THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 THE 
 
 NINE BOOKS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 HISTORY OF HERODOTUS, 
 
 Translated from the Text of the 
 
 
 
 REV. THOMAS GAISFORD, M. A. 
 
 REGIUS PROFESSOR OF GREEK, 
 
 WITH NOTES ILLUSTRATIVE AND CRITICAL, 
 
 . 
 
 A 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 
 
 DEFINING THE SITUATION OF EVERY PLACE MENTIONED IN THE HISTORY, 
 
 AN INTRODUCTORY ESSAY, 
 
 AND 
 
 A SUMMARY OF THE HISTORY. 
 BY 
 
 PETER EDMUND LAURENT, GENT. 
 
 AUTHOR OF THE TRANSLATE OF THE ODES OF PIXDAR 1 ' INTO ENGLISH PROSE, 
 " RECOLLECTIONS OF A CLASSICAL TOUR," &C. 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 OXFORD, 
 
 FOR HENRY SLATTER; 
 
 AND LONGMAN, REES, ORME, BROWN, AND GREEN, LONDON. 
 MDCCCXXVII.
 
 v.l 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 Page 
 
 Introduction ..... i 
 
 Summary of the History ... xli 
 
 Clio. I. ..... 1 
 
 Euterpe. II. ..... 97 
 
 Thalia. Ill ...... 189 
 
 Melpomene. IV. . . . . 269 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 Terpsichore. V. .... j. 
 
 Erato. VI. ..... 63 
 
 Polyinnia. VII. . . . . 125 
 
 Urania. VIII. .... 241 
 
 Calliope. IX. ..... 297 
 
 Geographical Index. .... 361 
 
 2G172S6
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 Life of Herodotus. Plan and object of the History. Di- 
 gressions of the History. Moral and religious character, 
 industry, veracity, political principles, and style, of Hero- 
 dotus. Conclusion.
 
 HERODOTUS was born at Halicarnassus 1 , a consider- 
 able town of Asia Minor, four hundred and eighty- 
 four years before the Christian era: he was, therefore, 
 about four years of age at the time that Xerxes quitted 
 Sardis, on his expedition against Greece 2 . He was of an 
 illustrious family, originally Dorian, and both his parents 
 were of high rank in the state 3 . Among his relations was 
 Panyasis, an uncle either by the father's or mother's side ; 
 the works of this person have unfortunately not reached 
 our day, although he was so celebrated, that some of the 
 ancients 4 do not scruple to assign to him the second rank 
 after Homer in poetical excellence. Soon after Herodotus 
 had reached the age of early manhood, he entered, it 
 appears, on a course of travelling : it cannot now be deter- 
 mined, whether he adopted this plan of practical education, 
 in the design of giving to the world the result of his 
 researches, after the examples of some writers who had pre- 
 ceded him, all of whom came from the same quarter of the 
 world as himself 5 , and whose success in the field of history 
 may be reasonably supposed to have stimulated the ambi- 
 tion of a youth, whose natural endowments were evidently 
 great, and much improved, no doubt, by the education 
 which an illustrious birth placed within his reach : or, 
 whether he merely quitted his country, in order to gratify 
 
 1 The Preface to CJio. - Wessel. Herod. Vita. 3 Suidas in 'HgeSaray. 
 4 Suidas in nanW. 5 Hecataeus of Miletus, Xanthus, Ilellanicus of 
 
 Miletus, and Charon of Lampsacus. See Wessel. Herod. Vit. 
 VOL. I. b
 
 ii LIFE OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 that curiosity which, in minds created for the contemplation 
 of human nature, is an irresistible passion. Be that as it 
 may, to his travels he was indebted for many of the 
 fascinating beauties scattered over his works, from which 
 we gather, that he visited all the most remarkable parts of 
 the world then known, Egypt 6 , Syria 7 , Palestine 8 , Colchis 9 , 
 probably Babylon 10 and EcBatana *, the northern parts of 
 Africa 2 , the shores of the Hellespont, the Euxine sea 3 , and 
 Scythia 4 . He pursued, in all those countries, his researches 
 with unwearied industry: convinced that circumstances, 
 which, at the first view, appear trifling, are frequently the 
 cause of that variety, which human nature assumes in 
 different climates, he dedicated the same patient attention 
 to the religion, the history, the morals, and the customs, of 
 all the nations he visited. 
 
 On his return to Halicarnassus, he found that his uncle 
 Panyasis had been put to death by the tyrant Lygdamis, 
 grandson of the celebrated Artemisia, who accompanied 
 Xerxes in his disastrous campaign 5 . Thinking, perhaps, 
 his life not secure in his native country, Herodotus with- 
 drew to the neighbouring island of Samos. This voluntary 
 exile gave him leisure, of which it is fair to presume he 
 profited to arrange the researches he had made in his 
 travels, and to form the plan of his History. But the love 
 of liberty, innate in the Greek, combined with a justifiable 
 desire of vengeance for the death of his kinsman, inspired 
 him with the idea of overthrowing the tyrant, and restor- 
 ing freedom to his country. Halicarnassus was not want- 
 ing in citizens discontented with the tyranny of Lygdamis: 
 the talents and experience of Herodotus gave decision and 
 unanimity to the counsels of the malecontents ; and when 
 his plans were ripe for execution, he appeared once more 
 in his native land, and at the head of a formidable party. 
 
 6 Lib. ii. passim. _ 7 Lib. ii. 44. 8 Lib. iii. 5. and ii. 106. 9 Lib. 
 ii. 104. 10 Lib. i. 193. 1 Lib. i. 98. 2 Lib. ii. 181. 3 Lib. iv. 
 
 86. 4 Lib. iv. 168, 43, 195, 196. Suidas voc.
 
 LIFE OF HERODOTUS. iii 
 
 The tyrant was dethroned, and Halicarnassus might have 
 been free ; but the motives which urged the Historian to 
 make this attempt were shared by few among those who 
 had joined in the execution. The men of rank and the 
 wealthy had been eager to overthrow the tyrant, in order 
 they might get the government in their own hands, and 
 establish an aristocracy. The people presently discovered, 
 that the assumed enthusiasm for liberty was but a pretext 
 to subject them to a yoke still more galling. The virtuous 
 republican, too honest to join the aristocratic party, was 
 looked upon by them with a jealous eye; on the other 
 hand, he was insulted by the people, as the author of a 
 change whicli they found ruinous to themselves. The 
 natural simplicity and honesty of his own heart had pro- 
 bably hitherto blinded the Historian to the fact, that 
 patriotism and love of freedom are the cloaks under which 
 men are wont to hide the deformities of a selfish nature : 
 convinced now by experience, and disgusted, he bade fare- 
 well for ever to his ungrateful country 4 . 
 
 He proceeded to Olympia 5 ; the games were then cele- 
 brating, and he read to an illustrious meeting in the Opis- 
 thodomus 6 some portions of his History. Although the 
 circumstance is not immediately connected with his life, it 
 must not be omitted to observe, that among his hearers 
 was Thucydides, then about fifteen years of age; the 
 youth, swelling with noble ambition, burst into tears : 
 " Olorus," said Herodotus to the boy^s father, "thy son 
 " burns with the desire of knowledge 7 ."" The compositions 
 of the Historian were much applauded. Encouraged by 
 
 4 Suidas in 'Hearts. 5 Aul. Cell. Noct. Attic, xv. 23. * The 
 
 Opisthodomus was a large hall in the back part of the temple of Olympian 
 Jove at Elis, where Herodotus recited, during the celebration of the Olympic 
 games, a part of his History, in the presence of the men, the most distinguished 
 by their talents and acquirements, who had collected from all parts of Greece. 
 Lucian in Herodoto, 1, quoted by Geinoz. 7 'Ogya ifvffis rau viau feu 
 
 *os ra, p,a.fri(tarit. Marcell. Vit. Thucyd. Wess. Herod. Vit. Dodwell, 
 Apparat. ad Anna). Thucydid. 18.
 
 ir LIFE OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 the wages most gratifying to a high and well-formed mind, 
 he dedicated the next twelve years of his life to the im- 
 provement of a work destined by Providence to survive 
 long after his own death, and to remain for future genera- 
 tions an inexhaustible mine of useful knowledge and prac- 
 tical wisdom. He recommenced his researches and his 
 travels with renovated ardour ; and as he had before 
 directed his attention more particularly to the nations and 
 countries which acknowledged the supremacy of the Per- 
 sian empire, he now travelled with the same patience of 
 investigation over the various provinces of Greece, collect- 
 ing the records of the most illustrious families of the dif- 
 ferent towns of any note. 
 
 Having thus brought his work to a degree of perfection 
 more satisfactory to his own mind, he presented himself 
 before the Athenians at the Panathenaea 8 , a festival cele- 
 brated in the summer. He again read some extracts from 
 his History ; and that enlightened people not only ap- 
 plauded the work, but presented the writer with ten 
 talents 9 from the public treasury. Soon after this second 
 triumph he joined a band of adventurers, who quitted 
 Athens to found a colony at Thurium *, near the ancient 
 site of Sybaris, in the south of Italy. , 
 
 On his arrival at Thurium, Herodotus was forty years 
 of age ; and here, it is probable, he passed the remainder 
 of his days, making various improvements in his History ; 
 indeed several passages are pointed out by the commenta- 
 tors, which were evidently added to the body of the work 2 
 subsequently to his coming to reside in Italy ; more par- 
 ticularly the revolt of the Medes against Darius Nothus, 
 
 8 Corsini, Fast. Attic, torn. ii. 357. Larcher, Vie d'Herodote, Ixxxv. 
 9 Plutarch, de Malig. Herod. 1 Plin. Hist. Nat. xii. 4. Larcher, Vie 
 
 d'Herodote, Ixxxvi. 2 i. xhe Lacedaemonian invasion of Attica, in the 
 
 first year of the Peloponnesian war, lib. ix. 72. 2. The calamitous lot of the 
 Lacedaemonian ambassadors sent into Asia in the second year of the Pelopon- 
 nesian war, vii. 137. 3. The desertion of Zopyrus, the son of Megabyzus, to 
 the Athenians, iii. 160.
 
 LIFE OF HERODOTUS. v 
 
 which must have been inserted, according to good chrcno- 
 logists, after he had completed his seventy-sixth year 3 . 
 The period, the manner, and the place of his death are 
 alike unknown, although it seems unquestionable that his 
 tomb, or, at least, his cenotaph, was shewn on the Coele, 
 just without one of the gates of Athens, among the monu- 
 ments of Cimon's family, and near that of Thucydides 4 . 
 
 The admirers of Herodotus are disappointed to find that 
 so few details of the life of this great and virtuous man 
 can be gathered from the works of the ancients that have 
 reached our time. It would, indeed, be gratifying to the 
 curious, and instructive to the world at large, particularly 
 in the present age, to be informed by what process of 
 education, and what series of accidents in life, this Histo- 
 rian waTS brought to unite the highest feeling of devotion 
 and religion with the faculty of penetrating the human 
 causes of events, and to join that patience of research, 
 which spurned not even the most trifling details of human 
 nature, to such depth of thought and quickness of percep- 
 tion. But it is useless to repine at the absence of what was 
 never possessed : it will be more prudent to direct our 
 attention to his writings, in which he may be said, more, 
 perhaps, than any other of the ancient authors, to be still 
 living ; for he dispenses instruction with such a delightful 
 alloy of amusement, and, at the same time, discovers the 
 principal features of his character with such amiable art- 
 lessness, that it is impossible to study his pages without 
 feeling a sort of friendly attachment to the man, or pic- 
 turing to the imagination almost a personal idea of the 
 writer. 
 
 In order, however, to form a just estimate of the art and 
 character of this Historian, it is necessary, first of all, to 
 understand well the method which he has followed ; for so 
 extensive and numerous are the subjects which he has 
 
 3 Larcher, Vie d'Herodote, Ixxxix. and Herod, lib. i. 130. 4 Marcell. 
 
 Vit. Thucydid. p. ix.
 
 vi PLAN AND OBJECT 
 
 handled, that while some can compare him only to Homer, 
 in the art with which he has blended so many heterogeneous 
 parts into one beautiful whole, others deny that he had 
 any fixed plan at all, and emphatically observe, that his 
 History is no sooner read than it is forgotten. To point 
 out all the instances of the nicety of art, by which Hero- 
 dotus has contrived to insert, in a narrow compass,' a 
 panorama, as it were, of the whole world, would be a sub- 
 ject sufficiently extensive for an interesting work. It will 
 not, however, be irrelevant to give in this place the broad 
 lines of Herodotus's plan of history ; leaving the attentive 
 and sagacious reader to supply the deficiencies by his own 
 exertions in the study of the original Author. 
 
 The ultimate object, therefore, in the History of Hero- 
 dotus is, to commemorate the glorious struggle between 
 the Greeks and the Persians ; in which the former success- 
 fully defended their liberties against the incredible multi- 
 tudes brought into the field from all parts of the world by 
 the latter, whose dominion extended over the whole of 
 Asia and Africa then known, and some parts of Europe. 
 The account of the immediate causes of the war, and the 
 events which ensued after its breaking out, commences at 
 the fifth book, and is thence continued to the end of the 
 work, occasionally interrupted by digressions, or rather 
 episodes, which serve to relieve the reader's attention, by 
 diverting it for a while from the direct course of the 
 History, and thus, by instructing, to amuse. Such however 
 is the nicety with which most of those digressions, as they 
 are called, are fitted into the body of the work, that in 
 almost every case the History would lose by their sup- 
 pression, not only in interest, but even in perfection as a 
 whole. 
 
