommes a I'avenir ne peuvent 
 avoir part a cette dotation. 
 
 7. Les princes de la fannlle royalc etles princes dusang 
 sont de droit jnembres du senat. 
 
 On ne peut exercer les fonctions dc senateur qu'apres 
 avoir atteint I'agc dc majorite. 
 
 8. Le senat determine les cas oil la discussion des ob- 
 jcts qu'il traite doit etre publique ou secrete.
 
 115 
 
 9. Chaque departement nomiuera au corps legislatif le 
 nieme nombre de deputes qu'il y envoyoit. 
 
 Les deputes qui siegeoient au corps legislatif lors du 
 dernier ajournement contiimeront 'k y sieger jusqu'a l6ur 
 rem placement. Tous conserveiit leur traitment. 
 
 A I'avenir ils seront choisis immediatement par les col- 
 leges clectoraux, lesquels sont conserves, sauf les chan- 
 gemens qui pourroient etre faits par une loi 'k leur organisa- 
 tion. 
 
 La dirree dcs fonctions des deputes au corps legislatif est 
 fixee a cinq annees. 
 
 Les nouveiles elections auront lieu pour la session de 
 1816. 
 
 10. Le corps legislatif s'assemble de droit chaque annee 
 le l*"^ octobre. Le roi peut le convoquer extraordinaire- 
 ment, ii peut I'ajouruer, il peut aussi le dissoudre ; mais 
 ce dernier cas un autre corps legislatif doit etre formr, au 
 plus tard dans les tiois mois, par les colh'fges electoraux. 
 
 11. Le corps legislatif a le droit de discussion. Les 
 seances sout publiques, sauf le cas ou il juge a propos do 
 se former en comite general. 
 
 12. Le s/Miat, le corps legislatif, les colleges clectoraux 
 et les assemblees de canton elisent leur president dans leur 
 sein. 
 
 13. Aucun membre du seuat ou du corps legislatif ne 
 peut etre arrete sans une autorisatiou prealable du corps 
 auquel il apparticnt. 
 
 Le jugoinent d\ui membre du senat ou du corps legis- 
 latif accuse appaitient exclusivement au seuat. 
 
 14. Les ministers pouveut etre membres, soit du senat^ 
 ftoit du corps legislatif. 
 
 16. L'egalite de proportion dans I'lmpot est de droit 
 1' :
 
 116 
 
 Aucun imp6t ne peut etre ^tabili ni per5U, s'il n'a etc. 
 librement consent! par le corps legislatif et par le senat. 
 L'impot foncier ne peut etre ^tabli qtie pour un an. Le 
 budjet de Taon^e suivante et les comptcs de I'annee pre- 
 cedente sent presentes chaque annee au corps legislatif 
 et au senat, a I'ouverture de la session du corps legislatif. 
 
 16. La loi d6terminera le mode -et la quotit6 du recru- 
 teltnent de Tarmee. 
 
 17. L'independance du pouvoir judiciaire est garantie. 
 Nul ne peut etre distrait de ses juges naturels. 
 
 L'institution des jur^s est conservee, ainsi que la publi 
 cit^ des d^bats en mati^re criminelle. 
 
 La peine de la confiscation des biens est abolie. 
 Le roi a le droit de faire grace. 
 
 18. Les cours et tribunaux ordinaires actuellement 
 existans sont maintenus. Leur nombre ne pourra etre 
 diminue ou augmente qu'en vertu d'une loi. Les juges 
 sont d vie et inamovibles, A I'exception des juges de paix 
 et des juges de commerce. Les commissions et les tribu- 
 naux extraordinaires sont supprimes, et ne pourront ^tre 
 retablis. 
 
 19. La cour de cassation, les cours d'appel et les tri- 
 bunaux de premiere instance proposent au roi trois can- 
 didats pour chaque place de juge vacante dans leur sein. 
 Le roi choisit I'un des trois. Le roi nomme les premiers 
 presidens et le ministere public des cours et des tribu- 
 naux. 
 
