**. v *y:*v*
* **** " ?7 .7* v
* * * .V **.****
\ ' ^ '
\ J , >
'^
$%^%%L,.
iVy
SrfVWTrf'<"4>Vj4%Vr
vXvXvXvXw
'<WJVSW<WA-
W<X<:<!MX<!<'v
from ine
L I B PJ\ R.Y
ofitu
PENN
THLETIC
CLUB
Mrs. Murdock Kendric
. MURDOCH KENDRICK.
ameriean
EDITED BT
JOHN T. MORSE, JR.
t- .- i .
Hnicritan Statesmen
JAMES MONROE
IN HIS RELATIONS TO THE PUBLIC SERVICE
DURING HALF A CENTURY
1776 TO 1826
BT
DANIEL C. GILMAN
PRUIDINT 01 THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVEBSITY, BALTIMOR1
EIGHTH EDITION
BOSTON
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY
New York: 11 East Seventeenth Street
(Cte fftoerjsi&e prc&
1887
PHILADELPHIA
r
Copyright, 1883,
BT DANIEL C. OILMAN
All rights reserved.
The Riverside Press, Cambridge:
Electrotyped and Printed by H. 0. Houghton & Co.
PEEFAOE.
IN the preparation of this volume free use
was made of Monroe manuscripts which had
not been published. To those which are in
the Department of State I have had access by
permission of the Secretary, Hon. James G.
Elaine, and transcripts of some of them were
made for me, with his sanction, by the direc-
tion of Mr. Theodore F. D wight, Librarian of
the Department. I am under still greater ob-
ligations to Mrs. S. L. Gouverneur, Jr., of
Washington, who has in her possession an in-
valuable collection of letters addressed to Mon-
roe, the grandfather of her husband, from
Madison, Calhoun, Rush, Wirt, Lafayette, and
many other distinguished men, together with
original drafts of letters written to them and
to others by Monroe. I am far from having
exhausted these rich mines. Both collections
are imperfectly arranged, and without a much
greater expenditure of time than could be given
on the spot their contents could not be mas*
yi PREFACE.
tered ; and I had not the right to expect or to
ask unlimited permission to make copies. It
is obviously most desirable that this private col-
lection should be bought by the government,
and that the two groups should be combined,
arranged, and illustrated with memoranda, for
consultation if not for publication. They
throw much light upon this first half century
of our political progress. The papers controlled
by Mrs. Gouverneur would greatly enhance the
value of the more public documents now owned
by the State Department.
During the summer vacation in which the
principal part of this work was prepared for
the press I was under special obligations to
the librarian of the Boston Athenasum, C. A.
Cutter, Esq., and to the librarian of the Free
Public Library in Worcester. S. S. Green, Esq.,
for permission to make use of books in their
charge; and at home I had like favors from
the Maryland Historical Society, through the
courtesy of J. W. M. Lee, Esq., the librarian,
and Mr. John Gatchell, the assistant. The
readiness with which the younger school of
librarians endeavor to make their collections
serviceable to students at a distance, as well as
within the walls of the library, deserves most
grateful recognition. Mr. W. E. Foster, of the
PREFACE. vii
Providence Free Public Library, was so good
as to prepare for his excellent series of Refer-
ence Lists a guide to the study of the times of
Monroe, but was afterwards led to adopt the
more comprehensive scheme of references to
the historical period covered by the " American
Statesmen " series.
For the transcript of some of Washington's
notes on Monroe, hitherto not printed, thanks
are due to the President of Cornell University,
Hon. A. D. White. R. H. Brock, Esq., of
Richmond, Judge Watson, of Charlottes ville,
and Prof. J. M. Garnett, of the University of
Virginia, have also rendered valuable aid, which
is acknowledged on subsequent pages.
I am also under very special obligations to
Mr. J. F. Jameson, Ph. D., of the Johns Hop-
kins University, for his careful scrutiny of the
text, for his abstract of the presidential mes-
sages, and for the elaborate bibliography which
is given in the Appendix.
D. C. G.
SRLF
URL
CONTENTS.
HOI
ANNALS OF MONROE'S LIFE xi
CHAPTER L
STUDENT AND SOLDIER 1
CHAPTER IL
LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA . . .17
CHAPTER TIL
ENVOY IN FRANCS 36
CHAPTER IV.
ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, AND ENGLAND ... 74
CHAPTER V.
SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAB . . . .104
CHAPTER VI.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES .... 125
CHAPTER VIL
THE MONROE DOCTRINE 156
CHAPTER VUL
PERSONAL ASPECT AND DOMESTIC RELATIONS . .175
CHAPTER IX.
RETROSPECT REPUTATION . . 200
X CONTENTS.
APPENDIX.
MM
L
THE MONROE GENEALOGY ...... 818
n.
WASHINGTON'S NOTES ON THE APPENDIX TO MOK-
BOE'S "VIEW OF THE CONDUCT OP THE EXECU-
TIVE" 221
m.
SYNOPSIS OP MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES . 229
IV.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF MONROE AND THE MONROE Doo-
TRINE 253
ANNALS OF MONROE'S LIFE.
BOYHOOD AND MILITARY SERVICE.
1758. Born in Westmoreland Co., Virginia, April 28.
1765. Stamp Act passed.
tm
1774. Enters William and Mary College 16
1776. Declaration of Independence.
1776. In the Continental Army, at Haerlem, etc. . . 18
1777. Aide to Lord Stirling 19
1778. Returns to Virginia 20
1780. Military Commissioner from Virginia to the
Southern army 22
BEGINNING OF CIVIL SERVICE. U. S. SENATOR.
1780. Student of law, under Jefferson 22
1782. Chosen to the Assembly 24
1782. Member of the Executive Council 24
1783. Treaty of Peace with England.
1783. Member of the Continental Congress (till 1786) . 25
1785. Proposes his Commercial Resolutions 27
1786. Marries Miss Kortwright of New York, Feb-
ruary 27
1 786. Practices law in Fredericksburg 28
1787. Chosen again to the Assembly 29
1787. Formation of the Constitution.
1788. Member of the Virginia Convention to ratify the
Constitution 30
1790. United States Senator (till 1794) 32
Xll ANNALS OF MONROE'S LIFE.
FIRST DIPLOMATIC EXPERIENCE. GOVERNOR.
AOB
1794. Commissioned Minister to France (May 28) . . 36
1794. Fall of Robespierre, July 28.
1794. Arrives in Paris (August 2) and is received by
the National Convention (August 15) ... 36
1796. Recalled to this country (August 22) 38
1796. Takes leave of the French Government (Decem-
ber 30) 38
1797. Publishes his " View, etc." 39
1798. Alien and Sedition Acts passed.
1799. Chosen Governor of Virginia (twice reflected,
holding office till 1802) 41
1799. Death of Washington.
1801. Election of Jefferson.
SECOND DIPLOMATIC EXPERIENCE. GOV-
ERNOR.
1803. Commissioned Minister to France and to Spain
(January 11) 44
1803. Arrives in Paris (April 12) 44
1803. Commissioned Minister to England (April 18) . . 44
1803. Signs the treaty ceding Louisiana (April 30) . . 45
1803. Leaves Paris (July 12) 45
1 804. Napoleon becomes Emperor.
1804. Goes from London to Madrid, to negotiate about
Florida 46
1805. Takes leave of the Spanish Court (May 21) . . 47
1806. Commissioned, with Pinkney, to negotiate a treaty
with England 47
1806. Berlin and Milan Decrees
1806. Treaty negotiated (December 31 ) 48
1807. Leaves England (October 29) 49
1807. British Orders in Council.
1808. Addresses Madison on the rejected treaty (Feb-
ruary 28) 49
ANNALS OF MONROE'S LIFE. xiii
A8I
1810. Chosen the third time to the Assembly .... 52
1811. Again chosen Governor of Virginia 53
IN THE CABINET OF MADISON.
1811. Appointed Secretary of State (till 1817) . ... 53
1812. Declaration of war against England.
1814. Appointed Secretary of War (till 1815) .... 56
1814. Capture of Washington by the British .... 56
1814. Treaty of Ghent.
PRESIDENT.
1817. Inaugurated President (March 4) 58
1817. Tour to the Eastern States (June 2 to September
17) 59
1819. Cession of Florida 61
1820. Missouri admitted 61
1821. Inaugurated President for a second term ... 62
1822. Independence of Mexico, etc., recognized ... 63
1823. Enunciation of "the Monroe Doctrine," Message
of December 2 65
1824. Reception of Lafayette 66
OLD AGE.
1825. Retires from the office of President and from
public life 66
1826. Elected a Visitor of the University of Virginia . 67
1826. Death of Adams and of Jefferson.
1829. Memberof Virginia Constitutional Convention . 71
1830 Death of Mrs. Monroe.
1831. Dies in New York (July 4) 73
1836. Death of Madison.
1858. Reinterred in Richmond, on the centennial of his
birth.
JAMES MONROE.
CHAPTER I.
STUDENT AND SOLDIER.
THE name of James Monroe, fifth President
of the United States, is associated with the chief
political events in the history of this country
during a period of somewhat more than fifty
years. He served with gallantry in the army
of the Revolution and was high in office during
the progress of the second contest with Great
Britain, and during the Seminole war ; he was
a delegate and a senator in Congress ; he was
called to the chief legislative and executive sta-
tions in Virginia ; he represented the United
States in France, Spain, and England ; he was
a prominent agent in the purchase of Louisiana
and Florida; he was a member of Madison's
cabinet, and directed (for a while simultane-
ously) the departments of State and War ; he
was twice chosen president, the second time
with an almost unanimous vote of the electoral
l
2 JAMES MONROE.
college jj his name is given to a political doc-
trine of fundamental importance ; his adminis-
tration is known as " the era of good feeling : "
yet no adequate memoir of his life has been
written, and while the papers of Washington,
Adams, Jefferson, and Madison his four pre-
decessors in the office of president have been
collected and printed in a convenient form, the
student of Monroe's career must search for the
data in numerous public documents, and in the
unassorted files of unpublished correspondence.
Monroe is not alone among the illustrious
Virginians whose memory it is well to revive.
Many years ago, St. George Tucker wrote to
William Wirt, in a half-playful, half-earnest
tone, that Socrates himself would pass unno-
ticed and forgotten in Virginia, if he were not
a public character and some of his speeches
preserved in a newspaper. " Who knows any-
thing," he asks, " of Peyton Randolph, once
the most popular man in Virginia? Who re-
members Thompson Mason, esteemed the first
lawyer at the bar ; or his brother George
Mason, of whom I have heard Mr. Madison say
that he possessed the greatest talents for de-
bate of any man he had ever heard speak ?
What is known of Dabney Carr but that he
made the motion for appointing committees of
correspondence in 1773? Virginia has pro-
STUDENT AND SOLDIER. 3
duced few men of finer talents, as I have re-
peatedly heard. I might name a number of
others," continues Tucker, " highly respected
and influential men, . . . yet how little is
known of one half of them at the present
day ? " Certainly in this second " era of good
feeling " the impartial study of such lives is a
most inviting field of biographical research, and
may especially be commended to advanced stu-
dents in our universities who can, by careful
delineations, each of some one career, contrib-
ute to the general stock of historical knowl-
edge, and acquire, at the same time, a vivid
personal interest in the progress of past events.
I shall not attempt to give in detail the per-
sonal and domestic history of Monroe, nor can I,
in the space at command, do justice to his volum-
inous writings; but I shall endeavor to show
what he was in public, how he bore himself
in the legislative, diplomatic, and administra-
tive positions to which he was called, and what
influence he exerted upon the progress of this
country. It will be necessary for the complete-
ness of the study to inquire into the early train-
ing which gave an impulse to his life, and to
examine, in conclusion, the opinions pronounced
upon his conduct by those who knew him and
by those who came after him. Another hand
will doubtless draw a more elaborate portrait ;
4 JAMES MONROE.
I shall only try to give a faithful sketch of an
honest and patriotic citizen as he discharged
the duties of exalted stations.
James Monroe, according to the family tradi-
tion recorded by his son-in-law, came from a
family of Scotch cavaliers, descendants of Hec-
tor Monroe, an officer of Charles I. 1 His parent-
age on both sides was Virginian. The father
of James was Spence Monroe, and his mother
was Eliza Jones, of King George County, a sis-
ter of Joseph Jones, who was twice sent as a
delegate from Virginia to the Continental Con-
gress, and afterwards, in 1789, was appointed
judge of the district court in the same State.
Westmoreland County, where the future Presi-
dent was born, lies on the right bank of the
Potomac, between that river and the Rappa-
hannock. It is famous for the fertility of its
soil, and for the eminent men who have been
among its inhabitants. Near the head of Mon-
roe's Creek, which empties into the Potomac,
James Monroe was born, April 28, 1758. Not
far away, nearer the Potomac, was the birth-
place of George Washington. In the same vi-
cinity dwelt Richard Henry Lee and his noted
brothers, and also their famous cousin, Henry
Lee, known as " Light Horse Harry," whose
1 See Appendix.
STUDENT AND SOLDIER. 5
still more famous sou, Robert E. Lee, led the
Confederate army in the recent war. Here also
was the early home of Bushrod Washington.
The birthplace of James Madison was in the
same peninsula, though not in the same county.
It is not strange that the enthusiastic antiqua-
ries, half a century ago, Martin, Barber, and
the rest, should speak of this region as the
Athens of Virginia, an expression which may
not be regarded as exact by classical scholars,
but cannot be called unpatriotic ! The ascend-
ancy of this region is not without its parallel. 1
During Monroe's boyhood his neighbors and
friends were greatly excited by the passage of
the Stamp Act. In 1766, several of them, in-
cluding Richard Henry Lee, Spence Monroe,
and John Monroe, joined in a remonstrance
against the execution of the act, and in many
1 A recent writer (Hon. F. J. Kingsbury) on old Connecti-
cut makes the following remark : " From the earliest settle-
ment of Connecticut down to the end of the first quarter of
the present century, agriculture was the important branch of
our industry, and land was the source as well as the represen-
tative of most of our wealth. For two hundred years it is
safe to say that the good land governed the State. Every-
where it was only necessary to know the soil in order to know
also the character of the people. The best soil bore every-
where the best men and women, and that seed which had been
winnowed out of the granaries of the old world to plant in the
new, did not take unkindly to the strong uplands and rich
bottoms of the great river and its tributaries."
6 JAMES MONROE.
other ways showed their hostility to the arbi-
trary rule of the British government. Lee had
received an academic training about ten years
before at an academy in Wakefield, Yorkshire,
and was a correspondent of men of station in
London. He suggested to his neighbors, in
1767, that they should subscribe for a portrait
of Camden, then Lord High Chancellor, as a
token of their admiration for his opposition to
the Stamp Act. The amount which they raised,
1Q 8s., was sent to Mr. Edmund Jennings,
Lincoln's Inn, London, with a request that he
would take the requisite steps to procure the
portrait. Reynolds was " the limner " selected
by the Virginians, but Lee did not hesitate to
give his personal opinion that " Mr. West,
being an American, ought to be preferred in
this matter." Lord Camden, wrote Jennings,
" having appointed several different times for
Mr. West's attending on him, hath at length,
it seems, totally forgot his promise. . . . Draw
for the money, and should his lordship at any
time recollect his engagement, and be worthy
of your approbation and honoring, I shall beg the
gentlemen [of Westmoreland] to accept from
me his portrait." The Virginians were also
eager to have a portrait of Lord Chatham, and
their correspondent, Mr. Jennings, had a fine
likeness copied and sent to the old Dominion.
STUDENT AND SOLDIER. 7
Lee wrote from Chantilly, in 1769, that the gen-
tlemen of Westmoreland returned their thanks
" for the very genteel present of Lord Chat-
ham's picture. It arrived in fine order, and is
very much admired. They propose to place it
in the court house, thinking the Assembly may
furnish themselves with his lordship's picture."
He adds that his brother, Dr. Lee, can show
Mr. Jennings " the proceedings of our last As-
sembly, by which you may judge how bright the
flame of liberty burns here, and may surely con-
vince a tyrannous administration that honesty
and equity alone can secure the cordiality and
affection of Virginia." Under influences like
these the young Monroe was trained in the love
of civil liberty. Indeed, Bishop Meade declares
that Virginia had been fighting the battles of
the Revolution for one hundred and fifty years
before the Declaration. 1
The College of William and Mary had been
in existence, with varying fortunes, not far from
one hundred and fifteen years, when James
Monroe entered it as a student, a short time
before the beginning of the war. Its historian
claims that it was then the richest college in
North America, having an annual income of
4,000. A scholar cannot read the early ac-
counts of that venerable foundation, next in age
1 Old Churches, etc., of Virginia, L 15.
8 JAMES MONROE.
to Harvard, and examine the list of those who
have been trained for their country's service
within its walls, without deep regret that the
fire and the sword have so often interfered with
its prosperity, or without the wish that restitu-
tion may be made in full for some of its most
recent losses.
When Monroe began his college studies, Wil-
liamsburg, the strategic point of the peninsula
between the James and the York, was the seat
both of the colonial government and of the col-
lege. Bishop Meade, with conscious exaggera-
tion, speaks of the capital as a miniature copy
of the Court of St. James, " while the old
church and its grave-yard, and the college
chapel were si licet cum magnis componere
parva the Westminster Abbey and the St.
Paul's of London, where the great ones were
interred."
At the signal of rebellion against the British
/tuthority, three of the professors and between
twenty -five and thirty students are said to
have joined their comrades from Harvard, Yale,
and Princeton in the military ranks. Among
the volunteers John Marshall and James Mon-
roe were found. In allusion to these young
patriots, Hon. H. B. Grigsby, in his historical
discourse on the Virginia Convention of 1776,
spoke as follows :
STUDENT AND SOLDIER. 9
" I see that generous band of students who at the
beginning of the Revolution hurriedly cast aside the
gown and sallied forth to fight the battles of the
United Colonies, . . . and when the struggle was
past I see two tall and gallant youths, who had been
classmates in early youth, and whose valor had shone
on many a field, enter their names on your lists and,
after an abode beneath your roof, depart once more
to serve their country in the Senate and in the most
celebrated courts of Europe, crowning their past ca-
reer by filling, one the chief magistracy of the Union,
the other the highest of the federal judiciary."
It is also worthy to be mentioned here, that
the Phi Beta Kappa Society, whose chapters
have been established in so many colleges, was
formed at William and Mary, December 5,
1776. The first meeting, we are told, was held
in the Apollo Hall of the old Raleigh tavern, a
room in which the burning words of Henry
had been heard. In the printed list of orig-
inal members the names of John Marshall and
Bushrod Washington appear, but I do not find
James Monroe's. 1
The public career of James Monroe began in
1776 with his joining the continental army at
the headquarters of Washington near New York,
as a lieutenant in the third Virginian regiment
under Colonel Hugh Mercer. He was with the
1 See the History of the College of William and Mary, 1874.
10 JAMES MONROE.
troops at Haerlem (September 16), and at White
Plains (October 28), and at Trenton, where he
received an honorable wound (December 26).
His part in the last mentioned engagement is
described by General Wilkinson in his printed
memoirs, and with slightly different language
in a manuscript preserved in the Gouverneur
papers. From this statement it appears that,
as the British were forming in the main street
of Trenton, the advanced guard of the Amer-
ican left was led by Captain William Wash-
ington and Lieutenant James Monroe. The
British were driven back and two pieces of
artillery were captured. Captain Washington
was wounded through the wrist, and Lieuten-
ant Monroe through the shoulder. " These par-
ticular acts of gallantry," says the narrative,
" have never been noticed, yet they cannot be
too highly appreciated, since to them may, in
a great measure, be ascribed the facility of our
success."
During the campaigns of 1777-78 Monroe
served as a volunteer aid, and with the rank of
major, on the staff of the Earl of Stirling, and
took part in the battles of Brandywine (Sep-
tember 11), German town (October 4), and
Monmouth (June 28). l His temporary promo-
1 He is said to have been with Lafayette when the latter was
wounded.
STUDENT AND SOLDIER. H
tion appears to have been an obstacle to his
permanent preferment, for by it he lost his
place in the continental line. Strong influ-
ences were brought to bear in Virginia to se-
cure for him some suitable position in the
forces of that State. Lord Stirling gave him
testimonials, and the Commander-in-Chief
wrote a long letter, addressed to Archibald
Gary, and doubtless intended for other eyes,
rehearsing in terms of careful commendation
the merits of young Monroe. These are the
words of Washington :
* The zeal he discovered by entering the service at
an early period, the character he supported in his
regiment, and the manner in which he received a
wound, induced me to appoint him to a captaincy in
one of the additional regiments. This regiment fail-
ing, from the difficulty of recruiting, he entered into
Lord Stirling's family and has served two campaigns
as a volunteer aid to his lordship. He has in every
instance maintained the reputation of a brave, active,
and sensible officer. As we cannot introduce him into
the continental line, it were to be wished that the
State could do something for him."
But even the possession of a good record, and
the encouragement of Washington, with the in-
dorsements of Lord Stirling and the patronage
of Jefferson, could not effect everything. Mr.
Adams says the exhausted state of the country
12 JAMES MONROE.
prevented the raising of a new regiment, and
the active military services of Monroe were
afterwards restricted to occasional duties as a
volunteer in defence of the State against the
distressing invasions with which it was visited.
Once, after the fall of Charleston, S. C., in
1780, according to the same writer, he repaired,
at the request of Governor Jefferson, as a mili-
tary commissioner to collect and report informa-
tion with regard to the condition and prospects
of the Southern army, a trust which he dis-
charged to the satisfaction of the authorities. 1
He thus attained to the rank of lieutenant-
colonel, and here his military services were in-
terrupted.
It is not surprising to discover that the young
officer, who had quickly attained distinction,
was paralyzed by inactivity. " Till lately," he
writes to Lord Stirling in September, 1782,
apologizing for a long epistolary silence, " I
have been a recluse. Chagrined with my dis-
appointment in not attaining the rank and
command I sought, chagrined with some disap-
pointments in a private line, I retired from soci-
ety with almost a resolution never to return to
it again."
In this state of mind he thought of going
abroad, and Jefferson wrote a letter introducing
1 Eulogy by J. Q. Adams.
STUDENT AND SOLDIER. 13
him to Franklin, then resident in Paris. After-
wards, like many others in adversity, he sought
solace in books, and recurred to the studies
which had been interrupted by the breaking out
of the war. There is still extant an interesting
letter addressed to Monroe, in the time of his
despondency, by Judge Jones, whose name has
already been mentioned. It is the earliest I
have seen in a long series preserved among
the Gouverneur manuscripts combining the
shrewd remarks upon political affairs of a man
in public life, with the confidential sugges-
tions of an uncle to the nephew whom he wab
watching with almost paternal affection. It is
much to be desired that the letters of Monroe, at
this period, should be recovered, but even
without them we may learn, by reflection from
the correspondence of the judge, much which
was passing in the young man's mind. Mon-
roe had consulted his uncle as to whether it
would be best for him to follow the lectures
on law to be given by Mr. Wythe, in the col-
lege at Williamsburg, or to follow the fortunes
of Mr. Jefferson, then governor, at Richmond.
The advice which was given betrays the sagac-
ity of the counsellor.
14 JAMES MONROE.
JOSEPH JONES TO JAMES MONROE, MARCH 7, 1780.
" This post will bring you a letter from me, account-
Ing for your not hearing sooner what had been done
in your affairs. If your overseer sends up before
next post-day you shall hear the particulars. Charles
Lewis, going down to the college, gives me an oppor-
tunity of answering, by him, your inquiry respecting
your removal with the Governor, or attending Mr.
Wythe's lectures. If Mr. Wythe means to pursue
Mr. Blackstone's method I should think you ought
to attend him from the commencement of his course,
if at all, and to judge of this, for want of proper in-
formation, is difficult ; indeed I incline to think Mr.
Wythe, under the present state of our laws, will be
much embarrassed to deliver lectures with that per-
spicuity and precision which might be expected from
him under a more established and settled state of
them. The undertaking is arduous and the subject
intricate at the best, but is rendered much more so
from the circumstances of the country and the im-
perfect system now in use, inconsistent in some in-
stances with the principles of the Constitution of the
national government. Should the revision be passed
the next session, it would, I think, lighten his labors
and render them more useful to the student ; other-
wise he will be obliged to pursue the science under
the old form, pointing out in his course the inconsis-
tency with the present established government and
the proposed alterations. Whichever method he may
like, or whatever plan he may lay down to govern
STUDENT AND SOLDIER. 15
him, I doubt not it will be executed with credit to
himself and satisfaction and benefit to his auditors.
The Governor need not fear the favor of the commu-
nity as to his future appointment, while he continues
to make the common good his study. I have no in-
timate acquaintance with Mr. Jefferson, but from the
knowledge I have of him, he is in my opinion as
proper a man as can be put into the office, having
the requisites of ability, firmness, and diligence. You
do well to cultivate his friendship, and cannot fail to
entertain a grateful sense of the favors he has con-
ferred upon you, and while you continue to deserve
his esteem he will not withdraw his countenance. If,
therefore, upon conferring with him upon the subject
he wishes or shows a desire that you go with him, I
would gratify him. Should you remain to attend
Mr. Wythe, I would do it with his approbation, and
under the expectation that when you come to Rich-
mond you shall hope for the continuance of his friend-
ship and assistance. There is likelihood the cam-
paign will this year be to the South, and in the course
of it events may require the exertions of the militia of
this State ; in which case, should a considerable body
be called for, I hope Mr. Jefferson will head them
himself ; and you no doubt will be ready cheerfully
to give him your company and assistance, as well to
make some return of civility to him as to satisfy
your own feelings for the common good."
No one will be surprised to find that under
such circumstances, and with such advice, the
16 JAMES MONROE.
young aspirant became attached to the Gov-
ernor. He writes to Lord Stirling, in the let-
ter already quoted, " I submitted the direction
of my time and plan to my friend Mr. Jeffer-
son, one of our wisest and most virtuous repub-
licans, and aided by his advice I have hitherto,
of late, lived."
I am strongly inclined to believe that the in-
timacy with Jefferson, the early stages of which
are here described, was the key to Monroe's po-
litical career. On many subsequent occasions
the support and counsel of the older statesman
had a marked influence upon the life of the
younger. Their friendship continued till it was
broken by Jefferson's death. Fifty years after
the incidents here narrated the teacher and the
pupil, having both served in the office of Presi-
dent, were associated with a third ex-President,
the life-long friend of both, in the control of
the University of Virginia, and repeatedly met
in council at Charlottesville.
CHAPTER II.
LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.
MONROE was called into service as a legis-
lator at a very early period of his life. If
his public career had been restricted to such
opportunities of influence he would have been
conspicuous among the statesmen of Virginia.
He was first a delegate to the Assembly and
a member of the executive council ; he went
to the fourth, fifth, and sixth Congresses of
the Confederation ; for a second time he was re-
turned to the Assembly ; he was a member of
the convention in Virginia which adopted the
United States Constitution ; he was a senator
of the United States before his diplomatic ser-
vice began ; and after long interruptions, and
the attainment of national eminence, his pres-
ence gave dignity to the convention which
adopted the Constitution of 1830, though age
and infirmities precluded an active participation
in the proceedings. Eleven years of his early
life were nearly all devoted to legislative work,
but so far as this related to the affairs of Vir-
ginia I do not discover any traces of notewor-
2
18 JAMES MONROE.
thy influence. A letter of his to Jefferson
(in 1782), when the latter in an aggrieved
mood was absenting himself from the House
of Delegates, has been printed, and the reply
which it drew forth. 1 The plainness of Mon-
roe's words and the frankness of the reply
which he received, indicate a continuance of
the intimacy already referred to. It was like-
wise to Monroe that Jefferson wrote, three
years later, from Paris, explaining why he did
not publish his printed notes on Virginia: "I
fear the terms in which I speak of slavery and
of our Constitution will do more harm than
good ; " and again, " I sincerely wish you may
find it convenient to come here ; the pleasure
of the trip will be less than you expect, but the
utility greater. It will make you adore your
own country, its soil, its climate, its equality,
liberty, laws, people, and manners."
On the other hand, as a delegate in Congress
Monroe was conspicuous, and the record of his
service is closely involved with those important
discussions which revealed the imperfection of
the Confederation. His term of service ex-
tended from 1783 to 1786, and he attended the
sessions which were held in Annapolis, where
he saw Washington resign his commission,
Trenton, and New York. During this period
i Jefferson's Works, i. 316. Randall's Jefferson, i. 413.
LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA. 19
he corresponded intimately (sometimes using a
cipher) with Joseph Jones, Madison, and Jeffer-
son, and a large part of his letters are still ex-
tant, with many of the answers.
Soon after the war it became evident that the
powers of the Confederation were quite inade-
quate for the proper regulation of commerce,
and Congress, as well as the public men who
were not in Congress, was seriously engaged in
searching for the requisite remedy. Monroe
took a prominent part in the discussions, and
the noteworthy motion which he made upon
the subject was referred to a special commit-
tee, who reported a recommendation, that the
ninth of the articles of confederation be so al-
tered as to secure to Congress the power to
regulate commerce, with the assent of nine
States in Congress assembled. 1
He favored a regulation that all imposts
should be collected under the authority and
accrue to the use of the State in which the
same might be payable. The report embodying
this proviso was read in Congress March 28,
1785, and the copy of it preserved in the pub-
lic archives has a few corrections in Monroe's
1 This subject has been carefully studied by Mr. Bancroft,
and presented in his new volumes with so much fulness that
I can only follow his guidance. See his Hist, of the U. S.
Const, i. 192-196. Cf. Sparks, Washington, ix. 503-507.
20 JAMES MONROE.
handwriting. Many interesting papers are ex-
tant which bear upon this question, among
them a letter from James McHenry to Wash-
ington, and the latter's reply. The Virginia
Assembly also engaged in the discussion of a
series of propositions which tended in the same
direction. On April 12 Monroe wrote to Jef-
ferson, sending him the committee's report,
and saying that he thinks it best to postpone
action on it for a time. " It hath been brought
so far," he adds, " without a prejudice against
it. If carried farther here, prejudices will take
place." He thinks it better that the States
should act separately upon the measure. A
few weeks later he wrote again to Jefferson as
follows : " The report upon the ninth article
hath not been taken up ; the importance of the
subject and the deep and radical change it will
create in the bond of the union, together with
the conviction that something must be done,
seems to create an aversion or rather a fear
of acting on it." Then, as if he foresaw the
coming concentration of powers in the general
government, he expresses a belief that the
proposed change, if adopted, will certainly in-
troduce " the most permanent and powerful
principle in the Confederation." l A month
later (July 15) Jefferson was again told how
1 Bancroft, Hist, of the U. S. Const, i. 450-455.
LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA. 21
the debate went forward. " In my opinion," says
Monroe, " the reasons in favor of changing the
ninth article are conclusive, but the opposition
is respectable in point of numbers as well as
talents. What will be done is uncertain." To
Madison he afterwards writes, summing up
quite carefully the arguments on both sides.
December came and Congress did not act.
" The advocates for the measure will scarcely
succeed," said Randolph to Washington, " so
strong are the apprehensions in some minds of
an abuse of the power." At the end of the
month, Monroe, still sure of the necessity of
committing to the United States the power of
regulating trade, wrote once more to Madison.
In February the prospect was no better. In
May there was a gleam of light. The plan
of a convention at Annapolis (which in March
Monroe himself had not favored) had taken
the subject from before Congress. " As it orig-
inated with our State," he writes, " we think
it our duty to promote its object by all the
means in our power. Of its success I must
confess I have some hope. . . . Truth and
sound state policy in every instance will urge
the commission of the power to the United
States." Thus it was that Congress by its
own lack of power was led to the convention
which formed the Constitution, and, in a far
22 JAMES MONROE.
wiser manner than that originally suggested,
provided for the regulation of trade. But in
August Monroe was despondent. " Our affairs,"
he writes, "are daily falling into a worse situ-
ation ; " there is a party, he says, ready to dis-
member the confederacy and throw the States
eastward of the Hudson into one government.
He urges Madison to use his utmost exertions
in the convention to obtain good as well as to
prevent mischief, and adds to his appeal this
pregnant postscript : " I have always consid-
ered the regulation of trade in the hands of
the United States as necessary to preserve the
Union ; without it, it will infallibly tumble
to pieces ; but I earnestly wish the admission
of a few additional States into the confederacy
in the Southern scale." The question, it is
well known, was finally settled in the conven-
tion at Philadelphia, Delaware and South Car-
olina voting with the North against Maryland,
Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia. 1
In March, 1784, Monroe, with Jefferson,
Hardy, and A. Lee, delivered to Congress a deed
which ceded to the United States Virginia's
claims to the northwest territory, and thence-
forward the government of that region con-
tinued to be one of the subjects in which he
took most interest. During the summer recess
1 Bancroft, ii. 162.
LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA. 23
of Congress he made an extended tour of obser-
vation. To Jefferson, July 20, he wrote as fol-
lows : " The day after to-morrow I set out upon
the route through the western country. I have
changed the direction and shall commence for
the westward upon the North River by Albany.
I shall pass through the lakes, visit the posts,
and come down to the Ohio and thence home."
Thus he hopes " to acquire a better knowledge
of the posts which we should occupy, the cause
of the delay of the evacuation by British troops,
the temper of the Indians toward us, as well
as of the soil, waters, and in general the natural
view of the country." He wrote to Governor
Harrison as to what had taken place in Canada ;
and to Madison, November 15, on the impor-
tance of garrisoning the western forts, about to
be given up by the British. On December 2
John Marshall congratulated him on " a safe
return to the Atlantic part of the world."
Some months later, when a conference was to
be held at the mouth of the Great Miami with
the Shawnees, Monroe again went beyond the
Alleghanies, as far as Fort Pitt, and began the
descent of the Ohio, but abandoned the expe-
dition on account of the low state of the water,
and returned to Richmond. These two jour-
neys had a marked influence upon his action
in Congress, as the careful narrative of Ban-
24 JAMES MONROE.
croft, already repeatedly quoted, shows most
clearly. On the motion of Monroe a grand
committee was appointed by Congress to con-
sider the division of the western territory, and
their report was presented March 24. A little
later, another committee, of which Monroe was
chairman, was appointed to consider and report
a form of temporary government for the Wes-
tern States. His report, which said nothing of
slavery, failed of adoption. A year later a new
committee prepared a new ordinance, which
embodied the best parts of the work of their
predecessors. I will give the rest of the story
in Bancroft's own language :
" The ordinance contained no allusion to slavery ;
and in that form it received its first reading and was
ordered to be printed. Grayson, then presiding offi-
cer of Congress, had always opposed slavery. Two
years before he had wished success to the attempt of
King for its restriction ; and everything points to
him as the immediate cause of the tranquil spirit of
disinterested statesmanship which took possession of
every Southern man in the assembly. Of the mem-
bers of Virginia, Richard Henry Lee had stood
against Jefferson on this very question ; but now he
acted with Grayson, and from the States of which no
man had yielded before, every one chose the part
which was to bring on their memory the benedictions
of all coming ages. Obeying an intimation from the
LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA. 25
South, Nathan Dane copied from Jefferson the pro-
hibition of involuntary servitude in the territory, and
quieted alarm by adding from the report of King a
clause for the delivering up of the fugitive slave.
This, at the second reading of the ordinance, he
moved as a sixth article of compact, and on the thir-
teenth day of July, 1787, the great statute forbidding
slavery to cross the river Ohio was passed by the
vote of Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina,
Virginia, Delaware, New Jersey, New York, and
Massachusetts, all the States that were then present
in Congress. Pennsylvania and three States of New
England were absent ; Maryland only of the South."
At the next Assembly in Virginia, a commit-
tee of which Monroe was a member " brought
forward the bill by which Virginia confirmed
the ordinance for the colonization of all the ter-
ritory then in the possession of the United
States by freemen alone."
Among other subjects in which Monroe took
a deep interest while a delegate in Congress, the
navigation of the Mississippi was prominent.
The treaty with Great Britain had stipulated
that this river from its source to its mouth
should be open to the subjects of Great Britain
and' the citizens of the United States. Spain
objected. Some parties were ready to surrender
this right, but among those who persistently
refused to do so were the Virginia delegates,
26 JAMES MONROE.
including Monroe, who wrote a memoir in
1786 to prove the right of the inhabitants of
the western country to a free navigation of
the Mississippi. Positive action was postponed
until the new government was about to be or-
ganized, and Congress then declared its opinion
in clear and bold terms. It was due to the
foresight and firmness of a few strong men that
the claims of Spain were not acknowledged,
and that the acquisition of the territory in-
volved was finally completed after Monroe be-
came president.
Near the end of the year 1784 Monroe was
selected as one of nine judges to decide the
boundary dispute in which Massachusetts and
New York were involved, and after some delib-
eration he accepted the position ; but the case
being postponed, he resigned and another com-
missioner was chosen. The court, it is said,
never met ; but Monroe's relation to the mat-
ter has been the subject of comment. Mr.
Adams gives this statement in respect to it :
that Monroe had been conspicuous above all
others in proceedings which concerned the navi-
gation of the Mississippi, and had taken the lead
in opposition to Jay, who proposed a compro-
mise with Spain ; and that it was in the heat
of temper kindled by this discord that Monroe
resigned his commission. 1
1 J. Q. Adams, Eulogy, pp. 225-232.
LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA. 27
111 the Virginia convention of 1788, the
party favoring the United States Constitution
was led by Madison, Marshall, and Edmund
Randolph. The leader of the opposition was
Patrick Henry, and James Monroe stood by his
side in company with W. Grayson and G. Ma-
son. Two of. his speeches as reported in the
Debates are worthy of mention here. 1 In the
first of them, delivered June 10, he made an
elaborate historical argument in which the
experience of the Amphictyonic council, the
Achasan league, the Germanic system, the Swiss
cantons, and the New England confederacy were
successively referred to, a theme which seems
to have been the germ of a posthumous publica-
tion, to which reference will hereafter be made.
He assumes the value of the Union, to which
" the people from New Hampshire to Georgia,
Rhode Island excepted, have uniformly shown
attachment." Examining the proposed Consti-
tution, he claims that there are no adequate
checks upon the exercise of power ; he foresees
conflict between the national and state author-
ities. As for the President, he foresees that
" whence he is once elected he may be elected
forever."
In closing the speech he says that he regards
1 Debates of the Convention of Virginia, 1788, reported by
David Robertson, p. 154.
28 JAMES MONROE.
the proposed government as dangerous, and
calculated to secure neither the interests nor
the rights of our countrymen. " Under such
an one I shall be averse to embark the best
hopes of a free people. We have struggled
long to bring about this revolution by which we
enjoy our present freedom and security. Why
then this haste, this wild precipitation ? "
At a later stage Monroe explained the Con-
gressional disputes about the Mississippi, the
purport of which was to show that the western
country would be less secure under the Consti-
tution than it was under the Confederation.
He finally assented to a ratification of the Con-
stitution by Virginia upon the condition that
her amendments should be accepted. Many
years later he thus, in a letter to Andrew Jack-
son, gave his recollections of the monarchical
tendencies which were shown by his contempo-
raries before and after the adoption of the Con-
stitution. He writes as follows :
December, 1816. " We have heretofore been di-
vided into two great parties. That some of the lead-
ers of the Federal party entertained principles un-
friendly to our system of government, I have been
thoroughly convinced ; and that they meant to work
a change in it by taking advantage of favorable cir-
cumstances, I am equally satisfied. It happened that
I was a member of Congress under the confedera-
LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA. 29
tion, just before the change made by the adoption of
the present Constitution, and afterwards of the Sen-
ate, beginning shortly after its adoption. In the
former I served three years, and in the latter rather
a longer term. In these stations I saw indications
of the kind suggested. It was an epoch at which
the views of men were most likely to unfold them-
selves, as, if anything favorable to a higher toned
government was to be obtained, that was the time.
The movement in France tended, also, then, to test
the opinions and principles of men, which was dis-
closed in a manner to leave no doubt on my mind of
what I have suggested. No daring attempt was ever
made, because there was no opportunity for it. I
thought that Washington was opposed to their
schemes, and not being able to take him with them,
that they were forced to work, in regard to him, un-
der-handed, using his name and standing with the
nation, as far as circumstances permitted, to serve
their purposes. The opposition, which was carried
on with great firmness, checked the career of this
party, and kept it within moderate limits. Many of
the circumstances on which my opinion is founded
took place in debate and in society, and therefore
find no place in any public document. I am satisfied,
however, that sufficient proof exists, founded on facts
and opinions of distinguished individuals, which be-
came public, to justify that which I had formed. . . .
" My candid opinion is that the dangerous purposes
I have adverted to were never adopted, if they were
known, especially in their full extent, by any large
30 JAMES MONROE.
portion of the Federal party, but were confined to
certain leaders, and they principally to the eastward.
The manly and patriotic conduct of a great propor-
tion of that party in the other States, I might, per-
haps, say all who had an opportunity of displaying it,
is a convincing proof of this fact."
Jefferson, referring to the same period, spoke
as follows in the introduction to his " Ana : "
" The contests of that day were contests of
principle between the advocates of republican
and those of kingly government."
Notwithstanding Monroe's opposition to the
adoption of the new Constitution he was among
the earliest to take office under it. The first
choice of Virginia for senators fell on Richard
Henry Lee and William Grayson. The latter
died soon after his appointment, and Monroe
was selected by the Legislature to fill the va-
cant place, instead of John Walker, who had
been chosen by the Executive of the State.
He took his seat in the Senate December 6,
1790, and held the position until May, 1794.
It does not appear that he was conspicuous as
a debater ; but he made himself felt in other
ways, and was regarded as among the most de-
cided opponents of Washington's administra-
tion. He was particularly hostile to Hamilton,
and on one occasion, when the latter was talked
LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA. 31
about as likely to be sent to England, trans-
gressed the limits of senatorial courtesy by ad-
dressing a letter to the President with intima-
tions of what he could say if an opportunity
were afforded him. He was opposed to the
measures which were carried for establishing
on a sound basis the national finances. He pro-
posed a suspension of the fourth article of the
definitive treaty with Great Britain until that
power complied with her stipulations. He
strongly objected to the selection of Morris
and Jay as ministers respectively to France
and England. Indeed, during all this period
he appears in the part of one who doubted the
wisdom of the dominant views in respect to
the new order of government, and who did not
hesitate to put obstacles in the way of those
who were endeavoring to give dignity and force
to the new United States. He was therefore
surprised, and so were many others, that he
was selected while still a senator to be the
successor of Gouverneur Morris as minister to
France. He had objected to Jay's appointment
partly on the ground that such an office should
not be given to one of the federal judiciary, and
the wiseacres were not slow to taunt him for
accepting, in place of his senatorial rank, the
dignity of a diplomatic station. The rest of this
atory will be told in the following chapter.
32 JAMES MONROE.
Although it is not next in order, it is con-
venient to place here the little which is to be
said of the executive station to which Mon-
roe, on his return from diplomatic services, was
twice called in his native State. He was first
chosen governor of Virginia in 1799 (after his
recall from France), and served for a period of
three years. He was again chosen in 1811,
held the office for part of a year, and gave it
up in order to enter the cabinet of Madison.
His first election was opposed by John Breck-
enridge, who received 66 votes, while Monroe
received 101. The Richmond " Federalist " of
December 7 declared the day before to be "a
day of mourning." Virginia's " misfortunes
may be comprised in one short sentence, Mon-
roe is elected governor I "
During his first administration a conspiracy
among the slaves was brought to light, and was
suppressed by his power as governor. The in-
cident has recently been called to mind by a
widely read novel in which there is a graphic
picture of a servile insurrection and its timely
discovery. 1 Howison's story is as follows. 2 Not
far from Richmond dwelt Thomas Prosser, who
owned a number of slaves, among them one
who became known as " General Gabriel," a
1 Homoselle, by Mrs. Tiernan.
a Howison, History of Virginia, p. 390.
LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA. 33
man " distinguished for his intelligence and his
influence with his class." Near by lived another
slave called " Jack Bowler." By their agency
nearly a thousand slaves, it was supposed, were
secretly enlisted in a plot to attack Richmond
by night and there begin a war of extermina-
tion against the whites. Just before the pro-
posed assault a slave named " Pharaoh " es-
caped from the conspirators during a storm aud
revealed the project to the people of Richmond.
The tidings were carried to Governor Monroe,
the alarm was given, the militia called out, and
preparations were made to meet the assailants.
The streams were so swollen by the fall of rain
that the movements of the insurgents were de-
layed, and they soon perceived that their secret
had been discovered. The ringleaders were sub-
sequently found and punished ; and so many
others, that a reaction took place in public feel-
ing, and a merciful arrest of justice occurred
before all the guilty had been reached.
For several years, after 1806, John Randolph
was a frequent correspondent of Monroe. He
urges him to come back from England ; he
guards him against compromitment to men in
whom he cannot wholly confide ; he gives him
a dark hint of " the stage effect " he will be
made to produce ; he flatters him with expecta-
3
34 JAMES MONROE.
tions of the next nomination to the presidency ;
he disparages Madison ; he says that Monroe
will hardly know the country when he arrives ;
"intrigue has arrived at a pitch which I hardly
supposed it would have reached in five cent-
uries ; " " life has afforded me few enjoyments
which I value in comparison with your friend-
ship." These nattering words, tempered with
insinuations against Madison, were addressed to
Monroe in the belief and wish that he could
be brought forward as a candidate for the presi-
dency at the close of Jefferson's term. Ran-
dolph's purpose failed, Madison became presi-
dent and Monroe governor (after brief service
in the Assembly). A little later Randolph
quarrelled with Monroe, because, as he thought,
the latter was inclined to repudiate the views
he had held on his return from England. He
charged him with tergiversation in order to be-
come chief magistrate of the Commonwealth.
The climax of their disagreement was reached
when Monroe was called to the cabinet of
Madison.
Many years later (in 1814) Randolph, still
quarrelsome, attacked Monroe's conscription
project by pointing out the course of the latter
in respect to Federal usurpation when he was
governor, charging upon him the fact that the
LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA. 35
grand armory at Richmond was built to enable
Virginia to resist encroachment upon her indis-
putable rights. 1
1 For all this story in detail, and many original letters, see
the life of John Randolph by Henry Adams.
CHAPTER III.
ENVOY IN FRANCE.
MONROE'S career as a diplomatist exhibits
first the misfortune and then the good fortune
which may attend ministerial action in a foreign
land, when long periods must elapse before let-
ters can be interchanged with the government
at home. In critical junctures responsibility
must be assumed by the representative of a na-
tion, who runs the risk that his words and
actions, however wise and necessary they ap-
pear to him, will not be approved by those
who sent him abroad. In qniet days a foreign
embassy is an enviable position, but Monroe
was neither the first envoy nor the last who has
found in troublesome times that it is difficult to
act with a near-sighted view of the field so as
to keep the support of those who are far-sighted.