 The most remarkable events, tending directly towards 
 the ultimate scope of the History, and they are all con- 
 tained in the five last books, may be summed up in a few 
 words. The lonians, having ensured the assistance of the
 
 OF THE HISTORY. vii 
 
 Athenians 1 , revolt from the Persian empire 2 : the Athe- 
 nians send a few ships to the succour of their descendants : 
 they obtain possession of Sardis, and fire its buildings 3 . 
 Darius, King of Persia, informed of the share the Athe- 
 nians have had in the capture and destruction of Sardis, 
 swears that he will wreak vengeance on them 4 : he com- 
 mences by reducing once more the lonians 5 , and then de- 
 spatches a formidable army against Athens 6 : the Persians 
 are beaten at Marathon 7 . Enraged at the tidings of this 
 defeat, Darius makes still greater preparations 8 , but his 
 vengeance is suspended for a time by the rebellion of 
 Egypt 9 , one of his provinces, and finally checked for ever 
 by death 10 . Xerxes, his son and successor, prompted, as is 
 natural in a young man, by ambition, and the counsels of 
 the imprudent, instead of confining his designs to the 
 punishment of Athens, resolves to subdue the whole of 
 Greece n : determining to march in person against the 
 enemy, he levies the most numerous and formidable army 
 ever heard of 12 ; he mans a considerable fleet 13 ; and esta- 
 blishes for this immense multitude magazines of corn and 
 provisions on the frontiers of Greece 14 ; and finally, after 
 two years of incessant preparations, commences his march 
 in the spring of the third 15 . He first receives a check at 
 Thermopylae 16 , and his fleet being afterwards defeated at 
 Salamis 17 , he returns into Asia, covered with disgrace 18 . 
 Mardonius, his chief general, is however left in Europe 19 , 
 with the ablest part of the forces : in the following year 
 Mardonius is conquered at Platasa 20 ; and by a singular 
 coincidence, on the very day of the battle of Plataea, 
 another battle is fought by the forces on board the 
 Grecian fleet, against a Persian army stationed at My- 
 
 i Lib. v. 97. 2 Lib. v. 99. * Lib. v. 100, 101. 4 Lib. v. 
 
 105. 5 Lib. vi. 6 Lib. vi. 43. 7 Lib. vi. 112, &c. 8 Lib. 
 
 vii. 1. 9 Lib. vii. 1. "> Lib. vii. 4. n Lib. vii. 18. 12 Lib. 
 
 vii. 20, 60. is Lib. vii. 89. Lib. vii. 25. 15 Lib. vii. 37. 
 
 16 Lib. vii. 233, &c. 17 Lib. viii. 84, &c. m Lib. viii. 117. 19 Lib. 
 viii. 1 13. *> Lib. ix. 63.
 
 viii PLAN AND OBJECT 
 
 cale 7 , in Caria of Asia Minor; and here likewise the 
 Greeks win a signal victory. 
 
 It has already been observed, that these events are the 
 most remarkable of those tending towards the object of the 
 History, and that they are all contained in the five last 
 books: this is so true, that those whose inclination and 
 curiosity do not extend beyond the desire of obtaining 
 some knowledge of the manner in which the valour of the 
 West, aided by an inscrutable Providence, succeeded in 
 repelling the countless tribes of the East, generally confine 
 their study of Herodotus to the books which contain the 
 description of the course of the war; and few historians 
 would probably have carried their researches any farther. 
 But Herodotus, whose genius for expatiating eminently 
 qualified him for the investigation of causes, while his 
 natural simplicity of character inclined him to devote his 
 talents to the service of his fellow creatures, saw that, if he 
 confined his History within such narrow limits, the Greeks 
 would form but an indistinct idea of the difficulties with 
 which their ancestors had to contend. It was necessary to 
 shew them, that the heroes of Marathon, of Thermopylae, 
 of Salamis, of Plataea, of Mycale, had conquered the con- 
 querors of the world : it was therefore indispensable to 
 present to their view the history of the Persians. Hence 
 the history of that extraordinary and highly civilized 
 people forms the connecting chain throughout the whole of 
 the nine books; to the various links of which, Herodotus, 
 with most surprising art, attaches the histories of the other 
 barbarians, the manners and customs of foreign nations, 
 the wonders of distant lands, and even the antiquities and 
 early traditions of the Greeks themselves. This leads us 
 to a contemplation of the more complicated machinery of 
 the first book. 
 
 Clio opens, accordingly, with the writer's declaration of 
 his intention to commemorate the actions of the barbarians 
 
 '7 Lib. ix. 98, 104.
 
 OF THE HISTORY. ix 
 
 and the Greeks, and likewise to record the causes of the 
 hostility between those two races of men 8 . It seems at 
 first rather extraordinary that he should have gone so far 
 back into the annals of time, as to produce the mutual 
 rapes 9 of women committed by the Europeans and the 
 Asiatics, which led, in the end, to the Trojan war l . But 
 this objection is answered by the Historian himself 2 . It 
 seems, in fact, to have been a principle of the Persian 
 polity, that any insults offered to the countries under the 
 Great King's sceptre, even centuries previous to their 
 being united to his empire, were held as insults to his own 
 person ; this principle is illustrated by a curious anecdote 
 in the ninth book 3 , and was indeed the ostensible motive 
 of Darius, in undertaking the Scythian campaign 4 . Ab- 
 surd as it may appear, it was unquestionably founded 
 on good political reasoning ; for when once a country like 
 Persia, in her glory, is inspired with the spirit of conquest, 
 and, therefore, has enormously aggrandized her territory, 
 it becomes absolutely necessary that pretexts for distant 
 warfare should be always at hand, in order to occupy those 
 restless characters, who otherwise would, in all probabi- 
 lity, busy themselves in fomenting rebellion in their own 
 country. 
 
 Herodotus, however, evades giving his opinion upon 
 events of so early a date 5 ; and choosing a period of time 
 nearer his own day, declares his intention of pointing out 
 the prince who, he knew, was the first, in times compara- 
 tively modern, to commence hostilities on the Greeks; 
 after which he will enter upon the course of his history. 
 Deeply convinced that the noblest attribute of history is 
 to instruct mankind by attracting their attention to the 
 mutability of human affairs, he informs us, that he shall 
 commemorate alike the feeble and the powerful states; 
 
 8 The Preface to Clio. 9 Lib. i. 1 , &c. i Lib. i. 5. 
 
 2 Tjv yoi 'A.ffittv r.ou ra itciKtovrK 'Una, /Jaj/Sa^a oiKiituvrcf-i ai Tligfai, rtiv Se 
 
 Ewg*arv KKI ro 'EA.X>jv/x vywrai xt^ea^irSai. Lib. i, 4. 3 Lib. ix. 116. 
 < Lib. iv. 1. 5 Lib. i. 5. 
 
 VOL. I. C
 
 x PLAN AND OBJECT 
 
 " for those," says he, " which of old were great, most of 
 " them have now become small ; while those which in my 
 " time were great had previously been small : convinced, 
 " therefore," he continues, in a strain of deep moral feel- 
 ing, " w that human greatness is ever variable, I shall com- 
 " memorate both alike." Ere, therefore, we are presented 
 with the records of the victory won by the Greeks over the 
 Persians, we shall have to contemplate a long course of 
 human events, by which we shall be enabled to understand 
 better the real bearings of the question with regard to the 
 importance of the Grecian stand for freedom, and, at the 
 same time, be improved in heart and mind by the nu- 
 merous examples of the instability of worldly greatness. 
 
 Croesus, then, was the first who commenced hostilities 
 on the Greeks 6 ; he it was who subjected the colonies of 
 that nation residing in Asia. But who was this Crcesus ? 
 The consideration of this question affords an opportunity 
 of going back to the early ages of the Lydian empire 7 : 
 nor can we blame the Historian for taking advantage of 
 the opportunity, particularly if we consider that the sub- 
 ject must have been fraught with interest to the people for 
 whom he professedly wrote. In order, however, that the 
 object of the History may not be lost sight of, the origin 
 and progress of the kingdom of Lydia are dismissed in a 
 few words, and Crcesus is again brought before the reader 8 . 
 He is represented as uneasy at the growing power of Cyrus, 
 King of the Persians, who had already subdued the king- 
 dom of the Medes, and was marching from conquest to 
 conquest 9 ; he draws upon himself the arms of the Persian 
 hero 1 ; he is taken prisoner, and his country subdued 2 . 
 
 " The history now proceeds to enquire who this Cyrus 
 " was, that overturned the kingdom of Crcesus ; and in 
 " what manner the Persians came to obtain the supremacy 
 " of Asia 3 ." The conquest of Lydia had proved them to 
 
 6 Lib. i. 6. 7 Lib. i. 7. 8 Lib. i. 26. 9 Lib. i. 46. 1 Lib. 
 
 i. 80. 2 Lib. i. 86. 3 Lib. i. 95.
 
 OF THE HISTORY. xi 
 
 be a people of some importance; they had, however, but 
 lately shaken off the yoke of the Medes; the Historian, 
 therefore, goes back to the early history of the Medes 4 , of 
 which he gives a sketch down to the destruction of that 
 empire, by the victory which Cyrus won over Astyages 5 . 
 But the Medes themselves had been formerly dependent 
 on the Assyrians, who possessed the supremacy of Upper 
 Asia during five hundred and twenty years 6 ; it was, there- 
 fore, natural that Herodotus should give some account of 
 that remarkable people; but had this been done at the 
 place where they first appear in this historic scene, the 
 reader's attention would have been too much diverted from 
 the history of the Persians, which must now be regarded 
 as the main stream flowing through the whole work, into 
 which all the others are made to fall ; add to which, that 
 an excellent opportunity occurs for completing the vast 
 picture in the account of Cyrus's subsequent enterprizes 7 . 
 
 Cyrus, having conquered Media, and overthrown Croesus, 
 king of Lydia, left to his generals the task of subduing the 
 Asiatic Greeks 8 , and marching in person against the Baby- 
 lonians 9 and their dependent nations, compelled them to 
 submit to his power. Herodotus tarries awhile only on the 
 most important and interesting subjects ; hence he does 
 not mention the Bactrii and Sacae, whom Cyrus did, we 
 know, reduce 10 ; and if the Historian expatiates somewhat 
 on the Massagetae 1 , it is only because the war against that 
 nation was unsuccessful, and led to the death of the founder 
 of the Persian monarchy 2 . 
 
 Cyrus was succeeded by his son Cambyses 3 . Proud of 
 his power, this latter marched into Egypt. That country 
 was in those days the most interesting in the world ; and 
 it was here that the learned among the Greeks suspected 
 that their arts, sciences,, and religion, had their rise ; it is, 
 
 4 Lib. i. 96. 5 Lib. i. 128. 6 Lib. i. 95. 7 Lib. i. 178, &c. 
 
 8 Lib. i. 153. 9 Lib. i. 178. 10 Larcher, Preface, xxviii. * Lib. u 
 
 215, &c. ^ Lib. i. 214. 3 Lib. ii. 1.
 
 xii PLAN AND OBJECT 
 
 therefore, fair to assume that the Greeks must have looked 
 upon Egypt with nearly the same feelings as we do on 
 Greece and Rome; the Greeks, moreover, were now be- 
 ginning to visit Egypt from motives of commerce, instruc- 
 tion, and curiosity. It was, consequently, of the utmost 
 importance to give the Grecians a correct idea of that 
 portion of the world ; Herodotus, therefore, consecrates 
 the whole of his second book to the history of the kings of 
 Egypt, and an account of the productions and curiosities 
 of that extraordinary region, together with the manners 
 and religion of the inhabitants. This history is traced in 
 a succinct manner from the most early period down to that 
 of the invasion by Cambyses^ when it merges into the his- 
 tory of the Persians. 
 
 After the conquest of Egypt, Cambyses marched against 
 the impostor Smerdis 5 , who had usurped the throne of 
 Persia ; his death was caused by an accident. Soon after 
 the decease of Cambyses, the cheat of Smerdis the Magus 
 was discovered 6 : he was put to death, and Darius was 
 elected King 7 . This prince subdued once more the 
 Babylonians who had revolted 8 . These events of the 
 Persian history form the ground-work of Thalia, the third 
 book. 
 
 Prompted by ambition, or more probably by the neces- 
 sity of employing the restless spirits of his vast dominions, 
 Darius formed the design of enslaving the Scythians 9 . 
 Those tribes were but little known, excepting to their 
 neighbours, and the Grecians settled in the towns on the 
 frontiers of Scythia; it is natural, however, to suppose 
 that the Greeks must h.ave been desirous of having some 
 information respecting that curious people, particularly 
 as there were already some Grecian colonies settled in 
 Thrace, and on the European and Asiatic shores of the 
 Euxine sea. Moreover, the Scythians were in that state 
 
 5 Lib. iii. 64. 6 Lib. iii. 69. 7 Lib. iii. 86. Lib. iii. 159. 
 
 fLib. iv. 1.
 
 OF THE HISTORY. xiii 
 
 of barbarous society, to the accounts of which men of all 
 ages, who enjoy the blessings of civilization, listen with a 
 natural eagerness of curiosity. The Historian's description 
 is framed so as to give a rough but clear idea of the 
 government of the Scythians, their manners, and the nature 
 of their country. The Scythians adopted a system of 
 warfare, which compelled - Darius to retreat into his own 
 states l . 
 
 But at the time that Darius was carrying on an unsuc- 
 cessful war against the Scythians, another mighty expedi- 
 tion 2 was undertaken by the Persians, stationed in Egypt, 
 against the town of Barce, on the northern coast of Africa. 
 This affords the Historian an opportunity of touching on 
 a subject which must have been no less interesting than 
 instructive to his countrymen, it is the foundation of the 
 Greek colonies in Libya, which began then to assume an 
 important station. This history he likewise traces from 
 its beginning, and continues down to the time of the 
 inroad of the Persians on the Libyan territory. Herodotus 
 knew, also, too well the instruction which civilized nations 
 may derive from contrasting their situation with that of 
 men cramped beneath the oppressive weight of barbarism, 
 to neglect the opportunity now before him of giving 
 some account of the vagrant hordes resident on the north 
 coast of Africa. 
 
 All the events here mentioned are necessarily and inti- 
 mately connected with the history of the Persians ; and 
 perhaps equally so with that of the Grecians, inasmuch 
 as they enable us better to appreciate the importance of 
 the noble victories which they won over the Persians, and 
 not only the valour of the other Greek confederates, but 
 more particularly that of the Athenians, who, to use the 
 Historian's emphatic language, " engaged the Persian at 
 " Marathon single-handed, fought and conquered six and 
 " forty nations 3 . 1 ' 
 
 i Lib. iv. 120, &c. * Lib. iv. 145. " Lib. ix. 27.
 
 xiv DIGRESSIONS OF THE HISTORY. 
 