 20. Les militaires en activite, les officiers, soklats en re- 
 traite, les veuves et les officiers pensionncs conservent leurs 
 grades, leurs honneurs et leurs pensions. 
 
 21. La pcrsonne du roi est inviolable et sacree. Tous 
 les actes du gouvernement sont signes par un ministre. Les
 
 117 
 
 nilnlstres sont responsables cle tout ce que ces actes conti- 
 endroient d'attentatoire aux lois, a la liberie publique et in- 
 dividuelle, et aux droits des citoyens. 
 
 22. liH libcrte des cultes et des consciences est garantie. 
 Les ministres des cultes sont cgalement traites et pro- 
 teges. 
 
 23. La liberie de la pressc est enliere, sauf la repression 
 legale des delits qui pourroient resuller de Tabus de cette 
 liberie. Les commissions senatoriales de la liberie de la 
 presse et de la liberie individuelle sont conservees. 
 
 24. La dette publique est garantie. 
 
 Les V entes des domaines uationaux sont irrevocablement 
 maintenues. 
 
 25. Aucun Fran^ais ne pent elre recherche pour les opi- 
 nions ou les voles qu'il a pu emetlre. 
 
 26. Tout personne a le droit d'adresser des petitions iudi- 
 viduelles a toute autoritc constiluee. 
 
 27. Tous les Franoais sont egalement admissibles a tous 
 les emplois civils et militaires. 
 
 28. Toutes les lois actuellement existantes restent en 
 vigueur jusqu'i\ ce qu'il y soil legalement deroge. Le Code 
 dts lois civiles sera intitule : Code civil de Fraricais. 
 
 29. La presente Constitution sera souniise a TaccepLv 
 tion du peuple fran^ais dans la forme qui sera reglec. 
 Lous Stanoislas Xavier sera proclauie roi de Fiaiifais 
 ausitot qu'il aura jur^ et signe par un acle porlanl : J 'ac- 
 , cpfe la Confififution ; jc jure dc robsener et de la faire 
 ifisericr. Ce sernient sera reiterc dans la solenmlle on il 
 } c revra le sernient de fid^lile des Franrais. 
 
 Si<r)it le Prince de Bknevf.nt, President. 
 
 ' c" (imU.s DK Valence et de Pastoret, secret., 
 
 etc. etc.
 
 118 
 
 (F) 
 
 Copie de la Idtve de M. le marechal A e?/, 
 a S. A. le prince de Beneveiit, prhident 
 de la commission composant le gouveiiie- 
 ment provisoirc. 
 
 MoNSEIGNEUR, 
 
 Je me suis rendu hier ^ Paris, avec M. le mareclial due 
 de Tarente et M. le due de Vicence, comnic charge de 
 pleinspouvioirs pour defendre pres de S. M. I'empereur 
 Alexandre les interets de la dynastie de Tempereur Napo- 
 leon. Un evenement imprevu ayant tout-d-comp arrets 
 les n^gociations, qui eependant semblaient proinetlre Ics 
 plus heureux resultats, je vis d^slors, que, jwur eviter k 
 notre ch^re patrie les niaux affreux d'une guerre civile, il 
 ne restait plus aux Frangais qu'a embrasser entierement 
 la cause de nos anciens rois ; et c'est, penetre de ce sen- 
 timent, que je me suis rendu ce soir aupres de I'empereur 
 Napoleon pour lui manifester le voeu de la nation. 
 
 L'empcreur convaincu de la position critique ou il a 
 place la France, et I'impossibilite ou il se trouve de la 
 sauver lui meme, a paru se resigner et consentir a Tabdi- 
 cahon euliere et sans aucune restriction ; c'est demain que 
 j'espere qu'il m'en remettra lui-meme I'acte formel et 
 authentique ; aussitot apres, j'aurai I'lionneur d'aller voir 
 Votre Altesse Serenissime. 
 Je suis avec respect, 
 
 Monscigneur, 
 De Votre Altesse Serenissime, 
 Le tres-obcissant serviteur. 
 