His first mission to France began brilliantly
and ended with an irritation of his spirit which
he carried with him, like the bullet received
at Trenton, to the very end of his life; his sec-
ond mission to France, undertaken with some
distrust, led to a fortunate negotiation which
brightened all his subsequent days.
ENVOY IN FRANCE 87
While a senator in Congress, Monroe was se-
lected, as we have seen, to represent the United
States in Paris, after it became necessary for
Gouverneur Morris to give way. Washington's
first choice for the position was Thomas Pinck-
ney, whom he would have transferred from
England to France if Jay had consented to re-
main the minister in England. As this project
was not successful, the appointment was offered
to Robert R. Livingston, who did not accept
it. A few weeks later (May 28, 1794) Monroe
was commissioned. He was far from agreeing
with the administration, as was perfectly well
known ; but he held such opinions in respect
to the French that a favorable reception for
him might reasonably be expected. Washing-
ton's position was one of much responsibility.
There was great danger that the United States,
scarcely beginning to recover from the revolu-
tionary struggle, and with the experiment of
the Constitution not yet five years old, would
be involved in war with France or England in
consequence of their unjustifiable reprisals and
their attitude in respect to the commerce of neu-
trals. It was most important for the safety of
the Union as well as for the prosperity of the
people that war should be averted, and much
appeared to depend upon the envoys. So Jay
was sent to England and Monroe to France.
38 JAMES MONROE.
Looking back on these appointments, nearly
forty years afterwards, John Quincy Adams
declared them to be among the most memo-
rable events in the history of this Union. To
understand this in our day, we must remember
the bitter relations, " tinged with infusions of
the wormwood and the gall," which then di-
vided France and England ; and the partisan
feelings which already separated Republicans
from Federalists.
The state of feeling in Congress prior to
Monroe's mission is familiar enough to all his-
torical readers ; but I have before me a long
file of letters which have never been made pub-
lic, exhibiting in the intimacy of fraternal corre-
spondence the current of opinion in Congress ;
and I make from them the following ex-
tracts to give a fresh and original record of a
tale which has often been told : l
January, 1794. I think we are in no danger of
being drawn into the European war unless the
French should be mad enough to declare war against
everybody that will not fraternize with them.
January, 1794. It may, I believe, fairly be pre-
sumed that we shall not get into a wrangle with tho
French nation.
1 These extracts are from letters by Joshua Coit of New
London, Conn., a representative in Congress, to his brother,
Daniel L. Coit.
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 39
January 25, 1794. We have announced to us in
a letter from the President this day, that he has
from the French Court assurances that M. Genet's
conduct here has met with unequivocal disapproba-
tion, and that his recall will be expected as soon as
possible. I give it you nearly in the words of his
letter. Why he has not before made the communi-
cation as it arrived by the Dispatch (a sloop of about
thirty tons) last week ; whether he has letters from
the French ministry or only from Mr. Morris, I
am without information.
January 31, 1794. A strange portion [szc] of
French frenzy is working in this country. We see
much of it in Congress, principally among the South-
ern members. It enters, as you will see, into the
debates on Mr. Madison's propositions. I have men-
tioned it to you, I believe, in a former letter. One
would have expected from these owners of slave?
and men of large fortunes a different complexion ;
but our rankest democratical principle is all from
the South, and they consider us New England men
as aristocrats. I feel more apprehension of the gen-
eral government being too weak than that it will
gather a strength dangerous to the liberties of the
people. I would hope, however, that no more of
party is mixed in our composition than may be whole-
some. Mr. M.'s resolutions have now been under
discussion for about a fortnight. Gentlemen take an
amazing latitude in their discussions, and from the
debates one would be led to suppose we were forming
commercial treaties that were to embrace all the in-
40 JAMES MONROE.
terests of the United States. The first resolution is
a mighty vague, general thing, and will apply to any
alteration of our revenue system almost; perhaps
this may be carried, but I think the others or any-
thing like them cannot ; they have engrossed all the
time of Congress for this fortnight past.
February 15, 1794. The fact is, I think, every
day more and more evinced, that some of our South-
ern gentlemen, Virginians especially, have a most un-
conquerable aversion for the British nation, and
partiality for France. The debts due from that
country to G. B. may have their effect in fomenting
and keeping up their animosity, and they seem to
wish to fix some immovable obstructions to a friend-
ly intercourse between the two countries, and there
is but too much reason to fear that the measures
they pursue are in good degree influenced by their
dissatisfaction at some steps that have been taken
since the establishment of the present government,
the funding system and bank especially. They pro-
fess peace that energetic measures are those only
by which it can be preserved. Britain is to be so
afflicted with our non-importation agreement that, to
persuade us to give it up, she is to do everything which
we may demand of her ; and if, on the contrary, she
is disposed to fight she is exhausted and weakened
by the war in which she is now engaged, and with
the help of France we shall give her the worst of it.
I still hope peace ; but if this measure is carried
through, I shall then despair.
March 7, 1794. The measures you mention are
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 41
regarded as very extraordinary ; equally so is that of
the French detaining our ships in their ports. 'T is
perhaps fortunate for us that we are ill-treated by
both the belligerent powers ; experiencing no favor
from either, we shall be less an object of jealousy
from either, and probably less in danger of rushing
into the war than if we were ill-treated by one only.
I believe we had better suffer almost anything than
get into the war. Time and patience will, I hope,
cure all.
March 13, 1794. It seems to me the British
nation must contemplate some inconvenience in the
loss of our trade in case of a rupture, and that the
fair and honorable neutrality we have preferred
should command their respect. But they apprehend
we feel a partiality for the French, and nations at
war very readily regard as enemies those who are not
their friends, and they very naturally contemplate
the going to war with another nation with much less
reluctance than changing from peace to war. No
measures will be taken hastily on the subject by us,
I believe. The infancy of our government and our
revenue depending almost altogether on foreiga
commerce, which would by a war be greatly de-
ranged if not cut off, make the evils to be appre-
hended by us in this event peculiarly serious. But
\f they will fight with us we must do the best we can.
March 24, 1794. The minds of people are so
much agitated, and resentments are so warm, that
there is reason to fear that we shall be harried into
the torrent that is ravaging Europe.
42 JAMES MONROE.
March 25, 1794. If the embargo gets through
I shall be almost inclined to think the Rubicon is
passed and that war is inevitable. Not so much that
tho British will regard it as a hostile measure, but
that it will tend to sharpen the minds of people, and
precipitate us, from the heat of our passions, into tho
war.
March 27, 1794. If we must enter into a war I
should feel very unhappy to enter it under the au-
spices of an act which would appear to me a compli-
cation of villainy and bad policy.
March 28, 1794. We have a mad proposition
before the House, brought in yesterday, for seques-
tering British debts to form a fund for compensation
to the sufferers by British spoliations. I feared it
would pass, but the fever of the mind seems to be
cooling a little, and I begin to hope for better things.
April 8, 1794. I am still persuaded that the
threatening appearances will blow over and leave us
at peace, in spite of the unaccountable proceedings
of the British in the West Indies. I do not believe
they mean to go to war with us.
April 13, 1794. A minister to the Court of
London is still talked of, but this is not determined
on, and these people appear to be very anxious to
have something done which, as they say, shall give
weight to negotiation, but their views and professions
are apprehended to be widely different, and that in-
stead of wishing to give effect, they would prefer
doing something that should impede the negotia-
tion. The President, with whom alone lies the
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 43
power, is very cautious ; perhaps fortunately so for
the country, as well as for his own reputation, but
unluckily, (as it is more with the Legislature to lay
the grounds by which negotiation might be facilitated
or impeded, and to determine the popularity of the
measure,) I suspect he hesitates and waits to see
how the discussion in our House will issue. Had he
already sent a negotiator it would have furnished an
argument for our leaving things as they were when
the negotiator left the country.
April 16, 1794. Mr. Jay is nominated. There
is not perhaps a man in the United States whose
character as a negotiator stands on higher ground.
The appointment marks a disposition in the Presi-
dent to come forward before mischief is done, and
to try the ground of negotiation fairly with G. Brit-
ain before any obstruction is thrown in the way by
our confiscating British debts, or passing a non-im-
portation act.
April 19, 1794. The embargo is again on, to
last till the 25th of May in the same way as be-
fore ; passed House of Representatives day before
yesterday, and in Senate yesterday. I had not ex-
pected it.
April 22, 1794. It is a doubt with many whether
our present form of government continue many years.
The jealousies which exist in the Southern States re-
specting the funding system and most of the meas-
ures of consequence which have been adopted, added
to some strange and fantastical notions about liberty
which they entertain, approaching nearly to French
44 JAMES MONROE.
extravagance of liberty and equality absolute, render
the continuance of our Union for many years, even
of peace, doubtful. But should a war take place I
think we have scarcely ground to hope a continu-
ance of the Union.
April 24, 1794. We have perhaps as much to
fear from the fever of French politics taking too
strong a hold of the minds of the people of this
country as from any other source.
There is an interruption in the file of letters
from which these extracts are taken, and I find
in them no mention of the envoy to France.
Monroe's instructions, as given to him by
Randolph, were very minute, and contained the
following pregnant sentences as the conclusion :
" To conclude. You go, sir, to France, to
strengthen our friendship with that country ; and
you are well acquainted with the line of freedom
and ease to which you may advance without betray-
ing the dignity of the United States. You will show
our confidence in the French Republic without be-
traying the most remote mark of undue complaisance.
You will let it be seen that, in case of war with any
nation on earth, we shall consider France as our first
and natural ally. You may dwell upon the sense
which we entertain of past services, and for the more
recent interposition in our behalf with the Dey of
Algiers. Among the great events with whicli the
world is now teeming, there may be an opening for
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 45
France to become instrumental in securing to us the
free navigation of the Mississippi. Spain may, per-
haps, negotiate a peace, separate from Great Britain,
with France. If she does, the Mississippi may be
acquired through this channel, especially if you con-
trive to have our mediation in any manner solicited."
Monroe arrived in Paris just after the fall of
Robespierre. Notwithstanding his out-spoken
good-wirl for the popular cause, the Committee
of Public Safety hesitated to receive him. His
proceedings in consequence were full of ro-
mance. Not another civilized nation upon
earth, says Mr. Adams, had a recognized repre-
sentative in France at that time. u I waited,"
says Monroe, " eight or ten days without pro-
gressing an iota, and as I had heard that a min-
ister from Geneva had been here about six
weeks before me, and had not been received, I
was fearful I might remain as long and, per-
haps, much longer in the same situation." He
therefore addressed a letter to the President of
the Convention, " not knowing the competent
department nor the forms established by law
for my reception." A decree was passed at
once that the minister of the United States
" be introduced into the bosom of the Conven-
tion to-morrow at two P. M." Accordingly he
appeared before the Convention, August 15,
1794, and presented an address in English,
46 JAMES MONROE.
with a translation of it into French, which lat-
ter was read by a secretary, together with two
letters from Edmund Randolph, Secretary of
State, acknowledging the letter to Congress
from the Committee of Public Safety.
Monroe's address was as follows :
" Citizens, President, and Representatives of the
French People, My admission into this assembly,
in presence of the French nation (for all the citizens
of France are represented here) to be recognized
as the representative of the American Republic, im-
presses me with a degree of sensibility which I can-
not express. I consider it a new proof of that friend-
ship and regard which the French nation has always
shown to their ally, the United States of America.
" Republics should approach near to each other.
In many respects they have all the same interest ;
but this is more especially the case with the Amer-
ican and French republics. Their governments are
similar ; they both cherish the same principles, and
rest on the same basis, the equal and unalienable
rights of man. The recollection, too, of common dan-
gers and difficulties will increase their harmony and
cement their union. America had her day of oppres-
sion, difficulty, and war ; but her sons were virtuous
and brave, and the storm which long clouded her po-
litical horizon has passed, and left them in the enjoy-
ment of peace, liberty, and independence. France,
our ally and our friend, and who aided in the contest,
has now embarked in the same noble career ; and I
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 47
am happy to add, that whilst the fortitude, magnan-
imity, and heroic valor of her troops command the
admiration and applause of the astonished world, the
wisdom and firmness of her councils unite equally in
securing the happiest result.
"America is not an unfeeling spectator of your
affairs at the present crisis. I lay before you, in the
declarations of every department of our government,
declarations which are founded in the affections
of the citizens at large, the most decided proof of
her sincere attachment to the liberty, prosperity, and
happiness of the French Republic. Each branch of
the Congress, according to the course of proceeding
there, has requested the President to make this known
to you in its behalf ; and, in fulfilling the desires of
those branches, I am instructed to declare to you that
he has expressed his own.
" In discharging the duties of the office which I
am now called to execute, I promise myself the high-
est satisfaction, because I well know that, whilst I
pursue the dictates of my own heart in wishing the
liberty and happiness of the French nation, and which
I most sincerely do, I speak the sentiments of my
own country ; and that, by doing everything in my
power to preserve and perpetuate the harmony so
happily subsisting between the two republics, I shall
promote the interest of both. To this great object,
therefore, all my efforts will be directed. If I can
be so fortunate as to succeed in such manner as to
merit the approbation of both republics, I shall
deem it the happiest event of my life, and retire
48 JAMES MONROE.
hereafter with a consolation which those who mean
well, and have served the cause of liberty, alone can
feel."
A comparison of this speech with Randolph's
injunctions, already quoted, will show how far
Monroe was carried by the enthusiasm of his
youth and the unparalleled circumstances in
which he was placed. That speech of ten
minutes, received with applause and translated
into both languages, " the American and the
French," was the occasion of many a pang in
his after life.
The account of Monroe's reception may read-
ily be found in the American State Papers, 1
but a document, hitherto hidden, was lately
brought to light by Mr. Washburne, the Amer-
'can minister, who looked up, in the national
archives of France, the proces verbal on the
day referred to, August 15, 1794. Here is the
interesting extract which he sent to Mr. Fish
" to fill the gap " in the diplomatic records of
that period. 2
Extract from the "proces verbal" of the National Con-
vention of August 15, 1794. Translation.
The Citizen James Monroe, minister plenipoten-
tiary of the United States of America near the
1 Vol. i. p. 672.
2 Foreign Relations of the U. S. 1876. Mr. Washburne to
Mr. Fish, Paris, October 23, 1876.
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 49
French Republic, is admitted in the hall of the sit-
ting of the National Convention. He takes his place
in the midst of the representatives of the people,
and remits to the President with his letters of cre-
dence, a translation of a discourse addressed to the
National Convention ; it is read by one of the secre-
taries. The expressions of fraternity, of union be-
tween the two people, and the interest which the
people of the United States take in the success of the
French Republic, are heard with the liveliest sensi-
bility and covered with applause.
Reading is also given to the letters of credence of
Citizen Monroe, as well as to those written by the
American Congress and by its President, to the
National Convention and to the Committee of Public
Safety.
In witness of the fraternity which unites the two
peoples, French and American, the President * gives
the accolade (fraternal embrace) to Citizen Monroe.
Afterward, upon the proposition of many members,
the National Convention passes with unanimity the
following decree :
ARTICLE I. The reading and verification being had
of the powers of Citizen James Monroe, he is recognized
and proclaimed minister plenipotentiary of the United
States of America near the French Republic.
ARTICLE II. The letters of credence of Citizen
James Monroe, minister plenipotentiary of the United
States of America, those which he has remitted on the
part of the American Congress and its President, ad-
1 Merliu do DouaL
4
ATHLET/c
50 JAMES MONROE
dressed to the National Convention and to the Commit-
tee of Public Safety, the discourse of Citizen Monroe,
the response of the President of the Convention, shall
be printed in the two languages, French and American,
and inserted in the bulletin of correspondence.
ARTICLE III. The flags of the United States of
America shall be joined to those of France, and dis-
played in the hall of the sittings of the Convention, in
sign of the union and eternal fraternity of the two people.
Mr. Washburne calls attention to the phrase,
"the two languages, French and American,"
as illustrating the hatred of the English ; and
he gives to Secretary Fish the following amus-
ing interpretation of the accolade, based upon
his own experience in the new republic.
" For many days," he says, " after I had, by your in-
structions, recognized the republic, which was pro-
claimed on the 4th of September, 1870, regiment
after regiment of the national guard marched to the
legation to make known to our government, through
me, their profound appreciation of its prompt action
in recognizing the government of the national de-
fence. Forming on. the corner of the rue de Chaillot
and the avenue Josephine, they would send up cheers
and cries of " Vive la Republique," till I would ap-
pear on the balcony to make my acknowledgments.
Then some officers of the regiment would be deputed
to call upon me in the chambers of the legation, to
tender me their personal thanks for my agency in the
matter of recognition of their new government, aud
to give me the fraternal embrace (" accolade "), which
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 61
was carried out in letter and spirit, and sometimes
much to the amusement of the numerous visitors who
were present on the occasion."
A short time after his reception Monroe pre-
sented an American flag to the Convention,
intrusting its carriage to Captain, afterwards
Commodore, Barney, an officer of the United
States Navy, with whom Monroe had crossed
the Atlantic. Captain Barney made a brief
speech on the occasion in the presence of the
Convention, received an accolade from the
President, and was complimented with a pro-
posal to enter the naval service of France.
When the body of Rousseau was deposited in
the Pantheon, this flag, borne by young Bar-
ney and a nephew of Monroe, preceded the
column of Americans. The American minis-
ter and his suite, we are told, were the only
persons permitted to enter the Pantheon with
the National Convention to witness the conclu-
sion of the ceremony.
Several months later (March 6, 1795) Mon-
roe makes this casual mention of the flag in his
dispatch :
" I had forgotten to notify you officially the pres-
ent I had made to the Convention of our flag. It
O
was done in consequence of the order of that body
for its suspension in its hall, and an intimation from
52 JAMES MONROE.
the President himself that they had none, and were
ignorant of the model."
Near the close of his life Monroe said that
when he first arrived in France his situation
was the most difficult and painful he had ever
experienced. War with the United States was
seriously menaced. He tells us that he could
make no impression on the Committee of Pub-
lic Safety, and so he determined to appeal to the
real government, the People, through the nom-
inal one, the Convention, and thus fairly bring
the cause before the nation. He knew that
their object was liberty, and that many French
citizens had brought home from America the
spirit of our struggle and infused it among
their countrymen. At the head of our gov-
ernment stood one who was rightly held in the
highest veneration by the French people ; and
he felt sure that if he brought before them con-
vincing proofs of Washington's good wishes
for their success, supported by that of the other
branches of our government, the hostile spirit
of the French government would be subdued
and his official recognition would follow. On
this principle he spoke to the Convention with
the desired effect. As this address was the
subject of severe animadversions at home, and
as he was charged with going beyond his in-
structions, the following extract from a long
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 53
letter to Judge Jones (April 4, 1794) l may be
taken as evidence that the envoy acted accord-
ing to his understanding of the instructions he
had received.
" I inclose you a copy of my address, e\c., to the
Convention upon my introduction, and of the Presi-
dent's reply. I thought it my duty to lay those
papers before the Convention as the basis of my mis-
sion, containing the declaration of every department
in favor of the French revolution, or implying it
strongly. My address, you will observe, goes no
farther than the declarations of both houses."
Flattered by his reception in the Convention,
Monroe was destined to a profound disappoint-
ment when he received a dispatch from home,
written by Randolph " in the frankness of
friendship," criticising severely the course he
had pursued.
" When you left us," said the Secretary of State,
" we all supposed that your reception as the minister
of the United States would take place in the private
chamber of some committee. Your letter of credence
contained the degree of profession which the govern-
ment was desirous of making ; and though the lan-
guage of it would not have been cooled, even if its
subsequent publicity had been foreseen, still it was
natural to expect that the remarks with which you
might accompany its delivery would be merely oral,
1 Gouveriieur MSS.
54 JAMES MONROE.
and therefore not exposed to the rancorous criticism
of nations at war with France.
" It seems that, upon your arrival, the downfall of
Robespierre and the suspension of the usual routine
of business, combined, perhaps, with an anxiety to
demonstrate an affection for the United States, had
shut up for a time the diplomatic cabinet, and ren-
dered the hall of the National Convention the thea-
tre of diplomatic civilities. We should have sup-
posed that an introduction there would have brought
to mind these ideas : ' The United States are neutral ;
the allied Powers jealous ; with England we are
now in treaty ; by England we have been impeached
for breaches of faith in favor of France ; our citizens
are notoriously Gallican in their hearts; it will be
wise to hazard as little as possible on the score of
good humor ; and, therefore, in the disclosure of my
feelings, something is due to the possibility of fos-
tering new suspicions.' Under the influence of these
sentiments, we should have hoped that your address
to the National Convention would have been so
framed as to leave heart-burning nowhere. If pri-
vate affection and opinions had been the only points
to be consulted, it would have been immaterial where
or how they were delivered. But the range of a
public minister's mind will go to all the relations of
our country with the whole world. We do not per-
ceive that your instructions have imposed upon you
the extreme glow of some parts of your address ; and
my letter in behalf of the House of Representatives,
which has been considered by some gentlemen as too
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 65
strong, was not to be viewed in any other light than
as executing the task assigned by that body.
"After these remarks, which are never to be inter-
preted into any dereliction of the French cause, I
must observe to you that they are made principally
to recommend caution, lest we should be obliged at
some time or other to explain away or disavow an
excess of fervor, so as to reduce it down to the cool
system of neutrality. You have it still in charge to
cultivate the French Republic with zeal, but without
any unnecessary eclat ; because the dictates of sin-
cerity do not demand that we should render notorious
all our feelings in favor of that nation."
A little later Randolph took a more concili-
atory tone, and Monroe believed that he would
never have spoken so severely if all the dis-
patches had reached him in due order.
Early in his residence the American minis-
ter was involved in a discussion with respect to
Mr. Morris's passports, of so delicate a charac-
ter that the story was privately communicated
by Monroe to Washington. 1 This letter illus-
trates the delays of correspondence, for it is
dated November 18, and acknowledges Wash-
ington's of June 25, " which would have been
answered sooner if any safe opportunity had
offered for Bordeaux, from whence vessels most
1 Gouverneur MSS.
66 JAMES MONROE.
frequently sail for America." Such delays had
a significant bearing upon the continuous mis-
understandings between the administration and
its distant representative. 1 Monroe was also
engaged in a complex correspondence with ref-
erence to the release of Lafayette from impris-
onment at Olmiitz, and concerning pecuniary
assistance to Madame Lafayette, in whose re-
lease he was instrumental. Many of our ves-
sels had been seized and condemned with their
cargoes, and hundreds of our citizens were then
in Paris and the seaports of France, many
of them imprisoned, and all treated like ene-
mies. This involved the American minister
in weighty responsibilities, and employed his
utmost energy. His effort to secure the re-
lease of Thomas Paine from imprisonment was
another noteworthy transaction, to which fre-
quent reference was made in subsequent days,
both by friends and opponents. " Mr. Paine,"
he wrote, September 15, 1795, "has lived in
my house for about ten months past. He was,
upon my arrival, confined in the Luxembourg,
and released on my application ; after which,
being sick, he has remained with me. . . . The
i On February 15, 1795, the Secretary of State acknowl-
edges Monroe's last date, September 15, 1794, which had been
received November 27. Monroe's dispatches of August 11
and 25 were received between December 2 and 5.
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 57
symptoms have become worse, and the prospect
now is that he will not be able to hold out
more than a month or two at the farthest. I
shall certainly pay the utmost attention to this
gentleman, as he is one of those whose merits
in our Revolution were most distinguished."
It was not long before Monroe became en-
tangled in a much more serious complication.
A treaty with Great Britain had been negoti-
ated by Jay ; so much as this was positively
known in Paris near the close of 1794, and
more was inferred in respect to it. Citizen
Merlin de Douai (the one who gave Monroe the
accolade a few months before) and four of his
associates in the Committee of Public Safety
demanded a copy of the treaty. This was their
letter (December 27, 1794) :
" We are informed, Citizen, that there was lately
concluded at London a treaty of alliance and com-
merce between the British government and Citizen
Jay, Envoy Extraordinary of the United States.
" A vague report spreads itself abroad that in this
treaty the Citizen Jay has forgotten those things
which our treaties with the American people, and
the sacrifices which the French people made to ren-
der them free, gave us a right to expect, on the part
of a minister of a nation which we have so many
motives to consider as friendly.
" It is important that we know positively in what
58 JAMES MONROE.
light we are to hold this affair. There ought not to
subsist between two free peoples the dissimulation
which belongs to courts ; and it gives us pleasure to
declare that we consider you as much opposed, per-
sonally, to that kind of policy as we are ourselves.
" We invite you, then, to communicate to us as
soon as possible the treaty whereof there is question.
It is the only means whereby you can enable the
French nation justly to appreciate those reports so
injurious to the American government, and to which
that treaty gave birth."
In reply to this and other demands for exact
information Monroe pleaded ignorance, and he
refused to receive from Jay confidential and in-
formal statements in respect to the treaty. Ho
contented himself with general expressions in
reference to the purport of the English mission,
and with strenuous efforts to allay the French
excitement. When the treaty reached him ho
wrote to Judge Jones, " Jay's treaty surpasses
all that I feared, great as my fears were of his
mission. Indeed, it is the most shameful trans-
action I have ever known of the kind." l
The language in which he reported to the au-
thorities at home, a few months before, the con-
dition of affairs, is this (January 13, 1795) :
" After my late communications to the Committee
of Public Safety, in which were exposed freely the
1 Gouverueur MSS.
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 59
object of Mr. Jay's mission to England, and the real
situation of the Uuited States with Britain and Spain,
1 had reason to believe that all apprehension on those
points was done away, and that the utmost cordiality
had now likewise taken place in that body towards
us. I considered the report above recited, and upon
which the decree was founded, as the unequivocal
proof of that change of sentiment, and flattered my-
self that, in every respect, we had now the best pros-
pect of the most perfect and permanent harmony be-
tween the two republics. I am very sorry, however,
to add, that latterly this prospect has been some-
what clouded by accounts from England, that Mr.
Jay had not only adjusted the points in controversy,
but concluded a treaty of commerce with that srov-
ernment. Some of those accounts state that he had
also concluded a treaty of alliance, offensive and de-
fensive. As I knew the baneful effect which these
reports would produce, I deemed it my duty, by re-
peating what I had said before of his powers, to use
my utmost endeavors, informally, to discredit them.
This, however, did not arrest the progress of the re-
port, nor remove the disquietude it had created, for
I was finally applied to, directly, by the committee,
in a letter, which stated what had been heard, and
requested information of what I knew in regard to
it. As I had just before received one from Mr. Jay,
announcing that he had concluded a treaty, and which
contained a declaration that our previous treaties
should not be affected by it. I thought fit to make
this letter the basis of my reply. And as it is neces-
60 JAMES MONROE.
sary that you should be apprised of whatever has
passed here ou this subject, I now transmit to you
copies of these several papers, and which comprise a
full statement thereof, up to the present time.
" I cannot admit, for a moment, that Mr. Jay has
exceeded his powers, or that anything has been done
which will give just cause of complaint to this re-
public. I lament, however, that he has not thought
himself at liberty to give me correct information on
that subject ; for until it is known that their interest
has not been wounded, the report will certainly keep
alive suspicion, and which always weakens the bonds
of friendship. I trust, therefore, you will deem it
expedient to advise me on this head as soon as possi-
ble."
The irritation of the French, when at length
they discovered the actual purport of Jay's
treaty, was very great. In February, 1796, it
appeared that the Directory considered the alii- -
ance between France and the United States as
ceasing to exist from the moment the treaty was
ratified, and intended to send a special envoy to
the United States in order to express their ex-
treme dissatisfaction. Monroe succeeded in
changing their purpose, and elicited from M. de
la Croix, the Foreign Minister, a summary, in
three headings, of the French complaints, to
which he sent an elaborate reply. The two
countries had come to the very verge of war.
But the administration at home was angry with
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 61
the envoy for not having endeavored more
strenuously to allay the apprehensions of France,
and for failing to avert the impending danger.
During the progress of these events, the
portfolio of foreign affairs had been given up
by Randolph, and taken up by Pickering, who
began his correspondence September 12, 1795,
by acknowledging a series of letters, of which
the first was written ten months before. Mon-
roe gained nothing by this change in the coun-
cils at home. Randolph's censures were mild
in comparison with thoso which his successor
bestowed on the unfortunate envoy. One of the
severest of his letters is that of June 13, 1796,
in which he complains that Monroe failed to
make a suitable vindication of the United States
government at a time when the justice, the
faith, and the honor of our country were ques-
tioned, and the most important interests were
at stake. This is followed a short time after-
wards by a notification that he is superseded by
C. C. Pinckney.
On his arrival in Paris, Pinckney was pre-
sented by Monroe to the Minister of Foreign
Affairs, but was refused recognition by the Di-
rectory, and was not permitted to remain in
Paris. Mr. Ticknor has recorded a conversation
with Baron Pichon to this effect, that Paine
lived in Monroe's house at Paris, and had a
62 JAMES MONROE.
great deal too much influence over him ; that
Monroe's insinuations and representations of
General Pinckney's character, as an aristo-
crat, prevented his reception as minister by
the Directory; and that, in general, Monroe,
with whose negotiations and affairs Pichon was
specially charged, acted as a party-democrat
against the interests of General Washington's
administration, and against what Pichon con-
sidered the interests of the United States. 1
On the other hand, we have Pinckney's asser-
tion, that during his brief residence he saw
Monroe frequently, and found him open and
candid, and disposed to make every communi-
cation which would be of service to our coun-
try. It should also be said that Monroe was
treated with coolness by the French govern-
ment some time before his recall, though the
civilities to him were renewed when his return
to America was evidently at hand.
The ceremony of flag presentation was re-
peated in this country. A French flag, sent
across the water, was received by Congress near
New Year's Day in 1796,
" A mighty foolish ceremony it was," writes the
federalist already quoted. 2 " It may, however, have
the good effect of quieting the minds of some people
1 Life of George Ticknor, ii. 113.
2 Joshua Coit, January 5, 1796.
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 63
who are afraid that the French are very angry about
our treaty with Great Britain ; that nation is said
io have been long famed for their address in med-
dling with the politics of foreign nations, and they
have supported well the character in this country, but
I hope we shall keep clear of their influence. The
administrators of our government have no British
attachment, but wish to keep clear of all foreign
politics, and but for the madness of party I think
the people of the United States would universally see
and approve the policy. The treaty with Great
Britain was necessary to settle existing disputes, in
its most important articles ; the commercial part of
it is experimental, and throws no restraint on our
commerce with other nations, has no tendency to
form political connections, and I believe secures im-
portant advantages to us."
Monroe's recall was dated August 22. Men-
tioning this fact to Joseph Jones, he intimated
that the letter was probably kept back to pre-
vent his arrival before the elections were over.
44 1 shall decline a winter passage," he added,
"and therefore most probably shall not embark
till April or May." l He reached home full
of wrath, but the opposition party gave him a
cordial greeting, and he was entertained in
Philadelphia at a public dinner where Jeffer-
son, the Vice-President, Dayton, the Speaker,
Chief Justice McKean, and other conspicuous
1 Gouverueur MSS.
64 JAMES MONROE.
men were present. Monroe's failure, it is clear,
was not personal, it was a party failure. His
hand was soon turned against the administra-
tion of Adams. He demanded of Pickering
the reasons of his recall, and drew from the
Secretary, who was not at all afraid of say-
ing what he thought, a very explicit response.
Washington, in a note to Pickering (Mt. Ver-
non, August 29, 1797), mentioned that Colonel
Monroe had passed through Alexandria, but did
not honor him with a call.
The envoy's neglect did not mean silence.
He soon published a pamphlet of five hundred
pages, entitled, " A View of the Conduct of
the Executive," in which he printed his in-
structions, correspondence with the French and
United States governments, speeches, and let-
ters received from Americans resident in Paris.
It remains to this day a most extraordinary
volume, full of entertaining and instructive les-
sons to young diplomatists. Washington, re-
tired from public life, appears to have kept
quiet under strong provocation, but he sent a
letter upon the subject to John Nicholas, and
in his copy of the " View " he wrote his ani-
madversions, paragraph by paragraph. These
notes, long suppressed, were at length given to
the world by Sparks. 1
1 Washington's Writings, vol. x. pp. 226, 504.
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 65
Monroe enumerates the following points,
which, taken collectively, are to show his diplo-
matic position and the attitude of the adminis-
tration toward him. He mentions,
1. The appointment of Gouverneur Morris,
a known enemy of the French Revolution.
2. His continuance in office till troubles
came.
3. His removal at the demand of the French
government.
4. The subsequent appointment of Monroe,
an opponent of the administration, especially
in its foreign policy.
5. The instructions given to Monroe as to
the explanations he should give the French in
respect to Jay's mission, which concealed the
power given him to form a commercial treaty.
6. The strong expressions of attachment to
France and the principles of the French Revo-
lution given to Monroe.
7. The resentment of the administration
when these documents were made public.
8. The approval of Monroe's endeavor to se-
cure a repeal of the obnoxious decrees, and the
silence which followed their repeal.
9. Jay's power to form a commercial treaty
with England, without corresponding advances
to France.
10. The withholding from Monroe of the
66 JAMES MONROE.
contents of the treaty, an evidence of unfair
dealing.
11. The submission of this treaty to M.
Adet, after the advice of the Senate, and be-
fore its ratification by the President.
12. The character of Jay's treaty, which de-
parts from the modern rule of contraband, and
yields the principle, " Free ships shall make
free goods."
13. The irritable bearing of the administra-
tion toward France, after the ratification, in
contrast with its bearing toward England, when
it was proposed to decline the ratification.
14. Monroe's recall, just when he had suc-
ceeded in quieting the French government for
the time, and was likely to do so effectually.
I have not been able to trace Washington's
copy of the " View" which, according to Sparks,
was given to a distinguished jurist, but in the
library of Cornell University Sparks's trans-
cript of Washington's notes is preserved. In
this are the notes of Washington (hitherto not
printed) on Monroe's appendix. By the per-
mission of the authorities, I am able to print
upon a subsequent page these fresh annota-
tions. 1 Here three examples only will be given.
Monroe, in a dispatch (February 12, 1795),
having spoken of the danger of war with France,
1 See Appendix.
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 67
inquires, What course then was I to pursue?
The note of Washington is this : " As nothing
but justice and the fulfilment of a contract was
asked, it dictated firmness conducted with tem-
perance in the pursuit of it." Monroe : " The
doors of the Committee [of Public Safety] were
closed against me." Washington : " This ap-
pears nowhere but in his own conjectures."
Again, incidentally, Washington writes, " The
truth is, Mr. Monroe was cajoled, flattered, and
made to believe strange things. In return he
did, or was disposed to do, whatever was pleas-
ing to that nation, reluctantly urging the rights
of his own."
A war of pamphlets and newspaper articles
followed the publication of the " View," in
which Federalists and Republicans damaged
each other's reputation as much as they could.
Party feeling was ablaze before Monroe pub-
lished his book, but the flames rose fiercely
when it appeared. Oliver Wolcott wrote to
Washington that it was a wicked misrepresen-
tation of facts ; that the author's conduct was
detested by all good men, though he was sorry
to say that many applauded it. As to Wash-
ington's character and administration, he was
sure that the " View " would make no impres-
sion beyond the circle of Tom Paine's ad-
mirers. John Adams wrote that he was hurt
68 JAMES MONROE.
at the levity of the Americans in Paris. Fisher
Ames's satirical touch is seen in a letter to C.
Gore, written after the election of Jefferson,
where he says, " Monroe will, if he likes, re-
turn to France to embrace liberty again."
From another section of the Federalists this
opinion comes. Harper of South Carolina, in
a speech on the Foreign Intercourse Bill, speak-
ing of the " View," remarks :
" In this book is to be found the most complete
justification of the Executive for his recall, in every
respect except that it was so long delayed ; for the
book contains the most singular display of incapacity,
unfaithfulness, and presumption, of neglect of orders,
forgetfulness of the dignity, rights, and interests of
his own country, and servile devotedness to the gov-
ernment of the country to which he was sent, that
can be found in the history of diplomacy."
He even intimates that Monroe was influ-
enced by bribery. But this was going quite
too far. The historian Hildreth, who is not less
severe than the most severe critic yet quoted,
in his estimate of Monroe repudiates the in-
sinuation of Harper. " These gross insinua-
tions," he says, " were totally baseless. The
time had not yet come when American states-
men were to be purchased for money. How
perfectly sincere Monroe was in his opinions is
manifest throughout the whole correspondence,
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 69
which no purchased tool of France, none but a
man blinded by enthusiastic passion, could ever
have written, and still less would have published.
Nor were such views at all confined to Monroe.
They were shared by most of the leaders and
by the great mass of the opposition party."
These are the words of the Federalist historian,
half a century after the " View " appeared. 1
Some extracts should also be given from the
writings of Monroe's friends. For example,
Edward Church wrote from Lisbon, December
24, 1796, "My ideas of the importance of ob-
serving inviolate our friendship and alliance
with the French nation go far beyond yours,
as I conceive the connection essentially neces-
sary to our preservation as independent states,
it being evidently our best, if not our only se-
curity against the danger of becoming once
more the poor, pitiful, servile, dependent slaves
of Britain." 2
The wrath of another of Monroe's corre-
spondents, in Paris, found expression in these
terms :
" Were I able to draw the contrast, which the sub-
ject so richly deserves, between this extraordinary
man's military exit and that of the late idolized stat-
ute [sic] of the people of my country, I would so
1 Hildreth's United States, ii. 101.
2 Gouverneur MSS.
70 JAMES MONROE.
paint Mr. Washington on his milk-white steed, re-
ceiving the incense of all the little girls on Trenton
Bridge, and then I would march him about in the
streets of Boston, so like a roasted ox that I once
saw carried a whole day in triumph by the people of
that famous town, that the automaton chief should
groan and sweat under the weight of those laurels,
which are momently dropping from his brows into
the sink and dirt of his puny and anti-republican ad-
ministration." l
There is a significant paragraph in Thiers's
" History of the French Revolution," which
may be regarded, I think, as showing the im-
pression which Monroe made upon the people
to whom he was accredited :
" In the French government there were persons in
favor of a rupture with the United States. Monroe,
who was ambassador to Paris, gave the Directory the
most prudent advice on this occasion. War with
France, said he, will force the American government
to throw itself into the arms of England and to sub-
mit to her influence ; aristocracy will gain supreme
Control in the United States, and liberty will be com-
promised. By patiently enduring, on the contrary,
the wrongs of the present President, you will leave
him without excuse, you will enlighten the Amer-
icans, and decide a contrary choice at the next elec-
tion. All the wrongs of which France may have to
complain will then be repaired. This wise and provi
* Gouverneur MSS. May 15, 1797.
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 71
dent advice had its effect upon the Directory. Rew-
bell, Barras, and Lareveillere, had caused it to be
adopted in opposition to the opinion of the system-
atic Carnot, who, though in general favorably dis-
posed to peace, insisted on the cession of Louisiana,
with a view to attempt the establishment of a repub-
lic there."
In addition to this diplomatic controversy,
Monroe was involved in another more personal
collision with Hamilton, occasioned by the Cal-
lender publication, 1 but into the details of
this disagreeable story I see no reason for en-
tering now.
Monroe was much displeased by the publica-
tion of that part of his dispatches which related
to the Jacobins, and thus wrote to Judge Jones,
June 20, 1795:
" The publication of extracts from my letters re-
specting the Jacobins was an unbecoming and uncan-
did thing, as they were the only parts of my corre-
spondence that were published. I stated the truth,
and therefore am not dissatisfied with the publica-
tion in that respect. But to me it appears strange
that the fortunes of that misguided club should be
the only subject treated in my correspondence upon
which it was necessary to convey the information it
could to our countrymen. Certainly, in relation to
i " An undigested and garrulous collection of libels." Hil-
ireth, ii. 104.
72 JAMES MONROE.
the honor and welfare of my country, it was the least
important of all the subjects upon which I treated.
Besides, that club was as unlike the patriotic societies
in America as light is to darkness, the former being
a society that had absolutely annihilated all other
government in France, and whose denunciations
carried immediately any of the deputies to the scaf-
fold, whereas the latter are societies of enlightened
men, who discuss measures and principles, and of
course whose opinions have no other weight than as
they are well founded and have reason on their side,
to extirpate which is to extirpate liberty itself."
During all his exciting residence in Paris, it
is interesting to trace the minute interest main-
tained by Monroe in whatever pertained to his
domestic affairs. There are long letters in the
Gouverneur collection devoted to his financial
business, to the welfare of his brothers, An-
drew and Joseph, and of his sister, to his land
bought near Mr. Jefferson, his servants, fruit-
trees, etc., besides many a passage in regard to
his nephew Joseph, who was at school at St.
Germain, and young Rutledge, likewise placed
under the envoy's paternal care. His interest
in the progress of these American boys in their
French school betrays an unvarying kindness
of heart in the midst of pressing anxieties and
cares.
Times change. Five years after Monroe's
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 73
recall, Jefferson writes : l " We have ever looked
to France as our natural friend, one with whom
we could never have an occasion of difference ;
but there is one spot on the globe, the possessor
of which is our natural enemy. That spot is
New Orleans. France placing herself in that
door assumes to us the attitude of defiance. . . .
From that moment we must marry ourselves to
the British fleet and nation."
1 To Livingston, April 18, 1802.
CHAPTER IV.
ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, AND ENGLAND.
JEFFERSON, never wanting in interest when
Monroe's affairs required counsel, and trusting
him implicitly, wrote to the despondent and
angry envoy that he ought to come forward
again into public life. " Come to Congress," was
his advice, as if coming to Congress was an act
of the will, " reappear on the public theatre ;
Cabel has said he would give way to you." 1
But instead of entering at once into national
affairs, Monroe became governor of Virginia,
and held the office three years. Jefferson,
meanwhile, had become President, and soon
had an opportunity to return Monroe to the
legation in France. The story of this second
embassy includes the purchase of Louisiana,
and has therefore been examined over and over
again by those who are interested in the growth
of our national territory.
In addition to the usual publication of the
correspondence of the times, much reliance is
placed on the volume by Barbe" Marbois, in
1 Letter to Monroe, May 21, 1798. Jefferson, iv. 241-243.
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 75
which he reports his interviews with Bonaparte.
The English translation of this work is attrib-
uted to William Beach Lawrence ; l its appen-
dix omits some statements which are given in
the original French. Among the manuscripts
of Monroe I have met with this remark, " the
work of Marbois is written in a spirit of great
candor, and with friendly feeling for me, but
he is mistaken in some facts which I have docu-
ments to show." 2
The importance of the outlet of the Missis-
sippi to the inhabitants of the great valley of
the West was always obvious. As early as 1784
Monroe had written in regard to it, and in his
first mission to France, as we have seen, he had
been instructed to press the claims of the United
States.
In the spring of 1801 intelligence reached
this country that Spain had ceded her rights in
Louisiana to France, and the next year the
Spanish intendant gave notice that New Or-
leans would no longer be a " place of deposit." 8
Jefferson communicated this highly significant
information to Congress when it assembled
in December. There was great excitement
through the country, especially in the West,
and one newspaper, at least, raised the cry of
disunion.
* C. F. Hart, in Penn Monthly.
3 May 29, 1829. 8 October 16, 1802.
76 JAMES MONROE.
The conclusion was quickly reached, to pur-
chase from France, if possible, the outlet to the
Gulf of Mexico. Congress appropriated the
sum of two million dollars for this object ; and
Jefferson selected Monroe to go as a special
minister and act with Livingston, our resident
representative at Paris, in an endeavor to secure
the coveted domain. Almost simultaneously
Lewis and Clarke were recommended for the
exploration of the upper Mississippi. Monroe
accordingly went upon his embassy, and within
a month after his arrival was able with his
colleague to report the purchase of Louisiana.
The treaty was ratified by Bonaparte in May,
1803, and by the Senate of the United States
in the next October. It is not always that
the interior history of a great international
bargain is so fully revealed to the public as it
is in the present case, and Monroe's relation to
it must now be more carefully considered.
The interests of four nations were closely
involved in this transaction : Spain, who had
promised to yield her rights in Louisiana, but
retained her control of the Floridas, and had
not, according to Talleyrand's statements, quite
perfected the transfer ; England, in a hostile
attitude toward France, and not unlikely at
any time to make a descent upon a portion of
her territory ; France, in anxious expectation
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 77
of an outbreak of hostilities, in want of money,
and predisposed to build up in America a power
which should rival England ; and the United
States, eager to secure the maritime outlet of
its great river system, and almost inclined to
seize it by force.
Six individuals were conspicuous in the ne-
gotiation : on the American side, Jefferson,
once minister to France, now sixty years old,
and half way through his first presidential
term, whose sagacity recognized the importance
of securing Louisiana, and initiated the pur-
chase ; R. R. Livingston, two years younger,
who had been for two years resident as the
American minister in France, and had been
pressing the American claim to be indemnified
for the French spoliations, and had brought
the government to consider the possibility of
ceding the desired territory ; and Monroe, for-
ty-five yeai's old, whose former residence ill
Paris was not forgotten, and who entered upon
his second diplomatic mission fresh from the
instructions of Jefferson and Madison, and from
the inspiration of popular enthusiasm with
respect to the acquisition which he was sent
to secure. On the French side stood Bona-
parte, the youngest of the group, thirty-five
years old, then First Consul, and in the flush of
his military and civil power; Talleyrand, a
78 JAMES MONROE.
man of forty-nine years, holding the portfolio
of Foreign Affairs, not wholly trusted by the
Consul, but well qualified by his skill in diplo-
macy and by his acquaintance with the United
States to take a part in the business ; and
Marbois (about the age of Livingston), who
had held a diplomatic position in America, and
was now the Minister of the Treasury, enjoy-
ing the confidence of Bonaparte, and called by
him to be leader in this negotiation. In his
history of this transaction, Marbois attributes
its rapid and felicitous progress to the fact that
the plenipotentiaries had been long acquainted,
and were disposed to treat one another with
mutual confidence.
Livingston, as soon as he heard of Monroe's
arrival in Havre, sent him the following letter
of welcome, written in a tone of despondency :
"\Qth April, 1803.
" I congratulate you on your safe arrival. We have
long and anxiously waited for you. God grant that
your mission may answer yours and the public ex-
pectation. War may do something for us, nothing
else would. I have paved the way for you, and if
you could add to my memoirs an assurance that we
were now in possession of New Orleans, we should
do well ; but I detain Mr. Bentalou, who is impatient
to fly to the arms of his wife. I have apprised the
minister of your arrival, and told him you would be
here on Tuesday or Wednesday."