 Such, then, are the principal lines of the plan of history, 
 adopted by Herodotus : and if we consider the probable 
 motives which may have induced him to elect so vast a 
 field, we shall, no doubt, trace them to that thirst of 
 universal acquaintance with human nature, which enabled 
 him to face the hardships of travel in so many and distant 
 countries; happily for mankind in general, to the thirst here 
 alluded to is always united an equally irresistible desire 
 of communicating the knowledge obtained. Nor is this 
 turn of mind perceptible only in the general outline of the 
 method ; it characterizes the execution of each individual 
 part of the history. The anxiety of the writer to explain 
 and expatiate, and by his explanations to instruct, is every 
 where too visible to escape notice ; and one is sometimes 
 tempted to think that the work must have been composed 
 by some mathematician accustomed to define as he ad- 
 vances. Hence the numerous digressions from, and inter- 
 ruptions of, the narrative, which are met with in the course 
 of the history ; many of these are naturally introduced by 
 the subject in hand, while others, according to his own fair 
 avowal, are rather far fetched : Trgotr^xaj yug fy ju,o 6 
 
 But having touched on the subject of the digressions of 
 Herodotus, it will be proper to extend a little farther our 
 observations; particularly as the objections made to the 
 History on this score, unlike most others, do proceed fre- 
 quently from persons whose talents entitle their opinion 
 to some respect. Many minds are naturally endowed with 
 a fretful curiosity to see the sequel and termination of the 
 events announced by a history; hence their judgment con- 
 demns whatever obliges them to lose sight for a moment of 
 the object of their sole interest : to such persons, Herodotus 
 must always appear exceedingly garrulous; and indeed the 
 reader must be a very prejudiced admirer of the Histo- 
 rian, who can see his attention diverted in the middle of 
 
 4 Lib. iv. 30.
 
 DIGRESSIONS OF THE HISTORY. xv 
 
 the brilliant description of the battle of Thermopylae to 
 the marriage of a Persian lady, and the amount of her 
 dowry 5 , and yet deny that he is at least annoyed. But 
 examples of such preposterous interruptions are very few ; 
 presuming that his reader has the time and inclination to 
 attempt a perfect knowledge of the country he is going to 
 travel over, the Historian disdains to whirl him along the 
 straight and sandy road, but leads him by the hand over 
 hill and dale. 
 
 The digressions, then, of Herodotus may be divided 
 into two classes ; those naturally suggested by the subject? 
 and those which are not so. The object of the first is, the 
 antiquities of nations, their manners, customs, and religion; 
 the constitution of states; the geographical definition of 
 countries ; the fulfilment of oracles and predictions ; the 
 origin of the worship of the gods, and of the Grecian 
 mysteries. These subjects were all of high interest to the 
 Greek people, who could not but hold themselves indebted 
 to the writer, who attached so much useful information to 
 the narrative of their deeds of glory. The art with which 
 some of those digressions are linked on to the whole is 
 truly surprising. Darius, in his expedition against Scythia,, 
 goes to contemplate the Euxine ; the Historian seizes the 
 opportunity to describe that sea 6 . Aristagoras of Miletus 
 is about to answer the ( question of Cleomenes, king of 
 Sparta, how far it is from Ionia to Susa ; he is interrupted 
 in his reply, and the Historian, having thus whetted the 
 curiosity of the reader, takes up the subject, and describes 
 himself the road 7 . The consideration of the Hyperboreans 
 leads the Historian to consider the opinion of those who 
 held that the world was round as a shield : he refutes their 
 opinion in a digression, rich of geographical knowledge 8 . 
 
 5 Lib. vii. 224. 6 Lib. iv. 85. 7 Lib. v. 5052. 8 Lib. iv. 36, &c. 
 The expression of the Historian is, tt 'fLxtavat rt piotra y^K^nvti <x'iq&, TM yy, 
 IOUITKV *uxris us a.-!to r'o^ou : the usual translation given is, " as if turned 
 " by a lathe." The mistake of the translators might be excused, but not the 
 sneer of ignorance which some indulge at the idea that Herodotus should have
 
 xvi DIGRESSIONS OF THE HISTORY. 
 
 Croesus, desirous of repressing the power of the Persians, 
 seeks the alliance of the Greeks ; this introduces the ear- 
 liest history of Sparta and Athens 9 . Aristagoras of Mi- 
 letus, intending to levy war against the Persian empire, 
 goes to Lacedagmon to solicit assistance ; the Historian 
 seizes the opportunity of continuing the history of Sparta 1 . 
 The same individual proceeds on the same errand to 
 Athens, when the history of that state is likewise con- 
 tinued 2 . In the account of the Libyan tribes the Historian 
 has occasion to mention an island, where, according to the 
 statement of the Carthaginians, the girls procure gold sand 
 by dipping bunches of feathers daubed with pitch into the 
 mud of a lake ; Herodotus signifies his unwillingness to 
 decide whether the tale is correct or not, but takes the 
 opportunity of describing, as an eye-witness himself, a 
 phenomenon in the island of Zacynthus, where bitumen 
 is obtained from a lake by a similar contrivance, and 
 thus conveys a piece of information which would be de- 
 spised by none but the hermit of the closet 3 . The 
 above are but a very few instances of the art of He- 
 rodotus, the illustrations of which, as has been observed 
 before, would fill a volume ; and every where this asto- 
 nishing skill of execution is to be traced to a desire of 
 instructing: this art even sometimes borders on cunning. 
 Sosicles, the Corinthian deputy, opposes the tyrannic prin- 
 ciples of the Spartans; Herodotus grasps the opportunity 
 of placing in his mouth the history of the Cypselidae 4 . 
 
 laughed at those who represented the world as globular. The fact is, that 
 Herodotus probably had no idea of the world being spherical ; " he derides 
 " those who make the world like a shield, with the ocean surrounding the flat 
 " circle of the earth." See the Tabulae Herodoteas. I had not seen the pre- 
 fatory observations to that valuable little book when 1 translated that part of 
 Melpomene ; I am glad however to find my explanation corroborated by this 
 authority. See vol. i. p. 285, note 4, where I have shewn that TO^OS means a 
 compass. 
 
 9 Lib. i, 5669. 1 Lib. v. 39. = Lib. v. 55. Lib. iv. 195. 
 
 * Lib. v. 92.
 
 DIGRESSIONS OF THE HISTORY. xvii 
 
 Leotychides, addressing the Athenians, is represented as 
 producing an old Spartan tradition 4 , which can hardly be 
 said to bear on the question : and, to speak the truth, 
 even the brazen plate of Aristagoras 5 seems to have been 
 introduced only to afford an opportunity of giving geo- 
 graphical information to a people, who but a few years 
 before were so ignorant of the state of the world, that 
 many among them fancied Samos was as far from Delos 
 as the pillars of Hercules 6 . 
 
 But these digressions stand in need of no defence: all 
 patient readers will be grateful for the instruction which 
 the Historian thus finds the means of conveying ; and, far 
 from regarding them as superfluous ornaments, will deem 
 them an essential part of the History itself, which may be 
 compared to a vigorous tree, well set with branches, and 
 adorned with rich foliage ; an object truly more gratifying 
 to the eye than a dry trunk, with two or three leafless 
 stems. It is not, however, so easy to account for those of 
 the second class ; in which the writer has evidently strayed 
 out of his road, in search of an opportunity of introduction. 
 The study of history and of foreign countries having 
 engaged the mind of Herodotus in a constant and deep 
 consideration of human nature, he must necessarily have 
 framed a system of morality and religion, which he him- 
 self, no doubt, thought the best, and the principles of 
 which none can deny, but that it was not only his right, 
 but his duty, to record, and, when possible, to exemplify, 
 in the course of his work. This appears to be the only 
 reasonable grounds on which we can account for several 
 digressions that have no relation, either in point of time, 
 or in their other bearings, to the thread of the narrative. 
 The fate of Periander 7 of Corinth was too striking an 
 illustration of the chastisement of the wicked, even in this 
 world, for Herodotus not to wish to shew his readers, by 
 A detail of that tyrant's domestic misfortunes and miserable 
 
 Lib. vi. 86. 5 Lib. v. 49. 6 Lib. viii. 132. 7 Lib. iii. 50, &c, 
 
 VOL. I. d
 
 xviii DIGRESSIONS OF THE HISTORY. 
 
 end, that power and wealth united cannot make mart 
 happy, unless accompanied by virtue. But the reign of 
 Periander was many years anterior to the events which 
 constitute the subject of the third book, and is totally 
 unconnected with the object of the History. The art 
 with which this beautiful moral lesson is introduced is 
 therefore deserving of some consideration. The History 
 is engaged in the account of some Samians, who, in order 
 
 O O * 
 
 to assert their freedom, attract the arms of the Lacedae- 
 monians on their island, to which are united those of the 
 Corinthians 7 . This portion of the History is itself a di- 
 gression, which Herodotus takes the opportunity of intro- 
 ducing in this place, because some of the Samians had been 
 sent by their tyrant Polycrates to assist Cambyses, and 
 because the dates of the Persian expedition against Egypt, 
 and of that of the Lacedaemonians against Samos, were 
 coincident 8 . The interference of foreign nations in civil 
 wars may generally be attributed to one of two motives ; 
 either to an honest desire of ensuring the success of one 
 party, or to a crafty design of weakening the country itself 
 for some political reason, by entangling the quarrel, and 
 adding to the horrors of the struggle : it is not therefore 
 surprising, that two causes should have been alleged for the 
 alacrity with which the Lacedaemonians joined the repub- 
 lican party; the Samians asserting that it was out of grati- 
 tude for a former favour, while the Lacedaemonians them- 
 selves declared it was from a desire to be avenged on the 
 Samians, for some acts of piracy which they had committed 
 on their nation 9 . With regard to the Corinthians, Plutarch, 
 in his Treatise of the Malignity of Herodotus, the proto- 
 type of those compositions improperly termed criticisms, 
 with which modern literature is infested, takes for granted 
 that they acted from the pure and praiseworthy desire of 
 putting down tyranny : it is to be hoped, for the honour 
 of human nature, that such was really the case. Herc^ 
 
 7 Lib. iii. 48. 8 Lib. iii. 39, 44. f Lib. iii. 47.
 
 DIGRESSIONS OF THE HISTORY. xix 
 
 dotus, however, states, that the Corinthians meddled in the 
 civil war out of a desire of vengeance, and in order to 
 punish the Samians, for an insult received at their hands, 
 when some Corcyraean boys, being sent by Periander to 
 Asia for a most infamous purpose, in order thereby to 
 punish the Corcyraeans, who had. murdered his son, were 
 rescued by the Samians 1 . It is very true, that when we 
 consider the time elapsed between the rescue of the boys 
 and the Samian revolution, and likewise, when we consider 
 that the rescue, if an insult at all, was an insult not on the 
 Corinthian people, but on the Cypselidae their tyrants, a 
 family at this period recollected only with feelings of de- 
 testation by the descendants of their subjects 2 , this motive 
 does at first appear extremely improbable ; but the Histo- 
 rian, foreseeing, as it were, the objection, gives a very good 
 reason why the Corinthians should have considered the 
 service rendered by the Samians to the Corcyraeans as an 
 insult on their whole body; the Corinthians and Corcy- 
 raeans had in fact been at variance from the very foundation 
 of the island : vvv 8e ie, eirei TS SXTUTXV ryv vijcrov, eltri 8<pogoi 
 lovrej ecouTo7<n 3 : and surely this is not the only instance of 
 gross anomaly in conduct produced by national animosity. 
 Whether Herodotus is right in the motive which he attri- 
 butes to the merchants of the Isthmus, is however a ques- 
 tion of little importance, and perhaps somewhat foreign to 
 the object of these remarks : the mention of the tradition 
 which he adopts, whether true or false, makes room for an 
 account of Periander himself, and affords an opportunity 
 of attaching to the historical digression a moral episode : 
 the tyrant had murdered his wife, but neither power 
 nor wealth could shield him from the vengeance of Pro- 
 vidence, which smote him while yet alive; one of his 
 sons was an idiot ; the other, seeing in his father the 
 murderer of his mother, made use of the powerful quali- 
 fications with which nature had endowed his mind to 
 
 1 Lib. iii. 48. 2 Lib. v, 92, passim. 3 Lib. iii. 49.
 
 xx MORAL CHARACTER 
 
 torment an aged parent by obstinate disobedience; the 
 young man at last meets his death in Corcyra, and 
 Periander, at the edge of his grave, finds himself reft of 
 any useful posterity, and completely miserable. Such in- 
 deed is the art of the Historian, that he not unfrequently 
 takes advantage of some obscure tradition, or even some 
 most improbable report, to narrate events which may 
 illustrate his moral principles; and, as before has been 
 observed, it is upon this ground that the insertion of not a 
 few digressions must be accounted for. 
 
 This likewise leads us to the consideration of a subject 
 both important and interesting, namely, the moral and re- 
 ligious philosophy which pervades the History of Hero- 
 dotus. The principles of the system are submitted to the 
 reader at an early stage of the work, and represented as 
 proceeding from the lips of Solon 3 . 1. Power and wealth 
 are not sufficient to constitute happiness ; for the man in 
 possession of a moderate fortune is oftentimes happier than 
 the sovereign on his throne. 2. Every thing is subject to 
 the laws of destiny, which not even the gods can avert. 
 
 3. The divinity is jealous of the pride and vanity of men 4 , 
 and loves to abash those that raise themselves too high. 
 
 4. Consequently no man can be predicated to have been truly 
 happy until he has ended life in happiness. To which 
 may be added two other maxims, which are repeatedly 
 illustrated in the course of the History. 5. The divinity 
 visits great crimes with punishment in this world. 6. The 
 divinity is wont to interfere directly in human affairs. 
 Any remarks on these maxims would be inconsistent with 
 the scope of these observations ; it will suffice to prove 
 that such were the ideas of Herodotus, in order that in 
 reading the History the attention may be directed towards 
 their illustration. 
 
 3 Lib. i. 32. 4 The authorities concerning the tun Qforifn are i. 32. iii. 
 
 40. and vii. 46.
 