 (Signc) Le raareclial Ney.
 
 119 
 
 PontahieLleau, le 5 Avril, lS14,.onze heureset demiedu 
 5oir. 
 
 Pour copie conforme, 
 
 Le secretaire du gouvememeut provisoire, 
 
 X)lpont (de Nemours.) 
 
 (G) 
 Acts d' abdication de V Euipereiir Napoll'ou, 
 
 Les puissances alliees ayant proclanie que I'enipereur 
 Napoleon etoit le seul obstacle au retablissement de la 
 paix en Europe, Tempereui' Napoleon, fidele a son ser- 
 ment, declare qu'il renoncc, pour lui et ses heritiers, aux 
 trones de France et d'ltalie, et qu'il u'est aucun sacrifice 
 personnel, meme celui de la vie, qu'il ne soit pret a faire 
 ii I'interet de la France. 
 
 Fait au palais de Fontaiuebleau, le 1 1 avril, 1814. 
 Signe Napoleon. 
 Pour copie conforme, 
 
 Sigftc DupoxT (de Nemours), secretaire- 
 general du gouveruenient provisoire. 
 
 Trailc Secret aire ^apoUqji. 
 
 Sa Majeste I'empereur Napoleon, d'une part, ct Sa 
 Majeste I'empereur de toutes les Hussies, I'empereiu 
 d'Autriche et de Bohenie, et le roi de Prusse, stipuhmi 
 taut eu leur uom qu'en cclui dc tou^ leuijullic- dc laulic
 
 130 
 
 ayaot nomnie pour leurs plenipotentiaires, savoir: Sa Ma- 
 jeste rempereur Napoleon, le sieiir Armand-Augiistiu- 
 Louis Coulaincourt, Due de Vicence, Michel Ney, due 
 d'Elchingen, et Jacques-Etientie-Alcxnndre Macdonald, 
 due de Tarente; et Sa Majeste IVinpereur de toutes les 
 Russies, le sieur Charles-Robert co.nte Nessel-rode. 
 
 Les plenipotentiaires ci-dessus nommes, apros avoir pro- 
 cede d I'echange de leurs pleins-pouvoirs respeclifs, sont 
 convenus des articles suivans : 
 
 1. Sa Majeste I'enipereur Napoleon renoncc, pour lui 
 et ses successeurs en descendance, ainsi que pour chacun 
 des membres de sa fauiille, a tout droit de souverainete, 
 de domination, taut sur I'empire frangais, le royaunie 
 d'ltalie, que siu' tout autre pays. 
 
 2. Sa Majeste I'empereur Napoleon et Timperatrice 
 Maria-Louise conserveront ces titres et qualites, pour en 
 jouir leur vie durant; la mere, les freres, soeurs, neveux et 
 nieces de I'empereur conserveront cgalement, partout oii 
 ils se trouveront, les titres de princes de sa faniille. 
 
 3. L'ile d'Elbe adoptee par I'empereur Napoleon pour 
 le lieu de son sojour, formera, sa vie durant, une princi- 
 paute separee, qui sera possedee par lui en toute souvc- 
 rainete et propriete ; il sera donne en outre, en toute pro- 
 priete li I'empereur Napoleon, un reveuu annuel de deux 
 millions de francs en rentes sur le grand-hvre de France, 
 dont un million reversible sur Timperatrice. 
 
 4. Toutes les puissances s'engagcnt ii employer leurs 
 bons offices, pour fair respecter par les Barbaresques, le 
 territoire et pavilion de l'ile d'Elbe, et pour que dans ces 
 rapports avec les Barbaresques, elle soit assimilee k la 
 France. 
 
 5. Les duchesde Parme, Plaisance et Guastalla scront
 
 m 
 
 tbnnes en toute propriety et souverainete, a Sa Majestc 
 I'imperatrice Marie-Louise ; ils passeront [ ^ son fils et 
 a sa descendance en ligne directe: le prince, son fils, 
 prendra, des ce moment, le nom de prince de Parme, 
 Plaisance et Guastalla. 
 