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 79
It so happened that on this very day, April
10, after the solemnities of Easter Sunday,
Bonaparte discussed with Talleyrand and Mar-
bois the Louisiana question. They were di-
vided in counsel ; the conference was prolonged
into the night, and the ministers remained at
St. Cloud. At daybreak Bonaparte, having al-
ready received alarming dispatches from Eng-
land, summoned Marbois, who had advised the
cession, and said to him in substance : " I re-
nounce Louisiana. Negotiate for its cession.
Don't wait for Monroe. I want fifty million
francs ; for less I will not treat. Acquaint me
day by day, hour by hour, with your progress.
Keep Talleyrand informed." Armed with these
instructions, Marbois sought Livingston. Be-
fore they met, Talleyrand had been unsuccess-
fully endeavoring to reach some point of agree-
ment. He had asked Livingston if the United
States wished for the whole of Louisiana. The
answer had been No ; but that it would be pol-
itic in France to give it up. The price to be
paid was the matter in question.
At this juncture Monroe reached Paris. He
heard with surprise from Livingston of the
readiness of the French to sell the territory, and
the two envoys proceeded to discuss the price
which they could venture to promise. While
Monroe was taking his first dinner with Liv-
80 JAMES MONROE.
ingston, in company with other American gen-
tlemen, Marbois appeared in the garden and
presently joined the party. Before leaving he
led Livingston into a free conference upon the
cession, and invited him to continue the talk at
a later hour after the company had dispersed.
Livingston went to the house of Marbois, and
stayed there till midnight. The whole country
of Louisiana was then offered, to the United
States for one hundred million francs, and the
claims. Livingston pronounced it an exorbi-
tant price, and Marbois did not deny that it was.
No conclusion could be reached without consult-
ing Monroe ; but Livingston, without waiting
to do so, sat up until three o'clock and wrote
a midnight dispatch to Madison, narrating the
interview with Marbois, and saying that he was
sure the purchase was wise. He also made a
suggestion, which in these days is astounding,
that if the price is too high, the outlay may be
reimbursed by the " sale of the territory west of
the Mississippi, with the right of sovereignty,
to some Power in Europe, whose vicinity we
should not fear." 1 This is not precisely in ac-
cordance with what was afterwards known as
the Monroe doctrine.
From this time on, Talleyrand was not con-
spicuous in the scenes, though it is more than
1 State Papers, ii. 554.
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 81
possible that behind them his hand was at
work, perhaps obstructively. At any rate, for
one reason or another, he delayed the presen-
tation of Monroe to Bonaparte until May 1, and
even then failed to be personally present, leav-
ing to Livingston the ceremonious duty of nam-
ing his colleague. Probably he was annoyed
that the First Consul agreed with Marbois, and
had given to him the authority to proceed.
Livingston and Monroe, after reviewing the
situation, made up their minds that they could
give fifty millions, and, in the bargaining spirit
which governed both sides, offered forty mil-
lions, one half to be returned to American
claimants. Marbois expressed his regret that
they could not give more, and proposed to
consult the Consul. He came back from St.
Cloud, saying that the business might be con-
sidered as no longer in his hands, so coolly had
Bonaparte received their proposition. He ad-
vised that some pressure be brought to bear
upon Talleyrand in order to secure the early
presentation of Monroe. Later in the day
Marbois came in to a dinner which Cambace'res
was giving, and told the American envoys that
if the Consul did not reopen the question they
might consider the plan relinquished. They
quickly proceeded to offer fifty millions. Mar-
bois doubttd whether this would be accepted.
82 JAMES MONROE.
Here came a significant pause lasting for several
days. " We were resting on our oars," says
one of the negotiators.
On April 17 Bonaparte made an official an-
nouncement to the Pope and others that in con-
sequence of England's violation of the Peace
of Amiens, France was involved in war with
her. It is easy to see the bearing of this on
the American negotiations. Ten days later
Marbois laid before Livingston and Monroe
the draft of a treaty given him by the govern-
ment, 1 and another, his own. In the latter he
proposed as the price eighty million francs,
which was to include the sum requisite for the
American claimants. Our envoys offered fifty
millions and twenty more for the claimants,
but at last acceded to the figures of Marbois.
This concluded the business. Marbois tells
us that Bonaparte when he heard what sum
had been agreed upon received the intelligence
with opposition. He had forgotten or feigned
to forget his original willingness to sell for fifty
millions, and he objected to the allowance of
twenty millions to the American suitors ; but
he soon grew calmer and acquiesced in the ces-
1 In the Correspondance de Napoleon, vol. viii., the projet of
a secret convention between France and the United States ia
printed (without signature), dated April 23, 1803, from the
Arc/lives de France.
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 83
sion. " I have given to England," he said ex-
ultingly, " a maritime rival which will sooner
or later humble her pride." Some details were
worked out in respect to the mode of payment ;
Monroe's presentation to the Consul soon fol-
lowed ; and at length, May 2, the plenipoten-
tiaries signed the French copy of the treaty,
and two or three days later the copy in Eng-
lish. On the thirteenth of the month a ratified
copy was transmitted to Madison. Two con-
ventions proceeded from the treaty of cession,
the first in respect to the mode of payment for
the cession ; the second in respect to American
claims.
As soon as they had signed the treaty the
plenipotentiaries rose and shook hands, when
Livingston said, expressing the general satisfac-
tion, u we have lived long, but this is the no-
blest work of our whole lives." 1 This harmo-
nious conclusion was not reached without some
personal rivalry (if jealousy is too harsh a term
to be employed) between the American repre-
sentatives ; and there is a long letter still extant
in which Monroe recounts the embarrassments
of the situation arising from the conduct of his
colleague. But their personal feelings were
fortunately kept in the background until the
1 His speech as reported by Marbois, p. 310, is full of inter-
est.
84 JAMES MONROE.
business was concluded, although they may be
incidentally traced in their public and official
correspondence. 1
On May 21 Marbois received the following
letter of acknowledgment : 2
" Sur les 240,000 francs, Citoyen Ministre, que
doivent les six banquiers du tresor public, 48,000
francs seront donnes en gratification, conformement a
ma lettre de ce jour ; 192,000 francs seront a votre
disposition pour suppleer a 1'insuffisance de votre
traitement, ayant 1'intention que vous voyiez dans
cette disposition le desir que j'ai de vous temoigner
ma satisfaction de vos travaux importants et du bon
ordre que vous avez mis dans votre ministere, qui ont
valu a la Republique un grand nombre de millions.
" BONAPARTE."
Monroe took leave of Bonaparte June 24,
having been presented to him for this purpose
by Talleyrand at St. Cloud. The First Consul
asked if he were about going to London, and
Monroe replied that he had lately received
the orders of the President, in case our affairs
here were amicably adjusted, to repair to Lon-
don ; that the resignation of our minister there,
and the want of a chargG, made it necessary to
go at once. He then gave a formal expression
of American good-will ; to which Bonaparte re-
1 Monroe MSS.
2 Correspondance de Napoleon I" t An XL (1803).
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 85
plied that " no one wished more than himself
the preservation of a good understanding ;
that the cession he had made was not so much
on account of the price given as from motives
of policy; and that he wished for friendship
between the republics." l
In the progress of this affair the French had
promised tue Americans to exert their good in-
fluences with Spain to induce her to yield the
Floridas, the limit separating these posses-
sions from Louisiana being then in dispute.
Monroe, as soon as the Louisiana purchase was
completed, determined to go to Madrid and treat
for the Floridas, but Cambace'res, who heard
him say this one day at dinner, almost forbade
him, for reasons which were not quite easy to be
discovered. He accordingly called on the Span-
ish minister, and there to his surprise he found
that Livingston had already begun that negoti-
ation with Spain which Monroe had been espe-
cially charged to undertake. This led to serious
explanations between the two American en-
voys. Monroe postponed his visit to Spain and
went to London. He had left the United
States accredited to France, Spain and Eng-
land, the commission to the Court of St.
James having been an afterthought, and dated
three months later.
i Monroe MSS.
86 JAMES MONROE
As a sequel to this narrative, the following
letter to Marbois from Monroe will be read with
interest : l
" LONDON, February 14, 1804.
" My last letter from the Secretary of State (of De
ceraber 26) mentioned that Louisiana was surrendered
to the Prefect of France the latter end of November,
who was to transfer it to the commissioners of the
United States on their arrival at New Orleans, which
was expected in a day or two from that date. Mr.
Madison adds that he considers all difficulties on that
subject as happily terminated. Mr. B. is expected
here daily with everything belonging to a complete
execution of this transaction. In the mean time I am
pursuaded that the house in Holland will consider it
as concluded and act accordingly.
" It gives me pleasure to observe that the prompt
and unconditional exchange of ratifications by your
charge des affaires at Washington, and his correct
conduct in promoting the transfer of the territory of
the United States, in obedience to the orders of his
government, are unequivocal proofs of the good faith
with which the treaties were formed. The manner
in which the President expressed himself in his mes-
sage to Congress of the enlarged liberty and friendly
policy which governed the First Consul in the trans-
action, shows in strong terms the sense which he
entertains of it. May it seal forever the friendship
of the two nations. To have been in any degree in-
strumental to that important result, is one of the cir-
Monroe MSS.
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 87
cumstances of my life which will always give me the
highest satisfaction. In society with my respectable
colleague, to have met an old friend on the other
side, who hud experienced, as well as myself, some
vicissitudes in the extraordinary movements of the
epoch in which we live, is an incident which adds not
a little to the gratification which I derive from the
event.
" You have doubtless heard that Jerome Bonaparte
is married to Miss Patterson of Baltimore. Her fa-
ther is one of the most respectable citizens of that town
or rather of the State of Maryland. Her mother
is a sister of General Smith, a member of the Senate
of the United States, the officer who defended Mud
Island below Philadelphia in our Revolution. The
connection is every way as respectable as he could
have formed in the United States. The young lady
is amiable, very handsome, and perfectly innocent.
The bearer of this is her brother, who goes to Paris
from this place, to carry a letter from Jerome to the
First Consul, which was transmitted to me by her
father. As he has also written to Mr. Livingston, I
inclose to him the letter to the First Consul, as he
might expect that the communication should be made
through him. Nevertheless, I have taken the liberty
to present to you the young man, and apprise you of
the above facts, in confidence that you will make such
friendly representations of the affair as you may find
necessary."
The letter concludes with messages of private
friendship.
88 JAMES MONROE.
Livingston was never quite at his ease in re-
spect to Monroe. He naturally felt some cha-
grin in not being allowed to conclude, without
the support of a fresh colleague, the negotia-
tion he had undertaken, and he was careful not
to yield any of his own prerogatives or to con-
ceal his own services. The apprehensions un-
der which he opened his correspondence with
Monroe, on the latter's arrival in Havre, he
subsequently explained as due to the dissimula-
tions of Talleyrand. These were his explana-
tions to Madison : *
" I have in my former letter informed you of M.
Talleyrand's calling upon me, previous to the arrival
of Mr. Monroe, for a proposition for the whole of
Louisiana; of his afterwards trifling with me, and
telling me that what he said was unauthorized. This
circumstance, for which I have accounted to you in
one of my letters, led me to think, though it after-
wards appeared without reason, that some change
had taken place in the determination which I knew
the Consul had before taken to sell. I had just then
received a line from Mr. Monroe, informing me of
his arrival. I wrote to him a hasty answer, under
the influence of ideas excited by these prevarications
of the minister, expressing the hope that he had
brought information that New Orleans was in our
possession ; that I hoped our negotiation might be
successful ; but that, while I feared nothing but war
1 November 15, 1803.
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 89
would avail us anything, I had paved the way for him.
This letter is very imprudently shown and spoken of
by Mr. Monroe's particular friends as a proof that
he had been the principal agent in the negotiation.
So far, indeed, as it may tend to this object, it is of
little moment, because facts and dates are too well
known to be contradicted. For instance, it is known
to everybody here that the Consul had taken his re-
solution to sell previous to Mr. Monroe's arrival. It
is a fact well known that M. Marbois was authorized,
informally, by the First Consul, to treat with me,
before Mr. Monroe reached Paris ; that he actually
made me the very proposition we ultimately agreed
to, before Mr. Monroe had seen a minister, except
M. Marbois, for a moment, at my house, where he
came to make the proposition, Mr. Monroe not hav-
ing been presented to M. Talleyrand, to whom I in-
troduced him the afternoon of the next day. All,
then, that remained to negotiate, after his arrival,
was a diminution of the price, and in this our joint
mission was unfortunate ; for we came up, as soon as
Mr. Monroe's illness would suffer him to do busi-
ness, after a few days delay, to the minister's offers.
There is no doubt that Mr. Monroe's talents and ad-
dress would have enabled him, had he been placed in
my circumstances, to have effected what I have done.
But he, unfortunately, came too late to do more than
assent to the propositions that were made us, and to
aid in reducing them to form. I think he has too
much candor not to be displeased that his friends
should publicly endeavor to depreciate me by speak-
90 JAMES MONROE.
ing of a private letter, hastily written, under circum-
stances of irritation with which Mr. Monroe is fully
acquainted ; a letter, too, which may contribute in
two ways to advance the views of the enemies of the
administration. It is in this light only that it gives
me pain."
In looking over this extraordinary chapter
in history, which records probably the largest
transaction in real estate which the world has
ever known, it is interesting to trace the con-
currence of so many factors. The ambition of
Napoleon, the sagacity of Jefferson, the diplo-
macy of Talleyrand and Marbois, the caution
of Livingston, the enthusiasm of Monroe, were
all manifested in the sale of a part of the North
American continent, the boundaries of which
were uncertain, the title insecure, and the price
incapable of being determined by any market
standard nearer than " the cost of Etruria,"
which was the price of the cession of Louisiana
by Spain. Yet back of these personal influ-
ences were great ideas controlling the action of
vigorous nations ; there was the English deter-
mination to put down the rising dominion of
Napoleon ; there was the willingness of Spain
to give up New Orleans ; there was the Amer-
ican resolution to secure, by diplomacy or by
force, the Mississippi outlet ; there was the
readiness of France to prevent the seizure of
ENVOY IN FRANCE. 91
New Orleans by the English, and to build up
in the new world a powerful rival to Great
Britain. France was enough involved with
financial difficulties to need money ; the United
States, by a wise financial policy, was in good
credit at Amsterdam ; and so, when the price
had been fixed, there was no trouble about pay-
ment, and no delay in the transfer.
Nobody could foretell the momentous conse-
quences which would proceed from this sale.
Bonaparte thought that two or three hundred
years later American influence might be over-
powering, a contingency so remote that even
his aspirations were not affected by it ; and Jef-
ferson was far-seeing enough to devise an ex-
ploring expedition which should proceed to the
extreme Northwest and report with as much
precision as the science of the day would per-
mit in respect to the sources of the great rivers.
But this was all. Beyond the Mississippi was
a land unknown. The Americans did not ask
for it, and Livingston comforted himself with
the thought that perhaps a part of it could be
resold ; France pressed its purchase on those
who were only asking for New Orleans and the
Floridas. By this marvellous combination of
circumstances Louisiana, including the far
northwest, became ours.
The subsequent history of the United States
92 JAMES MONROE.
has been closely connected with this famous ac-
quisition. The Missouri compromise, the an-
nexation of Texas, the Northwestern boundary
disputes, the acquisition of California and of
the northern provinces of Mexico, the discovery
of gold and silver, the Nebraska bill, the Mor-
mon difficulty, the Indian policy, the Alaska
purchase, the Pacific railroads, the isthmus canal
question, the Chinese immigration, who can
say that any one of these controversies and
events would ever have come to the front if
Spain, or France, or Great Britain had re-
mained in control of that half of our domain
which lies beyond the Mississippi ?
Among the concurrent circumstances there is
none so extraordinary to us who are accus-
tomed to constitutional limitations, as the arbi-
trary power then held in France by one who
was still a young man, and who, a few years
previous (at the beginning, let us say, of Mon-
roe's first mission), was comparatively unknown,
and without the slightest prescience of his com-
ing authority. The memoirs of Marbois, Liv-
ingston, and Monroe, and the correspondence
of Napoleon, do not give any indication that
the First Consul, in this far-reaching exercise of
his authority, was guided by the opinion of a
cabinet or council, or restricted by any funda-
mental law. He speaks to Marbois in the sin-
ENVOY IN ENGLAND. 93
gular number, like the owner of a house or
farm, as if he were, indeed, the personification
of France. He does, it is true, consult two min-
isters of state, but he turns abruptly away from
the advice of one of them, and to the other he
gives directions as positive and arbitrary as if
he were directing a broker to sell a cargo. The
mighty deeds of Napoleon's sword have been
undone, but the stroke of his pen wrought a
change which now, after fourscore years have
passed, is no more liable to counterchange than
the Mississippi is to flow into the lakes.
Soon after Monroe's arrival in England he
received from Madison, the Secretary of State,
the plan of a convention to be proposed to the
British government, with particular reference
to our maritime rights. We had suffered so
much from impressment of seamen, blockade,
and the search of our vessels, that it was quite
time to insist on the national claims. Early in
April, 1804, the subject was brought to the at-
tention of Lord Hawkesbury ; but before any
response was received Addington had yielded
the leadership to Pitt, and Lord Harrowby had
taken the foreign office. He received Monroe
in a manner which was fitted to wound and
irritate ; not a friendly sentiment toward the
United States escaped him ; and the American
94 JAMES MONROE.
minister considered these concerns as postponed
indefinitely. Before autumn the Foreign Minis-
ter grew more conciliatory, but no conclusions
were reached at the beginning of October, when,
by mutual consent, the negotiations were post-
poned, and Monroe left London on an absence
of several months.
Looking forward to a release from the pub-
lic service, Monroe wrote to Judge Jones from
London (May 16, 1804), saying that he should
gather a collection of law books and bring them
home with a view to continuing the practice of
the law. He hoped that thus, with the aid of a
farm, he might gain enough to support a family
without the aid of other resources. He indicated
his strong preference for Richmond and directed
the sale of his land above Charlottesville, as it
brought no income. He said he could live better
on $2,000 per year in Richmond than on X 2,000
in London. He had thought seriously of accept-
ing the appointment in Louisiana which Madison
was willing to give him, though the administra-
tion seemed to prefer that he should remain in
London. Jefferson intimated that he might be
sent to Spain. The whole tenor of the letter is
that of one who is longing for repose at home,
suffering from fatigue and poor health abroad,
and in want of sufficient means to maintain
agreeably his diplomatic station. 1
1 Gouverneur MSS.
ENVOY IN ENGLAND. 95
It will be remembered that he went from
the United States commissioned to Spain as
well as France, but did not continue his jour-
ney to Madrid. In the autumn of 1804 he
resumed the proposed negotiation with Spain,
and, as he went through Paris, solicited from
Talleyrand the French support in his endeavor
to secure from the Spaniards the cession of their
possessions to the east of the mouths of the
Mississippi. The exact eastern boundary of
the Louisiana territory already acquired by the
United States was undetermined, and Florida
was wanted. Months previous Napoleon had
pledged his good offices in the promotion of
the plans of the United States, but when they
were now solicited he failed to make the ex-
pected response, although cautiously warned that
there was danger of an immediate rupture be-
tween Spain and the United States, which
would, indirectly at least, be harmful to France.
Monroe and Pinckney accordingly prosecuted
their mission as best they could without the
French cooperation. From January to May
they were in constant negotiation with the
Spanish minister, Don Pedro Cevallos, but
it all resulted in nothing and Monroe returned
to his residence in London.
Lord Mulgrave was now in the foreign office.
New seizures of American vessels by the British
96 JAMES MONROE
gave renewed emphasis to the American com-
plaints, which were met with dilatory and pro-
voking responses. The death of Pitt brought
about another change of ministry early in 1806,
and the whole story of our demands was pre-
sented to the more friendly consideration of Fox,
who promised to give his immediate attention
to the business and pursue it without delay until
it was concluded. But he again encountered
obstacles among his colleagues. Meanwhile, as
Monroe had been sent to reinforce other minis-
ters, Wm. Pinkney was sent to reinforce Mon-
roe. He had previously been resident in London
for a long time, and had pressed to a success-
ful issue the claims of the State of Maryland
to some stock in the Bank of England. He
had held the office of commissioner under the
treaty of 1794. The joint commission of the
two envoys was dated May 17, 1806, and cov-
ered a larger field of negotiation and conven-
tion than that which had been intrusted to
Monroe alone. Their early communications to
Madison contained the same old story of delay.
Fox was now ill beyond the hope of recov-
ery, and the good offices of his nephew, Lord
Holland, were solicited to secure an official rec-
ognition from the King. Lord Grenville now
assumed the direction of affairs, and he soon
informed the Americans that Lord Auckland
ENVOY IN ENGLAND. 97
and Lord Holland were appointed aa a special
commission to discuss all matters pending be-
tween tlie two governments. Toward the end
of August, 1806, serious negotiations began in
Downing Street, and as the last day of the
year was reached, these wearisome and complex
deliberations were concluded by a treaty. This
was forwarded to Washington at once by the
hand of Mr. Purviance, but it did not reach
Mr. Jefferson until March 15. Twelve days be-
fore, on March 3, just before the adjournment
of Congress, the President saw a copy of the
treaty which Mr. Erskine, the British minister,
had received. 1
Long as the negotiations had been, and vo-
luminous as were the results, the treaty failed in
two fundamental points. It made no provision
against the impressment of our seamen ; and it
secured no indemnity for losses which Ameri-
cans had incurred in the seizure of their goods
and vessels. Jefferson " pigeon-holed " it. He
took the responsibility, without summoning the
Senate, to withhold his ratification. When it
became evident that this would be the result,
the Secretary of State wrote to the commis-
sioners that the President thought it better, if
no satisfactory or formal stipulation on the sub-
ject of impressment were attainable, that the
1 J. Q. Adams's Diary, L 466.
7
98 JAMES MONROE.
negotiation should terminate without any for-
mal compact whatever. A fresh draft of the
American expectations was then drawn up,
upon which the two envoys might renew their
negotiations.
In his memoirs of the Whig party Lord
Holland has given a graphic picture of the
American commissioners, and of the attitude of
the English government, which may here be
quoted :
" Without notice or explanation, an order for de-
taining all neutrals engaged in such a commerce was
suddenly issued ; and a prodigious number of Ameri-
cans were brought into our ports by his majesty's
cruisers in the summer and autumn of 1805. The
principle of these seizures was not likely to be very
readily admitted by any independent power whose
subjects had suffered by the application of it. The
sudden and peremptory manner of enforcing it was
yet more offensive, and aggravated that hostile feel-
ing which long mismanagement on our part, and some
folly on theirs, had created in the leading party in
North America. Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney
were instructed to insist on an explanation upon this
important point, on some regulation of the impress-
ment of British seamen found in American merchant
vessels, on the right and practice of searching for
them at sea, and on many other inferior but difficult
subjects. When, however, the death of Mr. Pitt
was known, the spirit, though not the substance, of
ENVOY IN ENGLAND. 99
their instructions was softened, and the mission was
authorized to assume a more conciliatory tone than
their original instructions seemed to breathe. The
two gentlemen were empowered to negotiate and
conclude a treaty of commerce which should regulate
all disputed points, and place the two countries per-
manently on a more amicable footing. We found
the two American commissioners fair, explicit, frank,
and intelligent. Mr. Monroe (afterwards president)
was a sincere Republican, who during the Revolution
in France had imbibed a strong predilection for that
country, and no slight aversion to this. But he had
candor and principle. A nearer view of the consu-
lar and imperial government of France, and of our
Constitution in England, converted him from both
these opinions. ' I find,' said he to me, ' your
monarchy more republican than monarchical, and
the French republic infinitely more monarchical than
your monarchy.' He was plain in his manners and
somewhat slow in his apprehension ; but he was a
diligent, earnest, sensible, and even profound man.
His colleague, who had been partly educated in Eng-
land and was a lawyer by profession, had more of the
forms and readiness of business, and greater knowl-
edge and cultivation of mind; but perhaps his opin-
ions were neither so firmly rooted nor so deeply con-
sidered as those of Mr. Monroe. Throughout our
negotiation they were conciliatory, both in form and
in substance. They exceeded their instructions by
signing a treaty which left the article of impressment
unsettled. My colleague and I took credit to ourselves
100 JAMES MONROE.
for having convinced them of the extreme difficulty
of the subject, arising from the impossibility of our
allowing seamen to withdraw themselves from our
service during war, and from the inefficacy of all the
regulations which they had been enabled to propose
for preventing their entering into American ships.
They, on the other hand, persuaded us that they were
themselves sincere in wishing to prevent it ; and we
saw no reason for suspecting that the government of
the United States was less so. But though they pro-
fessed, and I believe felt, a strong wish to enforce
such a provision, they did not convince us that they
had the power or means of enforcing it. There
was, consequently, no article in the treaty upon the
subject. Upon this omission and upon other more
frivolous pretexts, but with the real purpose and
effect of defeating Mr. Monroe's views on the pres-
identship, Mr. Jefferson refused to ratify a treaty
which would have secured his countrymen from all
further vexations, and prevented a war between two
nations, whose habits, language, and interests should
unite them in perpetual alliance and good-fellowship.
" I had an opportunity during this negotiation of
observing the influence of situation over men's opin-
ions. The atmosphere of the Admiralty made those
who breathed it shudder at anything like concessions
to the Americans ; while the anxiety to avoid war
and to enlarge our resources by commerce, so natu-
ral in the Treasury, softened natures otherwise less
yielding, and led them to listen with favor to every
conciliatory expedient."
ENVOY IN ENGLAND. 101
Events were driving the two nations into a
collision which might have been averted by di-
plomacy, but which soon developed into war.
On July 24 the American commissioners, in ac-
cordance with their instructions, had reopened
a correspondence with Mr. Canning, now for-
eign secretary in the Portland ministry, and on
the very next day intelligence was received in
London that the British ship Leopard, assert-
ing the right to search for deserters, had at-
tacked the American frigate Chesapeake, off
the Chesapeake capes. 1 Of course this brought
still more delay. After the settlement of this
aggression had been transferred from London
to Washington, the treaty was again brought
up for reconsideration by the British minister
in October. Before much progress could be
made, the famous "orders in council," full of
menace to American commerce, were passed,
and remonstrances against them were presented
by Pinkney, who now assumed the entire re-
sponsibility of the legation. *
Monroe returned to America near the close
of 1807, and soon drew up an elaborate defence
of his diplomatic conduct in England in a let-
ter to Madison, which covers ten folio pages of
the State Papers. 2 The enthusiasm with which
he might have been received immediately after
i June 23, 1807. a February 28, 1808.
102 JAMES MONROE,
the Louisiana purchase was dampened by his
failure in the English negotiations. Politicians
were already discussing the presidential suc-
cession, the Republican party being divided in
their preferences for Madison and Monroe. Jef-
ferson endeavored to remain neutral ; Wirt was
in favor of Madison ; at length the legislature
of Virginia settled the choice ' by pronouncing
in favor of the latter. Monroe's friends acqui-
esced. Soon afterwards Madison was placed in
the chair of the president, and Monroe, after a
brief interval, was reflected to the post of gov-
ernor. It was a mark of the confidence of
those who knew him best that thus a second
time, on his return from a foreign land, more
or less disappointed, if not under a cloud, he
should be called to the highest office in the gift
of the people of the State.
I cannot discover that the failure of Monroe
to accomplish the purpose of his mission to
Spain and England indicates any want of in-
telligence, assiduity, or fidelity on his part. Al-
though there is a curious gap in the published
papers just before his departure for England,
I do not see any evidence that the administra-
tion lost their confidence in him. He failed be-
cause the times were not propitious for success.
Spain was not ready to give up the Floridas.
England was determined not to yield the right
ENVOY IN ENGLAND. 103
of search ; not even after a disastrous war would
she acknowledge the wrongs against which the
United States protested. During Monroe's
short mission to London he was obliged to be
absent from that city several months, and he
was actually brought into negotiations with six
successive foreign secretaries, besides the two
special commissioners ; and these secretaries
were involved in the perplexities which arose
from prolonged hostilities with a most vigorous
ioe. The delays which were thus occasioned
may have been inevitable, but they were very
costly. War followed in their train.
CHAPTER V.
SECRETARY OP STATE AND OF WAR.
MADISON became President in 1809. Mon-
roe, who had been a rival aspirant for the office,
was called to the post of secretary of state in
1811, as the successor of Robert Smith of Mary-
land. His associates in the cabinet at that time
were Gallatin, Eustis, Paul Hamilton, and, a lit-
tle later, William Pinkney. The war which for
several years had seemed inevitable was now
imminent. Congress indicated a desire for posi-
tive measures, and although the President still
favored peace, bills were passed for augmenting
the army and navy, for enlisting volunteers,
and for organizing the militia. The adminis-
tration was floated onward by the current of
public opinion. The British " orders in coun-
cil " were the immediate occasion of this spirit
of resistance, but the troubles had begun long
before. After hearing Mr. Perceval's public
declaration in February, 1812, that England
could not listen to the pretensions of neutral
nations, the American minister in London, Mr.
Russell, wrote home that war could not honor-
SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR. 105
ably be avoided. This expectation soon became
a fact, and war was declared on June 18, 1812.
It was a curious coincidence that the act of dec-
laration was drawn by William Pinkney, and
communicated to England by James Monroe,
the two commissioners in London whose efforts
to maintain peace by a reasonable treaty had
been unsuccessful a few years before.
Then followed a long period of tumult, dis-
aster, and victory, the story of which has been
so often told that it will here be referred to
only in illustration of the life of Monroe.
Even this part of his history is so well known
that I cannot shed any new light upon it. As
Secretary of State his duties were not at the be-
ginning more complex than the ordinary, but he
was afterwards charged with the additional re-
sponsibilities of the War Department, and thus
his position became doubly powerful and diffi-
cult. Monroe who was commonly designated
by his military title, and who had the renown of
brave service in the Revolution seriously de-
liberated whether he should take the field in
person, as a volunteer, if not to command ; but
he restrained his military ardor.
During the summer and autumn of 1811
the Secretary of State was engaged in a brisk
correspondence with Mr. Foster, the British
minister in Washington. His most extended
106 JAMES MONROE.
dispatch was that of July 23, in which he vig-
orously defends the rights of neutrals. His
concluding sentences have an eloquent ring.
" It is the interest of belligerents," he argues,
*' to mitigate the calamities of war, and neutral
powers possess ample means to promote that
object, provided they sustain, with impartiality
and firmness, the dignity of their station. If
belligerents expect advantage from neutrals,
they should leave them in the full enjoyment
of their rights. The present war has been op-
pressive beyond example by its duration, and
by the desolation it has spread throughout
Europe. It is highly important that it should
assume at least a milder character. By the
revocation of the French edicts, so far as they
respected the neutral commerce of the United
States, some advance is made towards that
most desirable and consoling result. Let Great
Britain follow the example. The ground thus
gained will soon be enlarged by the concurring
and pressing interests of all parties ; and what-
ever is gained will accrue to the advantage of
afflicted humanity." l Six months later (Janu-
ary 14, 1812) he writes again to Mr. Foster,
complaining that in the conduct of the British
government it is impossible to see anything
short of a determined hostility to the rights
and interests of the United States.
1 Stale Papers, ill.
SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR. 107
The relations of the United States with
France also required careful attention from the
Secretary, though they were less critical than
those with England. Barlow was commissioned
as minister to the Emperor of the French, and
the Secretary, July 26, 1811, gave him ex-
tended instructions with reference to the claims
of the United States. France, he assumes, has
changed her policy towards the United States,
as the revocation of her decrees indicates, but
much is yet to be done by her to satisfy Amer-
ican claims. "If she wishes to profit of neutral
commerce she must become the advocate of
neutral rights, as well by her practice as by her
theory." Such was the message sent to the
Emperor, and it had some influence upon his
subsequent action. A treaty of commerce was
proposed ; but as delay was expected in ne-
gotiating it, Barlow endeavored to secure an
official memorandum of the agreement of the
two Powers, but was obliged to be content with
general assurances from the Emperor, that the
principles contended for were adopted and would
be put in operation. 1
The inauspicious opening of the war is a fa-
miliar story. Much of the blame for the disas-
ters which occurred was thrown upon the Sec-
retary of War, Dr. Eustis, a surgeon in the
i State Papers, iii. 516.
108 JAMES MONROE.
Revolutionary army, who at length gave way.
Monroe acted ad interim until the appointment
of General John Armstrong, who had held the
rank of major in the Revolutionary army, and
had since then been called to many conspicuous
public stations, among them that of minister to
France. The war did not go much better after
the change in the secretary's office. Monroe
looked with great suspicion on his colleague's
conduct of affairs, and at length addressed the
President as follows, after a short conversation
the evening previous : *
JAMES MONROE TO PRESIDENT MADISON.
July 25, 1813.
You intimated that you had understood that Gen-
eral Armstrong intended to repair to the northern
frontiers and to direct the operations of the cam-
paign ; and it was afterwards suggested to me that
he would, as Secretary at War, perform the duties of
lieutenant-general. It merits consideration how far
the exercise of such a power is strictly constitutional
and correct in itself ; and secondly, how far it may
affect the character of your administration and of
those acting in it; and thirdly, whether it is not
otherwise liable to objection on the ground of pol-
icy. I shall be able to present to your consideration
a few hints only on each of these propositions. The
departments of the government, being recognized by
1 Monroe MSS.
SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR. 109
the Constitution, have appropriate duties under it as
organs of the executive will ; they contain records of
its transactions, and are in that sense checks on the
Executive. If the Secretary of War leaves the seat
of government (the chief magistrate remaining there)
and performs the duties of a general, the powers of
the chief magistrate, of the Secretary at War, and
general are all united in the latter. There ceases to
be a check on executive power as to military opera-
tions ; indeed, the executive power as known to the
Constitution is destroyed ; the whole is transferred
from the Executive to the general at the head of the
army. It is completely absorbed in hands where it is
most dangerous.
It may be said that the President is commander-in-
chief ; that the Secretary at War is his organ as to
military operations, and that he may allow him to go
to the army, as being well informed in military affairs,
and act for himself. I am inclined to think that the
President, unless he takes the command of the army
in person, acts, in directing its movements, more as the
executive power than as commander-in-chief. What
would become of the Secretary at War if the Presi-
dent took command of the army, I do not know. I
rather suppose, however, that although some of his
powers would be transferred to the military staff
about the President, he would, nevertheless, retain
his appropriate constitutional character in all other
respects. The Adjutant-General would become the
organ of the Executive as to military operations, but
the Secretary of War would be that for every other
110 JAMES MONROE.
measure, indeed for all except movements in the
field. The Department at War would therefore still
form some check on the Executive at the head of the
army, but there would be none on the Secretary,
when he was general.
On the second head, the effect it might have on
the credit of your administration, there can be little
doubt. If there is cause to suspect the measure on
constitutional grounds, that circumstance alone would
wound its credit deeply. But a total yielding of the
power, as would be inferred, and might and proba-
bly would be assumed (for any act which would be
performed or order given without the sanction of
the chief magistrate would, in a degree, operate in
that way) , would affect it in another sense not less in-
juriously. It is impossible for the Secretary at War
to go to the frontier, and perform the offices con-
templated, without exercising all those of the mili-
tary commander, especially. He would carry with
him, of course, those of the War Department, for by
the powers of that department would he act as
general, and control all military and other opera-
tions, and being forced to act by circumstances and
take his measures by the day, he could have no
order or sanction from the chief magistrate. This
would be seen by the public and imperil greatly the
credit of the administration. If General Armstrong
is the person most fit to command the armies let him
be appointed such ; there will then be a check on
him in the chief magistrate and in the War Depart-
ment. Does he possess in a prominent degree the
SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR. Ill
public confidence for that trust? Do we not know
the fact to be otherwise, that it was with difficulty
he was appointed a brigadier-general, and still greater
difficulty that he was appointed Secretary at War ?
On the ground of policy T have already made some
remarks ; but there are other objections to it on that
ground. If he withdraws from the seat of govern-
ment, and takes his station with the northern troops,
what will become of every other army, that under
Harrison, Pinckney, and Wilkinson, and of those
stationed in other quarters, especially along the coast ?
Who will direct the general movement, supervise
their supplies, etc. ?
I cannot close these remarks without adding some-
thing in relation to myself. Stimulated by a deep
sense of the misfortunes of our country, as well as
its disgrace by the surrender of Hull, the misconduct
of Van Rensselaer and Smyth, and by the total want
of character in the northern campaign, and dreading
its effects on your administration, on the Republican
party and cause, I have repeatedly offered my service
in a military station, not that I wished to take it by
preference to my present one, which to all others I
prefer, but from a dread of the consequences above-
mentioned.
I was willing to take the Department of War per-
manently, if, in leaving my present station, it was
thought I might be more useful there than in a mili-
tary command. I thought otherwise. What passed
on this subject proves that I considered the Depart-
ment of War as a very different trust from that of the
military commander.
112 JAMES MONROE.
You appeared to think I might be more useful
with the army, as did Mr. Gallatin, with whom I con-
ferred on the subject. I was convinced that the du-
ties of Secretary of War and military commander
were not only incompatible under our government,
but that they could not be exercised by the same
person. I was equally satisfied that the Secretary at
War could not perform, in his character as secretary,
the duties of general of the army. The movement
of the army must be regulated daily by events which
occur daily, and the movement of all its parts, to be
combined and simultaneous, must be under the con-
trol of the general in the field, not of the War
Department. That this is the opinion of General
Armstrong also, is evident from his disposition to join
the army. He knows that here he cannot direct the
movements of the armies. He knows also that he
could not be appointed the lieutenant-general, and
that it is only in his present character as Secretary
at War that he can expect to exercise his functions
of general.
As soon as General Armstrong took charge of the
Department at War I thought I saw his plan, that is,
after he had held it a few days. 1 saw distinctly
that he intended to have no grade in. the army which
should be competent to a general control of military
operations ; that he meant to keep the whole in his
own hands ; that each operation should be distinct
and separate, with distinct and separate objects, and,
of course, to be directed by himself, not simply in
the outline but detail. I anticipated mischief from
this, because I knew that the movement could not be
SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR. 113
directed from this place ; I did not then anticipate the
remedy which he had in view.
I was animated by much zeal (in offering my ser-
vices in a military station) in favor of your adminis-
tration and the cause of free government, which I
have long considered intimately connected together.
I flattered myself that by my long services, and
what the country knew of me, that I should give
some impulse to the recruiting business, and other-
wise aid the cause. The misfortunes and dangers
attending the cause produced so much excitement
that my zeal may have exposed me to the appear-
ance of repulse and disappointment in the course
things have taken. But, as I well know that you
have justly appreciated my motives, and that the
public cannot fail to do it, should any imputation of
the kind alluded to be made, these are considerations
which have no effect on my mind.
Having seen into these things, from my little
knowledge of military affairs and the management
of the War Department for some weeks (which gave
me a knowledge of the state of things there), and
foreseeing some danger to your administration as
well as to the public interest, from the causes above
stated, I have felt it a duty which I owe to you, as
well as to the public, to communicate to you my senti-
ments on them. I have written them in much truth
and without reserve. You will, I am satisfied, bestow
on them the consideration which they deserve.
I am, dear sir, sincerely and respectfully your friend,
JAMES MONROE.
8
114 JAMES MONROE.
I will add that I cease to have any desire of a mil-
itary station, having never wished one with a view to
myself, and always under a conviction that I should
incur risks and make sacrifices by it ; it is in conse-
quence of feeling it strongly my duty that I entirely
relinquish the idea. These hints are intended to
bring to your consideration the other circumstances
to which they allude.
Six months later he sent to the President the
following remonstrance against Armstrong's
plan of a conscription, with an urgent plea for
his removal :
WASHINGTON, December 27, 1813.
The following communication from the Secretary
of the Navy is the cause of this letter.
Just before I left the office he came into it and
informed me that General Armstrong had adopted
the idea of a conscription, and was engaged in com-
munications with members of Congress, in which he
endeavored to reconcile them to it, stating that the
militia could not be relied on, and regular troops
could not be enlisted. Mr. Jones was fearful, should
such an idea get into circulation, that it would go far,
with other circumstances, to ruin the administration.
He told me that he had his information from General
Jacock, and he authorized me to communicate it to
you.
I suspect that many other members have already
been sounded on it, as Mr. Roberts remarked to me
yesterday that General Armstrong had returned and
had many projects prepared for them.
SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR. 115
Other circumstances which have come to my
knowledge ought to be known to you. Mr. Dawson
called on me yesterday week and informed me that
Mr. Fisk of New York intended to move on the next
day a resolution calling on you to state by what
authority General Armstrong had commanded the
northern army during the late campaign ; who had
discharged the duties of his office in his absence ;
and for other information relating particularly to his
issuing communications and exercising all the duties
of Secretary of War on the frontiers. I satisfied
Mr. Dawson that an attack on the Secretary on those
grounds would be an attack on you, and that we must
all support him against it, to support you. He assured
me that he should represent it in that light to Mr.
Fisk and endeavor to prevail on him to decline the
measure. I presume he did so.
General M., whom I have seen, informed me that
this gentleman was engaged in the seduction of the
officers of the army, particularly the young men of
talents, promising to one the rank of brigadier, to
another that of major-general, as he presumed with-
out your knowledge ; teaching them to look to him,
and not you, for preferment, and exciting their re-
sentment against you if it did not take effect. He
says that the most corrupting system is carried on
throughout the State of New York, by placing in
office, particularly in the quartermaster's depart-
ment, his tools and the sons of influential men under
them as clerks, etc. I did not go into detail. Other
remarks of his I will take another opportunity of
116 JAMES MONROE.
communicating to you. It is painful to me to make
this communication to you, nor should I do it if I
did not most conscientiously believe that this man,
if continued in office, will ruin not you and the ad-
ministration only, but the whole Republican party
and cause. He has already gone far to do it, and
it is my opinion, if he is not promptly removed, he
will soon accomplish it.
The letter continues in confidential terms to
exhibit the writer's estimate of Armstrong.
Armstrong retained his portfolio, notwith-
standing this remonstrance from his colleague.
The battle of Bladensburg, however, effected a
change which no peaceful protest could bring
about. It revealed the utter inadequacy of the
national defence, and quickened the administra-
tion to wiser methods of carrying on the war.
During the approach of the British to Wash-
ington, says General Cullum,
" all in our army was confusion, and though "Win-
der was called the commander of this motley mass,
there was more than one volunteer generalissimo from
the President's mounted cabinet, one of whom, the
Secretary of State, without Winder's knowledge,
changed his order of battle, and another, the Secre-
tary of War, had a few hours before been invested
by the President with the supreme command, though,
fortunately, his order was suspended before the battle
began."
SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR. 117
From the various narratives, it appears that
Monroe went out from Washington, on August
20, with a slender escort of twenty-five or
thirty dragoons, to reconnoitre the enemy's po-
sition, and he continued to watch their move-
ments until after the battle of Bladensburg.
On the 22d he informed the President that im-
minent danger threatened the capital, advised
the removal of the government records, and
suggested that materials be in readiness for the
destruction of the bridges. Then came the
panic and the exodus of the inhabitants on the
eve of an action. On the 24th, Monroe was
with the President at General Winder's head-
quarters, when it was discovered that the enemy
were marching to Bladensburg, and he repaired
without loss of time to General Stansbury's
position, in order to inform him of this move-
ment. The accounts of what he did on the
field are confused. Colonel Williams says there
are discrepancies in the statements of various
participants in the action which it is impossible
to reconcile, the more singular because the
statements were prepared for the information
of Congress but a few weeks after the battle.
Forty years later the recollections of Richard
Rush were drawn out in a letter, which gives a
brief and vivid narrative of the sequence of
events in that stirring week, and indicates the
118 JAMES MONROE.
relation of the President and his cabinet to the
various movements. It is not possible for us to
read this chapter in the national history with
composure, and it is not easy on the field of
Bladensburg to gather laurels for any one ; on
the other hand, 1 shall not attempt to distribute
the responsibilities of the disaster. The im-
mediate result of it was that Ross and Cockburn
lost no time in entering Washington, and soon
the public buildings were in flames ; the ulti-
mate result was popular determination to secure
a more vigorous conduct of the war, in which
Monroe became a prominent actor. 1
Among contemporary narratives of these
events two drafts have been preserved of a
narrative written or inspired by Monroe, one
of which will here be given. It belongs to the
class of mmoires pour servir, or semi-official
memoranda, and will serve to give prominence
to the Secretary's proceedings at this time, as
he would like to have them remembered. The
date is September, 1814, a few weeks at most
(and possibly but a few days) after the battle of
Bladensburg and the burning of the capital,
dire events which are referred to euphuistically
as " the affair of the twenty-fourth." The cir-
1 On this subject see G. W. Cullum, Campaigns of 1812,
pp. 285-288; J. S. Williams, Capture of Washington, p. 209;
especially the letter of R. Rush on p. 274.
SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR. 119
cumstances which placed Monroe in charge of
the War Department are here fully indicated.
" The President, Secretary of State, and Attorney-
General returned to the city of Washington on Satur-
day, the 27th of August, at which time the enemy's
squadron were battering the fort below Alexandria,
whose unprotected inhabitants were in consternation,
as were those of the city and of Georgetown, and
iudeed of all the neighboring country. After the
affair of the 24th, General Winder rallied the prin-
cipal part of the militia engaged in it at Montgomery
Court House, where he remained on the 25th and
part of the 26th, preparing for a new movement, the
necessity of which he anticipated. The Secretary of
State joined him ; a portion of the forces from Balti-
more at Montgomery Court House on the 25th had
returned to that city. About midday on the 26th
the general having received intelligence that the
enemy were in motion towards Bladensburg, probably
with intention to visit Baltimore, formed his troops
without delay, and commenced his march towards
Ellicott's Mills, with intention to hang on the enemy's
left flank in case Baltimore was their object, and of
meeting them at the mills if they took that route.
Late in the evening of that day he resolved to pro-
ceed in person to Baltimore, to prepare that city for
the attack with which it was menaced. As com-
mander of the military district, it was his duty to look
to every part and to make the necessary prepara-
tion for its defence, and none appeared then to be in
120 JAMES MONROE.
greater danger or to have a stronger claim to his
attention than the city of Baltimore. He announced
this, his resolution, to Generals Stansbury and Smith,
instructing them to watch the movements of the
enemy, and to act with the force under their com-
mand as circumstances might require, and departed
about 7 P. M. The Secretary of State remained with
Generals Stansbury and Smith.