 OF HERODOTUS. xxi 
 
 The first maxim, that power and wealth are not suffi- 
 cient to constitute happiness, is strikingly displayed in the 
 account of Croesus himself, who, soon after the departure 
 of the Athenian sage, is plunged into the deepest domestic 
 misery ; his son, the only darling of his hope, is killed by 
 the hand of a person whom he had comforted in misery, 
 and cherished as it were in his bosom 5 . The same prin- 
 ciple is likewise remarkably illustrated in the seventh book. 
 The account of the wreck of the Persian fleet off the Sepiad 
 foreland leads the writer to mention an individual who 
 much enriched himself by the quantities of gold and silver 
 plate thrown up by the sea on his estate : men are wont to 
 listen with a sort of envious and eager curiosity to the 
 narratives of wealth thus obtained by chance ; those feel- 
 ings, however, are in this instance benumbed ; for the 
 Moralist carefully observes, that even this individual was 
 visited with sorrow, which embittered his days, Aira-gyVa 
 xoii ToO-rov 6 , to use his own expressive language. The same 
 maxim is illustrated in the history of Polycrates 7 , of Peri- 
 ander 8 , and indeed almost every high personage brought 
 to the reader's view. 
 
 Hardly less numerous are the illustrations of the second 
 maxim ; that every thing is subject to the laws of destiny ; 
 or, as he makes the Pythoness reply to the remonstrances of 
 Croesus, ryv TmrgcopsvYjV pdigotv aSvvara IOTI ebro<$yyee<v xat 0ea> 9 . 
 This principle sheds a considerable degree of dramatic 
 interest on several portions of the work, more particularly 
 perhaps on the misfortunes and death of Adrastus 1 , a 
 tragedy which, by the effects it produces on the finer 
 feelings of our nature, may be placed on a level with those 
 written by the best masters purposely for the stage. Nor 
 must we omit to observe the art with which the Historian 
 avails himself of this principle to rivet the attention of his 
 reader: Cambyses, wounded accidentally to death, finds 
 
 5 Lib. i. 43. 6 Lib. vii. 190. 7 Lib. iii. 120, 124. 8 Lib. iii. 50, &c. 
 9 Lib. i. 91. i Lib. i. 45.
 
 xxii MORAL CHARACTER 
 
 that he has mistaken the oracle, and that the Ecbatana, 
 which he understood of Media, alluded to an obscure town 
 in Syria of the same name, he exclaims, " Here is the fated 
 " spot for Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, to die 1 :" no person 
 can read this passage without having the same searching 
 feeling as is produced by a similar stroke of art in Shake- 
 speare's Macbeth. Xerxes, in the pride of youth and 
 power, has brought the myriads of Asia across the Helles- 
 pont : hardly has he set foot on the European shore, than 
 various tokens forebode his disasters 2 ; the Persian prince 
 passes them unheeded ; not so the reader, who is prepared 
 to contemplate during the whole account of the expedition 
 the imbecility of human power when acting contrary to 
 the decrees of fate : the same art, if art it may be called, is 
 displayed in the narrative of the death of Polycrates, the 
 dream of the daughter previous to the departure of her 
 father to meet the treacherous Oro3tes, the earnestness 
 with which she is represented foreboding her parent's cala- 
 mity, and the simplicity with which she prefers to abide 
 long unwedded, rather than to lose a dear father, excite an 
 awful interest in the reader 3 . 
 
 The third maxim, that the divinity is jealous of the 
 pride and vanity of man, and loves to abash those that 
 raise themselves too high, is too frequently laid down in 
 the course of the History for any one to doubt that such 
 was the idea of Herodotus. Solon produces it in his dis- 
 course, to humble the pride of Croesus 4 : Amasis, in his 
 letter to Polycrates, wherein he endeavours to set his 
 friend on his guard against too great a reliance in his 
 own good fortune 5 : and Artabanus, when taking advan- 
 tage of the young King's state of mind, he makes a last 
 effort to bring him to some feelings of humility 6 . To 
 illustrate this principle, the Historian, previous to recount- 
 ing the disastrous expedition of Cyrus against the Massa- 
 
 * Lib. iii. 64. 2 Lib. vii. 57. ' Lib. iii. 124. * Lib. i. 32. 
 
 j Lib. iii. 40. * Lib. vii. 46 50. aeSi TO. vuwu. *. r. X.
 
 OF HERODOTUS. xxiii 
 
 getae, his death, and the ignominious treatment of his body 
 by Tomyris, informs the reader that Cyrus thought him- 
 self, something more than a man, and that no nation could 
 resist his power 7 : thus the chastisement which he receives 
 corroborates the truth of the maxim placed in the mouth 
 of Solon. 
 
 The fourth maxim, that no man can be predicated to be 
 happy, until he has ended life in happiness, is a necessary 
 consequence of the preceding principles. Artabanus deve- 
 lopes it in his speech to Xerxes, just now alluded to, and 
 the History exemplifies it in passages too numerous to 
 specify. No where, however, is its truth enforced more 
 directly than when Crresus, fixed on the pyre, calls out, 
 Solon, Solon, Solon 6 ; in this part of the work, the sym- 
 pathy of the conqueror, the raging of the flames in spite 
 of all efforts to quench them, the miserable state of the 
 Lydian king, from which he is rescued only by a miracle, 
 constitute a living picture, admirably adapted to humble 
 the proud, and painted in such vivid colours, that when 
 once viewed, it remains for ever fixed in the memory. 
 
 Herodotus seldom permits any opportunity to slip of 
 impressing his reader with the belief that the divinity 
 visits great crimes with great punishment : it will be suffi- 
 cient to adduce one or two instances. After proving prac- 
 tically that the Trojans could not be in possession of 
 Helen, who had indeed been ravished by Paris, but was 
 in Egypt during the war, he accounts for the disbelief 
 shewn by the Greeks, to the assertions of the Tro- 
 jans : " the Greeks would not believe them, in my opi- 
 " nion, through the design of Providence, in order the 
 " whole nation being swept away might prove to mankind 
 " this, that for great crimes great is the vengeance at the 
 " hands of the gods," 5j TUIV /xsyaAcov aSjxrjjcwmov /xeyaAa* e!<rj 
 xai a Taajia waga TUIV Qeuiv 9 . Pheretime having glutted her 
 desire of blood and vengeance dies a most miserable death, 
 
 7 Lib. i. 204. Lib. i. 86. 9 Lib. ii. 120.
 
 xxiv MORAL CHARACTER 
 
 her body swarming, while yet alive, with maggots : Hero- 
 clotus observes, w$ ago. otv^QcaTronn oil Ajv !<rpig njuwgia* TT^OJ 
 Qiwv 7T/<p0ovoj ylvovrou 9 . The same principle leads the His- 
 torian, despite of the other reasons reported, to regard the 
 madness of Cleomenes as a punishment inflicted on him by 
 Providence, for having tampered with the prophetess of 
 Delphi, and procured the ruin of Demaratus 1 . 
 
 We now proceed to the sixth and last principle of this 
 moral philosophy, namely, that the divinity is wont to 
 interfere directly in human affairs. To the adoption of 
 this maxim, Herodotus was no doubt conducted by the 
 natural course of his studies; for the more we contemplate 
 the world, whether in active life, or the pages of history, 
 the more convinced we are of the futility of attempting to 
 account for every thing solely by human agency. This 
 principle, however, in a mind guided only by the light of 
 nature, may be reasonably supposed to superinduce some- 
 thing of superstition, and consequently credulity ; it would 
 be a folly to deny that Herodotus is entirely free from 
 those failings. He is of opinion, that tokens forebode the 
 approach of calamities to nations and cities, <pjAee< Se xcoj 
 wgo<rr;/xaiveiv eur' av jaeAAij j,eyaXa xaxa y vo\t YJ eftvs'i exrecrflaj 2 : 
 as the Grecian forces were marching up to the Persians, 
 on the strand at the foot of Mycale, a report pervaded the 
 army, that Pausanias had defeated Mardonius at Plataea 
 that same day, and a caduceus, or heraWs wand, was re- 
 lated to have been seen on the shore ; it would certainly have 
 been a good stroke of policy in the Grecian leaders to 
 animate their men by such a representation ; the Historian, 
 however, prefers attributing it to divine agency, charac- 
 teristically observing, 8>jX Sjj 7roXAo7<n TexpjgW lor* TO. QUct 
 ru>v Trgyjyju-aTwv 3 . Hence, likewise, the repugnance which 
 he exhibits in the second book, to enter into any discussion 
 on the Egyptian mysteries*. Let it not, however, be 
 
 9 Lib. iv. 205. 1 Lib. vi. 84. a Lib. vi. 27. 3 Lib. ix. 100. 
 
 Lib. ii. 3, 48, 171.
 
 OF HERODOTUS. xxv 
 
 supposed, that this superstition has induced him to suppress 
 any thing that might be used as an argument against his 
 own principles. A little previous to the account of the 
 battle of Salamis, he quotes a prediction of Bacis, the seer, 
 which had been remarkably fulfilled; the comment de- 
 serves attention, as it decidedly proves that Herodotus did 
 believe in the oracles which are so thickly scattered over 
 his pages : " when I consider these events, and reflect that 
 " Bacis has spoken so distinctly, I dare not myself say any 
 " thing in contradiction of oracles, nor do I approve it in 
 " others 5 ." Yet the Historian does not scruple in another 
 part of his work to unfold the avaricious views of the 
 Pythoness herself 6 , and to give it as his opinion, that those 
 who had corrupted her were the real authors of the deli- 
 verance of Athens from the tyranny of the Pisistratidse 7 . 
 But enough has been said on this subject to minister to 
 the depraved appetite of those persons who love to fix on 
 the failings of great men. The reader who recollects that 
 Herodotus was a pagan, and considers the immense diffi- 
 culty, or, more strictly speaking, the utter impossibility, of 
 the human mind, in that state of spiritual darkness, keep- 
 ing itself properly balanced between the extremes of uni- 
 versal scepticism, and disgusting superstition, will admire 
 the spirit of true devotion which pervades the whole work : 
 one striking instance among many may be brought for- 
 ward ; he has been considering the state of the Greek 
 nations at the time that tidings were brought of Xerxes's 
 intention to invade and subjugate the country, and shews 
 with great political skill, that Greece was indebted for her 
 freedom to the decisive measures adopted by the Athe- 
 nians; thence he concludes, that it was they who effectually 
 did repel the King, next, at least, he adds, fearing the 
 Grecian reader may be induced by the preceding political 
 and shrewd statement of the facts to forget that he was to 
 
 5 Lib. viiiv 77. 6 Lib. v. 63. compare likewise lib. vi. 66. 7 Lib. 
 
 vi. 123. 
 
 VOL. I. 6
 
 XXVI 
 
 thank the gods for the victories won by his forefathers, 
 next, at least, to the gods, uvroi oOroj y<rav ol /SacnXea (JI.STX. ys 
 Qeovs avaxrxpsvoi 8 . Providence did not ordain that this 
 virtuous man should have the privilege of acquiring the 
 principles of a pure and revealed religion ; but that same 
 Providence has permitted that his works should survive 
 the lapse of centuries, and the wreck of ancient literature ; 
 so that we, who, through the divine mercy, have the 
 straight road pointed out to us, are enabled to avoid the 
 errors into which the greatest men, when left to the light 
 of nature, have fallen, and haply may be brought to a 
 conviction of our unworthiness, when we contrast our own 
 feelings of devotion with those even of an ethnic philoso- 
 pher, whose soul was cramped under the trammels of un- 
 avoidable superstition. 
 
 But as the religion of Herodotus may be attacked, at 
 the present period, without any danger to the worldly in- 
 terests of the critic, there are many passages of the History 
 produced as proofs of superstition and credulity, which 
 might more fairly be regarded as arguments of a very 
 praiseworthy feeling of religion and morality. Artabazus, 
 in his attack on the Potidaeatae, loses a good portion 
 of his troops by a wonderful ebb and flow of the sea 
 in the Thermaic gulf; the Historian assents to the belief 
 of the natives, that this was a miracle wrought by Nep- 
 tune, in order to punish the barbarians for having vio- 
 lated his temple and sacred image 9 . The battle of 
 Plataea was fought near a grove sacred to Ceres : Hero- 
 dotus states it to be an extraordinary fact, that none of the 
 barbarians fell within the precinct, but that all the bodies 
 were found on profane ground ; he gives it as his opinion, 
 that this likewise was a punishment at the hands of the 
 goddess, because the Persians had violated her fane at 
 Eleusis 1 . The commentators do not fail to direct the 
 reader's attention to the superstition of the writer: it 
 
 8 Lib. vii. 139. 9 Lib. viii. 129. 1 Lib. ix. 65.
 
 OF HERODOTUS. xxvii 
 
 would certainly be more honest to refer to that noble 
 portion of the work, where Herodotus explains the moral 
 view that he takes of sacred matters: Cambyses, in his 
 invasion of Egypt, had insulted and derided the temples, 
 the gods, and the rites of the inhabitants ; Herodotus con- 
 cludes, that he must have been completely reft of his 
 senses, ov yoig av lgol<ri TS xai vopotioKri sTrs^sig^s xaraysAav 2 , 
 a principle which, as a practical philosopher, he proves by 
 an interesting and instructive anecdote. Eloquent and 
 poetical as the opponents of superstition may be in their 
 descriptions of the evils which it produces on the human 
 mind, and the subject is one that affords an easy oppor- 
 tunity of displaying the ornaments of oratory, and working 
 on the passions of men, still they will unquestionably allow, 
 that sacrilege, under whatever form, and among whatever 
 people it may occur, is a very wicked crime, so wicked 
 indeed, that one is tempted to regard it, like suicide, as 
 one too horrible to enter the mind of any but a madman; 
 and certainly that historian should not be jeered as super- 
 stitious himself, who takes every opportunity of exciting 
 public detestation against such impious deeds : if mistaken 
 in the religious view of the subject, he is, as a pagan, 
 entitled to the compassion of the wise; but the solidity of 
 the moral principle cannot fail to claim their admiration, 
 however it may be railed at by the foolish and inexperi- 
 enced. Those, on the other hand, who accuse Herodotus 
 of too much credulity, and of attaching implicit faith to 
 the traditions he collected in the various countries he vi- 
 sited, are bound in justice to produce classical instances of 
 his believing in the reports he indites. The most instructive 
 mode of conveying an idea of the state and history of any 
 nation, particularly at the time when the Muses were 
 written, was to give fairly the various legends, traditions, 
 and reports credited by the inhabitants, and to leave 
 the reader to judge for himself; this task Herodotus 
 