 6. II sera reserve dans les pays auxquels I'enipereur Na- 
 poleon renonce pour lui et sa famille, des domaines ou 
 donne des rentes sur le grand-livre de France, produisant 
 un revenu net et annuel, et deduction faite de toutes charges, 
 de 2,500,000 francs. Ces domaines, ou rentes, appar- 
 tiendront en toute propriete, et pour en disposer comme 
 bon leur semblera, aux princes et princesses de sa famille, 
 et seront repartis entr'eux de mani^re d ce que Iq revenu de 
 ciiacun soit dans la proportion suivante. 
 
 S A VOIR : 
 
 A Madame-M^re 300,000 fr. 
 
 An roi Joseph et a lareine, .... .500,000 
 
 All roi Louis 200,000 
 
 A la reinc 1 1 orteiise et a ses enfans , 40(),CKX) 
 All roi Jerome et a la Iteine. .. ,500,000 
 
 A la princesse l*'Jisa .,'}00,000 
 
 A la princesse Pauline. :)00,000 
 
 Les princes et Ics princesses de la famille de I'emperenr 
 . onserveront en outre tons les biens meubles et imnieublcs 
 tie quelque nature que ce soit qu'ils possodent a titre par- 
 ticulier et notaininent les rentes dont ils jouisseiit egalenicnt 
 ( omme j)articullers sur le grand livre de Trance, ou le 
 jnont Napoleon de Milan, 
 
 7. liC traitement annuel de I'imperatrice Josephine, sera 
 r^diiit a un nnllion vu ilomiiines ou en inscriptions sur le 
 grand livre de France: elle continuera a jouir en toute 
 ])ropriete de ses biens nK'ublcs et iinineiil)l('s particulier.*;, 
 ct pourra en disposer conformemcnt au.\ lojs fraiicaiscs. 
 
 Q
 
 122 
 
 8. 11 sera donne au prince Eugene, vice-roi d'ltalie, 
 un etablissement conveniible hors de France. 
 
 9. Les proprietes que Sa Majesty rempereur Napoleon 
 possede en Fiance, soit comme domaine extraordinairer 
 soit com me domaine prive, resteront k la couronne, 
 
 Sur les fonds places par I'empereur Napoleon, soit sn, 
 le grand livre, soit sur la banque de France, fioit sur les 
 actions des forets, soit de toute autre mani^re et dont Sa 
 Majeste fait I'abandon ^ la couronne, il se reserve un 
 capital qui n'excedera pas deux millions, pour &tre employe 
 en gi atitications, en taveur de personnes qui seront port^s 
 sur letat que signera I'empereur Napoleon et qui sera r6nni 
 au gouverneraent fiangaiau 
 
 10. Tous les diamans de la couronne resteront k la 
 France. 
 
 1 1 . L'empereur Napoleon fera retourner au tresor et 
 aux autres caisses publiques toutes les sommes et efFets 
 qui en auraient ete deplac^s par ses ordres, a I'exception 
 de ce qui provient de la liste civile. 
 
 12. Les dettes de la maison de Sa Majeste I'empereur 
 Napoleon, telles qu'elles se trouvent au jour de la signature 
 du present tiaite, seront immediatement acquiltees sur les 
 arrerages dus pur le tresor public, a la liste civile, d'apr^s 
 les etats qui seront sign6s par un commissaire nomtu6 d 
 cet eftet. 
 
 13. Les obligations du mont Napoelon de Milan, envers 
 tous ses creanciers, soit Fran^ais, soit etrangers, seront 
 exactement remplies, sans qu'il soit fait aucun changement 
 ^ cet egaid. 
 
 14. On donnera lous les saufs conduits n^cessaires pour 
 le libre voyage de S. M. I'empereur Napoleon, I'impera- 
 trice, des princes et princesses et de toutes les personnes
 
 ns 
 
 de leur suite qui voudront les accompagner, ou s'etablir 
 hors de France, ainsi que pour le passage de tous les 
 ^quigages, chevaux et eflFets qui leur appartiennent. Les 
 puissances alli6es donneront en consequence des officiers et 
 quelques hommes d'escorte. 
 