" The President [had] crossed the Potomac on the
evening of the 24th, accompanied by the Attorney-
General and General Mason, and remained on the
south side of the river a few miles above the lower
falls, on the 25th. On the 26th he recrossed the
Potomac, and went to Brookville, in the neighbor-
hood of Montgomery Court House, with intention to
join General Winder.
" On the 27th the Secretary of State, having heard
that the enemy had evacuated the city, notified it, by
express, to the President, and advised immediate re-
turn to the city for the purpose of reestablishing the
government there. He joined the President on the
same day at Brookville, accompanied by the Secretary
of State and Attorney-General ; set out immediately
for Washington, where they arrived at five in the
afternoon. The enemy's squadron was then battering
Fort Washington, which was evacuated and blown
up by the commander, on that evening, without the
least resistance. The unprotected inhabitants of Al-
exandria in consternation capitulated, and those of
Georgetown and the city were preparing to follow
the example. Such was the state of affairs when the
SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR. 121
President entered the city on the evening of the
27th. There was no force organized for its defence.
The Secretary of War was at Fredericktown, and
General Winder at Baltimore. The effect of the
late disaster on the whole Union and the world was
anticipated. Prompt measures were indispensable.
Under these circumstances, the President requested
Mr. Monroe to take charge of the Department of
War, and command of the District ad interim, with
which he immediately complied. On the 28th in the
morning, the President, with Mr. Monroe and the
Attorney-General, visited the navy yard, the arsenal
at Greenleafs Point, and passing along the shore of
the Potomac, up towards Georgetown, Mr. Monroe,
as Secretary of War and military commander, adopted
measures, under sanction of the President, for the
defence of the city and of Georgetown. As they
passed near the capital he was informed that the
citizens of Washington were preparing to send a dep-
utation to the British commander for the purpose of
capitulating.
" He forbade the measure. It was then remarked
that the situation of the inhabitants was deplorable ;
there being no force prepared for their defence, their
houses might be burnt down. Mr. Monroe then ob-
served that he had been charged by the President
with authority to take measures for the defence of the
city, and that it should be defended ; that if any depu-
tation moved towards the enemy it should be repelled
by the bayonet. He took immediate measures for
mounting a battery at Greeuleaf s Point, another near
122 JAMES MONROE.
the bridge, a third at the wind mill point, and sent
an order to Colonel Winder, who was in charge of
some cannon, on the opposite shore above the ferry
landing, to move three of the pieces to the lower end
of Mason's Island, and the others some distance
below that point on the Virginia shore, to cooperate
with the batteries on the Maryland side. Colonel
Winder refused to obey the order, on which Mr.
Monroe passed the river, and riding to the colonel
gave the order in person. The colonel replied that
he did not know Mr. Monroe as Secretary of War or
commanding general. Mr. Monroe then stated that
he acted under the authority of the President, and
that he must either obey the order or leave the field.
The colonel preferred the latter." *
The following letter from William Robinson,
a political opponent of Monroe, was written in
1823, to counteract certain disparaging reports
which were abroad in reference to the defence
of Washington : 2
" I have it in perfect recollection that on the morn-
ing of the 27th August I met with Colonel Monroe
at Snell's bridge on the route to Baltimore. The
army was in march from Montgomery Court House,
where it had reassembled after the battle of Bladens-
burg ; much confusion prevailed in consequence of
the recent defeat, and the disorganization and disper-
sion of the officers of the government. Colonel
Monroe expressed great anxiety for the immediate
1 Monroe MSS. 2 Gouverneur MSS.
SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR. 123
return of the President and high officers of govern-
ment to Washington city with a view to the restora-
tion of order and effective resistance of the enemy.
He was pleased to intrust me with an open letter, or
billet, to that effect, ordering my utmost dispatch in
search of the President, whom I found at the village
of Brookville, where he was soon found by the colo-
nel, and both proceeded to Washington. I then pro-
ceeded to Montgomery Court House, where I found
Jones, the Secretary of the Navy, and delivered a
summons for an immediate attendance at Washington.
General Armstrong had gone to Fredericktown in
Maryland, and not considering my orders reached so
far, I returned to Georgetown in the evening. The
sentiment common in the army was so decidedly
inimical to General Armstrong, that I feel assured
that his person would have been endangered had he
attempted to join us."
Whatever may have been Monroe's course on
the battle-field at Bladensburg, there can be no
doubt that when he assumed the duties of Sec-
retary of War vigor was at once infused into
all the military operations. Washington was
defended; Baltimore was rescued, and the na-
tional banner continued to wave over Fort Mc-
Henry ; the dispatches sent to Jackson in the
southwest had the ring of determination and
authority. Monroe appears at this time in his
best aspect, enthusiastic, determined, confident
of the popular support, daring. " Hasten your
124 JAMES MONROE.
militia to New Orleans," he wrote in rousing
dispatches to the governors near the seat of
war in Louisiana; "do not wait for this govern-
ment to arm them ; put all the arms you can
find into their hands ; let every man bring his
rifle with him ; we shall see you paid." l
Having thus indicated Monroe's relations to
the war, it does not seem necessary to dwell on
the innumerable details which pertain to that
period.
1 Schooler comes to the defence of Monroe. See his note,
Hist, of U. S. ii. p. 409, and the text, pp. 414 and 459.
CHAPTER VI.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
MONROE held the office of president of the
United States during two full terras, from 1817
to 1825. It has already been stated that eight
years previous to his first election he was se-
riously considered as a candidate, when Madi-
son received the nomination. He was nearly
fifty-nine years old when first called to the
presidency, about the age at which Jefferson
and Madison attained the same position ; Wash-
ington became President a little younger, at
fifty-seven, and John Adams a little older, at
sixty-one.
At his first election, Monroe received 183
votes in the electoral college against 34 which
were given for Rufus King, the candidate of
the Federalists ; at his second election, but one
electoral vote was given against him, and that
was cast for John Quincy Adams. No one but
Washington was ever reflected to the highest
office in the land with so near an approach to
unanimity.
Daniel D. Tompkins was Vice-President dur-
ing both presidential terms.
126 JAMES MONROE.
Let us now ask on whose counsel the new
President could rely and whose opposition he
must expect. Jefferson and Madison had never
failed to be his friends, whatever slight estrange-
ment may have arisen, and they were now in
the mood of cordial cooperation. The old Fed-
eralists, no longer bound by party allegiance,
had not forgotten their former animosities. The
coldness of John Adams was not likely to be
seriously modified, even though his son came
into the cabinet. Jackson, already extremely
popular, was ready to volunteer suggestions
on the conduct of civil affairs ; Henry Clay
was a leader in the House of Representatives,
where for several years (with an interruption)
he had been the speaker; Richard Rush was
conspicuous ; Benton was soon to be prominent,
but he was not yet a man of national mark,
and his thirty years' reminiscences begin with
1820 ; Webster had been for two terms a
member of the House, but was now determined
to pursue a professional life, and was about to
come forward as a constitutional lawyer in the
Dartmouth College case.
The cabinet, as finally made up after various
delays, included four men who remained in it
during both presidential terms, J. Q. Adams,
J. C. Calhoun, W. It. Crawford, and W. Wirt,
respectively appointed Secretary of State,
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 127
Secretary of War, Secretary of the Treasury,
and Attorney-General. The Post Office was
first directed by R. J. Meigs, and then by
J. McLean. The Navy Department remained
for a time under Mr. Madison's secretary, Ben-
jamin W. Crowninshield, but he was soon suc-
ceeded by Smith Thompson. 1 In all political
affairs, as distinguished from administrative
duties, the four first named were undoubtedly
the strong men. They were younger than
Monroe: Adams at that time being 50 years
old ; Crawford, 44 ; Calhoun, 35 ; and Wirt,
45 ; and they represented different ideas of
public policy, as well as opposing claims to the
presidential succession. Their personal rival-
ries were not concealed. Adams, when he be-
came Secretary of State, was, perhaps, the most
distinguished American then actively engaged
in public life. He took this office thoroughly
trained for its responsibilities. He had been
favored with a liberal academic education, and
had participated to an unusual extent in the
conduct of affairs. At the age of eleven he
went with his father to Paris, when the latter
was envoy to France. At fourteen, this " ma-
ture youngster " (as Mr. Morse has called him)
accompanied Mr. Dana to St. Petersburg, in
the post of private secretary. Later on he was
1 Thompson was followed by S. L. Southard.
128 JAMES MONROE.
successively minister to Holland, Prussia, Rus-
sia, and England. He secured a treaty of
amity between Prussia and the United States,
was one of the commissioners who negotiated
the treaty of Ghent, and was afterwards one of
those who signed the commercial treaty with
England. He was thus a participant in the
diplomatic questions evolved by two wars,
the Revolution and the war of 1812. Inheriting
strong intellectual qualities which have been
conspicuous in his descendants, governed by
absolute independence in the formation of his
opinions, and sustained in the popular good-
will by his unquestioned integrity and patriot-
ism, he was the man of all who could be
thought of to give wisdom, weight, and dig-
nity to the cabinet of which he became head.
The most serious questions of Monroe's admin-
istration arose in the State Department, and it
was fortunate that its affairs were guided by a
statesman of such varied information and ex-
perience. The wonderful diary, which Adams,
when a child, began at the instance of his fa-
ther, is rich in its memoranda of this period,
and the eulogy which he delivered on the death
of Monroe remains to this day the best history
of his political standing.
Calhoun's career had been very different
from that of Adams. He was called to the
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 129
cabinet while comparatively a young man,
fifteen years the junior of the Secretary of
State. His political experience had been re-
stricted to that of a representative in Congress.
From the time of his election to the House, he
was felt to be a power. Important positions
were assigned to him, and his words bore the
weight of authority. But although the public
lives of those two men were so different, and
although they ultimately became representa-
tives of bitter antagonisms, they were not un-
like in some marked peculiarities. In early
days both were surrounded by strong religious
influences. Calhoun was born and bred under
the rigid orthodoxy characteristic of the Irish
Presbyterians, to whom both his father and his
mother and their parents belonged. Adams, as
his latest biographer tells us, remained through
life " a complete and thorough Puritan, won-
derfully little modified by times and circum-
stances." Both were graduated in New England
colleges, one at Harvard, and the other at Yale.
Both were independent thinkers, and true to
their convictions, however unpopular. One be-
came a leading opponent of the encroachments
of slavery, the other a leader in nullification ;
but during the administration of Monroe and
long afterwards Calhoun was quite as out-
spoken as Adams in his love for the Union.
9
130 JAMES MONROE.
Both were loyal admirers of the President into
whose council they were called, and they re-
mained on terms of intimacy with him as long
as he lived. Both were honest, fearless, power-
ful, independent statesmen. After Monroe's
retirement, one became President, the other
Vice-President. Both remained in public ser-
vice to the very close of life, Calhoun dying
while senator, and Adams while a representa-
tive. Both are credited by their biographers
with that sagacity which points out in advance
the dangers covered up by a political measure.
Calhoun, says Von Hoist, " reads the future as
if the book of fate were lying wide open before
him." Adams, says Morse, "discerned in pass-
ing events * the title-page to a great tragic vol-
ume,' " and " few men at that day read the
future so clearly."
Unlike the two ministers already named,
Crawford was what has been termed " a self-
made man." He was continued hi charge of
the Treasury Department, to which, after his
return from the embassy to France and after a
brief service as Secretary of War, he had been
called by Madison. In the congressional cau-
cus which nominated Monroe, Crawford was
the chief opposing candidate ; and a shrewd
observer, who was a member of that body, has
recorded his opinion that when Congress first
rRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 131
assembled a majority of Republican members
were for Crawford. But the nomination was
postponed from time to time, and at length,
through the influence of Madison or other
causes, sixty-five votes were cast for Monroe
and fifty-four for his opponent. 1 Crawford,
however, continued to be regarded as in the
line of succession to the presidency, and re-
ceived a part of the electoral vote in 1824.
William Wirt was the choice of the Presi-
dent for the office of attorney-general. His
biographer, John P. Kennedy, in the vivid por-
trait with which he begins the memoir, dwells
on the Teutonic aspect of Wirt, not unlike to
Goethe's. Born in Maryland, he was of Ger-
man origin, his father having migrated to this
country from Switzerland many years before
the Revolution, and his mother being a Ger-
man. Previously a prominent advocate in the
courts of Virginia, he won a national reputa-
tion by the part he took in the prosecution of
Aaron Burr. Having a limited education and
a very moderate library to begin with, he had
risen by his talents to a conspicuous rank as a
lawyer and as a writer. He had recently com-
pleted his memoir of Patrick Henry. He came
into office as the personal friend of Monroe,
1 Many other details in respect to the nomination are given
in Hammond's Political History.
132 JAMES MONROE.
after it was decided that Richard Rush should
go to England, and he was attracted to the at-
torney-generalship not so much on account of
the political preferment, as because of the pro-
fessional standing which it gave him. Unlike
Adams, Calhoun, and Crawford, he did not
aspire to the presidency. To William Pope's
suggestions he replied, " I am already higher
than I had any reason to expect, and I should
be light-headed indeed, because I have been
placed on this knoll, where I feel safe, to aspire
at the mountain's pinnacle in order to be blown
to atoms. Therefore let this matter rest." And
so it rested. Wirt remained in office twelve
years, and although he did not confine his pro-
fessional labors to the service of the govern-
ment, he exalted the station which he held by
an assiduous discharge of all its duties with
ability, learning, and success.
Among those who were thought of for the
cabinet, Henry Clay, one of Monroe's support-
ers for the presidency, was conspicuous. He de-
clined the offer of an appointment as Secretary
of War, but his " friends did not conceal their
disappointment that he was not invited to take
the office of secretary of state ; nor did he dis-
guise his dissatisfaction at the appointment of
Mr. Adams ; " so writes Josiah Quincy. There
are many subsequent indications of Clay's hos-
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 133
tility to the administration. William Wirt,
for example, in counselling with the President
in regard to certain allowances claimed for
Clay's diplomatic services, where the usage of
the government was not clearly established,
remarks as follows : " I am aware of the deli-
cacy which connects itself with this question
considered personally as it relates to you ; but
it is a delicacy with a double aspect : if you re-
ject the claim, Mr. Clay and his friends may
impute it to hostility to him, on account of the
political part which he has occasionally taken
against you ; and, on the other hand, if you ad-
mit the claim and it shall be thought unjust,
it may, and by some most probably will, be im-
puted to a dread of his further opposition and
a wish to bribe him to silence. The best way
will be to consider the question abstractedly
without any manner of reference to the char-
acter of the claimant, and this I shall endeavor
to do." It is one of the curious incidents of
political life, that at the close of Monroe's ad-
ministration the vote of Clay's friends made
Adams President, and Adams made Clay his
Secretary of State.
Jackson had formed a personal attachment
to Monroe in 1815, and welcomed his accession
to the presidency partly on this account, partly
because he disliked Crawford. Several letters
134 JAMES MONROE.
exchanged by Jackson and the President elect
have long been familiar to the public. They
indicate that he, as well as Clay and Shelby,
declined the office of secretary of war. They
also show that Jackson felt quite at liberty to
make confidential suggestions in respect to can-
didates for the cabinet. For the War Depart-
ment he urgently recommended Colonel W. H.
Drayton, late of the army ; Shelby he opposed.
The selection of Adams he regarded as the best
that could be made for the Department of State.
The letters of Monroe to Jackson at this junc-
ture show the principles on which the former
meant to select his chief advisers, and also the
attitude which he proposed to hold in respect
to the Federalists. In the formation of an ad-
ministration, he thought that the heads of de-
partments (there being four) should be taken
from the four great sections of the Union, the
east, the middle, the south, and the west, unless
great emergencies and transcendent talents
should justify a departure from this plan ; and
he intimated pointedly that in selecting candi-
dates he should act for the country, and not
"for the aggrandizement of any one." The
Federalists he regarded as thoroughly routed,
the great body of them having become Repub-
licans. To preserve the Republican party and
prevent the revival of the Federal, was to be
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 135
his aim as a politician, for he did not regard
the existence of parties as necesssary to free
governments. Hence he favored moderation
toward those who had acted with the Federal
party, and even a generous policy. The embar-
rassing question was, how far to indulge that
spirit in the outset.
The course pursued by Monroe when James
Kent was proposed to him for the vacant posi-
tion on the supreme bench does not show that
he had entirely forgotten his animosity toward
the Federalists. Wirt urged the appointment
of Kent, and Calhoun concurred with him,
but the President hesitated and finally Smith
Thompson received the nomination.
The principal subjects which engrossed the
attention of Monroe during his two terms of
office were the defence of the Atlantic sea-
board, the promotion of internal improvements,
the Seminole war, the acquisition of Florida,
the Missouri compromise ; and the resistance to
foreign interference in American affairs, formu-
lated in a declaration which has borne the des-
ignation of the Monroe Doctrine. It may also
be added that his administration began and
ended with a sort of pageantry, which is always
attractive to the masses as it moves over the
scene, though not always approved in the cooler
criticism of democratic second thoughts. The
136 JAMES MONROE.
first of these demonstrations was a presidential
tour, in two parts, to the north and to the
south ; the second was a national reception of
Lafayette, the country's guest.
With the present facilities in locomotion,
presidential journeys are not uncommon, and
have rarely any political significance ; but in
that generation it was a noteworthy event to
see and hear the chief magistrate on his travels.
There is little doubt that one of the principal
objects of this journey was to conciliate the
Federalists, whose opposition to this and the
preceding administration was strong ; but the
primary and ostensible purpose was to examine
the fortifications and harbors of the United
States. For this reason the President was ac-
companied by General Joseph G. Swift, Chief
Engineer of the army, and not by the members
of his cabinet. This choice of an escort was
sagacious. Swift was a New Englander of New
Englanders, the first graduate at West Point,
and a friend of Eustis, late Secretary of War,
whom he had accompanied from Boston to
Washington in 1809, and "inducted into the
mysteries of his new vocation." By his skill
in protecting New York during the war he had
gained the applause of a " Benefactor to the
City," and had received more substantial proofs
of the gratitude of the people. He was there-
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 137
fore a valuable companion in a professional as
well as in a social aspect. 1
Three months and a half were expended on
the journey. The party visited the chief cities
of the Atlantic seaboard as far as Portland,
traversed New Hampshire, Vermont, and New
York, went west as far as Detroit, and then
returned to Washington by way of Zanesville,
Pittsburgh, and Fredericktown. Everywhere
there were receptions and speeches, dinners and
assemblies, and the record of all these doings
was compiled and published in a duodecimo
volume by an ardent admirer of the adminis-
tration in Connecticut. The President's first
address was at Baltimore on June 2, 1817.
There he indicated, in the following language,
his double aim to secure defence against exter-
nal foes, and to seek the promotion of internal
harmony.
" Congress has appropriated large sums of money
for the fortification of our coast and inland frontier,
and for the establishment of naval dock yards and
building a navy. It is proper that these works should
be executed with judgment, fidelity, and economy ;
much depends in the execution on the Executive, to
whom extensive power is given as to the general ar-
rangement, and to whom the superintendence exclu-
i See General G. W. Cullum's Campaigns and Engineers of
1812.
138 JAMES MONROE.
sively belongs. You do me justice in believing that
it is to enable me to discharge these duties with the
best advantage to my country that I have undertaken
this tour.
" From the increased harmony of public opinion,
founded on the successful career of a government
which has never been equalled, and which promises,
by a future development of its faculties, to augment
in an eminent degree the blessings of this favored
people, I unite with you in all the anticipations
which you have so justly suggested."
A letter which was written by Crawford to
Gallatin, after the close of the President's tour,
is a good indication of the politician's view of
the results of so great an expenditure of time
and force. 1
" The President's tour through the East has pro-
duced something like a political jubilee. They were,
in the land of steady habits, at least for the time,
' all Federalists, all Republicans.' If the bondmen
and bondwomen were not set free, and individual
debts released, a general absolution of political sins
seems to have been mutually agreed upon. Whether
the parties will not relapse on the approach of their
spring elections in Massachusetts can only be deter-
mined by the event.
" In this world there seems to be nothing free from
alloy. Whilst the President is lauded for the good
he has done in the East by having softened party
1 October 27, 1817.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 139
asperity and by the apparent reconciliation which, for
the moment, seems to have been effected between
materials the most heterogeneous, the restless, the
carping, the malevolent men in the Ancient Dominion
are ready to denounce him for his apparent acquies-
cence in the seeming man-worship with which he was
venerated by the wise men of the East.
" Seriously, I think the President has lost as much
as he has gained by this tour, at least in popularity.
In health, however, he seems to have been a great
gainer."
With these views of the critical Georgian
may be placed in contrast the genial reflections
of an admirer at the North. 1
" For the political father of a great, a growing,
and an intelligent people, freemen by birth, and re-
solved to be freej to witness such striking proofs of
their fidelity and admiration, must have made a
deep, a lasting impression upon his mind. He must
be something more or less than man, who would view
such a scene with apathy and indifference. A jani-
zary of Turkey may offer up hosannahs to the Sultan
until the javelin which the Sultan wields ends his life
and his plaudits at a stroke ; an eastern despot may
be adored by his slaves, who mingle groans of distress
with the accents of praise ; European princes may
be followed by a famishing peasantry, whose huzzas
are feeble from want of food ; but it is the happiness
of the President of the United States to be thronged
i Waldo, p. 51.
140 JAMES MONROE.
by an assemblage of happy freemen, acknowledging
their gratitude to the only " legitimate " ruler of a
great nation ; legitimate, because he derives his power
from the voice of the people he governs."
The northern trip was followed by one to the
Southern States in 1819. The President went
as far south as Augusta, then through the Cher-
okee region to Nashville, and afterwards to
Louisville and Lexington.
Before a year had passed there was a renewal
of hostilities with the Seminole Indians. The
war was brief and decisive, but the enmities
which it excited among those who took part
in conducting it lasted many years. This con-
troversy, long dormant, burst forth with fury
when Jackson was a candidate for a second
presidential term. It is to his life that this
story belongs, and the reader may readily find
the particulars in the pages of Parton and Sum-
ner.
While Florida was still a Spanish domain,
Jackson was sent to Southern Georgia to put a
stop to the Indian outrages. Before going he
addressed a letter to Monroe (January 6, 1818)
intimating that, in his opinion, a vigorous policy
ought to be pursued. Amelia Island should be
seized " at all hazards," and " simultaneously
the whole of East Florida, to be held as an in-
demnity for the outrages of Spain upon the
PRESIDENT Or THE UNITED STATES. 141
property of our citizens." It is not clear
whether he received an authoritative answer
from the President to this important pro-
gramme, for there are discrepancies in the
testimony not now explicable. But he acted
as if he possessed the complete support of the
authorities in Washington. He crossed the
Florida line in pursuit of the fugitive red men ;
he captured and garrisoned a fortress on Span-
ish territory ; he seized Pensacola and captured
the Barrancas ; and he approved the summary
execution of Ambrister and Arbuthnot, subjects
of Great Britain, who were credited with excit-
ing the Indians against the Americans. By all
this he brought the United States to the verge
of war with Spain, and likewise offended Eng-
land. War might have been produced, said
Lord Castlereagh to Mr. Rush, " if the ministry
had but held up a finger."
When Jackson returned to the North it was
a question how far he should be sustained by
the administration. Adams wrote a diplomatic
paper vindicating him, the House of Represen-
tatives sustained him, and there was a general
acquiescence in the course he had pursued.
But long afterwards, in the spring of 1830, it be-
came a matter of partisan controversy to deter-
mine the attitude of Monroe and of the various
members of his cabinet in respect to the incep-
142 JAMES MONROE.
tion and progress of this brief and spirited cam-
paign. The recollections of Monroe, Calhoun,
Adams, Crawford, and others were appealed to.
The point of the controversy was, whether in
January, 1818, Mr. Rhea, a member of Con-
gress and a friend of Jackson's, had communi-
cated to the latter by authority the wishes of
Monroe in respect to the opening campaign.
Monroe did not acknowledge that he had given
any such authority ; Jackson claimed that he
did give it ; but " the Rhea letter " said to have
been written with Monroe's assent was never
produced. In the public correspondence just
after the war, Monroe appears to deprecate
the course which had been pursued by Jackson,
though not to the extent of blaming him. " In
transcending the limit of your orders," he says,
" you acted on your own responsibility on facts
and circumstances which were unknown to the
government when the orders were given . . .
and which you thought imposed on you the
measure as an act of patriotism, essential to the
honor and interests of your country." He also
calls the General's attention to some parts of
dispatches, " written in haste and under the pres-
sure of fatigue and infirmity, and in a spirit of
conscious rectitude," which may make trouble,
and suggests their correction. " If you think
proper to authorize the secretary or myself to
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 143
correct those passages, it will be done with care,
though should you have copies, as I presume
you have, you had better do it yourself." A
convenient summary of these letters was printed
for Calhoun in 1831, but copies of it are now
scarce.
The endeavor of the United States to get
possession of the Floridas by purchase reached
a successful issue February 22, 1819, when a
treaty was concluded at Washington through
the negotiations of John Q. Adams, Secretary
of State, and Luis de Onis, the Spanish envoy.
Notwithstanding opposition from Mr. Clay and
others, the treaty was ratified unanimously by
the Senate, and thus the control of the entire
Atlantic and Gulf sea-board from the St. Croix
to the Sabine was secured to this government.
During most of Monroe's administration,
Richard Rush was the American minister in
London, and his relations were chiefly with
Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning. Rush was
careful in his diary and correspondence, and has
published much that is interesting on the as-
pect of American affairs between 1818 and
1825. The instructions under which he acted
had the sanction of Madison, as well as of Mon-
roe and Adams. The two subjects which he
brought forward in one of his first interviews
with the British minister were, an alleged viola-
144 JAMES MONROE.
tion of the treaty of Ghent by the carrying off
of slaves in English ships at the close of the
war, and a neglect to carry out exactly the com-
mercial convention of 1815. He afterwards
told how the news of Jackson's pursuit was
received in the diplomatic circles of the Court
of St. James. " We have had nothing of late
so exciting : it smacks of war," said one of the
plenipotentiaries. Subsequently the old subject
of impressment, and the subject, ever old and
ever new, of the Newfoundland fisheries, were
matters of negotiation.
The admission of Missouri to the Union was
the theme of violent controversy from 1819 to
1821, resulting in the famous Compromise, the
repeal of which more than thirty years later
again agitated the country. Here was the be-
ginning of that wandering in the wilderness for
forty years which resulted in emancipation.
The particular record of the debates, led by
Rufus King upon one side and John Randolph
upon the other, must be studied in the legisla-
tive rather than the administrative history of
the times. The crisis in this debate occurred
March 1, 1820, when Congress agreed to aban-
don the idea of prohibiting slavery in Missouri
and to insist upon its prohibition in the pub-
lic territory north of the line 36 30'. This
determined the admission of Missouri, though it
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 145
did not close the discussion. It came up again
in the following year and resulted in a second
compromise. During the winter of 1819-20 the
excitement in Washington was intense. " At
our evening parties," says Mr. Adams, " we
hear of nothing but the Missouri question and
Mr. King's speeches." He records also the con-
versation which he held with Calhoun, indicat-
ing in both that prophetic sagacity to which
reference has been made, and also their diver-
gence on a fundamental principle which grew
wider and wider as long as they lived.
Writing under the date of February 15, 1820,
a fortnight before the adoption of the Com-
promise, Monroe in a private letter declared
his conviction that " the majority of States, of
physical force, and eventually of votes in both
houses, would be on the side of the non-slave-
holding States." He thought it probable that
they would succeed in their purpose or the
Union be dissolved. " I consider this," he con-
tinued, "as an atrocious attempt in certain
leaders to grasp at power, and being very art-
fully laid is more likely to succeed than any
effort having the same object in view ever
made before."
The latter portion of this letter is as fol-
lows: l
l February 15, 1220.
10
146 JAMES MONROE.
"As to the part which I may act, in all circum-
stances in which I may be placed, I have not made
up my mind, nor shall I until the period arrives
when it will be my duty to act, and then I shall weigh
well the injunctions of the Constitution, which, when
clear and distinct to my mind, will be conclusive with
me. The next consideration will be a fixed and an
unalterable attachment to the Union ; my decided
opinion is, that all States composing our Union, new
as well as old, must have equal rights, ceding to the
general government an equal share of power, and re-
taining to themselves the like ; that they cannot be
incorporated into the Union on different principles or
conditions. Whether the same restraint exists on
the power of the general government, as to terri-
tories, in their incipient and territorial state, is a
question on which my mind is clearly decided. By
the Constitution, Congress has power to dispose of
and make all needful rules and regulations respect-
ing the territory and other property belonging to the
United States, with a provision that nothing in this
Constitution should be so construed as to prejudice
any claims of the United States, or of any particular
State. This provision is the only check on the power
of Congress, and (referring only to the old contro-
versy between the United States and individual States
respecting vacant lands within their charter of limits,
whose relative claims it was intended to preserve)
has no operation, as I presume, on the present case.
The power itself applies to the territory ceded by in-
dividual States to the United States, and to none
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 147
other. In such portious of the territory so ceded as
are altogether uninhabited, the people who move
there, under any ordinance of Congress, have no
rights in the territorial state except such as they
may acquire under the ordinance. The question,
therefore, cannot occur in regard to them. If there
is any restraint, then, ou this power in Congress, it
must be found in other parts of the Constitution.
Slavery is recognized by the Constitution as five to
three ; but is not the right thus recognized that only
of the States in which the slaves are, as the measure
or rate of representation in the House of Represen-
tatives and for direct taxes ? Is it not a right to the
slaves themselves, not as I presume to their owners,
out of the State in which they are? By another
clause it is provided that if slaves run away they may
be pursued, demanded, and brought back ; this is a
right of the slave-holding States, and of the owners
of slaves living in them, and would apply to slaves
running into Territories as well as into States. As
slavery is recognized by the Constitution it is evi-
dently unjust to restrain the owner from carrying his
slave into a territory and retaining his right to him
there, but whether the power to do this has not been
granted is the point on which I have doubts, and on
which I shall be glad to receive your opinion. If I
can be satisfied that the Constitution forbids restraint,
I shall, of course, obey it in all cases.
" Should a bill pass admitting Missouri, subject to
such restraint, I should have no difficulty in the
course to be pursued, nor should I in any future case
148 JAMES MONROE.
respecting the admission of any other State. Arkan-
sas, being organized without restriction, and people
having moved there, as is understood, stands on the
most favorable ground, on constitutional principles,
in the view stated above.
"Considerations of injustice and impolicy also
merit much attention, and will have their weight
with me. I do not think, supposing the constitu-
tional right to exist, that Congress ought to confine
the slaves within such narrow limits, even of Terri-
tories, as might tend to make them a burden on the
old States. How far I may go on this principle will
merit great consideration. If the right to impose
the restraint exists, and Congress should pass a law
for it, to reject it, as to the whole of the unsettled
territory, might, with existing impressions in other
questions, affect our system. This I should look to
with a just sensibility to the part likely to be in-
jured."
Mr. Adams, in recording his impressions of
the entire discussion, thus defines his own posi-
tion :
" I have favored this Missouri compromise, believ-
ing it to be all that could be effected under the pres-
ent Constitution, and from extreme unwillingness to
put the Union at hazard. But perhaps it would have
been a wiser and bolder course to have persisted in
the restriction on Missouri, until it should have ter-
minated in a convention of the States to revise and
amend the Constitution. This would have produced
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 149
a new Union of thirteen or fourteen States unpol-
luted with slavery, with a great and glorious object
that of rallying to their standard the other States
by the universal emancipation of their slaves. If the
Union must be dissolved, slavery is precisely the ques-
tion upon which it ought to break. For the present,
however, this contest is laid asleep."
The promotion of internal improvements and
the defence of the seaboard had naturally
come to the front as important questions during
the momentous events of Madison's administra-
tion. Monroe took up these matters in earnest
when the chief responsibility of guiding the
national policy devolved upon him, but it was
not until 1822 that he felt called upon to an-
nounce his views in an elaborate paper. He
vetoed the Cumberland Road bill on May 4,
and he simultaneously submitted to Congress
an exposition of his views. His long state-
ment concludes with the assertion that Congress
has not the right under the Constitution to
adopt and execute a system of internal im-
provements, but that such a power, if it could
be secured by a constitutional amendment,
would have the happiest effect on all the great
interests of the Union ; though, in his opinion,
it should be confined to great national works,
leaving to the separate States all minor im-
provements.
150 JAMES MONROE.
Near the close of Monroe's presidency, La-
fayette made his celebrated visit to the United
States as " the nation's guest." These two
men had been friends from the days when they
were both in the Revolutionary army. When
Lafayette was a prisoner in Olmiitz and Mon-
roe was American minister in France, efforts
were made by the latter to secure the former's
release. Several letters are before me l which
relate to the negotiations. Funds were sent by
Washington to Monroe for the benefit of
Madame Lafayette. As the United States had
no minister near the Austrian court, the medi-
ation of the Danish government was solicited
by Monroe. Carefully covered references to
"the friend in question" were addressed by
Monroe to Mr. Masson, aide-de-camp of Lafay-
ette. But the details of this story belong else-
where. They are here alluded to because they
indicate the recollections shared by these two
patriots when they met more than a quarter of
a century afterwards, and Monroe, as President
and as friend, welcomed Lafayette to the hos-
pitality of the United States.
On May 10, 1824, the French Marquis,
" with feelings of respectful, affectionate, and
patriotic gratitude," accepted the invitation of
Congress, and promised to visit " the beloved
1 Gouverneur MSS.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 151
land " of which it had been his " happy lot to
become an early soldier and an adopted son."
Early in October, after his landing in this
country, the members of Monroe's cabinet were
in doubt as to the etiquette which should be
observed at the reception of this illustrious
visitor in Washington, and also as to the atti-
tude which the administration should take dur-
ing the progress of his journey. Calhoun, the
Secretary of War, addressed a letter of eight
pages to Mr. Monroe on this matter, saying
that it seemed " hazardous on the one side to
connect the government too much with the
movements in favor of the General, and on the
other not to seem to sympathize with the pop-
ular feelings. Of the two, however, the latter
is the most hazardous, and in a doubtful case
we ought to err on the right side." A few
days later Monroe answered some inquiries
from Lafayette respecting his route, and added
that his arrival " has given rise to a great polit-
ical movement which has so far taken the direc-
tion and had the effect among us, and I pre-
sume in Europe, which the best friends to you
and to sound principles could desire. It is of
great importance that it should terminate in
like manner." The letters from the visitor to
his host are most familiar. In one of them he
says, ' I feel, my dear sir, the impropriety to
152 JAMES MONROE.
address the President of the United States on
a half sheet of paper, but am pressed by time,
and the knowledge of the sin will remain be-
tween you and me." His closing salutations
are varied and glowing, one of the most char-
acteristic being, " from your old, affectionate,
obliged brother-soldier and friend." From " on
board the Pottowmack steam boat," February
24, 1825, he sends to Monroe " the commentary
on Montesquieu, by my friend Tracy, George's
father-in-law," which may be of use to one
who " contemplates writing a political exposi-
tion." " It has been translated under the pat-
ronage of Mr. Jefferson who considers it the
best publication of the kind. You will, I be-
lieve, find it the most advanced theoretical point
of the science, although the practice in every
detail be still superior to theories." 1
After Lafayette's return to France his letters
to Monroe were marked by the same confidence
and affection, and they show that in private
life he was as charming as in public he was
popular. Two passages will be quoted. In the
first he speaks as follows of the American visit-
ors introduced to him at Lagrange.
" I am afraid, dear friend, you continue to be un-
easy at the number of American visits we are wont
to receive. Be assured nothing can be more pleasing
1 Gouverneur MSS.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 153
to me, and to us all ; it is even necessary. You know
my American education, feelings, habits, prejudices.
. . . Doomed as I am to live on a side of the Atlan-
tic where, to be sure, I am bound by family, friendly,
patriotic affections and duties, but in other respects
less congenial to my youthful avocations and repub-
lican nature, I ever have felt something peculiar
and sympathetic in American communications, a dis-
position which, of course, has been strengthened in
my last visit, when in every man, woman, and child
of a population of twelve millions, I have found a
loving, indeed an enthusiastic friend. You may con-
ceive what, in addition to my attachments and re-
membrances of more than fifty years, must now be to
me the United States and every sort of communion
with their citizens. The visits we receive are not by
far so numerous as I would like them, and the feeling
is so unanimous in the family that young American
strangers as they arrive are received by our girls
with more confidence and familiarity than they would
be disposed to show to most of their older acquaint-
ances, because there is something like family under-
standing between them ; and so I have the delight to
see that when American friends find themselves here
in sight of American colors, American busts and por-
traits, American manners, and American welcome,
they look as feeling they are at home. Let me add
that the sentiments, behavior, delicacy of all the
young men from the United States are exemplary to
a degree which, to the older part of their fellow-citi-
154 JAMES MONROE.
zens, is an object of inexpressible and proud gratifi-
cation." 1
In the second extract, the reader may see
with what extreme delicacy Lafayette offers
pecuniary assistance to one who had brought
assistance to the Olmiitz prisoner three decades
before.
" In the meanwhile, my dear Monroe, permit your
earliest, your best, and your most obliged friend to be
plain with you. It is probable that to give you time
and facilities for your arrangements, a mortgage
might be of some use.
" The sale of one half of my Florida property is
full enough to meet my iamily settlements and the
wishes of my neighbors. There may be occasion for
a small retrocession of acres, in case of some claims
on the disposed-of Louisiana lands, an object as yet
uncertain, at all events inconsiderable, so that there
will remain ample security for a large loan, for I un-
derstand the lands are very valuable, and will be
more so, to a great extent, after the disposal of a part
of them. You remember that in similar embarrass-
ment I have formerly accepted your intervention, it
gives me a right to reciprocity. Our friend, Mr.
Graham, has my full powers. Be pleased to peruse
the inclosed letter, seal it, and put it in the post-
office. I durst not send it before I had obtained
your approbation, yet should it be denied, I would
feel much mortified. I hope, I know, you are too
1 Gouverneur MSS.
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 155
much my friend not to accept what, in a similar case,
I would not an instant hesitate to ask." 1
When Monroe's second term was almost
ended the rivalries for the succession became
very apparent. Adams, Crawford, and Cal-
houn in his cabinet, Clay and Jackson outside
of it, were all recognized candidates. Monroe
remained neutral in the contest. The biogra-
pher of William Wirt, 2 with ample materials at
his command for forming a judgment, says :
" During the pendency of this contest, Mr. Monroe
observed a most scrupulous resolve against all inter-
ference with the freest expression of the public senti-
ment in regard to the candidates. In this he was
fully seconded and sustained by his cabinet, by none
more than by those whose names were in the lists for
suffrage. For, at that time, it was not considered
O '
decorous in the Executive to make itself a partisan in
a presidential or any other election. Indeed, there
was a most wholesome fastidiousness exhibited o"n
this point, which would have interpreted the attempt
of a cabinet officer, or any other functionary of the
government, to influence the popular vote by speech,
by writing, by favor, fear, or affection, as a great
political misdemeanor worthy of sharpest rebuke.
These were opinions of that day derived from an
elder age. They are obsolete opinions now."
1 Gouverneur MSS. I do not know whether Monroe availed
himself of this generous offer, but I presume that he did not.
2 Hon. J. P. Kennedy, in his Life of Wirt,ii. 168.
CHAPTER VII.
THE MONROE DOCTRINE.
THERE is an important subject, pertaining
to Monroe's administration, which has been re-
served for a special chapter. The one event of
his presidency which is indissolubly associated
with his name, is an announcement of the pol-
icy of the United States in respect to foreign
interference in the affairs of this continent.
The declaration bears the name of the " Mon-
roe Doctrine." As such it is discussed in
works on public law and in general histories.
It is commonly regarded as an epitome of the
principles of the United States with respect to
the development of American States.
Everything which illustrates the genesis of
such an important enunciation is of interest,
but very little has come under my eye to illus-
trate the workings of Monroe's mind, or to show
how it came to pass that he uttered in such
terse sentences the general opinion of his coun-
trymen. As a rule, he was not very skilful with
his pen ; his remarks on public affairs are not
often quoted, like those of Jefferson, Madison,
THE MONROE DOCTRINE. 157
and others of his contemporaries ; there was
nothing racy or severe in his style; nevertheless,
he alone of nil the Presidents has announced,
without legislative sanction, a political dictum,
which is still regarded as fundamental law, and
bears with it the stamp of authority in foreign
courts as well as in domestic councils.
We must turn to the annual message of De-
cember 2, 1823, for the text. The two passages
which relate to foreign interference are quite
distinct from one another, and are separated by
the introduction of other matter. This is the
language :
i.
" At the proposal of the Russian imperial govern-
ment, made through the minister of the Emperor
residing here, a full power and instructions have been
transmitted to the minister of the United States at
St. Petersburgh, to arrange, by amicable negotiation,
the respective rights and interests of the two nations
on the northwest coast of this continent. A similar
proposal had been made by his imperial majesty to
the government of Great Britain, which has likewise
been acceded to. The government of the United
States has been desirous, by this friendly proceeding,
of manifesting the great value which they have in-
variably attached to the friendship of the Emperor,
and their solicitude to cultivate the best understand-
ing with his government. In the discussions to which
this interest has given rise and in the arrangements
158 JAMES MONROE.
by which they may terminate, the occasion has been
judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which
the rights and interests of the United States are in-
volved, that the American continents, by the free and
independent condition which they have assumed and
maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as
subjects for future colonization by any European
powers."
II.
" It was stated at the commencement of the last
session that a great effort was then making in Spain
and Portugal to improve the condition of the people
of those countries, and that it appeared to be con-
ducted with extraordinary moderation. It need
scarcely be remarked that the result has been so far
very different from what was then anticipated. Of
events in that quarter of the globe, with which we
have so much intercourse and from which we derive
our origin, we have always been anxious and inter-
ested spectators. The citizens of the United States
cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the
the liberty and happiness of their fellow men on that
side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European
powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have
never taken any part, nor does it comport with our
policy so to do. It is only when our rights are in-
vaded or seriously menaced, that we resent injuries
or make preparation for our defence. With the
movements in this hemisphere we are, of necessity,
more immediately connected and by causes which
must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial ob-
THE MONROE DOCTRINE. 159
servers. The political system of the allied powers
is essentially different in this respect from that of
America. This difference proceeds from that which
exists in their respective governments. And to the
defence of our own, which has been achieved by the
loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by
the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and
under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity,
this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore,
to candor and to the amicable relations existing be-
tween the United States and those powers to declare
that we should consider any attempt on their part to
extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere
as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the ex-
isting colonies or dependencies of any European
power we have not interfered, and shall not inter-
fere. But with the governments who have declared
their independence and maintained it, and whose inde-
pendence we have, on great consideration and on just
principles, acknowledged, we could not view any in-
terposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or
controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any
European power, in any other light than as the man-
ifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the
United States. In the war between those new gov-
ernments and Spain we declared our neutrality at
the time of their recognition, and to this we have
adhered and shall continue to adhere, provided no
change shall occur which, in the judgment of the
competent authorities of this government, shall make
a corresponding change on the part of the United
States indispensable to their security.
160 JAMES MONROE.
" The late events in Spain and Portugal show that
Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no
stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied
powers should have thought it proper, on a principle
satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force
in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent
such interposition may be carried on the same prin-
ciple, is a question to which all independent powers,
whose governments differ from theirs, are interested;
even those most remote, and surely none more so
than the United States. Our policy in regard to
Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the
wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the
globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to
interfere in the internal concerns of any of its
powers ; to consider the government de facto as the
legitimate government for us ; to cultivate friendly
relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a
frank, firm, and manly policy; meeting, in all in-
stances, the just claims of every power, submitting
to injuries from none. But in regard to these conti-
nents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously
different. It is impossible that the allied powers
should extend their political system to any portion of
either continent without endangering our peace and
happiness ; nor can any one believe that our southern
brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their
own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that
we should behold such interposition, in any form, with
indifference. If we look to the comparative strength
and resources of Spain and those new governments,
THE MONROE DOCTRINE. 161
and their distance from each other, it must be ob-
vious that she can never subdue them. It is still the
true policy of the United States to leave the parties
to themselves, in the hope that other powers will pur-
sue the same course."
It appears to me probable that Monroe had
but little conception of the lasting effect which
his words would produce. He spoke what he
believed and what he knew that others be-
lieved ; he spoke under provocation, and aware
that his views might be controverted ; he spoke
with authority after consultation with his cabi-
net, and his words were timely ; but I do not
suppose that he regarded this announcement as
his own. Indeed, if it had been his own decree
or ukase it would have been resented at home
quite as vigorously as it would have been op-
posed abroad. It was because he pronounced
not only the opinion then prevalent, but a tra-
dition of other days which had been gradu-
ally expanded, and to which the country was
wonted, that his words carried with them the
sanction of public law. A careful examination
of the writings of the earlier statesmen of the
Republic will illustrate the growth of the Mon-
roe doctrine as an idea dimly entertained at
first, but steadily developed by the course of
public events and the reflection of those in pub-
lic life. I have not made a thorough search,
11
162 JAMES MONROE.
but some indications of the mode in which the
doctrine was evolved have come under my eye
which may hereafter be added to by a more
persistent investigator.
The idea of independence from foreign sover-
eignty was at the beginning of our national life.
The term " continental," applied to the army,
the congress, the currency, had made familiar
the notion of continental independence. This
kept in mind the notion of a continental do-
main. Moreover, in the writings, both public
and private, of the fathers of. the Republic, we
see how clearly they recognized the value of
separation from European politics, and of re-
pelling, as far as possible, European interfer-
ence with American interests.
1. Governor Thomas Pownall, in a work en-
titled " A Memorial to the Sovereigns of Eu-
rope," observed, in 1780, that a people " whose
empire stands singly predominant on a great
continent " can hardly " suffer in their borders
such a monopoly as the European Hudson Bay
Company ; " and again, " America must avoid
complication with European politics," or " the
entanglement of alliances, having no connections
with Europe other than commercial." 1
2. One of the earliest of like allusions hap-
1 These citations from Pownall are taken from Simmer's
Prophetic Voices concerning America, pp. 123, 124.
THE MONROE DOCTRINE. 163
pens to be in a letter of Monroe to Madison,
December 6, 1784, when he says that " the
conduct of Spain respecting the Mississippi,
etc., requires the immediate attention of Con-
gress."
3. A few months later, June 17, 1785, Jeffer-
son, writing to Monroe from Paris, begs him to
add his " testimony to that of every thinking
American, in order to satisfy our countrymen
how much it is their interest to preserve, unin-
fected by contagion, those peculiarities in their
government and manners to which they are in-
debted for those blessings."