 - Lib. iii. 38.
 
 xxviii RELIGIOUS CHARACTER 
 
 undertook and performed 3 , quoting invariably with the 
 utmost scrupulousness his authorities 4 ; it sometimes indeed 
 happens, that he does give his own opinion, in words which 
 imply much modesty and diffidence 5 , but in none of those 
 cases can he be accused of credulity; on the contrary, 
 those parts of the work are, perhaps, without one exception, 
 so many proofs of his good sense, and sound judgment. 
 One of the practical advantages resulting from this manner 
 of handling the subjects is, that the reader certainly obtains 
 from a perusal of Herodotus a far more complete knowledge 
 of the state of civilization among distant nations, than he 
 would have from reading any philosophical treatise on their 
 character that could have been penned. We must therefore 
 beware, particularly when we consider the object and plan of 
 the whole work, and the success attending its execution, of 
 accusing the Historian too lightly of credulity ; for surely 
 it would be not only absurd but highly dishonest to stigma- 
 tize a modern traveller as sharing in the base and barbarous 
 superstition of the South of Europe, because he affirms, that 
 at Naples the common people bring forward many instances 
 of the progress of volcanic torrents, and the horrors of a 
 protracted drought, being checked by the exposition of 
 St. Januarius's blood. Nor would the indignation of the 
 accused be much diminished were he told, that he ought 
 to have strung together some common places about super- 
 stition, in order to shew that he did not approve of 
 Catholic bigotry. But perhaps more has been said on this 
 subject than is strictly necessary, particularly when we 
 consider the many proofs of sound judgment and critical 
 discrimination which a person well acquainted with the 
 
 3 Proof: <rt~ft ftfti itn UK' tCtywxrluv ),tyt>f&itifi %gtifffa> eny <ru toiavfo, triff&tti 
 orrf luoi Se xttooi, train*, rov ).e-yov ufoxurcii, on to, Xiy^iva LTTIS ixowru'i dxey 
 yedtfa. Lib. ii. 123. 
 
 4 Among many other instances, see lib. ii. 32. i. 191. iv. 195. ix. 16. iii. 55. 
 more particularly iv. 32. Perhaps also vi. 117. concerning which last passage 
 the reader may consult Mitford's History of Greece. 
 
 5 i>{ Ipot yi loniav, lib. vi. 95. and in other passages too numerous to quote.
 
 OF HERODOTUS. xxix 
 
 works of Herodotus may bring forward from the text of 
 his History. He expresses his disbelief of the god's 
 nightly visits to the Babylonian temple 6 : he endeavours 
 to explain physically the curious tradition of the Dodo- 
 nseans 7 ; and over and over again, after the relation of 
 some wonder-working report, we meet with the phrase, 
 spis fAsv vuv Totvrot AeyovTgj ou irs/doucn, or something similar 8 . 
 
 Up to this point of these observations the object has 
 been to give some idea of the art and character of Hero- 
 dotus, considered as a man and a philosopher ; it now 
 remains to investigate his qualifications in a cognate though 
 more confined view as an historian ; in Avhich therefore it 
 will be necessary to enquire, whether in his accounts of so 
 many and different nations, and in the commemoration of 
 events extending over such a long range of time, he has 
 exhibited due industry and judgment of research; strict 
 veracity in inditing the result of his enquiries ; and lastly, 
 whether he has adopted such a mode of conveying his 
 information, as may please, interest, and allure his readers. 
 For without much industry and patience, corroborated by 
 a sound judgment, it is impossible that man should ever 
 arrive at historical truth ; without truth history is but a 
 novel ; and again, unless truth is decked with the orna- 
 ments of a pleasing diction, mankind too frequently turn 
 aside from it with indifference. 
 
 Of Herodotus's industry, the History in its whole and in 
 each of its parts bears the most irrefragable proof: he 
 travelled over almost all the countries which it was neces- 
 sary he should mention, examining with scrupulous atten- 
 tion, as we have before observed, their geographical situ- 
 ations, their productions in all the kingdoms of nature, the 
 manners and religion of the inhabitants ; he consulted their 
 monuments, and inscriptions, and historical chronicles ; and 
 carefully collected their traditions. He measured himself 
 
 6 Lib. i. 182. 7 Lib. ii. 57. 8 Lib. iv. 105. ii. 121, 5, &c.
 
 xxx INDUSTRY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 the Propontis and Euxine Sea 9 ; examined carefully the 
 ancient monuments of Egypt, in order to be able to de- 
 scribe them as an eye-witness 1 ; and when he had not the 
 opportunity of personal observation, he consulted the best 
 informed natives of the countries he visited. Cautious of 
 adopting traditions without sufficient authority, he spared 
 no pains to obtain all possible evidence to warrant a correct 
 inference ; thus he travelled, he tells us, from Memphis to 
 Heliopolis, and from Heliopolis to Thebes, expressly to 
 ascertain whether the priests of the last two places would 
 agree with those of Memphis : ISeAwv siSevaj si <7U|u./3^crovTaj 
 roTcn Aoyon roitn Iv Me'/x^i 2 . The second book affords like- 
 wise another remarkable instance of his anxiety to come at 
 the truth, and of the patience which he exposed to all the 
 obstacles that stood in his way. He had heard from the 
 priests of Egypt an account of the antiquity of the worship 
 of Hercules, which was calculated to startle a Greek ; 
 desirous of arriving at the truth in a point so important as 
 connected with the religion of his country, he proceeded to 
 Tyre, and from thence to the island of Thasos, two places 
 celebrated for the antiquity of their temples of Hercules ; 
 finding that the traditions of the Egyptian, Tyrian, and 
 Thasian priests pretty nearly agreed, he concluded, with 
 good reason, that those Greeks acted more consonantly to 
 probability who possessed two temples of Hercules, one of 
 the hero, and the other of the god 3 . Another equally 
 convincing proof of the care and industry with which 
 Herodotus pursued his historical researches, may be de- 
 duced from the evident attention with which he examined 
 almost all the celebrated temples existing in his day ; most 
 of which he describes as an eye-witness 4 . For in those 
 ancient times almost all remarkable events were transmitted 
 to posterity by means of inscriptions engraved on durable 
 monuments, and tripods dedicated in the temples. As an 
 
 9 Lib. iv. 86. l Lib. ii. 148, et passim. 2 Lib. ii. 3. 3 Lib. ii. 44. 
 4 See lib. i. 51. viii. 33, &c.
 
 VERACITY OF HERODOTUS. xxxi 
 
 example of the judgment with which those researches were 
 conducted, it will suffice to refer to that part of the 
 History where Herodotus discusses the probability of the 
 use of writing having been introduced in Greece by the 
 Phoenicians 5 . 
 
 It can hardly be doubted, that one who took such pains 
 to ascertain the truth, would be equally scrupulous in 
 offering nothing but the truth to his reader ; and indeed, 
 strange as it may sound to those who have been in the 
 habit of hearing Herodotus stigmatized as a liar, by per- 
 sons who ought to know better, there probably is no 
 author, whether ancient or modern, (the inspired writers 
 excepted,) who deserve to be placed before him in the 
 scale of truth and accuracy. Not, however, that it is to 
 be supposed, that every thing contained in the nine books 
 is strictly true, or even was thought to be so by the author 
 himself: " It is my duty," he says in one place, " to report 
 " what is reported ; not, however, that I am, therefore, 
 " obliged to give credit to all ; and this observation I 
 " would have to be applied throughout the whole His- 
 " tory :" lyco $s o$s/Aw Aeyeiy rot. Aeyo'jasva, 7reiQe<rQoti ys jw-ev 
 u>v oy 7ra.vrai7ra.a- 1 d^s/Aw xai fto TOVTO TO snog S^STOO e$ Travra TOV 
 Aoyov 6 . It is, therefore, in all fairness necessary, that be- 
 fore we accuse Herodotus of a wish to deceive in any par- 
 ticular passage of his History, we should first ascertain 
 whether he is speaking on his own authority, or on that of 
 others; for this the original text must be referred to, 
 because the modern languages not admitting of that syn- 
 tactical flexibility by which a long narration may be go- 
 verned by one verb at the beginning, it must often happen 
 that the translator is obliged to represent Herodotus as 
 speaking in his own name, while he really is only relating 
 what he has heard from others ; for instance, in the long 
 tale about Rhampsinitus, king of Egypt, and the sons of 
 the architect, a person who would only consult a modern 
 
 5 Lib. v. 5761. f> Lib. vii. 152. Compare lib. ii. 123.
 
 xxxii VERACITY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 translation might naturally be led to believe that the whole 
 is stated by Herodotus on his own authority ; whereas in 
 the Greek the structure of every sentence recalls to the 
 reader's attention that the writer is only repeating what he 
 had heard from the Egyptian priests ; or, to use the gram- 
 matical terms, that each infinitive is governed by sAsyov at 
 the head of the chapter 7 . 
 
 The interior evidence, therefore, of the veracity of the 
 History of Herodotus consists in the visible care with 
 which he always quotes his authorities 8 ; his attention to 
 mark his own opinion, whenever he thinks proper to offer 
 it 9 ; and his upright and frank avowal of being unable to 
 give any certain information to his reader, when his re- 
 searches have not enabled him to obtain any that he could 
 rely upon 10 . This evidence is so convincing, that it is by no 
 means to the honour of the ancients that so many among 
 them should have treated the Historian as a fabulist; 
 that the pretended learned, however, among the moderns 
 should cherish a similar opinion, can only be accounted for 
 on the supposition that their ignorance equals their pre- 
 sumption. D'Anville and Rennell among geographers ; 
 Shaw, Parke, Browne, Belzoni, among travellers ; Cuvier 
 among naturalists; all bear their powerful testimony to 
 the astonishing accuracy of the Father of History. It is 
 now too late to laugh at Herodotus, when he asserts that 
 Africa is a peninsula 11 , or when he states that the Niger 
 was reported to flow from the west 1 . His descriptions of 
 the crocodile 2 , the hippopotamus 3 , the method of embalming 
 bodies 4 , are all found to be perfectly exact by modern na- 
 turalists : it is even now said, that the ants mentioned in 
 the third book 5 as throwing up the gold sand have been 
 recognized lately in the animal called the corsac 6 , a sort of 
 
 7 Lib. ii. 121. 8 See note 4, p. xxviii. 9 See note 5, p. xxviii. 
 
 10 VK i# Tgxi; W, i. 57, 160. ii. 103. viii. 8, &c. " Lib. iv. 42. 
 
 iLib. ii. 32. 2 Lib. ii. 68, seq. 3 Lib. ii. 71. 4 Lib. ii. 86. 
 
 5 Lib. iii. 102. < Miot, Traduction d'HSrodote, p. xxiv.
 
 VERACITY OF HERODOTUS. xxxiii 
 
 dog or fox ; so true is the remark made by the illustrious 
 Boerhave, in shewing the possibility of the account of the 
 fountain in the country of the Macrobian Ethiopians 7 
 being true : " hodiernae observationes probant fere omnia 
 " MAGNI VIRI dicta 8 ." Those, therefore, who join in the 
 trite and old cry of falsehood against Herodotus, in this 
 day, give np slight evidence of their own vanity and pre- 
 sumption ; in ancient times indeed, when the world was 
 little known, men might be excused if they brought the 
 accusation against an author, who was not only a great 
 traveller, but likewise too honest to follow the poet's 
 precept : 
 
 Ou T0^ ctira.<ra. xsgftiuiv 
 QotivoHra. Trpo'crwTrov aXde' otrgsxyg. 
 Kai TO (Tiyv TroAAaxij !<TTI <ro<pco- 
 rstrov avQgaiircov vovjcrai 9 . 
 
 But in examining how far an historian is entitled to 
 the confidence of his readers, there are two questions to 
 which the attention must be particularly directed; namely, 
 1. whether he is blindly partial to any particular country? 
 3. whether he is inclined to favour any particular system 
 of political government ? Patriotic and political prejudices, 
 however necessary to tighten the bonds of human society, 
 ought to be carefully excluded from history, the main 
 object of which is to unfold the nature of man, as acted 
 upon by different religions, climates, and governments. 
 When, however, the writer of history starts with the de- 
 sign of shewing the superiority of any particular society of 
 men, or of any particular form of government, it generally 
 happens, that the love of system gives a tincture to state- 
 ments, even accurate in themselves, which hinders the 
 
 1 Lib. iii. 23, 8 Boerhave, Elementa Chymiae, quoted by Wesseliag. 
 
 Find. Nem. Carm. v. 30 sqq. Herodotus was aware of the prudence of 
 the maxim : tx, %\ xiyx^tv *< WKft,u attv ti SsvSaov ft.iya.ttt ymrcu, H-enaW- 
 (ttvtl, fs-iYipw u KtWifiMf iv tiiii} on ratfft fin axiypwuffi is Tt)v Baj3fXoiy/v 
 *, KOI fit iifHfi'wt KUfrvi l%iftft* I; KfifTw <xaK>,w a.r~iK.raii, Lib. i. 193. 
 VOL. I. f
 
 xxxiv VERACITY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 reader from detecting the truth. It is another merit of 
 Herodotus, that his work is free from such defects : he 
 praises and censures by turns all the nations he has to 
 mention, and leaves the reader to frame his own judgment 
 respecting their comparative ranks in the scale of moral 
 and political discipline. He has been accused of harbour- 
 ing a grudge against the Corinthians : that people of mer- 
 chants was not probably an object of great interest to a 
 man of elegant acquirements and refined taste ; and, from 
 the eagerness with which Herodotus seems to seize every 
 opportunity of producing such facts as may deteriorate the 
 respect for their national character, one might also be 
 tempted to suppose that the charge brought against him 
 was not entirely unfounded. But even the parts of the 
 History connected with this people afford ample evidence 
 of his honest and upright mode of dealing : the Corinthians 
 are represented as playing by far the most honourable and 
 decisive part in the conference of the Lacedaemonian con- 
 federates, respecting the expediency of replacing the Pisi- 
 stratidae in the tyranny of Athens : " If you persist," says 
 the Corinthian representative to the hankerers after uni- 
 versal power, " if you persist in endeavouring to replace 
 " Hippias on his throne, know that the Corinthians will 
 " not second you :"" t<rre wjuJv Kogjyfl/ouj ys ou <ruvouvsovrots l . 
 Again, after pourtraying in vivid colours, perhaps indeed 
 too vivid, the dastardly conduct of Adimantus the Corin- 
 thian admiral, at the battle of Salamis, he takes care to 
 state, that he speaks from the authority of the Athenians, 
 whose report was contradicted by the universal testimony 
 of Greece*. 
 