 15. La garde imperiale frangaise fournira un detache- 
 mentde 12 d 1500 hommes de toute arme pour servir 
 d'escorte jusqu'd St. Tropes, lieu de Tembarquement. 
 
 16. II ser{i fourni une corvette armee, et les b'^tiraens 
 nicessaires pour conduire au lieu de sa destination Sa Ma- 
 jeste I'empereur Napol6on ainsi que toute sa maison; la 
 corvette demeurera en toute propriete d Sa Majesty. 
 
 17. Sa Majesty Tempereur Napoleon pourra emmener 
 avec lui ^et conserver pour sa garde, 400 honunes de 
 bonne volonte, tant officiers que sous-officiers et soldats. 
 
 18. Tous les Frangais qui aurontsuivi Sa Majeste I'em- 
 pereur Napoleon ou sa famille, seront tenus'' s'ils ne veu- 
 lent perdre leur qualite de Fran^ais, de rentrer en France 
 dans le terme de Irois ans, a nioins qu'ils ne soient compris 
 dans les exceptions, que le gouvernement fran^ais sc reserve 
 d'accorder apr^s I'expiration de ce terme. 
 
 10. Les troupes polonaises de toute arme, qui sont au 
 service de Fi ance, auront la liberte de retourner chez dies 
 en conservant armes et bagages, comme un temoiguage de 
 leurs services honorables: les officiers, sous-ofticiers, sol- 
 dats conserveront les decorations qui leur out ete accordees 
 etlapensiou affectte v\ ces decorations, 
 
 20. Les hautes puissances allies garantissent I'exerution 
 de tous les ailicles du piesent Iraile, il s'engagent a obtcnir 
 qu'ils soient adoptos et garautis j)ar la France. 
 
 21. Le j)rcsont tnuie sera lalilie. 
 Fait a Paris, le 11 Avril, IS 14. 
 
 (Suivent les signatures.)
 
 lU 
 
 (I) 
 
 Declaration of the Allies. 
 
 " The powers who have signed the Treaty of Paris, as^ 
 sembled at the Congress at Vienna, being infonned of tlm 
 escape of Napoleon Buonaparte, and of his entrance into 
 France with an armed force, owe it to their own dignity and 
 the interest of social order, to make a solemn declaration of 
 the sentiments which this event has excited in them. 
 
 " By thu8 breaking the convention, which has established 
 him in the Island of Elba, Buonaparte destroys the only 
 legal title, on which his existence depended ; by appearing 
 again in France, with projects of confusion and disorder, 
 he has deprived himself of the protection of the law, and 
 has manifested to the universe, that there can be neitlier 
 peace nor truce with him. 
 
 " The powers positively declare, that Napoleon Buo- 
 naparte has placed liimself without the pale of civil and so- 
 cial relations ; and that, as an enemy and disturber of the 
 tranquillity of the world, he has rendered himself liable to 
 public vengeance, 
 
 '* Tliey declare, at the same time, that firmly resolved to 
 maintain entire the Treaty of Paris, of 00th May, 1814, 
 and the dispositions sanctioned by that treaty, and those 
 which they have resolved on, or shall iiereafter resolve on, 
 to complete and to consolidate it, they will employ all their 
 means, and will unite all their efturts, that the general 
 peace, the object of the wishes of Europe, and the constant 
 purpose of their labovus, may not again be troubled ; and 
 to guarantee against every attempt whicli shall threaten to 
 replunge the world into the disorders and miseries of revo- 
 lutions. 
 