4. Washington wrote to Jefferson, January
1, 1788, in the interval which preceded the rati-
fication of the Constitution : * " An energetic
general government must prevent the several
States from involving themselves in the polit-
ical disputes of the European powers."
5. When Washington's first term drew near
its close he submitted to Madison the draft of
a farewell address (May 20, 1792), and in it
he gives emphasis to the independence of the
United States, in a phrase which with various
turns was perpetuated through the subsequent
revisions of that paper. His original language
was this : " The extent of our country, the di-
1 Quoted by Bancroft from MS., Hist, of the Constitution, ii.
299.
164 JAMES MONROE.
versity of our climate and soil, and the various
productions of the States consequent to both,
. . . may render the whole, at no distant pe-
riod, one of the most independent nations in the
world."
6. Madison's modification of this draft has
the following sentence (June 20, 1792) : " The
diversities [of this country] may give to the
whole a more entire independence than has,
perhaps, fallen to the lot of any other nation."
7. Four years later (prior to May 10, 1796),
Washington submits to Hamilton memoranda
for a farewell address, and says again : " If
this country can remain in peace twenty years
longer . . . such in all probability will be its
population, riches, and resources, when com-
bined with its peculiarly happy and remote
situation from the other quarters of the globe,
as to bid defiance in a just cause to any earthly
power whatsoever."
8. The address finally issued, says : " The
great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign
nations is, in extending our commercial relations,
to have with them as little political connection
as possible." " Europe has a set of primary
interests which to us have none or a very re-
mote relation." " Our detached and distant sit-
uation." " Why forego the advantages of so
peculiar a situation?" (September 17, 1796.)
THE MONROE DOCTRINE. 165
9. John Adams speaks thus in his first in-
augural address (March 4, 1797): "If [the
control of an election] can be obtained by for-
eign nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud
or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the
government may not be the choice of the Amer-
ican people but of foreign nations. It may be
foreign nations who govern ws, and not we the
people who govern ourselves."
10. In the second annual address of Adams
this paragraph occurs (December 8, 1798) :
" To the usual subjects of gratitude I cannot omit
to add one of the first importance to our well-being
and safety I mean that spirit which has arisen in
our country against the menaces and aggressions of
a foreign nation. A manly sense of national honor,
dignity, and independence has appeared, which, if en-
couraged and invigorated by every branch of the
government, will enable us to view undismayed the
enterprises of any foreign power, and become the
sure foundation of national prosperity and glory."
11. There are three extracts from Jefferson's
writings which show the tendency of his mind
at the beginning of the century. He said to
Thomas Paine (March 18, 1801) : *
" Determined as we are to avoid, if possible, wast-
ing the energies of our people in war and destruction,
we shall avoid implicating ourselves with the powers
1 Jefferson's Works, iv. 370.
166 JAMES MONROE.
of Europe, even in support of principles which we
mean to pursue. They have so many other interests
different from ours, that we must avoid being entan-
gled in them. We believe we can enforce those prin-
ciples, as to ourselves, by peaceable means, now that
we are likely to have our public councils detached
from foreign views."
A little later he wrote to William Short (Oc-
tober 3, 1801) i 1
" We have a perfect horror at everything like
connecting ourselves with the politics of Europe.
It would indeed be advantageous to us to have neu-
tral rights established on a broad ground ; but no de-
pendence can be placed in any European coalition
for that. They have so many other by-interests of
greater weight that some one or other will always
be bought off. To be entangled with them would be
a much greater evil than a temporary acquiescence in
the false principles which have prevailed."
Again he says (October 29, 1808): "We
consider their interests and ours as the same,
and that the object of both must be to exclude
all European influence in this hemisphere." a
1 Works, iv. 414.
2 This quotation is made by Schoulcr in a note, where he
says, " The germ of the Monroe doctrine of later develop-
ment is early seen in Jefferson's correspondence in view of the
Spanish uprising against Bonaparte and its possible effects
upon Cuba and Mexico, which he is well satisfied to leave in
their present dependence." Hist, of the United States, ii. 202
THE MONROE DOCTRINE. 167
12. At a cabinet meeting May 13, 1818, Pres-
ident Monroe propounded several questions on
the subject of foreign affairs, of which the
fifth, as recorded by J. Q. Adams, 1 was this :
" Whether the ministers of the United States
in Europe shall be instructed that the United
States will not join in any project of interpo-
sition between Spain and the South Americans,
which should not be to promote the complete in-
dependence of those provinces; and whether
measures shall be taken to ascertain if this be
the policy of the British government, and if so
to establish a concert with them for the sup-
port of this policy." He adds that all these
points were discussed, without much difference
of opinion.
13. On July 31, 1818, Rush had an impor-
tant interview with Castelreagh in respect to a
proposed mediation of Great Britain between
Spain and her colonies. The cooperation of
the United States was desired. Mr. Rush in-
formed the British minister that " the United
States would decline taking part, if they took
part at all, in any plan of pacification, except
on the basis of the independence of the colonies.
This," he added, " was the determination to
which his government had come on much delib-
eration"
1 Diary, IT.
168 JAMES MONROE.
14. August 4, 1820, Jefferson writes to Wil-
liam Short: 1
" From many conversations with him [M. Cor-
rea, appointed minister to Brazil by the government
of Portugal], I hope he sees, and will promote in
his new situation, the advantages of a cordial fra-
ternization among all the American nations, and the
importance of their coalescing in an American system
of policy, totally independent of and unconnected
with that of Europe. The day is not distant when
we may formally require a meridian of partition
through the ocean which separates the two hemi-
spheres, on the hither side of which no European
gun shall ever be heard, nor an American on the
other ; and when, during the rage of the eternal wars
of Europe, the lion and the lamb, within our regions,
shall lie down together in peace. . . . The princi-
ples of society there and here, then, are radically dif-
ferent, and I hope no American patriot will ever lose
sight of the essential policy of interdicting in the
seas and territories of both Americas, the ferocious
and sanguinary contests of Europe. I wish to see
this coalition begun."
15. Gallatin writes to J. Q. Adams, June 24,
1823, that before leaving Paris he had said to
M. Chateaubriand on May 13, " The United
States would undoubtedly preserve their neu-
trality provided it were respected, and avoid
i Randall's Jefferson, iii. 472.
THE MONROE DOCTRINE. 169
every interference with the politics of Europe.
. . . On the other hand, they would not suffer
others to interfere against the emancipation of
America." l
A year previously, April 26, 1822, he had
written from Paris that he had said to Mon-
sieur, "America, having acquired the power, had
determined to be no longer governed by Eu-
rope, . . . that we had done it [recognized the
independence of the Spanish-American prov-
inces] without any reference to the form of
government adopted by the several provinces,
and that the question, being one of national in-
dependence, was really altogether unconnected
with any of those respecting internal institu-
tions which agitated Europe."
16. John Quincy Adams, in his diary under
date of July 17, 1823, makes a note which the
editor of that work regards as " the first hint of
the policy so well known afterwards as the Mon-
roe Doctrine." 2 In a conversation with Baron
Tuyl, the Russian minister, on the Northwest
Coast question, Mr. Adams, then Secretary of
State, told him that " we should contest the
right of Russia to any territorial establishment
on this continent, and that we should assume
distinctly the principle that the American con-
1 Writings of GaUatin, by Adams, ii. p. 271 ; ii. p. 240.
2 Diary, vi. 163.
170 JAMES MONROE.
tinents are no longer subjects for any new
European colonial establishments."
17. After Canning had proposed to Rush
(September 19, 1823) that the United States
should cooperate with England in preventing
European interference with the Spanish-Amer-
ican colonies, Monroe consulted Jefferson as
well as the cabinet, on the course which it was
advisable to take, and with their approbation
prepared his message. Jefferson's reply to the
President (October 24, 1823) was as follows : l
" The question presented by the letters you have
sent me is the most momentous which has ever been
offered to my contemplation since that of Independ-
ence. That made us a nation, this sets our compass
and points the course which we are to steer through
the ocean of time opening on us. And never could
we embark on it under circumstances more auspicious.
Our first and fundamental maxim should be, never to
entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe. Our sec-
ond, never to suffer Europe to intermeddle with cis-
Atlantic affairs. America, North and South, has a
set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and
peculiarly her own. She should therefore have a
system of her own, separate and apart from that of
Europe. While the last is laboring to become the
domicile of despotism, our endeavor should surely be,
to make our hemisphere that of freedom."
1 Randall, iii. 491.
THE MONROE DOCTRINE. 171
An extract, dated 1824, and recently pub-
lished, from the Diary of William Pluraer, who
was a member of Congress during Monroe's ad-
ministration, gives to John Quincy Adams the
credit of drafting the important portions of the
message. He says that a day or two before
Congress met Monroe was hesitating about the
allusion to the interference of the Holy Alli-
ance with Spanish America, and consulted the
Secretary of State about omitting it. Adams
remained firm, replying, " You have my senti-
ments on the subject already, and I see no rea-
son to alter them." "Well," said the Presi-
dent, " it is written, and I will not change it
now." i
Enough has been quoted to show that Mr.
Suinner 2 is not justified in saying that the
"Monroe doctrine proceeded from Canning,"
and that he was " its inventor, promoter, and
champion, at least so far as it bears against
European intervention in American affairs."
Nevertheless, Canning is entitled to high praise
for the part which he took in the recognition
of the Spanish republics, a part which almost
justified his proud utterance, " I called the New
World into existence to redress the balance of
the Old."
* Penn. Mag. of Hist, and Biog. vol. vi. No. 3, p. 358.
8 See his Prophetic Voices, pp. 157-160.
172 JAMES MONROE.
If memoranda of Monroe's upon this subject
are still extant they have eluded me. There is
a letter to him from one of his family (Decem-
ber 6) praising the message, and adding these
sentences which show the expectations of the
friends of the administration. 1
"You have a full indemnification for all the time
and attention it may have cost you, in the sentiment
which has accompanied it throughout the nation, and
I mistake greatly if it do not excite a feeling in Eu-
rope as honorable to our country as it may be unac-
ceptable to many there. You will have the merit of
proposing an enlightened system of policy, which
promises to secure the united liberties of the New
World, and to counteract the deep laid schemes in the
Old for the establishment of an universal despotism.
The sentiments and feelings which the message ex-
presses, you may be assured, will be echoed with
pride and pleasure from every portion of our widely
extended country, and will be esteemed to have given
to our national character new claims upon the civil-
ized world.
" The operation of your message also upon the
reputation of your own administration cannot be
mistaken. Effecting higher objects, it will also be
distinctly traced in the prostration of those limited
views of policy which have infected so many of those
who have been intrusted of late with a portion of the
powers and character of our country, and in the
1 Gouverneur MSS.
THE MONROE DOCTRINE. 173
diffusion among our citizens of a great confidence
in the general administration, so essential to the
prosperity of our system. By giving a new and ex-
alted direction to the public reflections, a tone of
feeling and expression must succeed as fatal to the
pretended patriots of the two last years as it will be
honorable to those who, at the risk of popularity,
have been the objects of their clamorous abuse." 1
The Monroe doctrine came before Congress
in less than three years, when the propriety of
sending ministers to the Congress of Panama
was debated. Mr. McLane was opposed to any
course which should bind the United States to
resist interference from abroad in the concerns
of the South American governments, and Mr.
Rives wished to declare still more explicitly
that the United States was not pledged to
maintain by force the principle that no part of
the American continent was henceforward sub-
ject to colonization by any European power.
Daniel Webster made a speech, April 11, 1826,
on the Panama mission, in which he came boldly
to the defence of the Monroe doctrine. The
country's honor, he said, is involved in that dec-
laration ; " I look upon it as a part of its treas-
ures of reputation, and for one I intend to
guard it." After reviewing the political history
1 I am indebted to Mr. Morse, the editor of this series of
volumes, for four of these citations.
174 JAMES MONROE.
from the Congress of Verona onward, he con-
tinued, " I look on the message of December,
1823, as forming a bright page in our history.
I will help neither to erase it nor tear it out ;
nor shall it be by any act of mine blurred or
blotted. It did honor to the sagacity of the
government and I will not diminish that hon-
or." i
i Works, iii. 205.
CHAPTER VIII.
PERSONAL ASPECT AND DOMESTIC RELATIONS.
LITTLE has been said hitherto of Monroe's
domestic and personal characteristics, but I
cannot close the narrative without some refer-
ence to them, beginning with a mention of
his happy marriage and his family ties. While
attending Congress in New York, he became
engaged to Miss Eliza Kortwright, daughter of
Lawrence Kortwright of that city, a lady of
high social standing and of great beauty. He
consulted his relative and life-long friend, Judge
Jones, on this important matter, and received
from him this counsel, which, however admir-
able for its discretion and caution, was certainly
not likely to influence a man of twenty-eight
who was ardently in love.
JUDGE JONES TO JAMES MONROE.
"You will act prudently (so soon as you deter-
mine to fix yourself to business) to form the connec-
tion you propose with the person you mention or
some other, as your inclination and convenience shall
dictate. Sensibility and kindness of heart, good-
176 JAMES MONROE.
nature without levity, a moderate share of good
sense, with some portion of domestic experience and
economy, will generally, if united in the female char-
acter, produce that happiness and benefit which re-
suits from the married state, and is the highest human
felicity a man can enjoy, and he cannot fail to enjoy
it when he is blessed with a companion of such a
disposition and behavior, unless he is so weak and
imprudent as to be his own tormentor. You have
reached that period of life to be capable of thinking
and acting for yourself in this delicate and interesting
business, and I can only assure you that any accom-
modation I shall be able to afford you, to render
yours and her situation agreeable and easy, will be
cheerfully afforded, which, should fortune be want-
ing, will be more embarrassing in the commencement
than any after period."
It does not appear how carefully the lover
weighed these words of wisdom, but the result
of his own reflections appears in a letter to
Madison, in which he announces his intended
marriage.
" If you visit this place shortly I will present you
to a young lady who will be adopted a citizen of Vir-
ginia in the course of this week."
Three months later he writes to Jefferson :
" You will be surprised to hear that I have formed
the most interesting connection in human life with a
young lady in this town, as you know my plan was
DOMESTIC RELATIONS. 177
to visit you before I settled myself; but having
formed an attachment to this young lady a Miss
Kortwright, the daughter of a gentleman of respect-
able character and connections in this state, though
injured in his fortunes by the late war I have
found that I must relinquish all other objects not
connected with her. We were married about three
months since. I remain here until the fall, at which
time we remove to Fredericksburg iu Virginia, where
I shall settle for the present in a house prepared for
me by Mr. Jones, to enter into the practice of the
law."
The young lawyer had doubted where to
make his permanent home, and his friendly
relative went over the field carefully, and point-
ed out to him the comparative advantages of
Fredericksburg and Richmond, with particular
reference to his profession. The former is at
length determined on, and the choice is thus
announced to Jefferson, August 19, 1786 :
" I shall leave this about the 1st of October for
Virginia, Fredericksburg. Believe me, I have not
relinquished the prospect of being your neighbor.
The house for which I have requested a plan may
possibly be erected near Monticello ; to fix there, and
to have yourself in particular, with what friends we
may collect around, for society is my chief object ;
or rather, the only one which promises to me, with
the connection I have formed, real and substantial
12
178 JAMES MONROE.
pleasure ; if, indeed, by the name of pleasure it may
be called."
There were two children of this marriage,
Eliza, who married Judge George Hay of Vir-
ginia j and Maria, who married Samuel L.
Gouverneur of New York. When Monroe was
in Paris his elder daughter was at school with
Hortense Beauharnais, who became Queen of
Holland, and their teacher was the celebrated
Madame Campan. The acquaintance thus
formed became a warm friendship. The child
of Monroe's daughter was named Hortense or
Hortensia, after Queen Hortense, who retained
a warm interest in her namesake through her
life. In a Baltimore family interesting me-
mentos of this intimacy are carefully pre-
served. Portraits in oil of Hortense and Eu-
gene Beauharnais and of Madame Campan were
sent to Hortensia Hay by the former queen,
with an affectionate letter, and there are rea-
sons to think that she remembered in her last
will her American namesake. 1
Monroe's interest in the various members of
his family connection is marked by more than
ordinary affection. He took great pains to
further their material welfare, and make them
1 The gentleman, Charles Wilmer, Esq., who owns these
valuable pictures, has also a charming miniature of Mrs. Mon-
roe, paiuted when she resided in Paris.
DOMESTIC RELATIONS. 179
comfortable in their outward affairs, but he was
always on his guard against using his official
station for the benefit of any relative. Just as
he was about to sail for Europe he gave the fol-
lowing advice to a nephew (June 1794). l It
indicates, more accurately than any other letter
which I recall, Monroe's moral principles.
" You may by your industry, prudence, and studi-
ous attention to your business, as well as to your
books, make such exertions as will advance your for-
tune and reputation in the world, whereby alone your
happiness or even tranquillity can be secured. Not
only the reality of these virtues must be possessed,
but such an external must be observed as to satisfy
the world you do possess them, otherwise you will
not enjoy their confidence. You will recollect, like-
wise, that heretofore your youth and inexperience
were an excuse for any apparent levity or irregular-
ity, but now that you are advancing in life, have a
family and children, the case is altered. Solid merit
and virtue alone will support and carry you with
credit through the world.
" The principal danger to which a young man com-
mencing under limited resources is exposed, and in
which, if he errs, he inflicts the most incurable wound
on his reputation, is the abuse of pecuniary confi-
dence. Let me, therefore, warn you never to use
your client's money. No temptation is greater to a
person possessed of it than that which daily arises
1 Gouverneur MSS.
180 JAMES MONROE.
in the occurrences of a private family, to use this
money, especially when the prospect of reimbursement
furnishes the hope it may not be called for. But as
the commencement of this practice breaks down to a
certain degree that chaste and delicate refinement,
which forms the strongest barrier for the protection
of virtue, it should never be commenced.
" I would make it one of those sacred rules of my
life which should not be violated, never to use it. I
believe you have no passion for anything of that kind.
I sincerely hope you have not. I suggest this hint,
therefore, rather to guard you against a danger which
assails every young man, than that I believe ybu
likely to suffer by it. I mean the vice of gambling.
I recollect there is a billiard table near you. Let me
warn you against it. A passion of this kind will con-
trol, as it always has, every other. If it seizes you,
your client's money will not be safe in your hands."
Several sketches of Monroe, written at dif-
ferent periods of his life, by different persons,
will next be given.
1799-1802.
William Wirt, in the " Letters of a British
Spy," which were published in a newspaper in
1803, and afterwards reprinted in various forms,
drew the portrait of Monroe at the time when
first he was Governor. It is an interesting
sketch by itself, but still more so in connection
with a pendant likeness of the illustrious Mar.
PERSONAL ASPECT. 181
shall, whose career began with that of Monroe,
in the college of William and Mary, and whose
life was almost exactly contemporaneous.
" In his stature," says Wirt, " he is about the mid-
dle height of men, rather firmly set, with nothing
further remarkable in his person, except his muscular
compactness and apparent ability to endure labor.
His countenance, when grave, has rather the expres-
sion of sternness and irascibility ; a smile, however
(and a smile is not unusual with him in a social cir-
cle), lights it up to very high advantage, and gives it
a most impressive and engaging air of suavity and
benevolence.
" His dress and personal appearance are those of
a plain and modest gentleman. He is a man of soft,
polite, and even assiduous attentions ; but these, al-
though they are always well-timed, judicious, and
evidently the offspring of an obliging and philan-
thropic temper, are never performed with the strik-
ing and captivating graces of a Marlborough or a
Bolingbroke. To be plain, there is often in his man-
ner an inartificial and even an awkward simplicity,
which, while it provokes the smile of a more polished
person, forces him to the opinion that Mr. Monroe is
a man of a most sincere and artless soul."
This is but a portion of the description.
182 JAMES MONROE.
1825.
A letter from Mrs. Tuley, then of Virginia,
recently published, 1 gives the following picture
of the last levee at the White House, on New
Year's day, during Monroe's administration.
When she entered the reception-room,
" Mr. Monroe was standing near the door, and as
we were introduced we had the honor of shaking
hands with him and passing the usual congratula-
tions of the season. My impressions of Mr. Monroe
are very pleasing. He is tall and well formed. His
dress plain and in the old style, small clothes, silk hose,
knee-buckles, and pumps fastened with buckles. His
manner was quiet and dignified. From the frank,
honest expression of his eye, which is said to be ' the
window of the soul,' I think he well deserves the en-
comium passed upon him by the great Jefferson, who
said, 'Monroe was so honest that if you turned his
soul inside out there would not be a spot on it.'
" We passed on and were presented to Mrs. Mon-
roe and her two daughters, Mrs. Judge Hay and Mrs.
Gouverneur, who stood by their mother and assisted
her in receiving. Mrs. Monroe's manner is very
gracious and she is a regal-looking lady. Her dress
was superb black velvet ; neck and arms bare and
beautifully formed ; her hair in puffs and dressed
high on the head and ornamented with white ostrich
plumes ; around her neck an elegant pearl necklace.
1 Philadelphia Times.
PERSONAL ASPECT. 183
Though no longer young, she is still ^* very hand-
some woman. You remember Mrs. told us that,
when Mr. Monroe was sent as Minister to France,
Mrs. Monroe accompanied him, and in Paris she was
called '/a belle Americaine.' She also told us that
she was quite a belle in New York in the latter part
of the Revolutionary War. Her maiden name was
Kortwright. Mrs. Judge Hay (the President's eldest
daughter) is very handsome also tall and graceful,
and, I hear, very accomplished. She was educated
in Paris at the celebrated boarding-school kept by
Mine. Campan, and among her intimate school friends
was the beautiful Hortense de Beauharnais, step-
daughter of the Emperor Napoleon. Her dress was
crimson velvet, gold cord and tassel round the waist,
white plumes in the hair, handsome jewelry, bare
neck and arms. The other daughter, Mrs. Gouver-
neur, is also very handsome dress, rich white satin,
trimmed with a great deal of blonde lace, embroid-
ered with silver thread, bare neck and arms, pearl
jewelry and white plumes in the hair. By the by,
plumes in the hair seem to be the most fashionable
style of head-dress for married ladies.
"All the lower rooms were opened, and though
well filled, not uncomfortably so. The rooms were
warmed by great fires of hickory wood in the large
open fire-places, and with the handsome brass and-
irons and fenders quite remind me of our grand old
wood fires in Virginia. Wine was handed about in
wine-glasses on large silver salvers by colored wait-
ers, dressed in dark livery, gilt buttons, etc. I sup-
184 JAMES MONROE.
pose some cf them must have come from Mr. Mon-
roe's old family seat, ' Oak Hill,' Virginia."
1830.
Here is an autographic sketch of the ex-Presi-
dent's literary work, addressed to Mr. Gouver-
neur : l
" I am engaged in a work which will be entitled
*A biographical and historical view of the great
events to which Mr. Monroe was a party and of
which he was a spectator in the course of his public
service,' commencing with my service in the army,
in the legislature and council of the State, in the
revolutionary Congress and in the Senate. I have
brought it to the conclusion of my first mission to
France, which would, if printed, make about one
hundred and twenty pages, and with the appendix,
should it be thought advisable to add one, perhaps as
many more. This work to this stage might be pub-
lished at an early period as introductory to the se-
quel, though, I being closely engaged in it, I could,
if I have health, complete the whole in five or six
months. I have composed in part another work, a
comparison between our government and the ancient
republics, and likewise with the government of Eng-
land. Of this I have already extended it to a view
of the government of Athens and Lacedemon, of
Greece, of Carthage, with notes on that of Rome, to
which I have drawn an introductory view of govern-
1 Gouverneur MSS.
PERSONAL ASPECT. 185
ment and society as the basis of the work. This
work I could also finish in about the same time, by
devoting myself to it. What I have already written
would occupy more pages than that above mentioned.
My correspondence, when in the War Department, of
three hundred and ninety-four pages folio, I mean
my own letters only, is another work which I intend
at a proper time to publish. If my claims are re-
jected I should wish to take the preparatory steps to
a publication, by suitable notices in the public papers
at the proper time. I think no part had better be
published until that part is finished ; and to accom-
plish which, that I had better devote myself to one
of the works mentioned, exclusively in the first in-
stance, the biographical one, for instance. I shall
place occurrences and develop principles by a faith-
ful attention to facts, manifesting no hostility to any
one. The publication of any part cannot, I presume,
be made till the fall, and no notice had better be
taken of it till just before."
1830.
During the latter part of his life a gentleman
who is now living in Charlottesville, Va., Judge
E. R. Watson, was a member of Monroe's fam-
ily, and retains a very vivid recollection of his
appearance, occupations, and characteristics. He
has been so kind as to prepare for insertion here
the following reminiscences.
186 JAMES MONROE.
Judge Watsons Recollections.
" In person Mr. Monroe was about six feet
high, perhaps rather more; broad and square-
shouldered and raw-boned. When I knew him
he was an old man (more than seventy years of
age), and he looked perhaps even older than he
was, his face being strongly marked with the
lines of anxiety and care. His mouth was rather
large, his nose of medium size and well-shaped,
his forehead broad, and his eyes blue approach-
ing gray. Altogether his face was a little
rugged ; and I do not suppose he was ever
handsome, but in his younger days he must
have been a man of fine physique, and capable
of great endurance. As an illustration of this,
I remember hearing him say that immediately
preceding the occupation of Washington by the
British, and just after their retreat from the
city, during the war of 1812, with the burden
of three of the departments of the government
resting upon him, State, Treasury and War,
he did not undress himself for ten days and
nights, and was in the saddle the greater part
of the time. There was no grace about Mr.
Monroe, either in appearance or manner. He
was, in fact, rather an awkward man, and, even
in his old age, a diffident one. Nevertheless,
there was a calm and quiet dignity about him
PERSONAL ASPECT. 187
with which no one in his presence could fail
to be impressed, and lie was one of the most
polite men I ever saw to all ranks and classes.
It was his habit, in his ride of a morning or
evening, to bow and speak to the humblest
slave whom he passed as respectfully as if he
had been the first gentleman in the neighbor-
hood. I have heard him define true politeness
as ' right feeling controlled by good common
sense.'
I do not know that I ever witnessed in Mr.
Monroe any actual outbreak of temper, but
I was always impressed with the idea that he
was a man of very strong feelings and pas-
sions, which, however, he had learned to control
perfectly. I never heard him use an oath, or
utter a word of profanity, and hence I was
quite astonished when, on one occasion, I was
talking with an old family servant about a gen-
tleman who swore very hard, and he remarked,
' Bless your soul, you ought to hear old master!
He can give that man two in the deal and beat
him.' In his intercourse with his family he
was not only unvaryingly kind and affection-
ate, but as gentle as a woman or a child. He
was wholly unselfish. The wishes, the feelings,
the interests, the happiness, of others were al-
ways consulted in preference to his own.
Being quite young at the time, I was not a
188 JAMES MONROE.
very competent judge, but my recollection is
that Mr. Monroe's conversational powers were
not of a high order. He always used the plain-
est, simplest language, but was not fluent, and
was, it seemed to me, wholly wanting in imag-
ination. He lacked the versatility, and I should
say also the general culture, requisite for shin-
ing in the social circle, but was always inter-
esting and instructive ; when with good listeners
he led in conversation, and talked of the scenes
and events through which he had passed, et
quorum magna pars fuit. Whilst I was a mem-
ber of Mr. Monroe's family it was his habit,
when the weather and his health would allow,
and the presence of visitors did not prevent, to
ride out morning and evening, and I was very
often his only companion. On these occasions
he always talked of the past, and I was strongly
impressed with the idea that he must have been
in his public career essentially a man of action;
content even that others might share the credit
really due to him, if he could only enjoy the
consciousness of doing his duty and rendering
his country service. Love of country and de-
votion to duty appeared to me the explanation
of his success in life and the honors bestowed
upon him. There was not the least particle of
conceit in Mr. Monroe, and yet he seemed al-
ways strongly to feel that he had rendered
PERSONAL ASPECT. 189
great public service. From Washington to John
Quincy Adams, he was the associate and co-la-
borer of the greatest and best men of his day.
Yet he had no feeling of envy towards any of
them ; and though he felt that some had not
always treated him justly, he took far more
pleasure in commending their high qualities
and patriotic services than in referring to his
wrongs, real or imaginary.
One striking peculiarity about Mr. Monroe
was his sensitiveness, his timidity in reference
to public sentiment. I do not mean as it re-
spected his past public life. As to that he
appeared to feel secure. But in retirement his
great care seemed to be to do and say nothing
unbecoming in an ex-President of the United
States. He thought it incumbent on him to
have nothing to do with party politics. This
was beneath the dignity of an ex-President, and
it was unjust to the people who had so highly
honored him, to seek to throw the weight of his
name and character on either side of any con-
test between them. Hence Mr. Monroe, after
retiring from office, rarely, if ever, expressed his
opinions of public men or measures, except
confidentially. Over and over again, in the
early days of Jackson's administration, did he
speak freely to me of that remarkable man,
of Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Webster, Mr. Clay, and
190 JAMES MONROE.
others scarcely less prominent, as well as of the
principles and measures with which they were
respectively identified ; but always with the in-
junction that what he said was never to be re-
peated. I recollect well to this day some of his
opinions as then expressed, and have often re-
gretted that I did not make some note of them
all. But the truth is, I was so much afraid
that in some unguarded moment I might betray
the confidence reposed in me, that I sought
rather to forget than to treasure up what he said
about men and measures of the day.
I cannot recall more than a single instance in
which, in company, he expressed any opinion as
to the character or conduct of prominent public
men, except in so far as he could approve and
commend them. On one occasion John Ran-
dolph of Roanoke was the subject of discussion
among several gentlemen present, who differed
widely in their estimates of his character and
services. Finally Mr. Monroe was appealed to
for his opinion by one of Mr. Randolph's ad-
mirers, in a way which indicated that the party
addressing him scarcely expected any direct
answer. Very promptly, however, Mr. Monroe
replied, ' Well, Mr. Randolph is, I think, a cap-
ital hand to pull down, but I am not aware that
he has ever exhibited much skill as a builder.'
Mr. Monroe's ofncial life was marked by the
PERSONAL ASPECT. 191
same deference to and fear of offending public
sentiment. My impression is that during his
whole presidential term he appointed no rela-
tive or near connection to office. Kis two sons-
in-law were George Hay of Virginia, and Sam-
uel L. Gouverneur of New York. The former
was a lawyer of eminent ability and a man of
the very highest character, and was promptly
appointed to a Federal Judgeship (the same
now held by Judge Hughes of Virginia) by
John Quincy Adams ; but he received nothing
at the hands of Mr. Monroe. And so with Mr.
Gouverneur ; he was a talented and popular
young man, of one of the best families of New
York, but he received no Federal appointment
till Mr. Adams had succeeded Mr. Monroe.
Then Adams made him postmaster of New
York. Judge Hay had a son (by his first mar-
riage), Charles Hay, who was made chief clerk
of the Navy Department under Mr. Adams, but
held no office under Mr. Monroe. The latter,
as I heard from his own lips, was not willing,
in making any appointment, to lay himself lia-
ble even to the suspicion of being influenced by
any other consideration than the public good.
Though Mr. Monroe in early life practised
law, I feel very sure he could not have been
a very good speaker. He wrote with no great
facility, but with pains. His handwriting was
192 JAMES MONROE.
very bad. Some time in 1829, possibly in 1830,
by his horse falling with him, he sprained his
right wrist very badly, and for some time could
not write at all. I often acted as his amanuensis.
His correspondence was immense, and with the
best and wisest men of his day. I do not re-
member whether he kept copies of his letters.
I rather think he did not. But I have often
thought that from those written to him there
might be gathered a vast amount of valuable
material bearing upon the history of the coun-
try, and the character and conduct of its public
men.
I have intimated that Mr. Monroe was prob-
ably deficient in general culture. If this be
true, it is equally true that he was a student of
history, especially of ancient history. Whilst
I was with him he completed the manuscript
of a little work entitled, I think, ' A Com-
parison of the American Republic with the Re-
publics of Greece and Rome.' Every line of
this I copied for him. On its completion he
showed it Judge Hay (who, with his family,
lived with him), and asked him to read it and
tell him what he thought of it. I well remem-
ber that, after examining it, Judge Hay said
to Mr. Monroe, ' I think your time could have
been better employed. If the framers of our
Constitution could have had some work, from
PERSONAL ASPECT. 193
a modern stand-point, on the Constitutions of
Greece and Rome, it might have been of value
to them. I do not think yours is of practical
value now. A history of your Life and Times,
written by yourself, would really be interesting
and valuable.' The idea seemed quite new to
Mr. Monroe. Such was his modesty and self-
depreciation that he had never thought of it
before. The suggestion, however, had control-
ling weight, and Mr. Monroe immediately be-
gan to prepare such a work, and made some
progress in it, but how much I cannot say.
His memory of past events was remarkable ;
and as from the very beginning of the Revolu-
tion, when he became a member of Washing-
ton's military family, to the close of his presi-
dency, he was intimately associated with the
government and those who controlled it, it is
greatly to be deplored that his life and health
were not spared to enable him to complete the
work. It might not have been distinguished
by literary merit, but it would have been
marked, in my humble judgment, by a degree
of truth, impartiality, and justice which never
have been and never will be surpassed by any
human production. I have often wondered
what had become of this fragment of Mr. Mon-
roe's ' Life and Times,' as well as the little
work which I copied for him.
13
194 JAMES MONROE.
Mr. Monroe was warmly attached to his
friends. He never forgot a service rendered
him, whether in public or private life. But in
his friendship and affection for Mr. Madison
there was something touching and beautiful.
Washington and Jefferson he greatly admired,
but Mr. Madison he loved with his whole heart.
They were once rival candidates for office, but
from what I have heard Mr. Monroe say I do
not suppose there was ever, for a single mo-
ment, the slightest feeling of estrangement or
unkindness between them.
I have several times seen them together at
Montpelier, and, as it seemed to me, it was only
in Mr. Madison's society that Mr. Monroe could
lay aside his usual seriousness and indulge in
the humorous jest and merry laugh, as if he
were young again.
Mrs. Monroe was Eliza Kortwright of New
York, the niece, I think, of General Knox, of
Revolutionary fame. Even in old age and
feeble health she bore traces of having been
very beautiful in early life. She survived
Judge Hay but a short time. I was at Oak
Hill, on a visit, when she died. She was not
buried for several d;iys, the delay being occa-
sioned by the construction of a vault, designed
not only for her remains but for those also of
Mr. Monroe, as he himself told me. I shall
PERSONAL ASPECT. 195
never forget the touching grief mamiested by
the old man on the morning after Mrs. Mon-
roe's death, when he sent for me to go to his
room, and with trembling frame and streaming
eyes spoke of the long years they had spent
happily together, and expressed in strong terms
his conviction that he would soon follow her.
In this connection he spoke of his purpose to
build a vault for the remains of both of them ;
and I have often thought it would have been
well if, when Virginia caused his remains to
be removed to Richmond, those of Mrs. Mon-
roe had been also removed and laid side by side
with them.
The death of Mr. Monroe occurred on the
4th of July of the next year (1831), at the
residence of his son-in-law, Mr. Gouverneur, in
the city of New York. I have a strong impres-
sion that Mr. Monroe either told me in person,
or wrote to me, that his purpose in going to
New York was not only to visit his daughter,
but especially to see his friend William Wirt,
to whom he was devotedly attached."
NEAR THE END OF LIFE.
Here are two almost pathetic letters, one
from Monroe to Madison, the other from Mad-
ison to Monroe, written in the spring of 1831.
196 JAMES MONROE.
MONROE TO MADISON. 1
I have intended for some time to write and ex-
plain to you the arrangement I have made for my
future residence, and respecting my private affairs
with a view to my comfort, so far as I may expect
it, but it has been painful to me to execute it.
My ill state of health continuing, consisting of a
cough, which annoys me by night and by day with
considerable expectoration, considering my advanced
years, although my lungs are not affected, renders
the restoration of my health very uncertain, or in-
deed any favorable change in it. In such a state I
could not reside on my farm. The solitude would be
very distressing, and its cares very burdensome. It
is the wish of both my daughters, and of the whole
connection, that I should remain here and receive
their good offices, which I have decided to do. I do
not wish to burden them. It is my intention to rent
a house near Mr. Gouverneur, and to live within my
own resources so far as I may be able. I could make
no establishment of any kind without the sale of
my property in Loudoun, which I have advertised for
the 8th of June, and given the necessary power to Mr.
Gouverneur and my nephew James. If rny health
will permit, I will visit it in the interim and arrange
affairs there for that event and my removal here.
The accounting officers have made no decision on my
claims, and have given me much trouble. I have writ-
ten them that I would make out no account adapted
Monroe MSS.
PERSONAL ASPECT. 197
to the act, which fell far short of making me a just
reparation, and that I had rather lose the whole sum
than give to it any sanction, be the consequences
what they may. I never recovered from the losses
of the first mission, to which those of the second
added considerably.
It is very distressing to me to sell my property in
Loudoun, for, besides parting with all I have in the
State, I indulged a hope, if I could retain it, that I
might be able occasionally to visit it, and meet my
friends, or many of them, there. But ill health and
advanced years prescribe a course which we must
pursue. I deeply regret that there is no prospect of
our ever meeting again, since so long have we been
connected, and in the most friendly intercourse, in
public and private life, that a final separation is
among the most distressing incidents which could oc-
cur. I shall resign my seat as a visitor at the Board
in due time to enable the Executive to fill the va-
cancy, that my successor may attend the next meet-
ing. I beg you to assure Mrs. Madison that I never
can forget the friendly relation which has existed
between her and my family. It often reminds me
of incidents of the most interesting character. My
daughter, Mrs. Hay, will live with me, who, with
the whole family here, unite in affectionate regards to
both of you.
Very sincerely, your friend,
J. M.
NBW YOKK, April 11, 1831.
198 JAMES MONROE.
MADISON TO MONROE. 1
MONTPELIER, April 21, 1831.
DEAE SIR, I have duly received yours of [April
11]. I considered the advertisement of your estate
in Loudoun as an omen that your friends in Virginia
were to lose you. It is impossible to gainsay the
motives to which you yielded in making New York
your residence, though I fear you will find its climate
unsuited to your period of life and the state of your
health. I just observe, and with much pleasure, that
the sum voted by Congress, however short of just
calculations, escapes the loppings to which it was
exposed from the accounting process at Washington,
and that you are so far relieved from the vexations
involved in it. The result will, I hope, spare you at
least the sacrifice of an untimely sale of your valu-
able property ; and I would fain flatter myself that,
with an encouraging improvement of your health, you
might be brought to reconsider the arrangement
which fixes you elsewhere. The effect of this, in
closing the prospect of our ever meeting again, afflicts
me deeply ; certainly not less so than it can you.
The pain I feel at the idea, associated as it is with
a recollection of the long, close, and uninterrupted
friendship which united us, amounts to a pang which
I cannot well express, and which makes me seek
for an alleviation in the possibility that you may be
brought back to us in the wonted degree of inter-
course. This is a happiness my feelings covet, not-
1 Madison's Writings, vol. iv. pp. 178-179.
PERSONAL ASPECT. 199
withstanding the short period I could expect to en-
joy it ; being now, though in comfortable health, a
decade beyond the canonical three-score and ten, an
epoch which you have but just passed.
As you propose to make a visit to Loudoun previ-
ous to the notified sale, if the state of your health
permits, why not, with the like permission, extend
the trip to this quarter ? The journey, at a rate of
your own choice, might cooperate in the reestablish-
ment of your health, whilst it would be a peculiar
gratification to your friends, and, perhaps, enable you
to join your colleagues at the University once more
at least. It is much to be desired that you should
continue, as long as possible, a member of the Board,
and I hope you will not send in your resignation in
case you find your cough and weakness giving way
to the influence of the season and the innate strength
of your constitution. I will not despair of your be-
ing able to keep up your connection with Virginia
by retaining Oak Hill and making it not less than an
occasional residence. Whatever may be the turn of
things, be assured of the unchangeable interest felt
by Mrs. Madison, as well as myself, in your welfare,
and in that of all who are dearest to you.
In explanation of my microscopic writing, I must
remark that the older I grow the more my stiffening
fingers make smaller letters, as my feet take shorter
steps, the progress in both cases being, at the same
time, more fatiguing as well as more slow.
CHAPTER IX.
RETROSPECT. REPUTATION.
MONROE retired from his high office March
4, 1825, and during the seven years which re-
mained of his life divided his time between his
home at Oak Hill, in Loudoun County, Virginia,
and the residence of his daughter, Mrs. Gouver-
neur, in the city of New York. He accepted
the post of Regent in the University of Vir-
ginia, which was instituted in 1826, and gave
his personal attention to the duties of the office,
with Jefferson and Madison. He was asked to
serve on the electoral ticket of Virginia in 1828,
but declined to do so, on the ground that an
ex-President should refrain from an active par-
ticipation in political contests. He consented,
however, to act as a local magistrate and to be-
come a member of the Virginia constitutional
convention, which assembled a little later.
He maintained an active correspondence with
friends at home and abroad, and, what is much
more remarkable, he undertook to compose a
philosophical history of the origin of free gov-
ernments, for which his literary training was
RETROSPECT. REPUTATION. 201
quite inadequate. This treatise was published
in 1867.
Monroe, throughout his later days, was
somewhat embarrassed in his pecuniary cir-
cumstances, and spent a great deal of time in
endeavoring to secure from Congress a just re-
imbursement for the heavy expenses in which
he had been involved during his prolonged ser-
vices abroad. It is truly pitiful to perceive the
straits to which so patriotic a servant of the
country, against whose financial integrity not
a word was uttered, was reduced ; particularly
when the expenditures he had incurred were,
to a very large amount, required by the posi-
tions to which his countrymen had called him,
and for which they made inadequate remuner-
ation. No private subscription came to honor
or relieve him. Lafayette, with a generous
impulse and with great delicacy of procedure,
offered him relief. 1 Some allowance was at
length made by Congress, and after his death
his heirs received a moderate sum for the pa-
pers he had preserved. His old age was much
given to retrospection, doubtless quickened by
the necessity of reviewing his accounts in justi-
fication of his claims. A letter to Judge Mc-
Lean may be found in his manuscripts, with
a note that the form was altered, though the
spirit was preserved. 2 It reads as follows :
1 Ante, page, 154. a Monroe MSS.
202 JAMES MONROE.
MONROE TO MCLEAN.
OAK HILL, December 5, 1827.
I have read with great interest your letter of the
15th ult. The course which you have pursued in
the administration corresponds with that which I had
anticipated. I was satisfied that you had done your
duty to your country, and acquitted yourself to the
just claims of those with whom you were officially
connected.
It has afforded me great pleasure to find that the
Department has considerably improved, under your
management, in all the great objects of the institu-
tion, the more extensive circulation of political and
commercial intelligence among the great body of our
fellow citizens and the augmentation of the revenue.
This sentiment seems to be general throughout the
community, which it would not be if it was not con-
firmed by unquestionable evidence. By the faithful
and useful discharge of your public duties you have
given the best support which could be rendered to
the administration of Mr. Adams, and of which he
must be sensible. No person at the head of the gov-
ernment has, in my opinion, any claim to the active
partisan exertions of those in office under him. Jus-
tice to his public acts, friendly feelings, and a candid
and honorable deportment towards him, without for-
getting what is due to others, are all that he has a
right to expect, and in those I am satisfied you have
never failed. Your view, in regard to my concerns,
corresponds also with my own. I shall never apply
RETROSPECT. - REPUTATION. 203
again to Congress, let my situation be what it may.
The only point on which my mitul has balanced is,
whether the republication of my memoir, remarks,
and documents, in a pamphlet, would be proper and
useful. Those papers relate to important public
events in both my missions and in the late war, and
since, while I held an office in the administration. I
was charged with a failure to perform my duty in
my first mission, and recalled from it and censured.
The book which I published on my return home,
with the official documents which it contained, vindi-
cated me against the charge, and on that ground I
then left it. The parties are since dead, and I am
now retired to private life. I never doubted the
perfect integrity of General Washington, nor the
strength or energy of his mind, and was personally
attached to him. I admired his patriotism, and had
full confidence in his attachment to liberty and solic-
itude for the success of the French Revolution.
It being necessary to advert to that occurrence,
in my communication to the committee which was
first appointed on my claims, I availed myself of the
occasion to express a sentiment corresponding with
the above in his favor, as I likewise did in the me-
moir since published. The documents published with
it prove, in minute detail, not only that I faithfully
performed my duty to my country, but exerted my
best faculties, on all occasions, in support of his char-
acter and fame. The letters of Major Mountflor-
ence, which I had forgotten that I possessed, are ma-
terial on both points. They prove that the French
204 JAMES MONROE.
government charged me with having prevented it
from taking measures which it deemed due to the
honor of France, for eight months, and that it had
withdrawn its confidence from, and ceased to commu-
nicate with, me at the very moment when I was re-
called by my own government. Major Mountflor-
ence was no particular friend or associate of mine.
I found him in France, on my arrival there. He was
the friend of Mr. Morris, my predecessor, and, as
I understand, from Tennessee. Mr. Skipwith em-
ployed him as the chancellor in his office, on account
of his acquaintance with our affairs and knowledge
of the French language. He passed daily, on the
business of the consulate, through the several depart-
ments of the government, and was acquainted with
the principal officers, especially the clerks in each,
and on that account I instructed him to make the in-
quiries to which his reports relate. All the other
documents correspond with and support his state-
ment, which they extend to other objects that are
very interesting.
I was likewise charged in that mission with specu-
lation, in consequence of a purchase which I made of
a house. The documents published show clearly the
motive which led me into that measure, as they do
my intention to offer it to my government, on my
resignation and return, on the terms on which I
bought it ; being recalled, and the minister sent to re-
place me not received, such an offer would have been
absurd. Besides, I was forced to sell it to enable me
to leave the country ; and even then I lost one half of
RETROSPECT. REPUTATION. 205
the price given for it, as I believe, in consequence of
my recall and the circumstances under which I left
it. An important examination of the state of our
affairs on my arrival in France, the seizure of our
vessels, jealousy of our views, and distress of our
citizens there, and the change produced on my ap-
peal and presentation to the convention, with the of-
fer of a house, etc., will, I think, enable any candid
person, aided by the documents referred to, to decide
whether my motive in making that purchase was a
private or a public one. That it had the desired ef-
fect was the opinion of all my fellow-citizens there,
who had earnestly advised me to it.