 But perhaps, after all, the greatest proof that can be 
 adduced of the veracity and impartiality of Herodotus is 
 the recitation of his History at the Olympic games, This 
 event seems iff be too well authenticated to admit of any 
 doubt ; its probability is likewise not a little increased by 
 
 i Lib. v. 92." * Lib. via. 94. See likewise ix. 102.
 
 VERACITY OF HERODOTUS. xxxv 
 
 the evident marks which the History itself bears of having 
 been composed for the purpose of recitation : hence those 
 pleonastic sentences so often occurring at the termination 
 of the different branches of the narrative ; such as Too-aura 
 p.ev Qva>fjia.Twv Trsgi ei^<r0co 3 , and many others too frequent to 
 enumerate : they are in Herodotus much more numerous 
 than might even be expected in an author that wrote 
 before paragraphic divisions came into vogue, and can only 
 be accounted for under the supposition, that they were 
 intended to direct the attention of the hearer to those 
 parts where the narrative changes its subject. Now at the 
 time that Herodotus read his History at the Olympic 
 games, it was only one hundred years since Cyrus had de- 
 stroyed the empire of the Medes ; not more than ninety- 
 seven since he had conquered Crcesus ; not more than 
 seventy since Cyrus himself had died ; and about thirty- 
 six years since Xerxes commenced his expedition against 
 Greece. It may therefore be assumed, that among the 
 persons composing the audience of the Historian, there 
 must have been some individuals who had actually shared 
 in the war, and many who were acquainted, by immediate 
 tradition, with all the events of that glorious struggle : 
 unless then Herodotus had stated the truth, particularly 
 in every thing respecting the Greek nations, there can be 
 no doubt that some person would have been found to have 
 contradicted the eloquent but false narrator: had that 
 been the case, some of the detractors, whom the well-earned 
 fame of Herodotus excited against him in subsequent times, 
 would not have failed to make proper use of a circumstance 
 so favourable to their own designs: but Plutarch, the most 
 bitter of the critics of Herodotus, who even grasps at the op- 
 portunity afforded by the use of equivocal terms* to ground 
 his accusations against Herodotus of malignity, and whose 
 disgraceful tract subsists to this day, mentions no such 
 
 3 Lib. iii. 1 12. < See Wesseling's note on lib. ix. 63, 3. vol. iv. p. 1090. 
 
 Gaisford's edition.
 
 xxxvi POLITICAL PRINCIPLES 
 
 circumstance : it is therefore highly probable that no such 
 contradictor was found. The whole of Greece assembled 
 must consequently have been convinced of the veracity of 
 the History ; and surely modern readers cannot require a 
 safer warrant of its authenticity, so far at least as the 
 Grecian history is in any respect concerned. 
 
 As to the political principles of Herodotus, he has ex- 
 plained them too clearly for the most careless reader to be 
 in doubt what they really were : he was a republican : this 
 is proved, not only by the events of his life, but likewise 
 by his own words : SijAoT $e ow V.XT ev povvov, aAAa wavra^Jj, 
 T) Jcnjyog/Tj cog ecm "/J^\IM cTrouSaTov 5 . The truth of which ob- 
 servation he illustrates by the rapid rise of the Athenian 
 commonwealth after the expulsion of the tyrants. We 
 must beware, however, of attributing an improper and 
 too extensive sense to the word isagoria ; it certainly 
 means in Herodotus nothing more than the even-handed 
 award of justice according to law, and the equal right, pos- 
 sessed by all citizens, of raising themselves to rank in the 
 state, by the proper cultivation of the talents with which 
 Providence may have blessed them. This liberty was 
 incompatible with the existence of the rugavvoj, who was 
 obliged to ensure the possession of an usurped throne by 
 the partiality of favour shewn to his own creatures ; it 
 might, however, be coexistent with the /3a<rXsyj, as at 
 Sparta for instance, where, although there were two kings 6 , 
 the law was the sole master, both over the kings and the 
 subjects 7 . The Historian even appears anxious in different 
 places to impress on the Grecian readers a fact which they 
 seem to have been unwilling to believe ; namely, that the 
 Persian nation were not without the true feelings of li- 
 berty. In the third book, the seven grandees, having put 
 the magi to death, hold counsel on what form of govern- 
 ment it will be expedient to adopt, now that the direct 
 line from Cyrus is extinct: the respective speakers shew 
 
 5 Lib. v. 78V '' LiU. vi. 62. 7 Lib. vii. 104.
 
 OF HERODOTUS. xxxvii 
 
 the advantages of a democracy, of an aristocracy, of a 
 monarchy ; the proposal of retaining the monarchical form 
 of government at last prevails. It would be the height of 
 folly to suppose that the very words written by the His- 
 torian were really spoken by the orators : the intention of 
 Herodotus was, no doubt, to shew the Greeks, that people 
 who have as good ideas of the advantages of liberty as 
 those on which the best republicans are wont to pride 
 themselves, may elect, owing to various circumstances, to 
 subject themselves to a monarchy : indeed, have we not 
 seen the reasoning of Darius exemplified in its minutest 
 details by the revolution of France ? This fact, however, 
 some of the Grecians were unwilling to allow : hence the 
 strong expression of the Historian ; xeu eAe%3>](rav Aoyo* 
 cn<7TO* /w,sv IV/OKTI 'EAAJjvwv, s\e^Yj<rot.v 8* <uv s . Mardonius, 
 the Persian satrap, gives a democratical constitution to the 
 Ionian states, an extraordinary circumstance in the eyes of 
 the Greek republicans, which Herodotus takes care 9 to 
 produce as a corroboration of the probability of the senti- 
 ments placed in the mouths of the conspirators against the 
 magi. Although a republican, therefore, by principle, 
 Herodotus was willing to allow that every nation knew 
 best what government was fitting for itself; " for, 11 says he 
 in one place, " were one to offer all nations to make their 
 " choice of the best laws out of all codes, they would each, 
 " after mature reflection, select their own ; so convinced 
 " is every nation that its own institutions are much the 
 '* best 1 . 11 It must not be inferred, however, that Hero- 
 dotus approved that pliable maxim, which travellers have 
 not unfrequently made the excuse for disgraceful conduct, 
 namely, to fit one's behaviour to the customs of the country 
 one may happen to be residing m for a time ; or, according 
 to the foolish proverb, " to do at Rome as Rome does. 1 * 
 Herodotus mentions the courageous manner in which the 
 Spartans sent to Xerxes, as a satisfaction for the heralds 
 
 8 Lib. iii. 85. 9 Lib. vi. 43. 1 Lib. iii. 38.
 
 xxxviii STYLE OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 who had been murdered, upheld the dignity of their na- 
 tional usages 2 , with as much high-minded pride as an 
 Englishman could relate the very same conduct exem- 
 plified in the ambassador of his own nation to the court of 
 China. 
 
 It can scarcely be necessary to say any thing on the 
 beauties of the diction of Herodotus, as on this subject 
 both the ancients and moderns are all agreed. Dionysius 
 of Halicarnassus, a good judge on these points, assigns to 
 Herodotus the same rank and class in style among historians, 
 as to Homer among the epic poets, to Sophocles among the 
 tragedians, and to Demosthenes among the orators. He- 
 rodotus wrote for the people ; his object therefore was to 
 instruct ; hence simplicity and clearness are the main and 
 distinctive features of his style : if he has to describe any 
 place, he takes, as it were, the reader by the hand, and 
 leads him over it : in his descriptions of the actions of 
 men, he selects precisely the language befitting their sta- 
 tion, their age, and their rank : and in the art of making 
 his personages display character in their discourses, he has 
 been excelled by none but Shakespeare, although perhaps 
 equalled in the modern day by the author of the Scotch 
 novels. In short, in his language as well as in every 
 thing else Herodotus gives manifest proof that his know- 
 ledge was acquired by actual and direct intercourse with 
 mankind, and not with books. It was this practical know- 
 ledge that enabled him to discover and believe that the 
 Phoenicians had circumnavigated Africa, and that the Cas- 
 pian was a sea of itself; two important truths, which 
 Strabo, a most respectable and learned writer of later 
 times, could not be brought to admit. To this practical 
 knowledge he was likewise indebted for the easy freedom 
 and sweet simplicity of his style, which, compared with 
 the studied elegancies of some writers, are as much supe- 
 rior, as the healthy breeze of the open field is to the per- 
 fumed air of a confined apartment. 
 
 " Lib. vii.
 
 CONCLUSION. xxxix 
 
 IN this Translation of the Works of Herodotus, the 
 object has been to give a correct version of the original, 
 in as simple and clear language as possible, simplicity 
 and clearness being regarded as the most striking cha- 
 racteristics of - style in the original : the Notes have 
 been composed in the two-fold view, of illustrating the 
 meaning of the Historian, and of explaining the gram- 
 matical construction of his language. The comments of 
 the latter class have been written principally with the view 
 of directing the attention of the student in Greek to the 
 peculiarities of structure in the text ; lest, prompted by 
 indolence, he should imagine, that a perusal of a trans- 
 lation may answer the purpose of a careful study of the 
 author himself. The reader is requested to treat with 
 some indulgence the translation of the first book, as dif- 
 ferent circumstances, which it would be uninteresting to 
 enumerate, hindered the translator from giving full scope 
 to his plans until the commencement of EUTERPE. 
 
 It is necessary also that the translator, to deal fairly 
 with the public, should state, that he is not a member of 
 the University, in which his work is published. 
 
 P. E. L. 
 
 Summer Town, near Oxford, 1827.
 
 SUMMARY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 NINE BOOKS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 BOOK I. CLIO. 
 
 HERODOTUS, intending to develope the causes of the hos- 
 tility between the Greeks and the barbarians, in the first place 
 records the mutual rapes of women committed by the two 
 parties : that of lo, 1 ; that of Europa and Medea, 2 ; that of 
 Hellen, 3: in doing which, he states the accounts given both 
 by the Persians and the Phoenicians. Then, as Croesus, king 
 of the Lydians, was the first to attack the Greeks with 
 arms, 5, he enters on the Lydian history, 6. The first kings 
 of the Lydians, then, sprang from Atys, the second dynasty 
 from Hercules, 7, the last of whom, Candaules, having been 
 killed by Gyges, 8 12, the kingdom is transferred to the 
 Mermnadce. Then follows the history of Gyges, 13, 14; that 
 of Ardys, 15, under whose reign the Cimmerians made an 
 irruption in Asia, and took Sardis, 15; that of Sadyattes, 16; 
 that of Alyattes, 18, 25, who expelled the Cimmerians from 
 Asia. Digressions are interposed relating to Thrasybulus, 
 the tyrant of Miletus, and Periander, the tyrant of Corinth, 
 cotemporary with whom was Arion, saved by a dolphin, 
 20 24. Alyattes in succeeded by his son Crcesus, 26, who 
 subjugates the Asiatic Greeks, and extends his power over 
 the whole of Asia, as far as the Halys, 26 28. Croesus is 
 admonished unsuccessfully by Solon of Athens, to hold no 
 one happy, until he have ended life in happiness, 29 33. 
 VOL. i. s
 
 xlii SUMMARY. 
 
 Croesus is visited with great calamity ; his son Atys is killed 
 unwittingly in the chase by Adrastus, a Phrygian refugee, 
 34 45. The Medes having been conquered by Cyrus, Croesus, 
 alarmed at the growing power of the Persians, first sends 
 round to make trial of the oracles of the Greeks, 46 52, and 
 then consults about levying war against Cyrus ; an ambiguous 
 answer is returned, which Croesus interprets as favourable to 
 himself, and therefore undertakes the expedition, first sending 
 to court the alliance of the Greeks, the chief nations of whom 
 at that time were the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, the 
 former sprung from the Pelasgi, the latter from the Hellens, 
 56, seq. The empire of the Athenians was then held by 
 Pisistratus, 59 64; the Lacedaemonians had received excel- 
 lent laws from Lycurgus, 65, and conquered the Tegeans, 
 66, seq. The Lacedaemonians frame an alliance with Croesus, 
 69. Croesus crosses the Halys, and engages Cyrus with 
 dubious success in the Pierian plain, 75, seq. Returning 
 to Sardis, he sends for assistance from the Egyptians, Baby- 
 lonians, and Lacedaemonians, 77. Cyrus meanwhile follows 
 rapidly on the heels of Croesus ; conquers the Lydian army 
 before the town; besieges Sardis, which he takes, together 
 with Croesus himself, 7985. The country and manners of 
 the Lydians are briefly described, 93, seq. The History then 
 passes to Cyrus, 95. The empire of Asia had been five 
 hundred and twenty years in the hands of the Assyrians; the 
 Medes were the first to assert their freedom ; their example 
 was followed by other nations. The Medes, after eleven 
 years of anarchy, choose Deioces for their king, 95101. 
 He is succeeded by Phraortes, 102 ; Phraortes is succeeded 
 by Cyaxares, who expels the Scythians, who had taken pos- 
 session of Asia; and subjects the Assyrians, 103 106. As- 
 tyagcs, the son of Cyaxares, admonished by a dream, gives 
 his daughter Mandane in marriage to a Persian, Cambyses ; 
 he delivers the child born of that marriage to Harpagus, with 
 orders to put it to death; Harpagus gives the child to a 
 herdsman, with orders to expose it; but the herdsman, pre- 
 vailed upon by his own wife, educates the child as his own. 
 Cyrus, thus preserved, having reached his tenth year, is 
 recognized by his grandfather Astyages, and sent safe into
 
 SUMMARY. xliii 
 
 Persia; Harpagus however is punished in a most cruel 
 manner, 107 121. Harpagus, desirous of being avenged of 
 the injury he has received at the hands of Astyages, prompts 
 Cyrus to rise up against his grandfather: Cyrus excites the 
 Persians to rebellion, 122 126. The Medes are routed in 
 two battles, and Astyages himself is taken prisoner, 127 130. 
 The manners of the Persians are described, 131 140. After 
 conquering Croesus, Cyrus directs his arms against the Asiatic 
 Greeks ; but before the Historian describes the war, he gives 
 an account of the situation of Ionia, the origin, institutions, 
 and manners of its inhabitants, 142 148; the same with 
 respect to JEolis, 149. Cyrus, having once more subdued 
 the Lydians, who had rebelled, 154 160, sends Harpagus 
 against the lonians, among whom the Phocaeans and Teians 
 forsake their towns, and establish themselves elsewhere : the 
 rest submit, 162 170. Caria and Lycia are next subdued, 
 171 176. In the meantime Cyrus in person subdues upper 
 Asia: description of Babylon, and history of Semiramis and 
 Nitocris, 177 187- Cyrus conquers the Babylonians in 
 battle ; drives them within the city, which he besieges, and 
 captures by stratagem, 188 191. In this place the territory 
 of the Babylonians, their institutions, laws, manners, diet, 
 &c. are described, 192 200. At last Cyrus, carrying war 
 "against the Massagetse, crosses the Araxes, and is slain by 
 queen Tomyris, 201 to the end. 
 