 " And although entirely persuaded that all France, ral- 
 lying round its legitimate sovereign, will innnediately aniii-
 
 125 
 
 hilate this last attempt of a criminal and impotent delirium, 
 all tlie sovereigns of Europe, animated by the same senti- 
 ments, and guided by tlie same principles, declare, that if, 
 contrary to all calculations, there should result from this 
 event any real danger, they will be ready to give to the 
 King of France, and to the French nation, or to any other 
 government, that shall be attacked, as soon as they shall be 
 called upon, all the assistance requisite to restore pubhc 
 tranquillity, and to make a common cause against all those 
 who should undertake to compromise it. 
 
 " The present Declaration, inserted in tlie Register of 
 the Congress, assembled at Vienna, on the 13th March, 
 1815, shall be made public. 
 
 " Done and attested by the Plenipotentiaries of the High 
 Powers, who signed the Treaty of Paris, Vienna, 13th 
 March, 1815." 
 
 AusTiiiA. Prince Metternich, liaron Wissenbcrg. 
 
 France. Prince Talleyrnnd, the Duke of Dalberg, 
 Latour, du Pin, Count ^Mexis and Noailles. 
 Great Brit. Wellington, Clancarty, Cadicart, Stewart. 
 Portugal. Counts Pamella, Soldonha, Chevalier Lobo, 
 
 Prussia. Prince llardenbcrg, Ikuon Humboldt. 
 
 Russia. Count llasuniowsky, Count Stacekelberg, 
 Count Nesselrodc. 
 
 Spain. P. Comez J.abrador. 
 
 Sweden. Lowc/hitlni. 
 
 litjKjNU' Jailc, /c V- Janvier IS 14, pur \aj)(>/i(>t/, an idp- 
 poti (Ic la coiniiiisi^iDii citraDnl/iiahc (In Corps Uiihlatif'. 
 
 Dii 'Jii (l,M<nil>.. 1!,1,,. 
 MeSSIKURS l.ES Dl'IMI F,S, 
 
 Jo vous ai appelcb autour de nioi pour hiire If Iju u ;
 
 126 
 
 vous avez fuit le mal. Vous avez parmi voiui des gens 
 d^voues a I'Angleterre, a I'etranger, qui correspondent 
 avec le prince i6gent par retremise de I'avocat Deseze. 
 Les onze-douzi^mes parmi vous sont bons, les autres 
 sout des factieux. Retournez dans vos departemens, je 
 suivrai de I'ueil ceux qui ont de mauvaises intentions. 
 Vous avez cherche a m'humilier ! Je suis un homme 
 qu*on pent tuer, mais qu'on ne sauroit deshonerer. Quel 
 est celui d'entre vous qui pourroit supporter le fardeau 
 du pouvoir? II a 6crase I'assemblee constituante qui 
 dicta des lois d un monarque foible. Le faubourg Saint- 
 Antoine vous auroit seconde, mais il vous eUt bientot 
 abandonne. Que sont devenus les Jacobins, les Gi- 
 Tondins, les Vergniaux, Gaudet, et tant d'autres? lis sont 
 morts. Vous avez cherche a me barbouiller aux yeux dc 
 la France, c'est un attentat. Qu'est-ce que le trone, an 
 reste? quatre morceaux de bois dores recouverts de 
 velours. Et moi aussi je suis sorti du peuple, et je sais 
 jes obligations que j'ai contract6es. Ce n'etoit point au 
 moment ou les etrangers occupant nos provinces, et que 
 deux cent mille Cosaques sont pres d'inonder nos plaines 
 qu'il falloit faire des remonstrances. Je sais qu'il y a eu 
 des abus, et jamais je n'ai souflfert ceux que j'ai connws. 
 M. Renouard a dit que le prince Massena avoit vole la 
 Bastide a Marseille, il a menti ; le general a pris posses- 
 sion d'une maison vacante, et le ministre fera indem- 
 niser le proprietaire. Humilie-t-on ainsi un niarechal dc 
 France qui a verse son sang et blanchi sous la victoire 
 Je vous avois indique un comite secret ; c'etoit la qu'il 
 falloit represeuter vos doleances, ettblir des faits ; je 
 vous aurois rendu justice. C'etoit en famille qu'il falloit 
 laver notre linge, ct nou sous les yeux du public. J'ai
 