The documents relating to my second mission are
likewise very interesting. The call made on me by
Mr. Jefferson, the manner of the call, and circum-
stances under which I left the country, with the
losses attending it, are fully shown, as are the conse-
quences, resulting from the mission. Those were not
known before, and the latter had been misrepresented
and were by many misunderstood. They were never
used to promote my election to any office.
This memoir, with the remarks and documents,
form a case between my country and me, and, being
collected in a pamphlet, will be better understood and
more easily preserved. If not true in a single in-
stance, let it be shown. I know that they are true in
every one, and am not afraid of the severest scrutiny,
should the proof presented be deemed inadequate in
any circumstance. The preservation of them may
tend to give a coloring, or rather character, to some
of the wants to which they relate.
206 JAMES MONROE.
With my conduct in the offices in the city, at the
most difficult periods, you are well acquainted in the
outline, having been a large portion of the time in
Congress, and in confidential communication with me.
You know that I was called into the Department of
War on a great emergency, and by that emergency,
not by any desire of mine. Many circumstances, how-
ever, occurred while I was in that Department, with
which I wish to make you acquainted, and especially
those which relate to the measures taken for the de-
fence of New Orleans in the late war. Representa-
tions have been given of my conduct in that instance
very injurious to me.
To the gallantry and very meritorious conduct of
General Jackson there, I have always done, and shall
do, full justice. I wish, however, to make you fully
acquainted with the part I have acted towards him
in that and some other instances, which have since
occurred. By such a view you will be able to judge
whether I have acted fairly towards him, and taken
responsibility on myself for him, from motives of
friendship, or acted a different part. The papers,
which I wish to show you, are original. I do not
wish you to come here at this time, and am inclined
to think you had better not. If you see no impro-
priety in it, I will inclose to you the papers which,
after perusing them, I wish you to return to me im-
mediately, and without showing or letting it be known
to any person existing that you had ever seen them.
On the question of republication and the subject
to which it relates, above referred to, I shall be glad
to receive your opinion when convenient.
RETROSPECT. REP UTA TION. 207
In these last years his quiet was disturbed
by a controversy, already mentioned, as to the
action of his cabinet in respect to the proceed-
ings of General Jackson. The irritation ap-
pears to have begun in 1827.
His son-in-law, Mr. Gouverneur, referring to
an article which had appeared in a Tennessee
paper, and reflected discredit on Monroe's ad-
ministration, expressed to Monroe great surprise
that such an article should have been written
with Jackson's approbation.
" That injustice might be attempted," he says (May
24, 1827), " by the heated partisans of the day for
their own purposes, I can readily conceive, but that
General Jackson, with whom you have so long pre-
served the most intimate relations of friendship, and
whose public character you have so frequently sus-
tained during the most perilous periods of your ad-
ministration, should authorize that injustice, I should
not only be slow to believe but most deeply regret.
It certainly is at variance with all the feelings I have
ever entertained of his character, which I thought had
been fully justified in all the incidents of his life. It
is undoubtedly desirable that you should collect such
evidences as are in your possession, and to which you
may now have access, as relate to the period in ques-
tion. It is among the most interesting of our history,
and must be so regarded by posterity. How far it
may be advisable to use them in any shape at this
time, I think depends on what may occur hereafter,
208 JAM ES MONROE.
and the circumstances which may arise to call for it.
Your position is one of a defensive character, if neces-
sary, and I do not think requires anything from you
which may invite attack. When it comes I should
consider you at full liberty to meet it by all the evi-
dences of which you may be able to avail yourself."
His dread of any financial action which
should endanger the Union is clearly brought
out in a letter to John C. Calhoun (February
16, 1830), l in reply to one which he had re-
ceived from his former secretary.
" Nothing can be more distressing to me than the
approach or possibility of a crisis, which may, in its
consequences, endanger our Union. I trust, however,
that the patriotism, intelligence, and virtue of the
people, and of those who may fill our public councils at
the epoch you refer to, will rescue us from such a dan-
ger. Satisfied I am that nothing can be so calamitous
to every section of the Union as a dismemberment.
With such an event our republican system would soon
go to wreck ; wars would take place between the new
States as they did between the ancient republics, and
now do between the powers of Europe ; and we to
the south, where so large a portion of the population
consists of slaves, would by domestic conjunctions be
most apt to fall the victims.
" From the close of our Revolution we have looked
to the extinction of the public debt as a period of
peculiar felicity. There is, I believe, no other gov
1 Gouverueur MSS.
RETROSPECT. REPUTATION. 209
ernment or people in existence who are thus blessed.
That this epoch should lay the foundation for such a
calamity would be an event without example. I
think with you that the interesting questions which
you state will, in the discussion, excite much feeling,
and may, in the view which the different sections may
take of their local interests, put them for a while in
a marked opposition to each other. Each however
will, I trust, weigh the subject calmly, and be willing
to make some concession and even sacrifices to save
our republican system."
There are many estimates of Monroe to be
met with in the memoirs of his contemporaries.
Washington's early praise has already been
quoted. Jefferson said of him, u he is a man
whose soul might be turned wrong side out-
wards without discovering a blemish to the
world." Madison used this language : " His
understanding was very much underrated ; his
judgment was particularly good ; few men have
made more of what may be called sacrifices in
the service of the public." John Quincy Adams
delivered a eulogy, the last pages of which glow
with praise "of a mind, anxious and unwearied
in the pursuit of truth and right, patient of in-
quiry, patient of contradiction, courteous even
in the collision of sentiment, sound in its ulti-
mate judgments, and firm in its final conclu-
sions." John McLean gave emphasis to the
14
210 JAMES MONROE.
purity of his action in making executive ap-
pointments : " personal motives, either as they
regarded the President himself or the person
appointed, were lost in higher considerations of
duty." Webster, in 1825, declared that " the
administration now closed had been in genera,!
highly satisfactory to the country. It could not
be said," he continued, " that that administra-
tion had eitber been supported or opposed by
any party associations, or on any party princi-
ples." Calhoun, the stern and stately Calhoun,
is effusive in the terms which he employs when
speaking of the President in whose cabinet he
served. One of the most elaborate estimates of
Monroe's career is that of Benton, which de-
serves to be quoted.
"Mr. Monroe had none of the mental qualities
which dazzle and astonish mankind ; but he had a
discretion which seldom committed a mistake an in-
tegrity that always looked to the public good; a firm-
ness of will which carried him resolutely upon his
object ; a diligence which mastered every subject ; and
a perseverance that yielded to no obstacle or reverse.
" He began his patriotic career in the military ser-
vice at the commencement of the war of the Revolu-
tion, went into the General Assembly of his native
State at an early age, and thence, while still young,
into the Continental Congress. There he showed
his character, and laid the foundation of his future
RETROSPECT. REP UTA TION. 211
political fortunes in bis uncompromising opposition to
the plan of a treaty with Spain, by which the navi-
gation of the Mississippi was to be given up for
twenty-five years in return for commercial privileges.
It was the qualities of judgment and perseverance
which he displayed on that occasion which brought
him those calls to diplomacy in which he was after-
wards so much employed with three of the then
greatest European powers, France, Spain, Great
Britain. And it was in allusion to this circumstance
that President Jefferson afterwards, when the right
of deposit at New Orleans had been violated by
Spain, and when a minister was wanted to recover it,
said, " Monroe is the man ; the defence of the Missis-
sippi belongs to him." And under this appointment
he had the felicity to put his name to the treaty which
secured the Mississippi, its navigation and all the
territory drained by its western waters, to the United
States forever. Several times in his life he seemed
to miscarry and to fall from the top to the bottom of
the political ladder, but always to reascend as high or
higher than ever. Recalled by Washington from the
French mission, to which he had been appointed
from the Senate of the United States, he returned to
the starting point of his early career, the General
Assembly of his State, served as a member from his
county, was elected Governor, and from that post was
restored by Jefferson to the French mission, soon to be
followed by the embassies to Spain and England.
Becoming estranged from Mr. Madison about the
time of that gentleman's first election to the presi-
212 JAMES MONROE.
dency, and having returned from his missions a little
mortified that Mr. Jefferson had rejected his British
treaty without sending it to the Senate, he was again
at the foot of the political ladder, and apparently out
of favor with those who were at its top. Nothing
despairing he went back to the old starting point,
served again in the Virginia General Assembly, was
again elected Governor, and from that post was called
to the cabinet of Mr. Madison, to be his double Sec-
retary of State and War. He was the effective
power in the declaration of war against Great Brit-
ain. His residence abroad had shown him that un-
avenged British wrongs were lowering our character
with Europe, and that war with the " mistress of the
seas " was as necessary to our respectability in the
eyes of the world, as to the security of our citizens
and commerce upon the ocean. He brought up Mr.
Madison to the war point. He drew the war report
which the Committee on Foreign Relations presented
to the House, that report which the absence of Mr.
Peter B. Porter, the chairman, and the hesitancy of
Mr. Grundy, the second on the committee, threw
into the hands of Mr. Calhoun, the third on the list
and the youngest of the committee, and the'presenta-
tion of which immediately gave him a national repu-
tation. Prime mover of the war, he was also one of
its most efficient supporters, taking upon himself,
when adversity pressed, the actual duties of war min-
ister, financier, and foreign secretary at the same
time. He was an enemy to all extravagance, to al]
intrigue, to all indirection in the conduct of business
RETROSPECT. REP UTA TION. 21 3
Mr. Jefferson's comprehensive and compendious eulo-
gium upon him, as brief as true, was the faithful de-
scription of the man " honest and brave." He was
an enemy to nepotism, and no consideration or en-
treaty, no need of the support which an office would
give, or intercession from friends, could ever induce
him to appoint a relative to any place under the gov-
ernment. He had opposed the adoption of the Con-
stitution until amendments were obtained ; but these
had, he became one of its firmest supporters, and
labored faithfully, anxiously, and devotedly to ad-
minister it in its purity."
On reviewing all that I have been able to
read in print and in manuscript, and all I have
been able to gather from the writings of others,
the conclusion is forced on me that Monroe is
not adequately appreciated by his countrymen.
He has certainly been insufficiently known, be-
cause no collection has been made of his numer-
ous memoirs, letters, dispatches, and messages.
He has suffered also by comparison with four or
five illustrious men, his seniors in years and his
superiors in genius, who were chiefly instru-
mental in establishing this government on its
firm basis. He was not the equal of Washington
in prudence, of Marshall in wisdom, of Hamil-
ton in constructive power, of Jefferson in ge-
nius for politics, of Madison in persistent abil-
ity to think out an idea and to persuade others
214 JAMES MONROE.
of its importance. He was in early life enthu-
siastic to rashness, he was a devoted adherent
of partisan views, he was sometimes despon-
dent and sometimes irascible ; but as he grew
older his judgment was disciplined, his self-
control became secure, his patriotism over-
balanced the considerations of party. Political
opponents rarely assailed the purity of his mo-
tives or the honesty of his conduct. He was
a very good civil service reformer, firmly set
against appointments to office for any unworthy
reason. He was never exposed to the charge
of nepotism, and in the choice of officers to be
appointed he carefully avoided the recognition
of family and friendly ties. His hands were
never stained with pelf. He grew poor in the
public service, because he neglected his private
affairs and incurred large outlays in the dis-
charge of official duties under circumstances
which demanded liberal expenditure. He was
extremely reticent as to his religious senti-
ments, at least in all that he wrote. Allusions
to his belief are rarely if ever to be met with in
his correspondence. He was a faithful hus-
band, father, master, neighbor, friend. He was
industrious, serious, temperate, domestic, affec-
tionate. He carried with him to the end of his
life the good-will and respect both of his seniors
and juniors. Many of those who worked with
RETROSPECT. REPUTATION. 215
him, besides those already quoted, have left on
record their appreciation of his abilities and
their esteem for his character.
His numerous state papers are not remark-
able in style or in thought, but his views were
generally sound, the position which he took
in later life on public questions was approved
by the public voice, and his administration is
known as the " era of good feeling." His at-
tention does not seem to have been called in
any special manner to the significance of slavery
as an element of political discord, or as an evil
in itself. If he foresaw, he did not foretell the
great conflict. He does riot seem expert in the
principles of national finance, though his views
are often expressed on such matters.
The one idea which he represents consist-
ently from the beginning to the end of his
career is this, that America is for Americans.
He resists the British sovereignty in his early
youth ; he insists on the importance of free
navigation in the Mississippi ; he negotiates the
purchase of Louisiana and Florida ; he gives
a vigorous impulse to the prosecution of the
second war with Great Britain, when neutral
rights were endangered ; finally he announces
the " Monroe doctrine."
It is clear that he was under great obliga-
tions to Jefferson. The aid and counsel of this
216 JAMES MONROE.
sagacious man are apparent from the time
when Monroe began the study of law, in ad-
verse and in prosperous times, in public and in
private matters, throughout their long lives.
Madison's friendship was also a powerful sup-
port. But both these men could not have sus-
tained Monroe through his varied career, in
circumstances which required popular approba-
tion, if he had not possessed some very uncom-
mon qualities. As a youth he must have been
bright and attractive. In early manhood he
was devoted to his party beyond the require-
ments of party, so that he nearly involved the
country in war. As he grew older he was less
of a partisan. He retained an accurate remem-
brance of the men and measures with which he
had been associated, and he acquired experience
in almost every variety of public station, the
judiciary excepted, until he reached the very
highest office in the land. He was trained for
the presidency in the school of affairs and not
in a ring. An ideal preparation for the duties
of that high station would hardly involve any
kind of discipline to which the business of life
had not subjected him. He made enemies ;
the Federalists, South as well as North, disliked
him and undervalued him ; but notwithstand-
ing their hostile criticism he sustained himself
BO well that but one electoral vote was given
RETROSPECT. REPUTATION. 217
against his reelection, and it is said that this
was cast by an elector who did not wish to see
a second President chosen with the same unan-
imity which had honored Washington.
Certainly a career like this will never be for-
gotten. As time goes on some careful hand will
collect the scattered memoirs of Monroe, and
his work as a legislator, an envoy, a cabinet
minister, and a President, will be more accu-
rately estimated. It will always reveal the mind
and heart of a patriot, in new and trying situa-
uations, true to the idea of American indepen-
dence from European interference.
Monroe died in New York, July 4, 1831, and
was buried there with appropriate honors. Years
afterward Virginians desired that his dust
should mingle with the soil of his native State.
His body was carried to Richmond, under the
escort of a favorite regiment of New York, and
re-interred in the public cemetery just one hun-
dred years after his eyes first saw the light.
APPENDIX.
GENEALOGY.
I HAVE not been successful in tracing the pedigree
of James Monroe. Mr. R. C. Brock, of the Virginia
Historical Society, has kindly searched the Virginia
archives, and finds that successive grants of land
were made to Andrew Monroe from 1650 to 1662,
and to John Monroe from 1695 to 1719. He has
also come upon an old statement that Andrew Mon-
roe came to this country in 1660, after the defeat of
the Royal army, in which he had the rank of major,
and settled in Westmoreland County, Virginia. With
this citation it is curious to compare a recent para-
graph, in respect to the Monroes of Eastern Massa-
chusetts, in F. B. Sanborn's Life of Thoreau :
" The Monroes of Lexington and Concord are
descended from a Scotch soldier of Charles II. 's army,
captured by Cromwell at the battle of Worcester in
1651, and allowed to go into exile in America. His
powerful kinsman, General George Mouro, who com-
manded for Charles at the battle of Worcester, was,
APPENDIX. 219
at the Restoration, made comraander-in-chief for
Scotland." l
Mr. Brock suggests that the family of Jones, to
which the mother of James Monroe belongs, was the
same with that of Adjutant-General Robert Jones,
Commodore Thomas Catesby Jones, General Walker
Jones, and other distinguished Americans.
The private residence of Monroe during the latter
part of his life was at Oak Hill, near Aldie, Loudouu
County, Virginia, on a turnpike running south from
Leesburg to Aldie, about nine miles from the former
and three from the latter place.
Major R. W. N. Noland has been so kind as to
prepare (at the suggestion of Professor J. M. Garnett
of the University of Virginia) a sketch of Oak Hill,
which will here be given :
The Oak Hill house was planned by Mr. Monroe, but the
building superintended by Mr. William Benton, an English-
man, who occupied the mixed relation to Mr. Monroe of stew-
ard, counsellor, and friend. The house is built of brick in a
most substantial manner, and handsomely finished ; it is, per-
haps, about 90 x 50 feet, three stories (including basement),
and has a wide portico, fronting south, with massive Doric
columns thirty feet high, and is surrounded by a grove of
magnificent oaks covering several acres. While the location
is not as commanding as many others in that section, being in
lower Loudoun where the rolling character of the Piedmont
region begins to loose itself in the flat lands of tide water, the
house in two directions commands an attractive and some-
what extensive view, but on the other sides it is hemmed in
by mountains, for the local names of which, " Bull Run " and
1 Compare Savage, New England Gtneulvyicul Dictionary,
iii. 256, 257.
220 APPENDIX.
" Nigger Mountain," it is to be hoped the late President is in
no wise responsible, and, indeed, the same may be said of the
river or creek which breaks through these ranges within a
mile or two of Oak Hill. Tom Moore, in a poetic letter as
brilliant as it is ill-natured, satirizing Washington city, writes,
"And what was Goose Creek once is Tiber now;" but the
fact is that no such stream is found in the neighborhood of
the national capital. The little stream that washes the con-
fines of the Oak Hill estate once bore the Indian name Gohon-
garestaw (the Kiver of Swans), and is now called Goose Creek.
The following anecdote connected with Oak Hill is, perhaps,
worthy of preservation. On the occasion of Lafayette's visit
to Loudoun, a large number of distinguished guests were en-
tertained at Oak Hill. It was at the dinner in Leesburg,
given to Lafayette, that Mr. Adams drank the celebrated
toast to the "Patriots of the Revolution like the Sibylline
leaves, the fewer they become, the more precious they are." In
riding back to Oak Hill, Mr. Adams, Major William Noland,
and Mr. Hay were thrown together, when the last-named gen-
tleman, with an apology for the seeming impertinence, asked
Mr. Adams where he conceived the beautiful sentiment he had
that day drunk. Mr. Adams said that the toast was inspired
that morning by a sight of the picture of the Sibyl that hung
in the Oak Hill hall. " How strange ! " said Mr. Hay, "/ have
been looking at that picture for years, and that thought never
occurred to me."
There are several quite good pictures of the Oak Hill house
extant one on Taylor's rnap of Loudoun County, and others
in the histories of Virginia (for example, in Howe's "Histor-
ical Collections of Virginia," p. 356).
APPENDIX. 221
n.
WASHINGTON'S NOTES UPON THE APPENDIX TO
MONROE'S " VIEW OP THE CONDUCT OF THE
EXECUTIVE," NOW FIRST PRINTED.
[From the copy by Mr. Sparks now owned by the Library
of Cornell University. The figures indicate the pages in the
appendix to Monroe's " View," from which catch-words are
taken, introducing the notes written by Washington on his
copy.]
Page 119 "jealousy and distrust"
Principally because he asserted our rights and
claimed redress.
On what ground the suspicion, when it was a noto-
rious fact that (we) were upon the worst terms short
of open war with G. Britain ?
His communications with the French Govt. con-
tradict this, and accounts [stc] satisfactorily for the
delay of the reception, as may be seen by reference
thereto.
Page 120 that I should pursue ? "
As nothing but justice, and the fulfilment of a con-
tract was asked, it dictated firmness conducted with
temperence stc] in the pursuit of it.
Page 120 " were closed against me."
This appears nowhere but in his own conjectures
and q/ter-assertious, for from his own account at the
222 APPENDIX.
time the delay of his reception was satisfactorily ex-
plained, and had been the cause of another waiting of
six weeks. 1 See his letter of the 25 of Aug., p. 16.
Page 120 "place a greater confidence?"
By whom were they advised ? and what evidences
are alluded to ?
Page 122 " and then defy us."
Was a good understanding to be interrupted be-
cause we were endeavoring to live in peace with all
the world? and were only asking from France what
we were entitled to by treaty ?
Page 122 " in favour of that administration : "
It is not understood what is here meant by conces-
sion. None was asked, or any [c] thought of be-
ing made.
Page 122 "decisively on the decline"
It will not be denied, it is presumed [stc], that
there had been and might again be great vicissitudes
in their affairs, bothe [sic~\ externally and inter-
nally. Prudence and policy therefore required, that
the Govt. of the U. S. should move with great cir-
cumspection.
Page 123 " the point in question"
A very singular mode truly to obtain it, but look
1 This " waiting of six weeks " refers to the delay in receiv-
ing the minister of Geneva. EDITOR.
APPENDIX. 223
to letter of Nov. 7 th , 1794, pp. 58, 59, and judge
whether it would not have been accomplished sooner
if he had desired it ; and what can he mean by not
conceding, when in explicit terms he has declared
that the point, if upon consideration they desired it,
would have been given up with pleasure !
Page 123 " upon the slightest intimation."
That is to say, if we would not press them to do
us justice, but have yielded to their violations, they
would [sic] aided us in every measure, which would
have cost them nothing.
Page 124 "from the western posts "
By what means were the British to be expelled
from the Western posts, without first conquering
Canada, or passing thro' the territory of the U. S.,
and would not the latter, by the law of nations, have
been a cause of war ? The truth is Mr. Man roe [sic]
was cajoled, flattered, and made to believe strange
things. In return he did, or was disposed to do,
whatever was pleasing to that nation ; reluctantly
urging the rights of his own.
Page 140 " in the second the whole."
This is a mistake, no such promise to be found
in the 2 d letter. See p. 105, Nov. 25 th .
Page 140 " to me on the subject ? "
The intention was to enable him on the veracity
and authority of the negotiator of the Treaty to as-
224 APPENDIX.
sert, that there was nothing contained in it repug-
nant to our engagement with France, and that was
all that they or he had a right to expect.
Page 147 "power alone to make it, etc."
And this ought to have satisfied the French Govt.
It was as much as that Govt. would have done for
us or any other nation.
Page 118 " my secretary, Mr. Gauvain "
Here is a striking instance of his folly. This
secretary of his was a foreigner it is believed a
Frenchman introduced no doubt to his confidence
and papers for the sole purpose of communicating to
the Directory the secrets of his office.
Page 160 " with you in June next"
The sufferings of our citizens are always a sec-
ondary consideration when put in competition with
the embarrassments of the French.
Page 161 " reasons above suggested"
Hence is a disregard shown to repeated orders of
his government to press this matter
Page 207 " me to do it here"
What inference is to be drawn from this declara-
tion ? What light is it in Philadelphia, that is to
discover the sense of the French Govt. in Paris,
before it was divulged there? except the conduct
of the French party by whom the wheels were to be
moved ?
APPENDIX. 225
Page 210 " of this government"
If he does not mean himself here, it is not difficult
to guess who the other character is marked out by
this description.
Page 210 " of what kind must it be ? "
War was the suggestion, and is here repeated.
This has no horrors when waged in favor of France,
but dreadful even in thought when it is against her.
Page 297 " decide in his case."
Mr. Fen wick was accused of covering by the
American flag French money under false invoices,
but Mr. M. could readily excuse this breach of faith
in his office.
Page 313 "furnished lose its force."
England before the late treaty with the U. S. and
France were different in their commercial relations
with America.
Page 314 " than in precise terms ; "
For the best reason imaginable ; because none
could be urged that had any weight in them.
Page 321 " the United States have taken"
Only in cases where the captors have contravened
the treaty acting contrary to the laws of nations
or our own municipal laws.
15
226 APPENDIX.
Page 322 "prizes into those ports"
A single instance only of a prize being brought in
is recollected, and against it a strong remonstrance
was made ; without prizes, ships of war are not re-
strained by the Treaty.
Page 322 " executing their judgments."
No interruption has been given to this. To carry
their own judgments into effect has constituted the
difficulty, and in its nature it is nearly impossible
to do it.
Page 322 " certified by the consuls."
This is the French construction of the Act. The
Judiciary of the U. S. interpret it otherwise ; over
whom the Executive have [sic] no control.
Page 322 " safeguard of their flag"
This arrestation was for an offence committed
against the law of nations and those of the U. S.
and has been explained over and over again. See
the Sec ty of State's Letter, 13 th of June, p. 364
Page 323 " merited an example"
What more could the U. S. do than was done ?
See the Sec ty of State's Letter, Sept. 14 th , 1795, p.
292.
Page 323 " least contested, of neutrality"
These are assertions upon false premises. Strange
APPENDIX. 227
indeed would it be if the IT. S. could not make a
treaty without the consent of the French Govt when
that treaty infracted no prior engagements, but ex-
pressly recognizes and confirms them.
Page 323 " the principles of neutrality ? "
They have given nothing, but left those principles
precisely upon the ground they stood [*<c] before
the Treaty ; with some explanations favorable to the
U. S. and not injurious to France. They have made
nothing contraband, that was not contraband before ;
nor was it in their power to obtain from G. B.
a change, which the Armed Neutrality, (as it was
called) could not when combined accomplish.
Page 345 " and without delay."
How strangely inconsistent are his accounts !
Page 356 " most strict reciprocity"
From hence it follows, that if A makes a contract
with B, and C will not make a similar contract with
him, B will not be bound by his contract, although
the cases are unconnected with eachother [sic~\.
Page 359 "course of the present war."
All this he ought to have done, and was instructed
to do in the beginning ; and had it been urged with
firmness and temperance, might have prevented the
evils which have taken place since.
Page 359 " my duty would permit ; "
And a great deal more than his duty permitted.
228 APPENDIX.
Page 371 " the merit of this delay ; "
By implication he has done this in a variety of
instances.
Page 371 " was the true cause of it"
That is, by not pressing the execution of the
Treaty ; and for compensation to our suffering citi-
zens. This no doubt was accommodating and pleas-
ing one party at the expense of the other.
Page 374 " be passed by unnoticed"
Did France expect, that the U. S. could compel G.
B. to relinquish this right under the law of nations,
while [sic~\ the other maritime powers of Europe (as
has been observed before), when combined for the
purpose were unable to effect [sic]. Why then call
it an abandonment ?
Page 377 " what they did avow"
This is all external and a flimsy covering of their
designs. Why else send their emissaries through that
country to inculcate different principles among the
inhabitants, a fact that could be substantiated.
Page 390 " nations had sworn to."
Yes, Citizen, and every one else who can read are
[sic] acquainted with [sic] facts ; and your violations
of our rights under the Treaty prove (?) it also.
APPENDIX. 229
Page 391 " be made through you."
The treatment of our minister, Gen 1 Pinckney, is
a pretty evidence of this ; The thot' [stc] of parting
with Mr. Monroe was insupportable by them.
III.
SYNOPSIS OF MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES. 1
PRESIDENT MONROE'S inaugural addresses and
annual messages are of greater length than those of
any of his predecessors. His fifteen special mes-
sages are almost all brief ; one, however, that of May
4, 1822, on internal improvements, is of extraordi-
nary length.
In his first inaugural address, delivered on March
5, 1817, he dwells upon the happy condition into
which the country had been brought by the excel-
lence of its political institutions and the bounty of
Nature. Protection of its liberty and prosperity
against dangers from within could be secured only
by maintaining the excellence of the national char-
acter. To secure it against dangers from without,
the coast and frontier defences, the army, the navy,
but especially the militia, should be maintained in a
state of efficiency. Attention is drawn to the advan-
tages of developing the resources of the country and
1 The following summary of the speeches and messages of
James Monroe, printed in the Statesman's Manual, has been
prepared for insertion here by J. F. Jameson, Ph. D., of the
Johns Hopkins University.
230 APPENDIX.
drawing the various parts of the Union more closely
together by the construction of roads and canals, to
the extent sanctioned by the Constitution ; of increas-
ing the independence and strength of the industrial
system of the country by the care of the government;
of paying the national debt at an early period ; and,
in general, of making those improvements for which
peace gives the best opportunity. He promises that
the new administration will do all in its power to
secure efficiency in all departments of the public ser-
vice, to maintain peace with other nations, and to
promote the increased harmony then pervading the
Union.
In the first annual message of President Monroe,
dated December 2, 1817 (which opens with con-
gratulations on the progress of the national defences
and the increase of harmony), he speaks of the diplo-
matic relations with England, and with Spain and
her revolted colonies, the national revenue and the
rapid extinguishment of the debt, recent purchases of
lands from the Indians, our relations with them, the
method of sale of public lands, the constitutional-
ity of improvements in inter-communication executed
at national expense, American manufactures, public
buildings at the federal capital, pensions for soldiers
of the Revolution, and the repeal of the internal
taxes. Under the first head he reports the comple-
tion of arrangements for reducing naval forces on
Lake Erie, the progress of various minor negotia-
tions pursuant to the provisions of the treaty of
Ghent, and the failure of our proposals for the open-
APPENDIX. 231
ing of the ports in the West Indies and other British
colonies to American vessels; how this shall be met
he leaves to Congress. He complains of violations
of our neutrality by both Spain and her colonies, but
expresses the belief that the occupation and hostile
use of portions of territory claimed by us, at Amelia
Island and Galveston, were not authorized by the lat-
ter, and defends the suppression of these resorts. He
recommends provision for the better civilization of
the Indians upon the Western frontier, whose lands
have recently been bought, and such regulation of
the sale of the tracts thus opened to immigrants as
shall most benefit the general government and the
settlers. Concerning the right to make internal im-
provements he says, " Disregarding early impres-
sions, I have bestowed on the subject all the delib-
eration which its great importance and a just sense
of my duty required, and the result is a settled con-
viction in my mind that Congress do not possess the
right." But he suggests a constitutional amendment
giving the right to do this and to institute seminaries
of learning. He recommends the repeal of the inter-
nal taxes, believing them no longer necessary.
A special message of January 13, 1818, informs
Congress that the settlement at Amelia Island, and
probably that at Galveston, has been broken up. The
President considers this justified by their character,
and declares that nothing has been or will be done to
injure Spain.
The second annual message, dated November 17,
1818, opens with a statement by the President of the
232 APPENDIX.
arrangements which had been made with reference to
a continuation of the convention with Great Britain.
He discusses the troubles in Florida, mentions the
progress of the South American revolutions and the
mediation proposed by the allied powers, notices the
excellent condition of the national finances, and rec-
ommends further protection. He dwells with satis-
faction upon the progress of the system of defences,
and upon the admission of a new State, Illinois, be-
lieving that the rise of new States within our borders
will produce the greatest benefits, both material and
political. He recommends such provision for the In-
dians as will, if possible, prevent their extinction, ac-
custom them to agriculture, and promote civilization
among them ; and the establishment of a government
for the District of Columbia more agreeable to princi-
ples of self-government. His statements as to events
in Florida ought, perhaps, to be represented more
fully. He draws a strong picture of the impotence
of the Spanish authorities, of the lawless character
of the adventurers who seized upon various positions
in the province, and of the dangers to which the citi-
zens of the United States were subjected, at sea by
the depredations of the adventurers and on land by
the attacks of the Indians incited by them. As Spain
could not govern the region, and would not transfer
it, the only course open to our government, says
the President, was to suppress the establishment at
Amelia Island, and to carry the pursuit of the In-
dians so far as to prevent further disturbance from
them, or from their inciters, English or Spanish ; but
APPENDIX. 233
care has been taken to show due respect to the gov-
ernment of Spain.
The negotiations of our government with that of
Spain form the chief subject of the annual message
of December 7, 1819. A treaty by which the Span-
ish government ceded to the United States the prov-
ince of Florida, while the United States renounced
its claims to the part of Louisiana west of the River
Sabine (known as Texas), and its claims to compen-
sation for injuries sustained by its citizens from Span-
ish cruisers some twenty years before, had, early in
this year, been concluded at Washington and rati-
fied by the government there. It was then sent to
Madrid, but, unexpectedly, the Spanish government
delayed ratifying it, alleging not only that attempts
had been made by United States citizens against
Texas, but that our Minister at Madrid had, as in-
structed, when presenting the treaty for ratification,
accompanied it by a declaration explaining the mean-
ing given to one of its articles. In the present mes-
sage the President comments severely upon the con-
duct of the Spanish court, denies its first charge
absolutely, and explains that the second refers to a
correction enabling the treaty to cover, as both gov-
ernments agreed that it should cover, all cases of
laud grants of a specified sort. He declares that the
conduct of Spain is perfectly unjustifiable, and is
so regarded by European governments, and that it
would be right for our government to carry out the
treaty fairly, alone; but suggests forbearance until
the expected envoy shall have arrived from Madrid.
234 APPENDIX.
Other matters, new and old, which the President dis-
cusses in this message are, the preservation of our
neutrality in the South American conflict, the Cana-
dian and West Indian commerce, the treasury, the
contraction of bank circulation and depression of in-
dustry, the coast survey, the increase of the navy,
and the maintenance of the Mediterranean squadron.
A special message, sent a few days later, Decem-
ber 17, describes, and submits to amendment by Con-
gress, the arrangements which the Executive had
made for the transference to Africa of negroes cap-
tured in accordance with the act for the abolition of
the slave-trade.
In the last annual message of his first term, that
of November 14, 1820, President Monroe takes oc-
casion to review the present situation of the Union.
He expresses the greatest satisfaction at our wonder-
ful prosperity. While certain interests have suffered
depression because of the long European wars and
the consequent industrial derangements, he regards
these as mild and instructive admonitions, and as ac-
cumulating " multiplied proofs of the great perfec-
tion of our most excellent system of government, the
powerful instrument in the hands of an All-merciful
Creator, in securing to us these blessings." He re-
ports that the treaty with Spain is not yet ratified,
while Florida is constantly made a basis of smug-
gling operations ; that the restrictions on commerce
to and from the West Indies continue ; and that ne-
gotiations have been commenced for a commercial
treaty with France, and recommends legislation mak>
APPENDIX. 235
ing more just the recent tonnage duties on French
vessels. South American affairs are, as usual, men-
tioned. The rapid reduction of the public debt is
noted, as showing the extent of the national re-
sources. The President then recommends legisla-
tion to relieve those who have bought public lands
on credit in days of higher prices. He reports prog-
ress in the preparation of the extensive system of
fortifications, and sets forth the great advantages to
be expected from them, and, more briefly, those de-
rivable from the frontier posts among the Indians and
the naval squadrons abroad.
In his second inaugural address, delivered March
4, 1821, President Monroe first expresses his grati-
tude for the confidence of his fellow-citizens, and his
satisfaction at the general accord with which it has
been expressed. " Having no pretensions," says he,
" to the high and commanding claims of my prede-
cessors, whose names are so much more conspicu-
ously identified with our Revolution, and who con-
tributed so preeminently to promote its success, I
consider myself rather as the instrument than the
cause of the union which has prevailed in the late
election. ... It is obvious that other powerful
causes, indicating the great strength and stability of
our Union, have essentially contributed to draw you
together." He then reviews the acts of the govern-
ment in the previous term, and, first of all, the prog-
ress made in fortification. Upon matters of foreign
policy, the chief opinions expressed by him are, that
236 APPENDIX.
our neutrality in the South American conflict should
by all means be preserved, that the troubles in Florida
could not be ended in any other way than that pur-
sued, that the treaty with Spain and the acquisition
of the Peninsula will prove highly advantageous to
our country, and that our naval squadrons in foreign
waters have been most efficient in suppressing the
slave-trade and piracy. He recommends, in view of
the public exigencies, the restoration of the internal
duties and excises, the removal of which he had,
under other circumstances, suggested in a former
message. He further recommends that the Indians,
instead of being treated as independent nations, be
settled upon lands granted to them as individuals,
and helped to improvement in agriculture and civil-
ization ; and that measures be taken to make us al-
ways capable of self-defence. He then compares the
excellence and success of our government with the
defects and failures of those of the ancient republics,
and expresses the belief " that our system will soon
attain the highest degree of perfection of which hu-
man institutions are capable." The address closes
with remarks upon the increase of the area and pop-
ulation of the United States, and with acknowledg-
ments of the ability and uprightness of the Presi-
dent's cabinet advisers.
The principal subjects of the fifth annual message,
that of December 3, 1821, are, commercial relations
arising under the act of March 3, 1815, and the trans-
ference and government of Florida. Beside these,
the President briefly discusses Portuguese and South
APPENDIX. 237
American affairs, the treasury and revenue, incidental
protection to manufactures, internal taxation, now no
longer deemed necessary, surveys, fortifications, and
war vessels, and the efficiency of the Mediterranean
squadron in restraining the Barbary powers, and of
the naval forces elsewhere in suppressing piracy and
the slave-trade. The act of March 3, 1815, had pro-
vided that the manufactures and productions of any
foreign nation, imported into the United States in
vessels of the same nation, should, whenever the Ex-
ecutive should be satisfied that the nation in question
nad conferred the same privilege upon our commerce,
be exempted from the payment of any further duties
than would be paid upon the same merchandise if
imported in our ships. It was thought, says the
President, that the proposal was liberal, and that
any power acceding to it would also throw open the
trade of its colonies to foreign vessels on a similar
basis. But England, while accepting it for her Euro-
pean dominions, has declined it for the West Indies,
and France has declined it altogether ; direct trade
with the West Indies and France in our vessels and
theirs has therefore ceased. He expresses regret at
the extreme interpretation put by the French gov-
ernment upon the most-favored-nation clause in the
treaty of 1803, and defends the seizure of the Apollo,
on the nominally Spanish side of the St. Mary's
River, on the ground that the sole purpose of its
presence there was to elude our revenue laws. He
reports the extension of the reciprocity system of the
act of 1815 by treaties with several powers. In
238 APPENDIX.
announcing the transfer of Florida, he comments se-
verely upon the refusal of the Spanish officials in
charge to transfer the land records of the province.
He describes the measures taken for the provisional
government of the district, regrets the dissensions
which have occurred in it, recommends the prompt
establishment of a territorial government for it, and
reports progress in the satisfaction of the claims of
our citizens against Spain.
During this same session several special messages
were sent to Congress. The first, on February 25,
1822, suggests a larger appropriation for a treaty with
the Cherokees ; the second, dated March 8, 1822,
relates to the contest between Spain and her colonies.
The opinion is expressed that recent events have
made it manifest that the colonies not only possess
independence, but are certain to retain it, and that
the recognition of their independence by us should
now be made, that it cannot be regarded by Spain as
improper, and may help to shorten the struggle. A
longer special message of March 26 refers to the for-
tifications at Dauphin Island at the mouth of Mobile
Bay, and, incidentally, to the subject of fortifications in
general. The President demonstrates the necessity
of extensive fortifications at that point for the protec-
tion not only of Mobile but of New Orleans, and
thus of the whole valley of the Mississippi. He ends
the message with a strong vindication of the policy of
fortification adopted by Congress soon after the late
destructive war with England ; he shows that the
amount of loss which, in any similar emergency,
APPENDIX. 239
would be thus prevented, far exceeds the cost of the
works themselves, and that the latter has been, and
is being, defrayed without sensibly iucreasing the
burdens vesting upon the people.
By far the most important of the special messages
of President Monroe are those vetoing the Cumber-
land Road Bill, and giving the reasons therefor.
In the former he briefly declares his opinion that the
power to pass such a law implies the power to adopt
and execute a complete system of internal improve-
ment, and that such a power is neither specifically
nor incidentally granted by the Constitution. The
session being too advanced to permit him to include
his reasons in this message, he instead transmits to
Congress an exposition of his views on the subject
previously committed to paper, and having a form
somewhat different from that which would have been
adopted in a message. The paper so transmitted
forms a special message of great length, setting forth
fully the President's views on internal improve-
ments.
This message may be divided into four parts. In
the first he discusses the general subject of the divi-
sion of powers between the general government and
the State governments ; in the second he describes the
powers which the general government would have to
exercise if it possessed the right claimed for it ; in the
third he controverts in detail the arguments of those
who seek to derive the power in question from va
rious powers conceded to Congress by the Constitu-
240 APPENDIX.
tion ; in the fourth he declares the advantages of the
possession of such a power by them, if carefully con-
fined to great works of national importance, and rec-
ommends an amendment to secure that end.
The subjects of the first portion are, the origin of
the State governments and their endowments when
first formed ; the origin of the national government
and the powers vested in it, and the powers which
are admitted to have remained to the State govern-
ments. The views disclosed in it are substantially the
following: When the power of the crown was ab-
rogated, the authority which had been held by it
vested exclusively in the people of the colonies.
These appointed a Congress. They also formed
State governments, to .which all necessary powers of
government, not vested in Congress, were imparted,
the sovereignty still residing in the people. Mean-
while the powers of Congress, though vast, were un-
defined. Hence the plan of confederation ratified in
1781. Now it may fairly be presumed that where
grants of certain powers were transferred in the
same terms from this to the Constitution of 1788,
they should be construed in the same sense in the
latter which they bore in the former. Its principal
provisions are therefore here inserted. Its incompe-
tence being demonstrated, the new Constitution was
formed and ratified, the State governments them-
selves taking the lead in this forward movement. A
compact was thus formed, which cannot be altered
except by those who formed it, and in the mode in it
described. Thus there were two separate and itide-
APPENDIX. 241
pendent governments established over the Union, one
for local purposes over each State, by the people of
the State ; the other for national purposes over all the
States, by the people of the United States. Both
governments have a common origin or sovereign, the
people, whose whole power, on the representative prin-
ciple, is divided between them. As a result of this
survey, two important facts are disclosed ; the first is,
that the power or sovereignty passed from the crown
directly to the people ; the second, that it passed to
the people of each colony, and not to the people of
all the colonies in the aggregate. Had it been other-
wise, had the people not had equal rights and a com-
mon interest in the struggle, or had the sovereignty
passed to the aggregate, the Revolution might not have
succeeded. But, clearly, power passed to the people of
each colony, for the chartered rights whose violation
produced the Revolution were those secured by the
charters of each colony ; and the composition and
conduct of Congress confirm this position. The
powers granted by the Constitution to the govern-
ment of the United States are then detailed. On
the powers remaining to the governments of the
States, it is observed, that the territory contemplated
by the Constitution is the territory of the several
States, and under their jurisdiction ; the people, the
people of the several States ; the militia, the holding
of property, the administration of justice, the criminal
code, are all under the control of the State govern-
ments, except in cases otherwise specially provided
for. The right of the general government is, in
16
242 APPENDIX.
short, a power to perform certain specified acts and
those only.
The second division of the message discusses briefly
the nature and extent of the powers requisite to the
general government in order to adopt and execute a
system of internal improvement, a necessary prelim-
inary to the decision whether it has this power. First,
says the President, it must be able to buy the land
even in spite of the owner's refusal to sell ; secondly,
it must be able to punish those who injure the road
or canal, by having not only jurisdiction over it but
power to bring them to justice, wherever caught ;
thirdly, it must be able to establish tolls and provide
for their collection and for the punishment of those
infringing such regulations.
If, he continues, the United States possess this
power, it must, since it has not been specifically
granted, be derived from one of the following sources :
First, the right to establish post-offices and post-
roads ; second, to declare war ; third, to regulate com-
merce among the several States ; fourth, from the
power to pay the debts and provide for the common
defence and general welfare of the United States ;
fifth, from the power to make all laws necessary and
proper for carrying into execution all the powers
vested by the Constitution in the government of the
United States, or in any department or officer thereof ;
sixth, from the power to dispose of, and make all
needful rules and regulations respecting, the territory
and other property of the United States. From some
one or other of these the advocates of the power derive
APPENDIX. 243
it, and all these the President proceeds, in this third
part of his message, to consider in detail.
As to the first grant, it is contended that it cannot,
in the ordinary sense of the word "establish," be
held to mean anything more than the use of exist-
ing roads by the mail-carrier in passing over them as
others do ; that the phrase must be held to mean just
what it did in the Articles of Confederation ; that, its
object being the carriage of the mails, only what is
absolutely necessary to that object is conceded ; and
that the proposed interpretation would give Congress
the same jurisdiction over all the roads already ex-
isting in every State.
The claim under the second grant mentioned would
extend to canals as well as to roads. If internal im-
provements are to be carried to the full extent to
which they may be useful for military purposes,
the power must extend to all roads in the Union.
Further, the Constitution makes a special grant of
several rights, like that of raising an army, which
might much more certainly be derived from that of
declaring war than could the power in question ;
omission to mention the latter, therefore, proves that
it is not granted, as does also the specification of a
grant of jurisdiction over land ceded for fortifica-
tions ; we are obliged to infer that in this case alone
is the power given.
Next, the President takes up the third argument,
from the power to regulate commerce between the
States. The history of this grant and of the discus-
sions which preceded it make it evident, he says, that
244 APPENDIX.
it was intended merely to give power to impose duties
on foreign trade and to prevent any on trade between
the States.
The fourth claim is founded on the second part of
the first clause of Art. I. Sec. 9 of the Constitution,
which reads, " The Congress shall have power, to lay
and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises ; to pay
the debts and provide for the common defence and
general welfare of the United States ; but all duties,
imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the
United States." The reasoning upon this point is
in substance the following : The second phrase here
used gives a right to appropriate the public money,
and it gives this power alone. For, first, if the right
of appropriation is not given by this clause it is not
given at all ; secondly, this part of the grant has none
of the characteristics of a distinct and original power,
but is manifestly incidental to the first part ; thirdly,
if this is not its real meaning it has a scope so wide
as to make unnecessary all the other grants in the
Constitution, for they would be included in this ;
further, the place which this phrase occupies is ex-
actly the one most fitting for a grant of the right of
appropriation. If, then, this is the power here granted,
it remains to inquire what is the extent of this power.
One construction is, that the government has no right
to expend money except in the performance of acts
authorized by the other specific grants, according to
a strict construction of their nature. " To this con-
struction," says President Monroe, " I was inclined
in the more early stage of our government ; but, on
APPENDIX. 245
further reflection and observation, my mind has un-
dergone a change, for reasons which I will frankly
unfold." The power to raise money and the power
to appropriate it are both, in this grant, conveyed in
terms as general and unqualified as, for instance,
those conceding to Congress the power to declare
war. More comprehensive terms than " to pay the
debts and provide for the common defence and gen-
eral welfare " could not have been used. And so
intimately connected with and dependent on each
other are the two branches of power granted, that a
limitation of one would have had the like effect upon
the other. But indeed it was impossible to have
created a power within the government, distinct from
Congress and the Executive, which should control the
movement of the government in respect to expendi-
tures, and not destroy it. This, then, must be the
nature of the grant of appropriation. Have Con-
gress, then, a right to raise and appropriate the public
money to any and to every purpose, according to
their will and pleasure? They certainly have not.