 BOOK II. EUTERPE*. 
 
 CAMBYSES, having succeeded his father Cyrus on the throne, 
 undertakes in the fifth year an expedition against the Egyp- 
 
 a The Egyptian history, which Herodotus gives from the accounts of the 
 priests, is in great part, if not wholly, fabulous ; many of the events which they 
 mention being proved by chronologists to bear dates previous to the deluge. 
 No Christian, therefore, in his senses, will think of wasting his time in so 
 absurd a manner, as in studying the foolish representations of those priests. 
 EUTERPE is nevertheless valuable by the accounts it contains of the monu- 
 ments, manners, and customs of the inhabitants; the veracity of which cannot 
 be called into doubt : but as those portions do not come within the scope of an 
 historical summary, while on the other hand it would be highly impertinent to 
 epitomize a fabulous chronology, the reader must excuse the brevity of the 
 summary of this book. Trandat.
 
 x li v SUMMARY. 
 
 tians; but before the Historian relates that expedition, he 
 describes the country of the Egyptians, and the nature of the 
 Nile, 2 36, the manners, rites, and mode of living of the 
 people, 3798. The series of their kings is given, 99150. 
 The affairs of Egypt become better known after strangers are 
 admitted into the country by Psammetichus, 151, seq. He is 
 succeeded by Necos, 158, who is succeeded by Psammis, 160, 
 who is succeeded by Apries, 161. Apries is deprived of the 
 crown by Amasis, 162, (here the seven castes of the Egyp- 
 tians are described, 164, seq.) 172 to the end. 
 
 BOOK III. THALIA. 
 
 THE causes of the war between Cambyses and the Egyp- 
 tians, 19. King Psammenitus, son of Amasis, is conquered 
 near Pelusium, 10, seq. After the surrender of Memphis, the 
 Africans, Cyrenaeans, and Barcaeans surrender of their own 
 accord, 13. Psammenitus is at first treated liberally, but 
 soon after, being caught intriguing, is put to death, 14, 15. 
 Having subjugated Egypt, Cambyses resolves to carry war 
 against the Carthaginians, Ammonians, and Ethiopians ; but 
 the Phoenicians refuse to carry war against the Carthaginians, 
 their fellow citizens ; the expedition therefore is dropped, 19 : 
 spies are sent from the Ichthyophagi to the Ethiopians, 20 ; 
 they bring back a threatening answer from the king. The 
 army marching against the Ethiopians is compelled to return 
 by famine, 25. Those sent against the Ammonians are 
 swallowed up under mountains of sand, 26. Cambyses is wroth 
 against the rites and the priests of the Egyptians, fancying 
 that the Egyptians rejoice on account of his failure, 27, seq. 
 He refrains not even from his own subjects, but puts to death 
 his brother Smerdis, his sister, who was likewise his wife, and 
 slaughters many both of the Persians and Egyptians, and 
 gives various other proofs of his insanity, 30 39. In this 
 place is inserted the history of Polycrates, tyrant of the 
 Samians, against whom the Lacedaemonians undertook about 
 this time an expedition, 39, seq. The Corcyraeans assist in 
 this expedition in consequence of a grudge against the Sa- 
 mians from the time of Periander ; concerning Periander, 49,
 
 SUMMARY. xlv 
 
 seq. In the meantime Smerdis the magus takes possession of 
 the Persian throne, 61; he sends a herald into gypt to 
 summon the troops to abandon the standard of Cambyses. 
 Cambyses, seized with great anger, is about to lead his army 
 against the magi, but is accidentally wounded as he is leaping 
 on his horse, and dies, 64, seq. The cheat of the magus 
 having been discovered by the daughter of Otanes, seven of 
 the chief men among the Persians conspire the death of the 
 usurper, 68, seq. The magi are put to death, 78. A con- 
 sultation is held on the most expedient form of government to 
 be adopted, and finally, Darius the son. of Hystaspes is 
 pointed out king by the neighing of his horse, 80, seq. He 
 divides the empire into twenty satrapies, the revenue from 
 each of which is stated, 89, 96. Some other nations furnish 
 free gifts to the king, among whom the Indians, whose 
 country and manners are described, 98 101. The advan- 
 tages of Arabia are then enumerated, 107 113, as well as 
 those of Ethiopia, and the distant tracts of Europe, 114, seq. 
 Intaphernes, one of the seven conspirators, is put to death by 
 Darius's order, 118, seq. and afterwards Orates, 128, who 
 had compassed by perfidy the death of Poly crates, the tyrant 
 of Samos, 120 125; who had likewise put to death Mitro- 
 bates, a noble Persian, together with his son Crassaspes, and 
 had ordered the murder of a messenger to him by Darius, 126. 
 Democedes, a physician of Croton, having been found among 
 the slaves of Orcetes, (125,) cures the king and Atossa ; he is 
 sent as a guide with some Persians to reconnoitre Greece and 
 Italy ; he makes his escape, and the Persians who had 
 accompanied him are taken and ransomed by Gillus, an exile 
 of Tarentum, 129 138. The manner in which the Persians 
 took Samos, 139 149. But at the same time the Babylo- 
 nians secede, and after a siege of twenty months are subdued 
 by the art and valour of Zopyrus, 150, to the end. 
 
 BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 
 
 AFTER the capture of Babylon, Darius marches against 
 the Scythians, because they had invaded Asia, and held 
 possession of it for twenty-eight years, 1. The country and 
 the origin of the Scythians, 5 36. Concerning the three
 
 xlvi SUMMARY. 
 
 quarters of the world, Asia, Lybia, and Europe, 3745. 
 Concerning the rivers of Scythia, 47 57. Darius, having 
 started from Susa, crosses the "Thracian Bosphorus by a 
 bridge of boats; compels the Thracians to submit to his 
 yoke; (digression concerning the Getae and Zalmoxis, 94 96.) 
 crosses the Ister, and leaving the lonians to guard the float- 
 ing bridge over the river, marches up the country, 83 98. 
 The situation and dimensions of Scythia; its various tribes, 
 99 117. The art by which the Scythians elude the efforts 
 of Darius, 118 134. After pursuing the Scythians without 
 success, the king at last returns to the Ister, from whence he 
 passes over into Asia, 134 143. At the same time another 
 army of the Persians attacks Barce, in order to avenge the 
 death of Arcesilaus, king of the Cyrenaeans, and son of 
 Pheretime ; the Historian takes the opportunity of inserting 
 the history of Cyrene, from the time that a colony was settled 
 in Libya by the Minyze of the island of Thera, 145 164. A 
 description of the tribes of Libya, 168 199. The Barcrei are 
 taken by the perfidy of the Persians, and Pheretime cruelly 
 avenges the death of her son; the Persians make a vain 
 attempt on Cyrene, and on their return into Egypt are harassed 
 by the Africans, 201, to the end. 
 
 BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 
 
 AFTER the failure of the Scythian campaign, Megabazus, 
 who had been left by Darius in Europe, lirst subjects the 
 Perinthians, 1 ; afterwards the Thracians, 2, whose country 
 is described, 3 10. He transfers the Preonians out of 
 Europe into Asia, 12 16; after which he receives the sub- 
 mission of the Macedonians, 17 21. In this place the family 
 of the kings of Macedonia is commemorated, 22. Darius, 
 having appointed Artaphernes satrap of Sardis, returns to 
 Susa, taking with him Histiaeus, whom he has recalled from 
 Myrcinus, (a town which he had given him, 11,) lest he 
 should plan any measures against him, 23 25. Megabazus 
 is succeeded by Otanes, who subjects Byzantium and some 
 other cities, Lemnos, Imbros, and some other islands, 26, 27. 
 At that time the chief men of Naxos, being expelled their
 
 SUMMARY. xlvii 
 
 country by the commons, go over to Aristagoras, (who had 
 been left by Histiaeus as vice-governor of Miletus,) and be- 
 seech his assistance, 30. Aristagoras persuades Artaphernes 
 to seize the opportunity of subjecting to the king Naxos and 
 the rest of the Cyclades islands; the king approves the 
 project, in consequence of which, Aristagoras, accompa- 
 nied by Megabates, departs for Naxos, but a quarrel rises 
 between the two commanders, whereupon Megabates be- 
 trays the intentions of the Persians to the Naxians, who 
 therefore make the due preparations for an obstinate resist- 
 ance, in which they succeed so well, that the enemies are 
 compelled to return into Asia without gaining their ends, 
 31 34. Aristagoras, however, prompted by fear of receiving 
 punishment from the Persians, and by the advice of Histiaeus, 
 excites the lonians to rebellion, 35 37, and proceeds to 
 Sparta and Athens, in order to solicit assistance, 38: in this 
 place the states of the cities of Sparta, 39 48, and of Athens, 
 from the death of Pisistratus, 55 96, are described. Arista- 
 goras, not succeeding in his request with the Spartans, goes to 
 Athens, and easily persuades the people to vote the lonians a 
 supply of twenty sail, to which the Eretrians add five triremes, 
 97, 98. Strengthened by this assistance, the lonians take 
 Sardis, all but the citadel, but retreating at the approach of 
 a Persian army, are routed in battle near Ephesus, 99 102. 
 The Athenians return into Greece : the lonians however con- 
 tinue their revolt, and add to themselves the arms of Caria 
 and Cyprus, 103, 104. The Persian leaders, after reducing 
 Cyprus, Caria, and the towns of the Hellespont, direct their 
 arms against Ionia and JEolis, 105124. Aristagoras flees 
 to Myrcinus, in a sally from which he is slain by the Thta- 
 
 BOOK VI. ERATO. 
 
 THE Ionian fleet is beaten oft' Lada, Miletus is taken, and 
 Ionia once more reduced, 6 25. Histijeus (who having 
 been sent by Darius to Sardis had fled over to the island of 
 Chios, 1 5,) crosses over to the main land for forage, when 
 he is routed, taken, and put to death, by Artaphernes, 26 30.
 
 xlviii SUMMARY. 
 
 The Persians subject the European side of the Hellespont. 
 In this place is inserted a digression concerning the Thracian 
 Chersonesus, and the dominion of the first Miltiades, son of 
 Cypselus, and that of the second Miltiades, son of Cimon, 
 35 40. The latter (in fear, on account of the counsel he had 
 given to break asunder the bridge over the Danube, iv. 137,) 
 flees to Athens, 41. Good order is restored in Ionia, 42. 
 Mardonius with vast forces marches against Greece, to wreak 
 vengeance on the Athenians and Eretrians ; but the fleet is 
 wrecked off mount Athos, and the land army is worsted by 
 the Thracians, in consequence of which he returns into Asia, 
 43 46. Darius then sends ambassadors into Greece, to 
 demand earth and water, 48. All the islanders accede to the 
 demand, and among others the JEginetae, whom the Athenians 
 and Lacedaemonians prepare to punish ; but Cleomenes, one 
 of the kings of Sparta, having gone over to the island for that 
 purpose, is compelled by the arts of the other king, Dema- 
 ratus, to return without success, 48 51. Then follows a 
 digression concerning the Spartan kings, 52 60. But Cleo- 
 menes, irritated against Demaratus, proves to the Spartans 
 that he is not their lawful king, since not born of Ariston ; 
 Demaratus in consequence is obliged to abdicate, and being 
 insulted by his successor Leotychides, flees over into Asia to 
 the King, 61 70. Cleomenes however passes over once 
 more into .ZEgina, seizes the chief inhabitants of the island, 
 and delivers them into the keeping of the Athenians ; but the 
 fraud with which he had circumvented Demaratus being de- 
 tected, he escapes from Sparta, is afterwards received back 
 again in the state, falls mad, and lays violent hands on him- 
 self, 73, 74. The causes assigned for his madness are enu- 
 merated, 76 78. The jEginetaB, after claiming to no purpose 
 their citizens from the Athenians, levy war against Attica, 
 93. Meanwhile Datis and Artaphernes, appointed to the 
 Persian command in place of Mardonius, cross over into 
 Greece, and after subjecting the islands, take Eretria by 
 treachery : they pass over into Attica ; but being routed at Ma- 
 rathon by the Athenians under the command of Miltiades, 
 retire back into Asia, 94 116. Herodotus, in exculpating 
 the Alcmaeonidae from the charge of a treacherous compact
 
 SUMMARY. xlix 
 
 with the Persians, engages himself in a digression respecting 
 the fortunes of that family, 121131. After the battle of 
 Marathon, Miltiades attacks Paros, but being compelled, in 
 consequence of a bodily accident, to raise the siege, is indicted 
 at Athens : the victory of Marathon and the conquest of 
 Lemnos save him from capital punishment, but not from a 
 fine, 132 136. Then follows a digression concerning Lemnos 
 and its inhabitants, the Pelasgi, 137, to the end. 
 