 127 
 
 cte appele deux fois ao tr6ne par le voeu de vingt quatre 
 millions de Frau^ais. J'ai un litre, vous n'en avez pas. 
 Qu'etes.vous dans la Constitution r vous n'etes rien. Vous 
 n'avez aucune autoiite; c'csf le troiie qui est In Consti" 
 tutiotif tout est dans le trouc. On a niele Tironie aux 
 reprociies. Suis-je fait pour etre hiimilie ? Je sais sup- 
 porter Tadversite avec noblesse. Vous me deniandez des 
 concessions que mes ennemis meme ne iiic deniandeioient 
 pas ; s'ils me demandoient la Champagne, vous voudriez 
 que je leur cedasse la Brie. Dans qiiatre mois j'aurai 
 la paix, et ies ennemis seront thasses, ou je serai inort 
 Vous appai tient-il de deliberer aur de si graves inte- 
 rets? Je vous le repete, vous avez parnii vous des 
 factieux. Ne sais-je pas combien il est facile de remuer 
 wne grande assemblee : I'un se met Id, I'autre se met ici, 
 ct la deliberation est conduite par des agitateurs. Au lieu 
 de nous reunir tous, vous nous avez desuiiis. Vous m'a- 
 vez mis aeul en face des etnaigers, en disant que c'est u 
 moi seul qu'ils font la guerre; c'est une atrocite. Vous 
 vous dites Ies representans de la nation, mais vous n'etes 
 que des deputes au Corps legislatif. Vous avez eloign^ Ies 
 gens que tienuent au gouvernemcnt dans vos nominations, 
 cela ne prouve-t-il pas de mauvaises intentions ? \ oiis avez 
 nomme votre commission extraordinaire, cclle des tiuances, 
 celle de I'adresse, et vous avez choisi nies ejuicmis. 
 
 M. IjOiiit, je le repete, est un mechant honinie ; Ics 
 autjes sont des factieux. Je rends justice aux onze dou- 
 zicmts, ({ui, je i'ai dit, sont bons; mais je <oimois K's n-.e- 
 chans, et je Ies })Oiusuivrai. Je vous le dtmunde, etoit- 
 ce pendant que fts ctniemis sont chez nous fju'il falio.t 
 faire de pareilles choses? La nature uj'a done d'un ou- 
 rig fort, il peut rto'iiter ^ tout. II en a be.uu-oup cnutc a
 
 128 
 
 mon orgueil. Je I'ai sacrifie ; mais jc suis audessus de vos 
 iniserables declamations. J'avois besoin de consolations, 
 et vous m'avez deshonore. Mais non, mes victoires ecra- 
 8ent vos criailleries. 
 
 J 'attendois que vous seriez reunis d'intention et d'eftorts 
 pour chasser I'ennemi, vous I'avez appele. J'avois conclu 
 la paix en acceptant les conditions de I'ennemi et c'est vous 
 qui I'avez fait changer. J'aurois perdu deux batailles 
 qiie cela n'e(it pas fait plus de mal d la France. Sous trois 
 ou quatre niois nous aurons la paix, et vous vous repentirez 
 de votre niauvaise conduite. Je suis de ces gens qui tri- 
 omphent ou qui meurent. Je porte dans mon coeur les 
 onze douziemes d'entres vous, 
 
 Retournez dans vos departemens. Je ferai quelque jour 
 imprimer le rapport de vos commissions, et il serajuge 
 ce qu'il est. S'll paroit dans vos departemens, je le ferai 
 imprimer dans le Moniteur avec des notes. Je ferai nom- 
 mer les deputes des deux series qui manquent, et je 
 reunirai le Corps legislatif. Les habitaus de 1' Alsace et de 
 la Franche-Comtc ont un meilleur esprit que vous ; ila 
 me demandent des arjnes, je leur en fais douner. Je leur 
 envoie de mes aides-de-camp pour les conduire en par' 
 tisans. 
 
 THE E.N J). 
 
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