The government of the United States is a limited
government, instituted for great national purposes,
and for those only. Good roads and canals will,
however, promote many very important national pur-
poses. To the appropriation of the public money to
such improvements there seems to be no well-founded
constitutional objection ; to do anything further than
this the general government is not competent. This
has also been the practice of our government ; for in-
stance, in the case of the Cumberland Road, all the
246 APPENDIX.
acts of the United States have been based on the
principle that the sovereignty and jurisdiction be-
longed not to the general government but to the
States ; Congress has simply appropriated money
from the public treasury, thus aiding a work of great
national utility.
The conclusion reached upon this point is, there-
fore, that the right to make internal improvements
has not been granted by the power to " provide for
the common defence and general welfare," but only
the right to appropriate the public money ; that the
government itself being limited, the power to appro-
priate is also limited, the extent of the government,
as designated by the specific grants, marking the ex-
tent of the power, which should, however, be ex-
tended to every object embraced by the fair scope of
those grants, and not confined to a strict construc-
tion of their respective powers (it being safer to aid
the purposes of those grants by the appropriation of
money than to extend, by a forced construction, the
grant itself) ; and that, though the right to appropri-
ate is indispensable, it is insufficient as a power if a
great scheme of improvements is contemplated.
Against the fifth source suggested, the power to
make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into
execution all powers vested by the Constitution in
the general government, it is urged that such a power
is not by that instrument so vested.
Sixthly, the second clause of Art. II. Sec. 3 of the
Constitution is shown, by the first clause and by the
history of the cessions of land to the United States
APPENDIX. 247
by the States, to refer to such lands only. The power
to make all needful regulations respecting the terri-
tory and other property of the United States has,
therefore, no bearing upon the subject of internal im-
provements to be made by the general government
Therefore it is concluded that the desired power is
not possessed. Much more than the right to appro-
priate is required ; territorial jurisdiction over the
roads is not, however, necessary, but may be left to
the States, if the government have the power to pro-
tect its works.
The great advantages of such improvements are
easily seen, while no other region can, from its config-
uration, be improved so vastly by roads and canals at
so slight expense. The interchange of our varied pro-
ductions would be rendered more easy and commerce
increased ; the efficiency of both the general and the
State governments, the intelligence of the people,
the strength of the Union, and the expansion of our
system, would be greatly promoted. It cannot be
doubted that such improvements can be made by the
general government better than by the local govern-
ments, liable to jealousies and influences not felt by
the former. The Cumberland Road, in particular,
has a pressing need of the use of this power by the
national government.
" If it is thought proper," concludes the President,
" to vest this power in the United States, the only
mode in which it can be done is by an amendment of
the Constitution. On full consideration, therefore,
of the whole subject, I am of opinion that such an
248 APPENDIX.
amendment ought to be recommended to the sev-
eral States for their adoption. It is, however, my
opinion that the power should be confined to great
national works only, since, if it were unlimited, it
would be liable to abuse and might be productive of
evil."
President Monroe in his sixth annual message,
O '
dated December 3, 1822, touches upon a great variety
of subjects. He reports the conclusion of a satisfac-
tory commercial convention with France, the opening
of trade with the British Colonies, and a decision by
the Emperor of Russia upon Article I. of the Treaty
of Ghent, and recommends the legislation which
these events require. He announces the formation
of a territorial government for Florida ; states the
prosperous condition of the finances ; summarizes the
report of the Secretary of War, especially as to the
Academy at West Point, and that of the Secretary of
the Navy ; and recommends the removal of the Semi-
noles. Referring to his message upon the Cumber-
land Road, he suggests that if Congress do not see
fit to propose the amendment there advised, it can
certainly take measures to repair and protect the
road ; he further recommends increased protective
duties. The remainder of the message deals with
foreign affairs. The President expresses his hope
that Spain will soon give up the contest with her
colonies, and exhibits strong sympathy with the cause
of Greece. In view of the complications in Europe
which make war imminent, he exhorts the nation,
APPENDIX. 249
while it congratulates itself upon its exemption from
the causes which disturb peace elsewhere, to keep
itself ever in a position to defend its liberties in any
emergency.
At the beginning of his seventh annual message,
December 2, 1823, the President explains the pur-
pose of his messages, declaring that, as with us the
people are exclusively the sovereigns, they should be
informed on all public matters, especially foreign
affairs and finance. Progress is reported in various
negotiations. Our government having begun to nego-
tiate with the Russian emperor and with England in
regard to the northwest boundary, " the occasion has
been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in
which the rights and interests of the United States
are involved, that the American continents, by the
free and independent condition which they have as-
sumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be con-
sidered as subjects for future colonization by any
European powers." He mentions the proposals of
our government that the slave-trade be declared pi-
racy, and that privateering be abolished, and expresses
strong approval of both these measures. The con-
dition of the finances, the War Department, the mili-
tia, the navy, piracies in the Gulf, the Post-Office
Department, the tariff, the public accounts, and the
Cumberland Road, is described, without recommen-
dations of special significance. The project for the
Chesapeake and Ohio Canal is mentioned with ap-
proval, and an appropriation for a survey is recom-
mended, as well as for other public works. The
250 APPENDIX.
most ardent wishes for the success of Greece in win-
ning independence are expressed. Then follows a
celebrated passage, already reproduced in the text
of this book. See p. 158.
The message closes with a comparison of the pres-
ent state of the country with that at the close of the
Revolution, touching upon the additions to our terri-
tory, the expansion of our population, the accession
of new States, and the strengthening of our system
to such an extent that consolidation and disunion are
both impracticable.
A special message, sent to Congress on February
24, 1824, submitted to their consideration the claim
of a portion of the Massachusetts militia to compen-
sation for services in the late war. The decision of
the Governor of Massachusetts, that the power to
call out the militia of a State was conditional upon
the consent of its Executive, and that when called out
they could not be placed under the command of an
officer of the regular army, had previously made it
impossible for the national Executive to make such
compensation. Now, however, the principle in dis-
pute being conceded by that State, favorable action
is recommended to Congress.
The important matters mentioned in the last an-
nual message of President Monroe, that of Decem-
ber 7, 1824, aside from those which appear in the
same form in previous messages, are : the slave-
trade, the rights of neutrals, the engineers' surveys,
the visit of General Lafayette, the relations of our
government with those of South America, the Su-
APPENDIX. 251
preme Court, and the Indians. A convention between
the United States and Great Britain, declaring the
slave-trade piratical, has been concluded but not yet
ratified. An effort has been made, on occasion of the
war between France and Spain, to put upon a more
just basis the rights of neutral vessels in time of war,
and it is hoped will prove successful. In view of the
extensive roads and canals now projected, it is rec-
ommended that the corps of engineers be increased.
The arrival of General Lafayette and his warm wel-
come are mentioned, and it is suggested that in
consideration of his services a suitable provision be
tendered him by Congress. The independent States
of South America are reported to be following the
example of our prosperity, in spite of some presum-
ably temporary disturbances; the most friendly feel-
ings toward them are expressed. The President
recommends au organization of the Supreme Court
which will relieve the judges of that court from any
duties not connected with it, and will be more suited
to the requirements of the present day ; that some
wise and humane arrangement be made for the In-
dians (perhaps settling them in the territory toward
the Rocky Mountains), which will lead to their per-
manent settlement in agricultural pursuits, and ulti-
mately to their civilization, for which it is our solemn
duty to provide ; and that the propriety of establish-
ing a military station on the Pacific Coast be consid-
ered. He again reminds the nation of the many
blessings it enjoys, and exhorts it to preserve them
from dangers without and dissensions within, and
252 APPENDIX.
concludes this, his last annual message, with expres-
sions of gratitude for the public confidence and the
generous support received from his fellow-citizens.
During the session of 1825 several brief special
messages were sent to Congress. In the first, dated
January 5, the President requests a full investigation
of his accounts with the government during his long
public service, with a view to a decision upon them
hereafter. In the second, dated January 10, he
gives reasons for withholding the documents, called
for by the House of Representatives, concerning the
conduct of Commodore Stewart and Mr. Provost in
South America. With the third, also addressed to the
House and dated January 27, he transmits a report
of the Secretary of War in regard to the removal of
Indians to the West, and recommends that some
scheme of good government for them be adopted.
With the fourth, of February 14, he transmits to the
House a report of the Secretary of War on certain
surveys for internal improvements. The fifth, of
February 17, concerns special affairs of the District
of Columbia. The sixth, of February 21, again
refers the claims of the Massachusetts militia to Con-
gress, to whom, and not to the Executive, belongs
the decision of the matter. The last message, dated
February 26, 1825, concerns a matter of mere rou-
tine, the unintentional neglect to sign a certain bill.
APPENDIX. 253
IV.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OP MONROE, AND THE MONROE
DOCTRINE.
PREPARED FOR THIS WORK BY J. F. JAMESON, PH. D.
THE following bibliography has been prepared
with a view to the needs of persons specially study-
ing the career of Monroe, rather than to those of
the general reader. Hence it does not ordinarily in-
clude references to the most familiar sources, such as
the State Papers, the published correspondence of
Washington, etc., and the standard histories. It aims
to include nothing that does not bear directly upon
Monroe or the Monroe Doctrine; nor, in even the
limited area thus marked out, can it hope to be
complete. The titles under A are arranged alpha-
betically by authors ; those under B chronologically ;
those under C first chronologically, according to the
period of Monroe's public life to which they refer,
and then alphabetically by authors. At least one
locality of a book or pamphlet, unless it be a common
one, has been designated when known. In such des-
ignations, at the end of the title, A indicates the
existence of a copy in the Astor Library ; B, in the
Boston Public Library ; BA, in that of the Boston
Athenaeum; C, in the library of Congress; H, in
that of Harvard College ; JCB, in the John Carter
Brown Library ; JH, in that of the Johns Hopkins
University ; M, in the Massachusetts State Library ;
254 APPENDIX.
MH, in that of the Massachusetts Historical Society ;
N, in the New York State Library ; NH, in that of
the New York Historical Society ; P, in that of the
Philadelphia Library Company ; S, in that of the
Department of State ; W, in that of the American
Antiquarian Society at Worcester. The Maryland
Historical Society is supplied with most of the works
to which reference has been made in the preparation
of this volume.
SYNOPSIS.
A. BIOGRAPHICAL.
B. PUBLISHED WRITINGS OF MONROB.
C. PUBLICATIONS RELATING TO THE PUBLIC CAREER OB
THE WRITINGS OF MONROE.
1. First Diplomatic Service and the " View."
2. Louisiana Purchase and Spanish Mission.
3. Diplomatic Efforts in England.
4. Period of Cabinet Office.
5. Presidency.
6. Subsequent Period.
D. THE MONROE DOCTRINE.
1. Its Immediate Origin.
2. Discussion of it in Treatises on International Law.
3. In more Special Treatises and Articles.
o. American. b. European.
4. Occasions on which it has been applied.
a. The Panama Congress.
b. Yucatan.
c. The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty.
d. Central America, 1845-1860.
e. Cuba, etc., 1850-1860.
f. French Intervention in Mexico.
g. The Inter-oceanic CanaL
A. America North of the United States.
APPENDIX. 255
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
A. BIOGRAPHICAL.
John Quincy Adams : An Eulogy on the Life and Character
of James Monroe, Fifth President of the United States, . . .
delivered at ... Boston, August 25, 1831. Boston, 1831.
8vo, pp. 100. BA, N.
(See [John Armstrong] under C. 6, p. 268.)
John Quiiicy Adams : Lives of Celebrated Statesmen. [Madi-
son, Lafayette, and Monroe.] New York, 1846. 8vo, pp.
105. N.
John Quincy Adams : The Lives of James Madison and James
Monroe, Fourth and Fifth Presidents of the United States.
With Historical Notices of their Administrations. Buffalo,
1850. 12mo, pp. 432. C. + Philadelphia, 1854. M. 1
S. L. Gouverneur : Introduction to " The People, the Sover-
eigns," by James Monroe. See under B.
S. L. K[napp] : in James B. Longacre and James Herring,
National Portrait Gallery of Distinguished Americans, vol.
3. Philadelphia, 1836. 8vo.
[S. L. Knapp] : James Monroe, [n. p. n. d.] 8vo, pp. 10.
(Portrait.)
Joshua Leavitt: The Administration of Monroe. Harper's
Monthly Magazine, vol. 29, p. 461. September, 1864.
Lippiucott's Magazine, first series, vol. 9, p. 359.
A Narrative of a Tour of Observation, made during the Sum-
mer of 1817, by James Monroe, President of the United
States, through the North-Eastern and North- Western De-
partments of the Union ; with a View to the Examination of
their several Military Defences. With an Appendix. Phila-
delphia, 1818. 12mo, pp. 228, xxxvi. B, C, N.
New England Magazine, vol. 1, p. 178.
New York Mirror, vol. 12 [1834-5], p. 41. (Portrait.)
Niles' Register, vol. 10, p. 4, March 2, 1816; from the
National Advocate. Also, December 3, 1825, and vol. 35,
p. 68. Also, vol. 40, p. 369, July 23, 1831.
i The sign -f indicates another edition.
256 APPENDIX.
Order of Exercises at the Old South Church. Commemora-
tive of . . . James Monroe. . . . August 25, 1831. Boston,
1831. 8vo, pp. 8. B.
T. Paine : Anecdote of James Monroe and Rufus King, in
Political Writings. London, 1344. BA, C.
Portfolio, vol. 19, p. 251 ; fourth Series, vol. 5. Philadelphia,
April, 1818. (Portrait.)
S. Putnam Waldo : Tour of James Monroe, President of the
United States, in the Year 1817, through the States of Mary-
land, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Connecticut,
Rhode Island, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Vermont,
and Ohio; together with a Sketch of his Life. Hartford,
1818. 12mo, pp. 300. BA.
S. P. Waldo : Tour of James Monroe, President of the United
States, through the Northern and Eastern States, in 1817 ;
his Tour in 1818, with a Sketch of his Life. Hartford,
1819. 12mo. C.
In Edwin Williams : The Statesman's Manual. New York,
1847. 8vo, vol. 1.
Udolpho Wolfe : Grand Civic and Military Demonstration in
Honor of the Removal of the Remains of James Monroe,
Fifth President of the United Slates, from New York to Vir-
ginia. New York, 1858. 12mo, pp. 324. C.
(And numerous unimportant notices in lives of the presi-
dents, cyclopaedias, and biographical dictionaries.)
B. PUBLISHED WRITINGS OF MONROE,
(in addition to the messages, dispatches, and letters which
may be found in familiar sources. Manuscripts of Monroe's
public papers are in the possession of the Department of
State ; much of his private correspondence is in the posses-
sion of Mrs. S. L. Gouverneur, Jr., of Washington.)
A View of the Conduct of the Executive, in the Foreign
Affairs of the United States, connected with the Mission to
the French Republic in the years 1794, '5, and '6. By James
Monroe. . . . Illustrated by his Instructions and Correspond-
APPENDIX. 257
ence and other Authentic Documents. Philadelphia, 1797.
8vo, pp. Ixvi., 407. -j- Same, the Second Edition. London,
1798. 8vo, pp. viii., 117. + Same, the Third Edition. Lon-
don, 1798. 8vo, pp. xvi., 117.
[See London Monthly Review, vol 25, p. 232.1
Governor's Letter to the Speaker and House of Delegates of
Virginia, 6th December, 1802. Richmond, 1802. 12mo. C.
A Letter from the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United
States to Lord Mulgrave, late Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs. With [James Madison] : An Examination of the
British Doctrine which subjects to Capture a Neutral Trade
not open iu Time of Peace, [n. p.] 1806. 8vo, pp. 204.
-f- Second Edition. London, 1806. B, C.
Correspondence between . . . Thomas Jefferson, President of
the United States, and James Monroe, Esq. . . . Boston,
1808. 4to, pp. 8. BA.
Letter from the Secretary of State to Mr. Monroe, on the sub-
ject of the attack on the Chesapeake. The Correspondence
of Mr. Monroe with the British Government; and also,
Mr. Madison's Correspondence with Mr. Rose, on the same
subject. Washington, 1808. 8vo. (Peabody Library, Bal-
timore.)
Letters of James Madison ... to Mr. Monroe on ... Im-
pressments, etc. Also Extracts from, and Enclosures in, the
Letters of Mr. Monroe to the Secretary of State. Washing-
ton, 1808. 8vo, pp. 130. B, MH.
Defence of the Mission to England. . . . Washington, 1808.
8vo.
Letters between James Monroe, Esq., Secretary of State of
the United States, and Augustus J. Foster, Esq
Minister Plenipotentiary of His Britannic Majesty ; in rela-
tion to the Orders in Council, and the Affair of the Little
Belt. To which is added, the Declaration of War. New
York, 1812. 12mo, pp. 59. B.
To all who are honestly searching after the Truth. Mr. Mon-
roe's Letter on the Rejected Treaty between the United
States and Great Britain, concluded by Messrs. Monroe and
17
258 APPENDIX.
Pinkney. Also the Treaty itself, and Documents connected
with it. Portland, 1813. 8vo, pp. 52. BA, C.
Commercial Regulations of Foreign Countries. [Message.]
Washington, 1819. BA.
Message from the President, transmitting Sundry Papers
relating to Transactions in East and West Florida. April
19,1822. [Washington, 1822] Pp.46. P.
Message transmitting a Digest of the Commercial Regula-
tions of the Different Foreign Nations. Washington, 1 824.
18th Congress, 1st Session, House Doc. No. 130. BA, M.
Message transmitting a Report of the Secretary of the Navy.
Washington, 1824. 8vo. C.
Correspondence between Gen. Jackson and Mr. Monroe, as
published in the National Intelligencer. Washington, 1 824.
12mo. N.
The Memoir of James Monroe, Esq., relating to his Unsettled
Claims upon the People and Government of the United
States. [With documents.] Charlottesville, Va., 1828. 8vo,
pp. 60. BA, C, NH.
A Letter from James Monroe, in Answer to ... Questions
[on War and Slavery, etc.] . . . [n. p. 1863?]. 8vo, pp.
32. H.
The People, the Sovereigns, Being a Comparison of the Gov-
ernment of the United States with those of the Republicks,
which have existed before, with the Causes of their Deca-
dence and Fall. By James Monroe. Edited by S. L. Gou-
verneur. Philadelphia, 1867. 12mo, pp. 274.
(See, under C 6, C. C. HazeweU, p. 267.)
C. PUBLICATIONS RELATING TO THE PUBLIC CAREER OR
THE WRITINGS OF MONROE.
1. First Diplomatic Service and the " View."
Alexander Addison : Observations on the Speech of Albert
Gallatin on the Foreign Intercourse Bill. Washington,
Pa., 1798. 8vo.
An Address on the Past, Present, and Eventual Relations oi
APPENDIX. 259
the United States to France. By Anticipation. New York,
[1803]. 8vo. pp. 20. A.
P. A. Adet: Notes adressees par le citoyen Adet, Ministre
Plenipotentiaire de la Re'publique Fran9aise pres les Etats-
Unis d'Ame'rique, Au Secretaire d'Etat des Etats-Unis.
Philadelphia, 1796. 8vo, pp 95. -|- Same, translated.
[P. A. Adet] : Authentic Translation of a Note from the Min-
ister of the French Republic to the Secretary of State of
the United States. New York, 1796. 8vo, pp. 38. N.
(See, also, Wm. Cobbett.)
The Anti-Gallican ; or, The Lover of his own Country ; in a
Series of Pieces . . . wherein French Influence, and False
Patriotism, are fully and fairly displayed. By a Citizen of
New England. Philadelphia, 1797. 8vo, pp. 82. [Includes
Letters on Pseudo-Patriots, by Ascanius ; of which No. VI.
is on James Monroe.] H.
Camillus, pseud. : History of French Influence in the United
States. Philadelphia, 1812. M.
[William Cobbett] : A History of the American Jacobins, com-
monly denominated Democrats. By Peter Porcupine. In
Wm. Playfair, The History of Jacobinism. Philadelphia,
1795. P.
[William Cobbett] : The Gros Mosqueton Diplomatique ; or,
Diplomatic Blunderbuss, containing Citizen Adet's Notes to
the Secretary of State, as also his Cockade Proclamation.
With a Preface by Peter Porcupine. Philadelphia, 1796.
8vo, pp. 72. C.
William Cobbett: Porcupine's Works. London, 1801. 8vo.
[Vol. iv. contains The Diplomatic Blunderbuss (Oct. 31,
1796); Political Censor, No. vi. (Nov. 1796); A Brief
Statement of the Injuries and Insults received from France
(Feb. 1797). In vol. v. pp. 131-138 ; vol. vi. pp. 12, 13, 92-
98, 116-124, 358-376, 414-417 ; vol. vii. pp. 90-95, 151-156,
are notices of Monroe's doings, from Porcupine's Gazette,
1797. Vol. x., Dr. Morse's Exposition of French Intrigue
in America.]
Coup d'oeil sur la situation des affaires entre la France et les
Etats-Unis de 1'Amerique. 1798. 8vo, pp. 28. BA.
260 APPENDIX.
J. Dennis : Address on the Origin, Progress, and Present State
of French Aggression. Philadelphia, 1798. BA.
Wm. Duane : A History of the French Revolution, with a
free Examination of the Dispute between the French and
American Republics. Philadelphia, 1798. 4to.
Joseph Fauchet : Coup d'ceil sur 1'e'tat actuel de nos rapports
politiques avec les Etats-Unis de 1'Amerique Septentrionale ;
par J. Fauchet, Ex-ministre de la Republique a Philadelphie.
Paris, an V. [1797.] 8vo, pp. 42. H.
Joseph Fauchet : A Sketch of the Present State of our Polit-
ical Relations with the United States of North America.
. . . Translated by the Editor of the " Aurora." [Wm. J.
Duane.] Philadelphia, 1797. 8vo, pp. 31. BA.
A Five Minutes' Answer to Paine's Letter to Washington.
London, 1797. 8vo, pp. 44. MH.
(See below, T. Paine.)
[Albert Gallatin] : An Examination of the Conduct of the
Executive of the United States towards the French Repub-
lic ; ... In a Series of Letters. By a Citizen of Pennsyl-
vania. Philadelphia, 1797. 8vo, pp. vi., 72. BA.
Albert Gallatin : The Speech of Albert Gallatin, delivered in
the House of Representatives ... on the First of March,
1798. Upon the Foreign Intercourse Bill. [n. p. 1798.]
8vo, pp. 48. (And other editions.) BA, H, MH, P, JCB.
[A. G. Gebhardt] : Actes et Memoires concernant les nego-
ciations qui ont eu lieu entre la France et les Etats-UuU
d'Ame'rique. [1793-1800.] Londres, 1807. 3 vols. 12mo.
BA.
A. G. Gebhardt : State Papers relating to the Diplomatick
Transactions between the American and French Govern-
ments. [1793-1800.] London, 1816. 3 vols. 8vo. BA.
L. Goldsmith : An Exposition of the Conduct of France to
America, illustrated by Cases decided in the Council of
Prizes in Paris. [1793-1808.] London, 1810. 8 vo, pp. 133.
(Various other editions.) B, BA, H.
[Alexander Hamilton]. See [Uriah Tracy] below.
B. G. Harper : Observations on the Dispute between the
APPENDIX. 261
United States and France, addressed by Robert Goodloe
Harper, Esq., of South Carolina, to his Constituents, in
May, 1797. Philadelphia, 1797. 8vo, pp. 102. (And twenty
other editions.) B, BA, H, NH, P.
R. G. Harper : Mr. Harper's Speech on the Foreign Inter-
course Bill, in Reply to Mr. Nicholas and Mr. Gallatin. De-
livered in the House of Representatives of the United States,
on the second of March, 1798. [n. p. n. d.] 8vo, pp. 43.
(And other editions.) B, H, MH, NH, P.
R. G. Harper: A short Account of the principal Proceedings
of Congress in the late Session, and a Sketch of the State
of Affairs between the United States and France, in July,
1798, in a Letter to one of his Constituents. Philadelphia,
1798. 8vo.
P. Kennedy : An Answer to Mr. Paine's Letter to General
Washington ; or, Mad Tom convicted of the Blackest In-
gratitude. London, 1797. 8vo, pp. 55. JCB.
A Letter to Thomas Paine, in Answer to his Scurrilous Epis-
tle ... to Washington . . . By an American Citizen. New
York, 1797. 8vo, pp. 24.
L'Independance absolue des Ame'ricains des Etats-Unis, prou-
ve'e par 1'e'tat actuel de leur Commerce avec les Nations
Europe'ennes. Paris, 1798. 8vo, pp. 149. (Written by an
American merchant, in answer to Fauchet, Coup d'oeil,
above.)
Thomas Paine : A Letter to George Washington, President
of the United States, on Affairs Public and Private. Phila-
delphia, 1796. 8vo, pp. 76. (And other editions.) B, BA,
H. (Also in vol. i. of Works. Philadelphia, 1854. 12mo.)
E. C. J. Pastoret : Conseil des Cinq-Cents : motion d'ordre sur
Tetat de nos rapports politiques et commerciaux avec les
Etats-Unis de 1'Ame'rique septentrionale. Paris, an V.
[1797.] 8vo, pp. 26. BA.
[Timothy Pickering] : Lettre du Secretaire d'Etat des Etata-
Unis de 1'Amerique au Ge'ne'ral Charles C. Pinckney, Min-
istre Plenipotentiaire des dits Etats-Unia pres la R<?publique
Francai.se ; en repouse aux diffe'reutes plaintes faite.s coutre
262 APPENDIX.
le gouvernement des Etats-Unis par le Ministre Fran9ais
. . . 1796. Paris, 1797. 8vo, pp. 62.
Timothy Pickering and P. A. Adet : Review of the Adminis-
tration of the United States since '93. Boston, 1797. BA.
C. C. Tanguy de la Boissiere : Observations sur la depeche
ecrite le 16 Jan., 1797, par M. Pickering, Secretaire d'Etat
des Etats-Unis de I'Amerique, a M. Pinkney, Ministre Pleni-
potentiaire des Etats-Unis pres la Re'publique Fran9aise.
Philadelphie, 1797. Also, translated. BA, C.
[Uriah Tracy, or (?) Alexander Hamilton] : Reflections on
Monroe's View, ... as published in the Gazette of the
United States under the Signature of Scipio. [n. p. u. d.]
8vo, pp. 88. BA, P.
[Uriah Tracy, or (?) Alexander Hamilton] : [Scipio's] Reflec-
tions on Monroe's View. . . . Boston, 1798. 8vo, pp. 140.
C, H, M.
George Washington: Notes on Monroe's View, Sparks, xi.
504-529. (His Notes on the Appendix to the View are
printed in Appendix III of this book.)
[R. Walsh] : An Enquiry into the Past and Present Relations
of France and the United States of America. [London,
1811.] 8vo, pp. 87. (Reprinted from the American Review,
vol. i.)
2. Louisiana Purchase and Spanish Mission.
Analysis of the Third Article of the Treaty of Cession of
Louisiana. [Washington. (?)] 1803. 8vo, pp. 8.
Atlantic Monthly, vol. 32, p. 301. The Louisiana Purchase.
(Has been reprinted.)
Samuel Brazer, Jr. : Address pronounced at Worcester, May
12, 1804, in Commemoration of the Cession of Louisiana to
the United States. Worcester, 1804. 8vo, pp. 15. MH.
[Charles Brockden Brown] : An Address to the Government
of the United States on the Cession of Louisiana to the
French, and on the late Breach of Treaty by the Spaniards.
Philadelphia, 1803. 8vo, pp. 92. C, N.
JCharles Brockden Brown] : Monroe's Embassy ; or, The
APPENDIX. 263
Conduct of the Government in relation to our Claims to
the Navigation of the Mississippi, considered, by the Au-
thor of the Address to the Government. . . . [Signed " Pop-
licola."] Philadelphia, 1803. 8vo, pp. 57. BA, C.
Camillas, pseud. See Duane, below.
James Cheetham : Letters on our Affairs with Spain. New
York, 1804. 8vo, pp. 59. C.
Wm. Duane : Mississippi Question. Report of a Debate in
the Senate of the United States, on the 23d, 24th, and 25th
Feb., 1803, on Certain Resolutions concerning the Viola-
tion of the Right of Deposit in the Island of New Orleans.
Philadelphia, 1803. 8vo, pp. 198. BA, H.
[Wm. Duane] : Camillus, pseud. The Mississippi Question
fairly stated, and the Views and Arguments of those who
clamor for War, examined. In Seven Letters. Philadel-
phia, 1803. 8vo, pp. 48. BA.
[Wm. Fessenden] : The Political Farrago, or a Miscellaneous
Review of the Politics of the United States, . . . including
. . . Remarks on the " Louisiana Purchase," ... by Peter
Dobbin, Esq., R. C. U. S. A. Brattleboro', Vt., 1807, pp.
59. W.
Wm. Maclure : To the People of the United States on the
Convention with France of 1803. Philadelphia, 1807. P.
A. B. Magruder: Reflections on the Cession of Louisiana to
the United States. Lexington, 1803. BA.
F. de Barbe-Marbois : Histoire de la Louisiana et de la Ces-
sion de cette Colonie par la France aux Etats-Unis de
1'Ame'rique septentrionale. Paris, 1829. 8vo, pp. 485
BA, H.
F. de Barbe-Marbois : The History of Louisiana, particularly
of the Cession of that Colony to the United States of
America. Translated from the French by an American
Citizen. [William Beach Lawrence.] Philadelphia, 1830.
8vo, pp. xviii., 455. C, H. (See Sparks, below.)
Memoires sur la Louisiane et la Nouvelle-Orle'aus, accompagne
d'une Dissertation sur les avantages que le commerce de
1'Empire doit tirer de la stipulation faite par 1'article 7 du
264 APPENDIX.
Trait^ de cession, du 30 avril 1803 ; par M. * * * Paris, an
XII. (1804). 8vo, pp. 176.
G. Morris. See Ross, below.
Geo. Orr : The Possession of Louisiana by the French, consid-
ered as it affects the interests of those Nations more imme-
diately concerned, viz. : Great Britain, America, Spain, and
Portugal. London, 1803. 8vo, pp. 45. BA.
J. M. Peck : The Annexation of Louisiana. Christian Review,
voL 16, p. 555.
Political, Commercial, and Statistical Sketches of the Spanish
Empire in both Indies ; and a View of the Questions between
Spain arid the United States respecting Louisiana and the
Floridas. London, 1809. 8vo, pp. 156. BA.
David Ramsay : Oration on the Cession of Louisiana to the
United States: delivered May 12, 1804, in Charleston, S. C.
Charleston, 1804. 8vo, pp. 27. BA.
J. Ross and G Morris : Speeches in support of Ross's resolu-
tions relating to the Free Navigation of the Mississippi.
Philadelphia, 1803. BA.
Jared Sparks : The History of the Louisiana Treaty. North
American Review, vol. 28, p. 389 (April, 1829), and vol. 30,
p. 551 (April, 1830). (Reviews of Marbois and of the
translation of it.)
Sylvestris, pseud. : Reflections on the Cession of Louisiana to
the United States. Washington, 1803. BA, P.
B. Vaughan : Remarks on a Dangerous Mistake made as to
the East Boundary of Louisiana. Boston, 1814. 8vo, pp.
28. BA.
3. Diplomatic Efforts in England.
American Candour, in a Tract lately published at Boston, en-
titled "An Analysis,". . . etc. (See [J. Lowell], below.)
London, 1809. 8vo.
American State Papers and Correspondence between Messrs.
Smith, Pinkney, Marquis Wellesley, General Armstrong, M.
Champagny, M. Turreau, Messrs. Russell, Monroe, Foster,
etc. London, 1812. 8vo, pp. 187, 116. H.
APPENDIX. 265
Nathaniel Atcheson : American Encroachment on British
Rights. London, 1808, pp. xiii., cxiii., 250. Also in Pam-
phleteer, vol. 6, pp. 33-98, 361-400. BA.
A. B. : Six Letters of A. B. on the Difference between Great
Britain and the United States of America, with a Preface
by the Editor of the Morning Chronicle. London, 1807.
8vo, pp. 48. BA.
Alex. Baring : An Inquiry into the Causes and Consequences
of the Orders in Council ; and an Examination of the Con-
duct of Great Britain towards the Neutral Commerce of
America. London, 1808 (and other editions). C, H, P.
(See T. P. Courtenay, below.)
[Charles B. Brown, or G. Morris] : The British Treaty [of
1806. n. p. 1807.] 8vo, pp. 86. BA. -f The British Treaty
with America, with an Appendix of State Papers; which
are now first published. London, 1808. 8vo, pp. 147. N.
James Cheetham : Peace or War? or, Thoughts on our Affairs
with England. New York, 1807. 8vo, pp. 44. B, BA,
MH.
[T. P. Courtenay] : Observations on the American Treaty, in
Eleven Letters. First published in " The Sun," under the
Signature of "Decius." London. 1803. 8vo, pp. 75.
T. P. Courtenay : Additional Observations on the American
Treaty, with some Remarks on Mr. Baring's Pamphlet ;
being a Continuation of the Letters of Decius. To which is
added an Appendix of State Papers, including the Treaty.
London, 1808. 8vo, pp. viii., 94, Ixix. N.
[Alexander J. Dallas] : .An Exposition of the Causes and
Character of the late War with Great Britain. Baltimore,
1815. (And other editions.) BA, C.
Decius, pseud. See [T. P. Courtenay], above.
A Farmer, pseud. See Senex, pseud., below.
Thos. G. Fessenden : Some Thoughts on the Present Dispute
between Great Britain and America. Philadelphia, 1807.
8vo, pp. 91. P.
An Inquiry into the Present State of the Foreign Relations of
the Union, as affected by the Late Measures of Administra-
tion. Philadelphia, 1806. 8vo, pp. 183. BA.
266 APPENDIX.
Wm. Lee : Les Etats-Unis et 1'Angleterre, on, Souvenirs et
Reflexions d'un Citoyen Americain. [1791-1814.] Bor-
deaux, 1814. 8vo, pp. 346. BA, C, H.
[J. Lowell] : Analysis of the Late Correspondence between our
Administration and Great Britain and France. With an
Attempt to show what are the Keal Causes of the Failure of
the Negociations between France and America. [Boston,
1808.] BA. (See American Candour, above.)
[J. Lowell] : Supplement to the late Analysis of the Public
Correspondence between our Cabinet and those of France
and Great Britain. [Boston, 1808.] 8vo, pp. 28. BA.
[J. Lowell] : Thoughts upon the Conduct of our Administra-
tion in Relation both to Great Britain and France, more
especially in Reference to the Late Negotiation, concerning
the Attack on the Chesapeake ; by a Friend to Peace.
[1808.]
[J. Madison.] See under B, A Letter, etc., 1806.
[James McHenry] : Three Patriots, [Jefferson, Madison, and
Monroe,] or, the Cause and Cure of Present Evils. Balti-
more, 1811. 8vo. M.
B. Mihir, pseud, : Considerations in Answer to the Pamphlet
containing Madison's Instructions to Monroe. Albany, 1807.
BA.
[G. Morris] : An Answer to " War in Disguise ; " or, Remarks
upon the New Doctrine of England concerning Neutral
Trade. New York, 1806. 8vo, pp. 76. ( See, also, [Charles
B. Brown], above.)
Timothy Pickering : Letters addressed to the People of the
United States of America on the Conduct of the Past and
Present Administrations of the American Government
towatds Great Britain and France. London, 1812. 8vo,
pp. 168.
The Present Claims and Complaints of America briefly and
fairly considered. London, 1806. 8vo, pp. 56.
Remarks on the British Treaty with the United States. Liver-
pool, 1807. BA.
Report of the Committee to whom was referred the Corre-
APPENDIX. 267
spondence between Mr. Monroe and Mr. Canning, and
between Mr. Madison and Mr. Rose, relative to the Attack
on the Chesapeake. April 16, 1808. Washington, 1808.
Senex, pseud. : Letters under the signatures of " Senex " and
of "A Farmer," comprehending an examination of the
conduct of our Executive toward France and Great Britain,
out of which the present crisis has arisen. Originally pub-
lished in the North American. Baltimore, 1809. 8vo, pp.
1O8. BA.
The Tocsin ; an Inquiry into the Late Proceedings of Great
Britain, etc. Charleston, 1807. P.
War in Disguise ; or, the Frauds of Neutral Flags. London,
1805. 8vo, pp. 215. (See [G. Morris], above.)
4. Period of Cabinet Office.
(See [John Armstrong], under 6, below.)
E. D. Ingraham : A Sketch of the Events which preceded the
Capture of Washington by the British on the Twenty-fourth
of August, 1814. Philadelphia, 1849. 8vo, pp. 66. A, B,
BA, C.
Remarks on " An Enquiry," etc. (See next title.) Baltimore,
1816. 8vo. BA.
Spectator, pseud. : Enquiry respecting the Capture of Washing-
ton by the British. Washington, 1816. 8vo. BA.
United States, 13th Congress, 3d session. Report of Commit-
tee to inquire into the Causes and Particulars of the Inva-
sion of the City of Washington by the British Forces, Au-
gust. Washington, 1814. 8vo. BA.
J. S. Williams : History of the Invasion and Capture of Wash-
ington. New York, 1857. 12mo. BA.
5. Presidency/.
Exposition of the Motives for opposing the Nomination of Mr.
Monroe for the Office of President of the United States.
Washington, 1816. 8vo, pp. 14. B, BA.
[C. Pinckney] : Observations to show the Propriety of the
. Nomination of Col. J. Monroe to the Presidency. Charleston,
1816. BA.
268 APPENDIX.
Edward T. Charming : Oration delivered at Boston, July 4,
1817. Boston, [1817.] 8vo, pp. 24. BA, MH, W.
[J. Forsyth] : Observaciones sobre la Memoria del SeSor Onis,
relativa a la Negociacion con los Estados Unidos. (See next
title but one.) Madrid, 1822. 8vo.
Official Correspondence between Don Luis de Onis, Minister
from Spain, . . . and John Quincy Adams, in relation to
the Floridas and the Boundaries of Louisiana, etc. London,
1818. Svo.pp. 130. C.
Luis de Onis : Memoria sobre las negociaciones entre Es-
pana y los Estados-Unidos de America, que dieron motivo
al Tratado de 1819 ; con una noticia sobre la estadistica de
aquel pais, [i. e. Florida.] Acompana un Apendice. Ma-
drid, 1820. 8vo. H.
[L. de Onis] : Memoir upon the Negotiations between Spain
and the United States of America, which led to the Treaty
of 1819. With a Statistical Notice of that Country, [Florida].
Accompanied by an Appendix. [Translated by Tobias Wat-
kins.] Washington, 1821. 8vo. H.
John Overton : A Vindication of the Measures of the Presi-
dent and his ... Generals, in the Commencement and
Termination of the Seminole War. Washington, 1819.
8vo. N.
Wm. Patterson : Letter to Peter Van Schaack, Kinderhook,
N. Y., on President Monroe and his Cabinet (1822). In
Magazine of American History, vol. 6, p. 217.
J. F. Ratteubury : Remarks on the Cession of the Floridas to
the United States of America, etc. London, 1819. 8vo. C.
Also in Pamphleteer, vol. 15.
United States, 18th Congress, 2d Session. [1825.] Reports of
Committees, 79. On President Monroe's Accounts. B.
Verus, pseud. : Observations on the Existing Differences be-
tween Spain and the United States. Philadelphia, 1817.
BA.
6. Subsequent Period.
[John Armstrong] : Notice of Mr. Adams' Eulogium on the
Life and Character of James Monroe. [Washington, 1832.]
8vo, pp. 32. C, M, N.
APPENDIX. 269
United States, 30th Congress, 2d Session. [1849.] Senate.
Miscellaneous Documents, 10. On President Monroe's
Manuscript Papers.
C. C. Hazewell : Review of " The People, the Sovereigns."
North American Review, vol. 105, p. 634. (Also noticed
in the Nation, vol. 5, p. 109.)
D. THE MONROE DOCTRINE.
President Monroe's Seventh Annual Message, December 2,
1823. In Williams' Statesman's Manual, vol. 1, pp. 460,
461 ; State Papers, Foreign Affairs, vol. 5, pp. 245-250.
1. Its Immediate Origin.
The Principles of the Holy Alliance ; or Notes and Manifestoes
of the Allied Powers. London, 1823.
North American Review, vol. 17, p. 340, October, 1823. (Re-
view of the above. See especially pp. 373-375.)
Diplomatic Review, vol. 13, pp. 65-69 (August 2, 1865), 73-
74 (September 6, 1865), 81-86 (October 4, 1865).
F. R. de Chateaubriand, Congres de Ve"rone. Guerre d'Es-
pagne. Negotiations. Colonies espagnoles. 2* e"d. Paris,
1838. 2 vols. 8vo. C. -f- (Translated), Memoirs of the Con-
gress of Verona. London, 1838. 2 vols. 8vo. C, N.
Briefwechsel zwischen Varnhagen von Ense und Oelsner.
Vol. 3.
A. G. Stapleton : The Political Life of the Right Honorablo
George Canning, 1822-1827. 3 vols. London, 1831.
Conference of Mr. Canning with Prince Polignac, October 9,
1823 ; in Annual Register, vol. 66, p. 99.
George Canning : Speech in the House of Commons, Decem-
ber 12, 1826. In Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, New
Series, vol. 16, pp. 390-398; Annual Register, vol. 68, p.
192 ; Canning's Speeches, vol. 6, pp. 108, 109.
Richard Rush : Memoranda of a Residence at the Court oj
London. Philadelphia, 1845. 2 vols.
John Quincy Adams : Diary. Vols. 4 and 6, passim.
270 APPENDIX.
John T. Morse, Jr. : John Quincy Adams. [American States-
men Series.] Pp. 130-137.
Mr. Adams to Mr. Rush, July 22, 1823. State Papers, For-
eign Affairs, vol. 5, pp. 791-793, etc.
Mr. Clay's Resolution, offered January 20, 1824. Annals of
Congress, 18th Congress, 1st Session, vol. 1, p. 1104; Ben-
ton's Abridgment, vol. 8, p. 650; Miles' Register, vol. 25,
p. 335.
President Monroe's Eighth Annual Message, December 7,
1824. In Statesman's Manual, vol. 1, pp. 476, 479,480;
State Papers, Foreign Affairs, vol. 5, pp. 353-359.
Jefferson to Monroe, October 24, 1823. Works, vol. 7, pp.
315-317.
Madison to Monroe, October 30, 1823. Works, vol. 3, p. 339.
Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. No. 23.
1882. Extracts from the Letters and Diary of William
Plumer, Jr.
2. Discussion of it in the Chief Treatises on International Law.
J. C. Bluntschli : Droit International Codifie. Paris, 1870.
Pp. 253, 254. S, JH.
Carlos Calvo : Derecho Internacional Teorico y Practice de
Europa y America. Paris, 1868. Vol. 1, pp. 142-154, and
note (from Dana's Wheaton). S. -|- French translation,
Droit International, etc. 3 e ed., Paris, 1 880. JH.
Sir Edward S. Creasy : First Platform of International Law.
London, 1876. Pp. 120-124. S, JH.
A. W. Heffter : Das Europaische Volkerrecht der Gegenwart.
Berlin, 1873. Pp. 96-98. S, JH.
Wm. Beach Lawrence : Commentaire sur les Ele'ments du
Droit International et sur L'Histoire des Progres du Droit
des Gens de Henry Wheaton. Leipzig (4 vols.), 1868-1880.
Vol. 2 (1869), pp. 297-394. S, JH.
G. F. de Martens : Precis du Droit des gens moderne de 1'Eu-
rope ; augments' des notes de Pinheiro-Ferreira. Paris,
1864. Vol. 1, pp. 208-214. S.
Robert Phillimore : Commentaries upon International Law
London, 1854-1857. Vol. 1, p. 433. JH.
APPENDIX. 271
Henry Wheaton : Elements of International Law. Law-
rence's edition (1855), p. 97 ; Dana's edition (1866), p. 112.
3. In more Special Treatises and Articles.
a. AMERICAN.
John Quincy Adams. See Edward Everett, below.
America for Americans. Democratic Review, vol. 32, pp.
187, 193; vol.37, p. 263.
H. A. Boardman : New Doctrine of Intervention, tried by the
Writings of Washington. Philadelphia, 1852. 8vo, pp.
63. C.
James Buchanan : Article on the Monroe Doctrine, in Mr.
Buchanan's Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion.
New York, 1866. 8vo. BA.
Catholic World, vol. 31, p. 1 16. April, 1880.
[Wm. Duane] : The Two Americas, Great Britain, and the
Holy Alliance. Washington, 1824. 8vo. P.
[A. H. Everett] : America, or a General Survey of the Polit-
ical Situation of the Several Powers of the Western Conti-
nent. ... By a Citizen of the United States. Philadelphia,
1827.
Edward Everett, John Quincy Adams, and others : The Mon-
roe Doctrine. New York, 1863. 8vo, pp. 17. Also, as No.
34 of the Loyal Publication Society. 1863. 8vo, pp. 11.
[Contains Mr. Everett's letter of September 2, 1863, in the
New York Ledger, and Mr. Adams' letter of August 11,
1837, to the Rev. Dr. Channing.] H, M.
Harper's Monthly, vol. 18, p. 418. (Easy Chair.) The Mon-
roe Doctrine Abroad.
Intervention of the United States : The Crisis in Europe.
Democratic Review, vol. 30, pp. 401 and 554, May, June,
1852.
J. A. Kasson : The Monroe Declaration. North American
Review, vol. 133, pp. 241-254, September, 1881.
J. A. Kasson: The Monroe Doctrine in 1881. North Amer-
ican Review, vol. 133, pp. 523-533, December, 1881.
272 APPENDIX.
Gustav Korner : The True Monroe Doctrine. Nation, Janu-
ary 5, 1882, vol. 34, p. 9.
Joshua Leavitt : The Monroe Doctrine. New York, 1863.
8vo, pp. 50. H. (Reprint of article, New Englauder, vol.
22, p. 729, October, 1863. See, also, Joshua Leavitt, under
A, above, a part of that article.)
National Quarterly Review, vol. 13, p. 114. (1866.) The
Monroe Doctrine and the South American Republics.
J. C. Welling : The Monroe Doctrine on Intervention. North
American Review, vol. 82, p. 478. (1856.)
Theodore D. Woolsey. Article " Monroe Doctrine " in John-
son's Cyclopaedia.
b. EUROPEAN.
G. Carnazza Amari : Nuova Esposizione del Principle del non
Intervento. Catania, 1873. Pp. 16-24. S. In French, in
Revue deDroit International, 1873, pp. 352-390, 531-566.
Benner : Article, " Intervention," in Bluntschli's Staatswort-
erbuch.
Carlos Calvo : Une page de droit international, ou 1'Ameri-
que du Snd devant la science du droit des gens moderne.
Paris, 2 e e'd., 1870. 2 vols.
Diplomatic Review, vol. 15, p. 92.
L. B. Hautefeuille : Le principe de Non-intervention et ses
applications aux evenements actuels. Paris, 1863. 8vo.
(Reprinted from Revue Contemporaine, vol. 34, p. 193.)
Heiberg: Das Princip der Nicht-Intervention. Leipzig, 1842.
L. count Kamarowsky : The Principle of Non-intervention (in
Russian). Moscow, 1874.
M. Kapoustine : Le droit d'intervention. 1876.
Don Rafael Manuel de Labra : De la representacion y influ-
encia de los Estados-Unidos de America en el derecho in-
ternacional. Madrid, 1877. 8vo, 38 pp.
D. D. de Pradt : Vrai systeme de 1'Europe relativement &
1'Amerique. . . . 1825. C. -J- In Pamphleteer, vols. 25
and 26. BA.
H. von Rotteck : Das Recht der Einmischung in die inneren
Angelegenheiten eines fremden Staates. Freiburg, 1845.
APPENDIX. 273
Carl Riimelin : Die Monroe-Doctrin. Zeitschrift fiir die
gesammte Staatswissenschaft. Tubingen, 1882. Heft 2.
Hermann Strauch : Zur Interventions-Lehre. Eine volker-
rechtliche Studie. Heidelberg, 1879. See especially pp.
17, 18.
4. Occasions on which it has been Applied.
a. THE PANAMA CONGRESS.
Mr. Adams' Messages of February 2, 1826 (St. P., V. 794-
797) and March 21 (V. 834-897). (Those of December 26,
1825, and March 15, 1826, are to be found in United States,
etc., below.)
American Annual Register, 1826, chap. ir.
Benton's Thirty Years, vol. 1, p. 65.
Henry Clay's Dispatch to Mr. Poinsett, March 25, 1825 : In
State Papers, Foreign Affairs, vol. 5, pp. 908, 909.
Coronel Don Bernardo Monteagudo : Ensayo sobre la Necesi-
dad de una Federacion Jeneral entre los Estados Hispano-
Americanos, y Plan de su Organisacion. Obra Postuma del
H. Coronel D., etc. Lima, 1825. (See Sparks, below.)
Niles' Register, vols. 30, 36, passim.
D. D. de Pradt: Congres de Panama. Paris, 1825. 8vo.
BA.
Revue Britannique, mars, 1826, pp. 159-176. Congres de
Panama.
[Jared Sparks] : Alliance of the Southern Republics. In
North American Review, vol. 22, p. 162, January, 1826.
(Review of Monteagudo, above.)
J. M. Torres Caicedo : Union latina americana, etc. Uuion
latiue-americaiiie ; la pense'e de Bolivar, son origine et sea
deVeloppements. Paris, 1875. (Reviewed by A. Villamus,
in Revue Politique et Litte'raire, 30 sept., 1876.)
United States, 19th Congress, 1st Session. [68.] The Execu-
tive Proceedings of the Senate of the United States, on the
subject of the Mission to the Congress at Panama, together
with the Messages and Documents relating thereto. Wash-
ington, 1826. 8vo, pp. 160. B, P.
18
274 APPENDIX.
United States, 1 9th Congress, 1 st Session. House of Repre-
sentatives. [Document No. 129.] Congress of Panama.
Message from the President of the United States, ... in
relation to the Proposed Congress to be held at Panama.
Washington, 1826. 8vo, pp. 90.
United States. Congressional Debates, 19th Congress, 1st
Session, vol. 2. Benton's Abridgment, viii. 417-472, 637-
675 (Senate); ix. 48-50, 62-76, 90-218 (House of Repre-
sentatives).
Don Manuel Lorenzo de Vidaurre : Speech on opening the
Congress. Niles' Register, vol. 31, pp. 44-47.
Von Hoist : Constitutional History of the United States, vol.
1, pp. 409-432.
Webster's Speech, in Works, vol. 3, pp. 178-217.
C. Lefebvre de Becour: Des rapports de la France et de
1'Europe avec 1'Amerique du Sud. From Revue des Deux
Mondes, juil., 1838. BA.
b. YUCATAK.
Mr. Folk's Annual Message of December 2, 1845 (Statesman's
Manual, iii. 1458) ; his Special Message on Yucatan, of
April 29, 1848 (iii. 1737). (Benton, xvi. 187, 188.)
Congressional Globe, vol. 18, and Appendix. 30th Congress,
1st Session. Benton's Abridgment, xvi. 188, 189 (House);
189, 190, 196-204 (Senate).
Calhoun's Speech, May 15, 1848, in Works, iv. 454-479.
Von Hoist, iii. 448-453.
C. THE CLAYTON-BULWEK TREATY.
Treaty with New Granada, December 12, 1846, especially
Art. 35. In Statutes at Large, vol. x.
Clayton and Bulwer Convention, 19th April, 1850, between
the British and American Governments, concerning Central
America, with Correspondence. 1856. 8vo.
Joseph P. Comegys : Memoir of John M. Clayton. (Papers
of the Historical Society of Delaware, iv.) Wilmington,
1882. Pp. 190-202, 211-234. JH.
APPENDIX. 275
Congressional Globe. 32d Congress, 2d Session, vol. 26, 1853.
33d Congress, 1st Session, vol. 28, 1853. Appendix, vol. 29.
34th Congress, 1st Session, 1855-1856, and appendix. 35th
Congress, 1st Session.
Clarendon-Dallas Treaty, 1856.
Treaty with Nicaragua, June 21, 1867.
United States. 34th Congress, 1st Session. Senate Ex. Doc.
35. Messages of the President . . . on the construction
of the Treaty of July 4, 1850. (1856.)
See also next section, and the last
d. CENTRAL AMEItICA, 1845-1860.
Njapoleon] L[ouis] B[ouaparte] : Canal of Nicaragua, or a
Project to connect the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans by means
of a Canal. London, 1846. [Not published.]
Louis Napole'on Bonaparte : Le Canal de Nicaragua, ou projet
de junction des oce'ans Atlautique et Pacifique. Revue
Britannique, niai, 1849.
[Sir Henry Bulwer] : Great Britain and the United States.
Edinburgh Review, vol. 104, pp. 267-298. July, 1856.
Canal interoce'anique par 1'isthme de Darien, Nouvelle Granade
(Ame'rique du Sud.) Canalisation par le colonisation. Paris,
1860. 8vo, pp. 203. A.
Correspondence with the United States respecting Central
America. Printed by order of Parliament. London,
1356-1860. Folio, pp. 344.
Democratic Review, Oct. 1852. VoL 31, p. 337. Our Foreign
Relations. Central America.
A. Denain : Inte'rets qui se rattachent a I'isthme de Panama,
et aux differentes isthmes de 1' Ame'rique Centrale. Paris,
1845. 8vo. C.
Question Anglo-Ame'ricaine. Documents officiels ^changes
entre les Etats-Unis et 1'Angleterre au snjet de I'Arae'rique
Centrale et du traite" Clay ton-Bulwer. Paris, 1856. 8vo. S.
Xavier Raymond : Diplomatic Anglo-Ame'ricaiue ; les Ameri-
cains et les Anglais au Mexique et dans I'Arae'rique Cen-
trale. Revue des Deux Moudes, 15 avril, 1853.
276 APPENDIX.
E. G. Squier : Letter to the Hon. H. S. Foote, Chairman of
the Committee of Foreign Relations of the United States
Senate, on the Nicaragua Treaty, 1850. N.
[E. G. Squier] : The Mosquito Question. Whig Review, Feb-
ruary, March, 1850.
[E. G. Squier] : The Islands of the Gnlf of Honduras. Their
Seizure and Organization as a British Colony. Democratic
Review, vol. 31, p. 544. (November, December, 1852.)
E. G. Squier : The States of Central Amtrica and the Hondu-
ras Interoceanic Railway. New York, 1858. 8vo, pp. 782.
N.
e. CUBA, ETC., 1850-60.
G. d'Alanx, Cuba et la propagande annexiouiste. Revue des
Deux Mondes, 15 jnil., 1850.
Buchanan, Mason and Soule : the " Ostend Manifesto." Dip-
lomatic Correspondence, 1854-1855. Buchanan: Message,
Decembers, 1860.
General Cass to Lord Napier, May 12, May 29, 1857, . . . No-
vember, 1858; to Mr. Dodge, October 2,1858. (Spanish
invasion of Mexico.)
J. Chanut, La Question de Cnba aux Etats-Unis et en Europe.
Revue Contemporaiue, vol. 8, p. 470. (1859.)
Congressional Globe. 33d Congress, 2d Session. (1854-1855.)
(Ostend Manifesto.) 35th Congress, 2d Session. (1859.)
(Cuba.)
Revue Britannique, aout, 1854 ; pp. 257-290. La question
de Cuba, jugee au point de vue Americaine.
[E. G. Squier ?] : The Cuban Debate. Democratic Review,
yol. 31, pp. 433, 624. (November, December, 1852.)
f. FRENCH INTERVENTION IN MEXICO.
Congressional Globe. 37th Congress, 3d Session, Appendix,
p. 94. 38th Congress, 1st Session; the House resolution
of April 4, 1864, and debate on it. 39th Congress, 1st Ses-
sion ; message on the sending of Austrian troops to Mexico,
and debate thereon. 39th Congress, 2d Session ; on Mex-
ican affairs.
APPENDIX. 277
Democratic Review, vol. 32, p. 39. Mexico and the Monroe
Doctrine.
Eraser's Magazine, vol. 64, p. 717. December, 1861. Mexico.
Free Press, Urquhart, vol. 9. November 6, 1861. Collective
Intervention in the New World.
Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, vol. 50, p. 415, vol. 51, p. 106.
(June, August, 1864.) The Conquest of Mexico by
France.
V. W. Kingsley, French Intervention in Mexico, 1863, pph. N.
A. Laugel: France and the United States. Nation, vol.1,
p. 302. (September 7, 1865.)
Joshua Leavitt : The Key of the Continent New Englander,
vol. 23, p. 517. (July, 1864.)
E. Lefevre : Histoire de 1'intervention fran9aise au Mexique.
Vol. 2, ch. 18, etc. Bruxelles et Londres. 1869.
H. Mercier de Lacombe : Le Mexique et les Etats-Unis. 2 8
<?d. Paris, 1863. 8vo. B.
Mexico and the Monroe Doctrine, [n. p. 1862?] 8vo, pp.
24.
Nation, vol. 1, p. 678. November 30, 1865. The Solution
of the Mexican Problem.
Revue Britannique, septembre, 1863, pp. 213-224. Le Mex-
ique au point de vue americaine, avant et depuis 1'expe'di-
tion f raiK.-iisf.
G. Reynolds: Mexico. Atlantic Monthly, vol. 14, p. 51.
July, 1864.
J. H. Robinson : The Mexican Question. North American
Review, vol. 103, pp. 106-142. July, 1866.
United States: Message and Documents, Department of State,
1863-1864.
United States : Messages of the President of the United
States to Congress, with accompanying documents relating
to the Mexican Question.
Justus Strictus Veritas, pseud. : Nuevas Reflexiones sobre la
Cuestiou Franco-Mexicana. Folleto publicado en Paris, el
30 de setiembre de 1862, por supplemento alCorreo de ultra-
mar. Mexico, 1862. 16mo, pp. 192. C.
278 APPENDIX.
Westminster Review, vol. 80, p. 313. October, 1863. The
French Conquest of Mexico. Same art., Eclectic Magazine,
vol. 61, p. 36. Same art., Living Age, vol. 79, p. 251.
g. THE INTER-OCEANIC CANAL (OFFICIAL).
Congressional Record, vol. 9, p. 2312. Senator Burnside's
resolution, June 25, 1879. (46th Congress, 1st Session. S.
R. No. 43.) Further discussion in vol. 10.
President Hayes: Message, March 8, 1880. In Congressional
Record, vol. 10, p. 1399. Since printed with documents.
Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States.
1881. Mr. Elaine to Mr. Lowell (circular), June 24, 1881,
pp. 537-540. Lord Granville to Mr. Hoppin, November 10,
1881, p. 549. Mr. Elaine to Mr. Lowell, November 19,
1881, pp. 554-559; November 29, 1881, pp. 563-569.
Earl Granville to Mr. West, Jan 14, (7?) 1882.
Correspondence respecting the projected Panama Canal. Pre-
sented to both Houses of Parliament by command of Her
Majesty. 1882.
Mr. Frelinghuysen to Mr. Lowell, May 8, 1882.
Don Antonio Aguilar, Marquis de la Vega de Armijo, to Don
Francisco Barca, Spanish Minister at Washington, March
15, 1882. In " the Red Book," Madrid, 1882.
Congres International deludes du Canal Interoceanique.
Compte Rendu des Se'ances. Paris, 1879.
Bulletin du Canal Interoce'anique, Nos. 1 to 60+. (September
1, 1879, to February 15, 1882.) Paris.
(UNOFFICIAL.)
D. Ammen : M. de Lesseps and his Canal. (See Lesseps,
below.) North American Review, vol. 130, pp. 130-146.
February, 1880.
Cassell's, December, 1879. Panama and the Isthmus.
A Delawarean : The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty and the report
of the Committee of the House on Foreign Relations against
it. May 1, 1880. S.
Edinburgh Review, April, 1 882. The Panama Canal.
APPENDIX. 279
U. S. Grant : The Nicaragua Canal. North American Review,
vol. 132, pp. 197-116. February, 1881.
Harper's Monthly Magazine, vol. 60. p. 935. (Easy Chair.)
Lesseps and the Darien Canal.
The International Canal aud the Monroe Doctrine. New
York, 1880. 16mo, pp. 118.
F. de Lesseps : The Interoceanic Canal. North American
Review, vol. 130, pp. 1-15. January, 1880. Vol. 131, pp.
75-78. July, 1880.
A. Letellier : Les Travaux du Canal de Panama. Nouvulle
Revue, 1 juil., 1882.
The Monroe Doctrine and Isthmian Canal. North American
Review, vol. 130, p. 499.
The Nation, vol. 30, p. 90. Februarys, 1880. The United
States Government and the Panama Canal. Vol. 33, p.
348. November 3, 1881. American Policy towards the
Isthmus Canal. Vol. 34, p. 92. February 2, 1882. An-
other chapter of Mr. Elaine's Diplomacy. Vol. 34, p. 114.
February 9, 1882. Mr. Elaine's Manifesto. Vol. 34, p
J56-157. Vol. 34, p. 200. March 7,1882. "A Spirited
Foreign Policy."
T. W. Osborn : The Darien Canal. International Review,
Vol. 7, pp. 481-497. November, 1879.
Popular Science Monthly. Vol. 16, pp. 842-849. April, 1880.
Some Features of the Interoceanic Canal Question. Vol.
20, pp. 273-275. December, 1881. Our policy respecting the
Panama Canal.
Revue Britannique, juil., 1879. Le Congres du Canal Inter-
oceanique.
Pr. Rudolf Schleiden : Die rechtliche and politische Seite
der Pananm-Canal-Frage, Preuszische Jahrbucher, Juni,
1882.
h. AMERICA NORTH OF THE UNITED STATES.
Nootka-Sound Convention between Spain and Great Britain.
October 28, 1790. Recueil des Traite's, 2 e e'd. iv. 492-499.
Treaty between the United States and Spain. February 22,
1819. Statutes at Large, viii., 252-267. Boston, 1867.
280 APPENDIX.
Ukase of the Emperor Alexander. September 4, (16,) 1821.
State Papers, Foreign, V.
Message from the President of the United States ... in rela-
tion to Claims set up by Foreign Governments, to Territory
of the United States upon the Pacific Ocean, 1822.
W. Sturgis : Examination of the Russian Claims to the
Northwest Coast of America, North American Eeview, vol.
1 5, pp. 370-401 . October, 1822.
Robert Greenhow : History of Oregon and California and
other Territories on the Northwest Coast of North America.
Boston, 1845. 8vo. (And treaties in appendix.)
Congressional Globe. 40th Congress, 1st (extra) Session.
(Alaska purchase.) (Also Canada resolution.)
C. de Varigny : La doctrine Monroe et le Canada. Revue des
Deux Mondes, 1879, vol. 32.
INDEX.
ACCOLADE, 49, 50, 51.
Adams, Charles Francis, quoted as
to origin of Monroe Doctrine, 1C9.
Adams, Henry, " Life of Randolph,"
quoted, 35; "Life of Oallatin,"
quoted, 168.
Adams, John, 2, 68, 125, 126, 127,
165 ; Monroe's hostility to the ad-
ministration of, 64.
Adams, John Quincy, quoted, 12,
26, 38, 45, 97; 125, 126, 127, 169;
sketch of his career, 127 ; in Mon-
roe's cabinet, 127-155 ; relation to
the Monroe Doctrine, 107-171 ;
other mention of, 189, 191 ; anec-
dote of, 220.
Ambrister and Arbutlmot, execu-
tion of, 141.
Amelia Island, 231, 232.
America for Americans, the idea of
Monroe's policy, 215.
"American language," 50.
Ames, Fisher, quoted, 68.
Amphictyonic Council, etc., 27.
Annapolis, congress at, 18 ; conven-
tion at, 21.
Apollo, seizure of the, 237.
Arbutlmot, execution of, 141.
Armstrong, John, 108-124; at Bat-
tle of Bladensburg, 116.
Auckland, Lord, 96.
Baltimore, Monroe's speech at, 137.
Bancroft, George, quoted, 19, 20, 22,
24.
Barlow, Joel, Minister to France,
107.
Barney, Joshua, carries flag to
French Convention, 51.
Benton, Thomas H., 126, 210.
Bladensburg, Battle of, Monroe's re-
lation to, 116-124. .
Bonaparte, Jerome, marriage of, 87.
Bonaparte, Napoleon, negotiates for
sale of Louisiana, 74-90 ; instructs
Marbois, 79 ; thanks Marbois, 84 ;
interview with Monroe, 84 ; arbi-
trary powers of, 92, 93.
Boundary, Massachusetts and New
York, 26.
"Bowler, Jack," 33.
Brandywine, Battle of, 10.
Breckenridge, John. 32.
Brock, R. C., 218.
Burr, Aaron, 131.
Cabinet of Monroe, sketches of the
members, 126-135.
Calhoun, John C., 126-130, 132, 135,
142, 151, 156, 189, 210, 212; sketch
of his career, 128.
Callender publication, 71.
Cambaceres, M., 81, 85.
Camden, Lord, portrait of, 6.
Campan, Madame, friend of Hor-
tensia Hay, 178, 183.
Canning, George, 101, 143, 170, 171 ;
relation to Monroe Doctrine, 171.
Capital, public buildings at, 230 ;
capture of, 119-124.
Carr, Dabney, 4.
Cary, Archibald, 11.
Castlereagh, Lord, 141, 143, 167.
Cevallos, Don Pedro, 95.
Chateaubriand, M., 168.
Chatham, Lord, portrait of, 6, 7.
Cherokees, treaty with, 238.
Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, 249.
Civil service, Monroe's attitude re-
specting, 213, 214.
Clay, Henry, 126, 132, 133, 143, 155,
189.
Coast, defence of : see Defence.
Coit, Daniel L., letters to, 38-62.
Coit, Joshua, letters hitherto im-
printed on the state of the Union in
1794, 38-2 ; critical relations with
France, 39; French "frenzy," 39,
43, 44 ; Madison's resolutions, 39 ;
Southern hostility to Great Brit-
282
INDEX.
ain, 40; embargo, 42; sequestra-
tion of British debt proposed, 42 ;
Minister to England talked of, 42 ;
Jay nominated, 43; embargo de-
creed, 43 ; danger of dissolution
of Union, 43, 44 ; presentation of
the French flag, 02.
College life of Monroe, 8, 9.
Commerce, Monroe's views on regu-
lation of, 19-21, 237, 243.
Commercial relations of United
States, 236.
Committee of Public Safety, French,
45, 46, 57.
Confederation, inefficiency of the,
17-21.
Congress, Monroe's action as dele-
gate in, 17-26 ; Coit's letters from
(1794), prior to Monroe's first mis-
sion, 38-44 ; Monroe on the pow-
ers of , 239-247.
Constitution of United States, Mon-
roe's views on the adoption of
and on the powers of, 27-30, 242,
243.
Convention of Virginia (1776), 8 ;
(1788), 17, 27 ; (1830), 17.
Convention, French, in 1794, Mon-
roe's relation to, 45-55.
Cornell University Library, 66.
Correspondence, delays in diplo-
matic, 55, 56, 61.
Crawford, William H., 126, 127, 130,
131, 132, 138, 142, 155.
Croix, de la, GO.
Crowninshield, Benjamin W., 127.
Culluin, George W., quoted, 116,
118.
Cumberland Road Bill, Monroe's
veto of, and explanation, 149, 239-
249.
Dane, Nathan, 25.
Dayton, J., 63.
Debt, national, 230, 235, 248, 249.
Defence of coast and frontier, 229,
230, 232, 235, 237, 238, 251.
Diplomacy, perils of, 36 ; delays of,
55, 56, 61.
Diplomatic relations, presidential
messages on, 230-232, 234, 236,
237, 249.
District of Columbia, 232. 252
Dray ton, W. H., 134.
England, Monroe's mission to, 93-
100, 211; convention with, 251.
See Treaty.
" Era of good feeling," 2.
Erskiue, Mr., 97.
Eustis, William, Secretary of War,
104, 107, 136.
Federalists, 28-30, 67, 135.
Finance : see Debt.
Financial embarrassment of Mon-
roe, 252.
Flag, presentation of, to French
Convention, 51 ; to American Con-
gress, 62.
Floridas, desire of the United States
to acquire, 85, 95 ; acquisition of,
135, 143 ; see also Spain ; Jack-
son's campaign in, 140-143 ; troub-
les in, 232 ; territorial government
of, 248.
Foster, Mr., 105, 106.
Foster, Win. E., compiles a bibliog-
raphy of American statesmen, vi.
Fox, Charles J., 96.
France, Monroe's first mission to,
36-73 ; Monroe's second mission
to, 74-93 ; war threatened with,
38, 39, 52 ; our natural ally, 44 ;
commercial treaty with, 234, 248.
Franklin, Benjamin, 13.
Frontier, defence of : see Defence.
Gabriel, " General," 32.
Gallatin, Albert, 104, 112, 168.
Garnett, James M., 219.
Genet, M., 39.
German town, Battle of, 10.
Ghent : see Treaty.
Goose Creek, Virginia, 220.
Gore, C., 68.
Gouverneur, S. L., Mr. and Mrs.,
178, 183, 184, 191, 195, 196, 200.
Gouverneur, S. L., quoted, 207.
Gouverneur manuscripts relating to
Monroe, hitherto imprinted, quot-
ed, 53, 55, 58, 63, 69, 70, 208, etc.
Government, general, and the sev-
eral States, Monroe's views on,
239.
Grayson, W., 24, 27, 30.
Great Britain, convention with, 251.
See England.
Grigsby, H. B., quoted, 8.
Haerlem, Battle of, 10.
Hamilton, Alexander, 30, 71, 164.
Hamilton, Paul, 104.
Hammond's " Political History,"
quoted, 131.
Harper, Robert G., 68.
Harrison, Gov. Benjamin, 23.
Harrowby, Lord, 93.
Hart, C. F., quoted, 75.
Harvard College, 8, 129.
INDEX.
283
Hawkesbury, Lord, 93.
Hay, George (Mr. and Mrs. i. 178,
!>_'. is'!, 191, I'.f.', 194, 1117, 220.
Hay, Hortensia, 178, 183.
Henry, Patrick, 9, i7.
Hildreth, R., quoted, C8, 69, 71.
Hoar, G. F., 8.
Holland, Lord, 97 ; his account of
negotiations with Monroe and
Piukuey, 98.
Hoist, von, quoted, 130.
" Hoinoselle," 32.
Hortense, Queen, 178, 183.
Howiaon's " Virginia," quoted, 32.
Illinois, admission of, 232.
Imposts, Monroe's report on collec-
tion of, 19, 20.
Indians, relations with, 230-232, 236,
251, iVj.
Internal improvements, Monroe's
views on, 149, 230, 231, 250, 251,
252 ; message on, 239-248.
Jackson, Andrew, 28, 126, 133, 134,
140, 141, 142, 144, 155; his hostil-
ity to Monroe, 207 ; Monroe's re-
lations to, 206.
Jameson, J. F., compiles a Monroe
bibliography, 253; notes by, 229.
Jay, John, 26, 31, 37 ; Minister to
England, 43, 57-65.
Jay's treaty : see Treaty.
Jefferson, Thomas, 2, 12, 13, 15, 16,
18, 22-24, 72, 74-77, 94, 102, 125,
126, 152, 156, 176, 194, 213 ; begin-
ning of intimacy with Monroe, 16 ;
estimate of Monroe, 209 ; letter to
Livingston, quoted, 73 ; letters to
Monroe, quoted, 18, 74 ; relations
to the Monroe Doctrine, 163, 165,
166, 168, 170 ; withholds the Mon-
roe treaty, 97, 100.
Jennings, Edward, 6, 7.
Jones, Joseph (Monroe's uncle). 4;
correspondence with Monroe, 13,
14, 19, 58, 63, 71, 94, 175, 177.
Kennedy, J. P., quoted, 131, 155.
Kent, James, 135.
King, Rufus, 24, 25, 125, 144, 145.
Kingsbury, F. J., quoted, 5.
Knox, General, 194.
Kortwright, Eliza (Mrs. Monroe),
175, 177.
Kortwright, Lawrence, 175.
Lafayette, Marquis de,. 56 ; prisoner
in Olmutz, 56, 150 ; visits Amer-
ica, 136, 150-155, 250, 251 ; eti-
quette as to his reception, 151 ;
examples of his correspondence
with Monroe, 151-153 ; offers pe-
cuniary assistance to Monroe, 154.
Lafayette, Madame, 56, 150.
Lagrange, Americans welcomed at,
by Lafayette, 152, 153.
Land, good, promotes good society,
5, and note.
Linds, public, sale of, 230, 235.
Lawrence, W. B., translator of Mar-
bois, 75.
Lee, Dr., 7.
Lee, Henry, 4.
Lee, Richard Henry, 4, 7, 24.
Lee, Robert E., 5.
Lewis and Clarke's expedition, 76.
Livingston, R. R., 37 ; Minister to
France, 77 ; negotiates for Louis-
iana, 76-90 ; writes to Monroe
(April 10, 1803), 78; his midnight
dispatch to Madison, 80 ; estimate
of the treaty, 83 ; writes to Madi-
son in respect to cession of Lou-
isiana (November 15, 1803), 88.
Louisiana, cession of, by France to
the United States, 74-90 ; circum-
stances which led to it, 90 ; results
which came from it, 90 ; Monroe's
satisfaction with, 86 ; Livingston's
story of, 78, 83.
Madison, James, 2, 5, 16, 21-23, 32,
34, 39, 93, 101, 102, 125, 126, 127,
149, 156, 163, 164, 176, 194, 213 ;
in convention of 1788, 27 ; nom-
inated as President, 102 ; Pres-
ident, 104-124; cabinet of, 104;
letter of Monroe to, in respect to
the Secretary of War, 108 ; last
letter from Monroe to, 196 ; last
letter to Monroe, 198 ; his esti-
mate of Monroe, 209.
Marbois, IJarb'-, his work on the ces-
sion of Louisiana, 74 ; Monroe's
estimate of, 75 ; negotiations of,
respecting the Louisiana cession,
74-90.
Marriage of Monroe to Miss Kort-
wright, 175-178.
Marshall, John, 9, 23, 181, 213 ; in
college with Monroe, 8; in Vir.
giuia Convention (1788), 27.
Mason, George, 2, 27.
Mason, Thompson, 2.
Massachusetts, boundary dispute,
26 ; claims of for compensation,
250, 2.7-'.
McHenry, James, 20.
McKean, Thomas, 63.
284
INDEX.
McLane, Louis, quoted. 173.
McLean, John, 127, 209 ; Monroe's
letter to, 202.
Meade, Bishop, quoted, 7, 8.
Meigs, R. J., 127.
Mercer, Hugh, 9.
Merlin de Douai, 49, 57.
Mississippi, Monroe's memoir on, 26,
75 ; control and free navigation
of, 25, 26, 28, 45, 76, 95, 211, 215 ;
Spanish control of, 90, 163; de-
fence of valley of, 238.
Missouri, admission of, 144.
Missouri Compromise, 92, 135, 144-
149.
Monmouth, Battle of, 10.
Monroe, Andrew, 72, 218.
Monroe Doctrine, text of, 157-161 ;
announcement of, 249-250 ; not
a personal decree, 161 ; its grad-
ual development in the utterances
of American statesmen, 162-166 ;
Canning's relations to, 171 ; re-
ception of the message, 172 ; dis-
cussion in Congress, 173 ; allusions
to, 162-174 ; Bibliography of, 269.
Monro, George, 218.
Monroe, Hector, 4.
Monroe, James.
Sources of information, v.
Manuscripts of, v.
Bibliography of his life and writ-
ings, by J. F. Jameson, 253.
Synopsis of his career, xi, 1.
Review of his career, 200-217.
Birth, 4.
Pedigree, 218, 219.
Boyhood, 5-7.
College life. 7-9.
Revolutionary service, 9-12.
Student of law, 13-16.
Intimacy with Jefferson begins,
16.
Civil service begins, 17.
Delegate to Congress, 17-26.
Views on collecting imports, 22.
Tour to the West, 23.
Views on territorial government,
24.
Views on the Navigation of the
Mississippi, 26.
Commissioner on boundary dis-
pute, 26.
Member of the Virginian Consti-
tutional Convention (1788), 27.
Opposes the United States Con-
stitution, 27-29.
Speeches, in relation thereto, 27-
29.
United States Senator, 30-32.
Governor of Virginia, 32-35.
Suppresses insurrection, 33.
Envoy to France, 36-73.
Instructions from . Randolph,
44.
Presented to French Convention,
46-51.
Aids Lafayette, Paine, and others,
56.
Discusses Jay's treaty, 58.
Recalled, 61-64.
Publishes his "View," 62-66.
Its reception, 66-68.
Governor of Virginia, 32-35.
Envoy to France, Spain, and Eng-
land, 74-103.
Negotiates for cession of Louisi-
ana, 76, seq.
Interview with Bonaparte, 84.
Proceeds to England, 93.
Visits Madrid, 95.
Negotiates a treaty with England,
97.
Which is not ratified by Jeffer-
son, 97.
Mission described by Lord Hol-
land, 98.
Returns to America, 101.
Is talked of for the Presidency,
102.
Becomes Secretary of State, 104.
And of War, ad interim, 108.
And again of War, 119.
At the Battle of Bladensburg, 117.
His narrative of capture and de-
fence of Washington, 118-124.
Insists on a vigorous prosecution
of the war, 124.
President of the United States,
125-155.
Cabinet of, 126-132.
Opponents of, 132.
Important subjects of his admin-
istration, 135.
Tours to the North, East, West,
and South, 136-140.
Relations to Jackson, 142.
Veto of Cumberland Road Bill,
149.
Receives Lafayette, 150-155.
Monroe Doctrine, origin and
enunciation of, 156-174, 249-
250. See Monroe Doctrine.
Personal appearance and domes-
tic relations of, 175-199.
Marriage, 175-178.
Financial affairs of, 198, 252.
Old age, 200.
Retrospect of his life, 200.
Estimates of, 209.
INDEX.
285
Dominant political idea of, 215.
Sketches and favorable estimates
by A. lams. J. Q., 209.
Benton, 210.
Calhoun, 210.
Lord Holland, 99.
Jefferson, 209.
Kennedy, J. P., 155.
Lafayette, 154, 211.
Madison, 209.
McLean, J., 209.
Lord Stirling, 11.
Thiers, 70.
Washington, 11, 209.
Watson, 185.
Webster, D., 210.
Wirt, 181.
Suggested by a review of his
public and private papers,
213.
Monroe, James, Bibliography of, by
J. I-'. Jameson, 253.
Biographies of, 255.
Monroe, James, Letters of, to Joseph
Jones, 13, 19, 71, 94.
T. Jefferson, 18, 19, 20, 23,
176, 177.
John Randolph, 33.
Lord Stirling, 12, 16.
Governor Harrison, 23.
James Madison, 19, 21, 22, 23,
163, 176, 196.
A. Jackson, 28.
G. Washington, 55.
Barbe Marbois, 86.
A private correspondent, 145.
His nephew, 179.
Monroe James, Presidential mes-
sages of, 229-252.
Principal topie,
Amelia Island, 231, 232.
Apollo, seizure of the, 237.
Capital, public buildings at the,
230.
Cherokees, treaty with, 238.
Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, 249.
Commerce, regulation of, 237, 243.
Commercial relations, 236.
Congress, powers of, 239-247.
Constitution, powers of, 242, 243.
Cumberland Road Bill, veto of,
239, 249 ; exposition of his views
on the subject, 239-248.
Defence of coast and frontier. 229,
230, 23-2, 235, 237, 238.
Diplomatic relations, 230, 231, 232,
234, 236, 237, 249.
District of Columbia, 232, 262.
Finance. See National Debt.
Financial accounts of, 252.
Florida, territorial government,
248
Florida, troubles in, 232.
Florida, cession of. See Spain.
France, commercial treaty with,
234.
France, convention with, 248.
Ghent, treaty of, 230, 248.
Government, general, and of sepa-
rate States, _':;'. i.
Great Britain, convention with,
251.
Illinois, admission of, 232.
Indians, relations with. 230-232,
23C, 251, 252.
Internal improvements, 230, 231,
239-248, 250-252.
Lafayette, visit of, 250, 251.
Massachusetts, claims of, for com-
pensation, 2TiO, 252.
Mississippi, Valley of, defence,
238.
"Monroe Doctrine," 249, 250.
National debt, 230, 235, 248, 249.
Neutrals, rights of, 250, 251.
Northwest Boundary, negotiations
respecting, 249.
Pacific Coast, military station on,
251.
Pensions, 230.
Privateering, 249.
Protection to manufactures, 237.
Public lands, sale of, 230, 235.
Reciprocity system of 1815, 237.
Seminaries of learning, 231.
Seminoles, 248.
Slave-trade, abolition of, 234, 236,
237, 249-251.
South American revolutions, 232,
235, 236, 248, 251.
Spain cedes Florida, 233, 234, 236,
238.
Spain, relations with, 231-233,
236.
Stewart, Commodore, 252.
Supreme Court, 251.
Taxes, internal, repeal of, 230,
23(5, 237.
Union, prosperity of, 234, 236, 250,
251.
West Point, Military Academy,
248.
Monroe, John, 5, 218.
Monroe, Joseph, 72.
Monroe, Mrs. James, 175-178, 182,
183, 194, 195.
Monroe, Spence, 4.
Monroe's Creek, Virginia, 4.
Monroes in Massachusetts, 218.
Montesquieu, 152.
8mer(can Statesmen.
A Serifs of Biographies of Men conspicuous in the
Political History of the United States.
EDITED BT
JOHN T. MORSE, JR.
The object of this series is not merely to give a
number of unconnected narratives of men in Ameri-
can political life, but to produce books which shall,
when taken together, indicate the lines of political
thought and development in American history.
The volumes now ready are as follows.
John Quincy Adams. By JOHN T. MORSE, JR.
Alexander Hamilton. By HENRY CABOT LODGE.
John C. Calhoun. By DR. H. VON HOLST.
Andrew Jackson. By PROF. W. G. SUMNER.
John Randolph. By HENRY ADAMS.
James Monroe. By PRES. DANIEL C. GILMAN.
Thomas Jefferson. By JOHN T. MORSE, JR.
Daniel Webster. By HENRY CABOT LODGE.
Albert Gallatin. By JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS.
James Madison. By SYDNEY HOWARD GAY.
John Adams. By JOHN T. MORSE, JR.
John Marshall. By A. B. MAGRUDER.
Samuel Adams. By JAMES K. HOSMER.
Thomas H. Benton. By THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
Henry Clay. By Hon. CARL SCHURZ. 2 vols.
Patrick Henry. By MOSES COIT TYLER.
IN PREPARA TION.
Gouvemeur Morris. By THEODORE ROOSEVELT.
George Washington. By HENRY CABOT LODGE.
2 vols.
Martin Van Buren. By EDWARD M. SHEPARD.
Others to be announced hereafter. Each volume,
t6mo, gilt top, $1.25; half morocco, $2.50.
ESTIMATES OF THE PRESS.
"JOHN QUINCY ADAMS."
That Mr. Morse's conclusions will in the main be those of
posterity we have very little doubt, and he has set an admirable
example to his coadjutors in respect of interesting narrative,
just proportion, and judicial candor. New York Evening
Post.
Mr. Morse has written closely, compactly, intelligently, fear-
lessly, honestly. New York Times.
"ALEXANDER HAMILTON."
The biography of Mr. Lodge is calm and dignified through-
out. He has the virtue rare indeed among biographers
of impartiality. He has done his work with conscientious care,
and the biography of Hamilton is a book which cannot have
too many readers. It is more than a biography ; it is a study
in the science of government. St. Paul Pioneer-Press,
"JOHN C. CALHOUN."
Nothing can exceed the skill with which the political career
of the great South Carolinian is portrayed in these pages. The
work is superior to any other number of the series thus far, and
we do not think it can be surpassed by any of those that are to
come. The whole discussion in relation to Calhoun's position
is eminently philosophical and just. The Dial (Chicago).
"ANDREW JACKSON."
Prof. Sumner has, ... all in all, made the justest long esti-
mate of Jackson that has had itself put between the covers of a
book. New York Times.
One of the most masterly monographs that we have ever had
the pleasure of reading. It is calm and clear. Providence
Journal,
"JOHN RANDOLPH."
The book has been to me intensely interesting. ... It is
rich in new facts and side lights, and is worthy of its place m
the already brilliant series of monographs on American States-
men. Prof. MOSES COIT TYLER.
Remarkably interesting. . . . The biography has all the ele-
ments of popularity, and cannot fail to be widely read. Hart*
ford Courant.
"JAMES MONROE."
In clearness of style, and in all points of literary workman-
ship, from cover to cover, the volume is well-nigh perfect.
There is also a calmness of judgment, a correctness of taste,
and an absence of partisanship which are too frequently want-
ing in biographies, and especially in political biographies.-
American Literary Churchman (Baltimore).
The most readable of all the lives that have ever been written
of the great jurist. San Francisco Bulletin.
"THOMAS JEFFERSON."
The book is exceedingly interesting and readable. The at-
tention of the reader is strongly seized at once, and he is carried
along in spite of himself, sometimes protesting, sometimes
doubting, yet unable to lay the book down. Chicago Standard.
The requirements of political biography have rarely been
met so satisfactorily as in this memoir of Jefferson. Boston
journal.
"DANIEL WEBSTER."
It will be read by students of history ; it will be invaluable as
a work of reference ; it will be an authority as regards matters
of fact and criticism ; it hits the key-note of Webster's durable
and ever-growing fame ; it is adequate, calm, impartial ; it is ad-
mirable. Philadelphia Press.
The task has been achieved ably, admirably, and faithfully. -
Boston Transcript.
"ALBERT GALLATIN."
It is one of the most carefully prepared of these very vain-
able volumes, . . . abounding in information not so readily ac-
cessible as is that pertaining to men more often treated by the
biographer. . . . The whole work covers a ground which the
political student cannot afford to neglect. Boston Correspon*
dent Hartford Courani.
Frank, simple, and straightforward. New York Tribune,
"JAMES MADISON."
The execution of the work deserves the highest praise. It is
very readable, in a bright and vigorous style, and is marked by
unity and consecutiveness of plan. The Nation (New York).
An able book. . . . Mr. Gay writes with an eye single to truth.
The Critic (New York).
"JOHN ADAMS."
A good piece of literary work. ... It covers the ground
thoroughly, and gives just the sort of simple and succinct ac-
count that is wanted. Evening Post (New York).
A model of condensation and selection, as well as of graphic
portraiture and clear and interesting historical narrative.
Christian Intelligencer (New York).
"JOHN MARSHALL."
Well done, with simplicity, clearness, precision, and judg-
ment, and in a spirit of moderation and equity. A valuable ad-
dition to the series. New York Tribune.
"SAMUEL ADAMS."
Thoroughly appreciative and sympathetic, yet fair and criti-
cal. . . . This biography is a piece of good work a clear and
simple presentation of a noble man and pure patriot; it is
written in a spirit of candor and humanity. Worcester Spy.
A brilliant and enthusiastic book, which it will do every
American much good to read. The Beacon (Boston).
*% For sale by all booksellers. Sent, post-paid, on re-
ceipt of price by the Publishers,
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & COMPANY,
BOSTON AND NEW YORK.
American Commonvoeaitijs.
EDITED BY
HORACE E. SCUDDER.
A series of volumes narrating the history of such
States of the Union as have exerted a positive influ-
ence in the shaping of the national government, or
have a striking political, social, or economical history.
The commonwealth has always been a positive force
in American history, and it is believed that no better
time could be found for a statement of the life inher-
ent in the States than when the unity of the nation
has been assured ; and it is hoped by this means to
throw new light upon the development of the country,
and to give a fresh point of view for the study of
American history.
This series is under the editorial care of Mr. Hor-
ace E. Scudder, who is well known both as a student
of American history and as a writer.
The aim of the Editor will be to secure trustworthy
and graphic narratives, which shall have substantial
value as historical monographs and at the same time
do full justice to the picturesque elements of the sub-
jects. The volumes are uniform in size and general
style with the series of " American Statesmen " and
"American Men of Letters," and are furnished with
maps, indexes, and such brief critical apparatus as
add to the thoroughness of the work.
Speaking of the series, the Boston jfournal says:
" It is clear that this series will occupy an entirely new
place in our historical literature. Written by compe-
tent and aptly chosen authors, from fresh materials,
m convenient form, and with a due regard to propor-
tion and proper emphasis, they promise to supply
most satisfactorily a positive want."
NOW READY.
Virginia. A History of the People. By JOHN ESTEN
COOKE, author of "The Virginia Comedians,"
"Life of Stonewall Jackson," "Life of General
Robert E. Lee," etc.
Oregon. The Struggle for Possession. By WILLIAM
BARROWS, D. D.
Maryland. By WILLIAM HAND BROWNE, Associate
of Johns Hopkins University.
Kentucky. By NATHANIEL SOUTHGATE SHALER, S. D.,
Professor of Palaeontology, Harvard University, re-
cently Director of the Kentucky State Survey.
Michigan. By Hon. T. M. COOLEY, LL. D.
Kansas. By LEVERETT W. SPRING, Professor of Eng-
lish Literature in the University of Kansas.
California. By JOSIAH ROYCE, Instructor in Philoso-
phy in Harvard University.
New York. By Hon. ELLIS H. ROBERTS. 2 vols.
Connecticut. By ALEXANDER JOHNSTON, author of a
" Handbook of American Politics," Professor of
Jurisprudence and Political Economy in the Col-
lege of New Jersey.
IN PREPARA TION.
Tennessee. By JAMES PHELAN, Ph. D. (Leipsic).
Pennsylvania. By Hon. WAYNE McVEAGH, late At-
torney-General of the United States.
Missouri. By LUCIEN CARR, M. A., Assistant Curator
of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology.
Ohio. By Hon. RUFUS KING.
New Jersey. BY AUSTIN SCOTT, Ph. D. Professor
of History in Rutgers College.
Others to be announced hereafter. Each volume,
with Maps, i6mo, gilt top, $1.25.
PRESS NOTICES.
"VIRGINIA."
Mr. Cooke has made a fascinating volume one which it will
be very difficult to surpass either in method or interest. . . . True
historic insight appears through all these pages, and an earnest
desire to do all parties and religions perfect justice. The story
of the settlement of Virginia is told in full. ... It is made as
interesting as a romance. The Critic (New York).
No more acceptable writer could have been selected to tell the
story of Virginia's history. Educational Journal of Virginia
(Richmond, Va.).
" OREGON."
The long and interesting story of the struggle of five nations
for the possession of Oregon is told in the graphic and reliable
narrative of William Barrows. ... A more fascinating record
has seldom been written. . . . Careful research and pictorial skill
of narrative commend this book of antecedent history to all in-
terested in the rapid march and wonderful development of our
American civilization upon the Pacific coast. Springfield Re~
publican.
There is so much that is new and informing embodied In this
little volume that we commend it with enthusiasm. It is written
with great ability. Magazine of American History (New York).
" MARYLAND."
With great care and labor he has sought out and studied origi-
nal documents. By the aid of these he is able to give his work a
value and interest that would have been impossible had he fol-
lowed slavishly the commonly accepted authorities on his subject
His investigation in regard to toleration in Maryland is particu-
larly noticeable. New York Evening Post.
A substantial contribution to the history of America. Maga-
zine of American History.
" KENTUCKY."
Professor Shaler has made use of much valuable existing ma-
terial, and by a patient, discriminating, and judicious choice has
given us a complete and impartial record of the various stages
through which this State has passed from its first settlement to
the present time. No one will read this story of the building of
one of the great commonwealths of this Union without feelings of
deep interest, and that the author has done his work well and im-
partially will be the general verdict Christian at Work (New
York).
A capital example of what a short State history should be.
Hartford Courant.
" KANSAS."
In all respects one of the very best of the series. ... His work
exhibits diligent research, discrimination in the selection of ma-
terials, and skill in combining his chosen stuff into a narration
that has unity, and order, and lucidity. It is an excellent presen-
tation of the important aspects and vital principles of the Kansas
struggle. Hartford Courant.
MICHIGAN."
An ably written and charmingly interesting volume. . . . For
variety of incident, for transitions in experience, for importance
of events, and for brilliancy and ability in the service of the lead-
ing actors, the history of Michigan offers rare attractions ; and
the writer of it has brought to his task the most excellent gifts
and powers as a vigorous, impartial, and thoroughly accomplished
historian. Christian Register (Boston).
"CALIFORNIA."
Mr. Royce has made an admirable study. He has established
his view and fortified his position with a wealth of illustration
from incident and reminiscence. The story is made altogether
entertaining. ... Of the country and its productions, of pioneer
life and character, of social and political questions, of business
and industrial enterprises, he has given us full and intelligent ac-
counts. Boston Transcript,
It is the most truthful and graphic description that has been
written of this wonderful history which has from time to time
been written in scraps and sketches. Chicago Inter-Ocean.
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO., PUBLISHERS,
BOSTON AND NEW YORK.
UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY
A 001 129 873 4
University of California
SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY
305 De Neve Drive - Parking Lot 17 Box 951388
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90095-1388
Return this material to the library from which it was borrowed.