 BOOK VII. POLYMN1A. 
 
 DARIUS prepares for another expedition against Greece; 
 Egypt meanwhile rebels, and the king dies, having previ- 
 ously appointed Xerxes his successor, 1 4. Xerxes, having 
 ascended the throne, commences by subduing Egypt, 7 ; then, 
 prompted by the advice of Mardonius, the Aleuadae and the 
 Pisistratidae, 5, 6, although dissuaded by Artabanus, 10 19; 
 he prepares to invade Greece. Having made the due pre- 
 parations, 20 25, Xerxes and his army enter upon their 
 march, and cross the Hellespont by a bridge of boats, 56. 
 The various tribes in the army are enumerated, 61 99. The 
 march of Xerxes, and the nature of the countries he crosses* 
 are described, 108. Several of the Grecian nations submit to 
 his power : the partizans of freedom resolve to punish them as 
 soon as the war shall be over, 131. On the arrival of the 
 tidings, that Xerxes is on his march against Greece, the 
 greatest firmness and courage is shewn by the Athenians, 
 139 : according to the advice of an oracle, 140 143, they 
 resolve to forsake their city, and to embark aboard the 
 ships which Themistocles with admirable fflfesig'ht had per- 
 suaded them some time before to build, 144. Argives refuse 
 to join the Greek confederacy, 148 152; ambassadors are 
 sent by the Greeks to Gelo, tyrant of Syracuse, (whose origin 
 and history are narrated, 153 156,) in order to beseech his 
 assistance: Gelo refusing to send any succours, unless the 
 whole, or at least one half, of the command be given to him, 
 the ambassadors withdraw after a fruitless uegociation, 162 : 
 nevertheless Gelo sends a person into Greece, to watch the 
 events of the war, 163, seq. The Sicilians give another 
 
 VOL. 1. h
 
 1 SUMMARY. 
 
 reason for the refusal of assistance, to wit, the threatened 
 invasion of their country by the Carthaginians, who a little 
 time after did in effect make an inroad on Sicily, but were 
 conquered by Gelon and Therou of Agrigentum, about the 
 same day that the Greeks defeated the Persians at Salamis, 
 165 167. Neither cah any assistance be obtained, whether 
 from the Corcyraeans or Cretans, 168 171. The Greeks 
 make choice of the pass of Thermopylae, and the roadstead of 
 Artemisium, to receive the invaders, 175, seq. The fleet of 
 the barbarians is shattered by a dreadful storm off the coast 
 of Magnesia, and the Greeks have some little success, 
 177 195. Xerxes marches, through Thessaly, to 'Thermo- 
 pylae; the situation of the countries is described, 196 200. 
 A chosen handful of the Greeks (202, seq.) under Leonidas 
 (204, seq.) keeps the enemy at bay for several days, until a 
 path leading round the mountain is treacherously shewn to the 
 Persians : the Greeks, thus surrounded, perish to a man on 
 the field, 210, to the end. 
 
 BOOK VIII. URANIA. 
 
 THE Greeks off Artemisium engage the barbarians three 
 times with doubtful success ; but hearing of the discomfiture 
 at Thermopylae, retire to the inner parts of Greece, 1 23. 
 Xerxes, having passed through Phocis, (where a part of his 
 army makes a vain attempt on the temple of Delphi, 35 39.) 
 enters Breotia, which is in his interests, 34. The Greek fleet, 
 after quitting Artemisium, makes for Salamis ; the Athenians 
 abandon the city, 41. Enumeration of the nations of Greece 
 which sent ships to Salamis ; their origin is briefly described, 
 43 48. The barbarians break into Attica, put all to fire and 
 sword, capture the deserted city, and storm the citadel, gar- 
 risoned by a few obstinate Athenians, 50 55. The majority 
 of the Greek admirals, terrified by the news, are desirous of 
 proceeding to the isthmus of Corinth, but are restrained by 
 the arguments and threats of Themistocles, 56 63. In the 
 meantime the barbarian fleet touches at Phalerus ; it is then 
 resolved in council, notwithstanding the contrary advice of 
 Artemisia, 68, to attack the Greek fleet stationed at Salamis,
 
 SUMMARY. li 
 
 while the land army is to inarch towards the Isthmus, which 
 is carefully fortified by the Peloponnesians, who are enume- 
 rated, 72. Themistocles, fearing lest the Greek fleet should 
 proceed to the defence of the Isthmus, advises Xerxes that 
 the Greeks are meditating- a retreat, and persuades him to 
 envelope them with his fleet, 76. Aristides having brought 
 news that the manoeuvre had been performed by the Persians, 
 the Greeks make ready for battle. An engagement ensues, 
 and the Persians are conquered, 84 96. Xerxes (approving 
 the advice of Mardonius, 100,) orders the fleet to stand for 
 the Hellespont, 107 ; the Greeks, desirous of pursuing the 
 fugitive ships, are retained by Eurybiades, seconded even by 
 Themistocles, 108, seq. Xerxes himself leaves three hundred 
 thousand men with Mardonius, and accompanied by the rest 
 of his army retreats by land towards the Hellespont : after 
 losing the major portion of his followers by hunger and disease, 
 and rinding the bridges swept asunder by a tempest, he crosses 
 over to Abydos on ship-board, 120. The offerings of the 
 Greeks to the gods are commemorated, the division of the 
 spoil, and the honours paid to Themistocles at Sparta, 
 121 125. Artabazus, who had escorted the king with a 
 body of Mardonius's army, falls upon the Olynthians at his 
 return, but is grievously discomfited in his attack on the 
 Potidaeata?, 126 129. In the meanwhile the Persian fleet 
 assemble at Samos, to keep watch over the lonians ; and the 
 Greeks, invited by the lonians to deliver them from slavery, 
 .proceed under Leotychides as far as Delos, but dare not 
 advance any farther through fear of the Persians, 132. During 
 winter Mardonius consults the oracles of the Greeks, and 
 sends Alexander of Macedonia with proposals of peace to 
 Athens, 136, (in which place the origin and genealogy of the 
 Macedonian kings are interposed, 137 139;) the Athenians, 
 however, spurn the conditions of Mardonius, and exhort the 
 Spartans to come speedily to their assistance, 140 144. 
 
 BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 
 
 MARDONIUS at the opening of spring marches into Attica, 
 and takes Athens once more, although deserted, I 3. He
 
 Hi SUMMARY. 
 
 renews in vain his solicitations to the Athenians, to make 
 peace with the king, 4, seq. but as the Spartans after long 
 delay send at last assistance, 10, 11, and all the forces of 
 Peloponnesus are pouring towards the Isthmus, he returns 
 into Bceotia, and pitches his camp in the Theban territory, 15. 
 Soon after, the Greeks come up and pitch their camp at Ery- 
 thrae, 19; afterwards, having engaged with success the bar- 
 barian hcyse, they shift their station to the Plataean territory, 
 25. Some days are passed, during which the two armies 
 remain in view, the victims boding success to neither party 
 in the case of an engagement; at last Mardonius, in spite of 
 the victims, prepares to give battle, 26 42; his design is 
 communicated to the Greeks by Alexander of Macedonia, 44. 
 The Greeks, deprived of water and victuals, resolve to shift 
 their station at night, but are attacked by the barbarians ; a 
 bloody battle ensues, in which Mardonius is slain, and the Per- 
 sians are driven back to their camp ; Artabazus alone escapes 
 with forty thousand men into Phocis, 69. The camp of the 
 barbarians is stormed, and a dreadful slaughter ensues, 70, 
 seq. The movers of the Theban defection to the Medes are 
 delivered up to Pausanias, the leader of the Spartans, and 
 put to death, 88. In the meantime the naval forces of the 
 Greeks, according to the invitation of the Samians, take their 
 departure from Delos, 90 92. A digression concerning 
 Evenius of Apollonia, the father of Deiphonus, the divine of 
 the Greeks, 93, seq. The Persians, informed of the approach 
 of the Greek fleet, haul up their ships on the strand of My- 
 cale, and fortify them with a wall. The Greeks, pursuing 
 them, debark, and overcome the Persians in a sharp engage- 
 ment; they capture the camp, and set fire to the ships. 
 Ionia once more secedes from the Persians, 96 107. The 
 Peloponnesians return into Greece; the Athenians also, after 
 capturing Sestos, return into Greece, 114, to the end.
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 BOOK T. 
 
 CLIO. 
 
 .HERODOTUS of Halicarnassus publishes these researches; 1 
 that the deeds of men may not be effaced by time, nor the 
 great and wonderful actions performed, whether by Greeks or 
 Barbarians, be uncelebrated; and, beside other matters, he 
 publishes his inquiry into the motive through which they 
 waged war against each other.* 
 
 The historians 3 among the Persians assert, then, that the 1 
 Phoenicians were the exciters of the enmity : for that these, 
 having passed from the sea called the Erythrean to the shores 
 of this sea, 4 and settled in the same territory which they even 
 now occupy, immediately applied themselves to long voyages ; 
 and exporting Assyrian and Egyptian merchandize, came to va- 
 rious places, and among others to Argos; (for Argos at that time 
 
 TTjoe t<Tropi; and for what reason they (the Greeks 
 
 i)5e. Literally, This is the pub- and Barbarians) waged war against each 
 
 lication of the result of the researches of other. These words, I think, ought 
 
 Herodotus the Halicarnassean. 'ATTO- to he referred to the first 'Hpod. 'AXi/c. 
 
 Seiicvvfii means more than ffvyypaQtiv i'oropijje cnrodt^ie r']Se. Construction : 
 
 it is taken in the sense of offering or rare d\\n (in nominative case) KCU ${. 
 
 giving to the public. "loropnj, in He- t)v alrlnv, etc. haec omnia sunt CLTTO- 
 
 rodotus, does not signify a history, but foierje'Hnod6roin(rropoj. Schweig. 
 
 careful researches : this word is not Lex. Herod. 
 
 found in the sense of history but in 3 Aoytoc, b rfjg iaropiaq t/i7rpoe' 
 
 writers much posterior to our author. Xoyiof, one skilled in history, Hesy- 
 
 Larcher. The preposition ayro, in the chius, quoted by Larcher and Gats- 
 
 word cnroStZic, (Ion. for cnr6dei'ig) con- ford. 
 
 veys the idea of completion. Wytten- 4 rjSe / $a\a<r<ra, the Mediterranean, 
 
 bach. sea, an expression frequent in Herodo- 
 
 11 TO. re \Xa, Kal fit fjvalrirjv srroXI- tus. Schweig. 
 Hn.ffav aXX/;Xot<rt. Literally, and the rest, 
 
 VOL. I. B
 
 CLIO. 2. 
 
 surpassed, 1 in every respect, the cities in the country now 
 called Hellas. 2 ) They state that the Phoenicians having come 
 accordingly to this city of Argos, spread forth their cargo ; and, 
 on the fifth or sixth day from that on which they arrived, when 
 nearly all the wares had been sold off by them, there came 
 down to the sea side several women, and the king's daughter in 
 particular; her name, they say, agreeing with what the Greeks 
 also represent, was lo daughter of Inachus. They go on to relate 
 that these females standing near the stern of the ship, were bar- 
 gaining for such of the goods as most took their fancy, when the 
 Phoenicians, cheering one another, rushed upon them ; that 
 most of the women did indeed escape, but lo, together with 
 some others, 3 was carried off, and the mariners, placing them 
 2 aboard the vessel, departed, making for Egypt. In the above 
 manner, and not as the Greeks do, the Persians relate that 
 lo came into Egypt; and this was the first beginning of inju- 
 ries, on either side. They say that, afterwards, certain of the 
 Greeks, (for they cannot produce their names) having touched 
 at Tyre of Phoenicia, carried off' Europa, the king's daughter ; 
 (these men were probably Cretans.) This was done by them 
 doubtless as being like for like, but afterwards the Greeks were 
 the authors of the second injustice; for having sailed in along 
 ship 4 to Aea, a city of Colchis, and on the river Phasis, and des- 
 patched all the other affairs for which they had come, they 
 carried away from thence Medea, the daughter of the king ; and 
 when the Colchian prince 5 sent a herald into Greece, to de- 
 mand satisfaction for the rape, and to claim back his daughter, 
 
 i', to excel, to surpass ; with naans, Argives, Achaians, &c. but never 
 
 the genitive of that over which it ex- gives these people the general name of 
 
 eels and the dative of the thing in Greeks. Larcher. Thucyd. Lib. i. 
 
 Which is excelled. Schweig. in Lex. c. 2, 3. 
 
 Herod. Larcher, being of a different 3 avv aX\i]mv, with some others. 
 
 opinion, translates That toicn surpassed The power of the article is worthy of 
 
 then all those in the country, etc. and in observation. If Herodotus had used 
 
 a note observes that in the phrase vpo- it here he would have said that all the 
 
 ti\iv iiTraai T&V iv Ty 'EXXafi, TUIV is women who accompanied lo were ear- 
 
 necessarily governed by iiiraai : iro- ried off. The article renders the Greek 
 
 \s<av being understood with raiv, as is as perspicuous as our modern Ian- 
 
 proved by Eustath. on the ninety-ninth gnages,and gives it a great advantage 
 
 verse of Dionys. Perieg. the same over the Latin. Larcher. 
 
 word must consequently be understood 4 The long vessels were vessels of 
 
 with "nra<Ti. The passage of Eustath. war, the round vessels, merchantmen 
 
 referred to, is ro'Apyoc TOVTO 7rpol%e and transports. IIXoiV ffrpoyyvXy, <j>op- 
 
 ro-e TWV iv ry 'EXXafo X^P? TroXewj/. rnytfi cijXovon- fiaKpa yap ra iroXipiKO. 
 
 Larcher. &VopaZovffiv. Ulpian. in Orat. Dem. 
 
 2 The region known by the name of contra Lept. p. 599, E. Larcher. 
 
 Hellas or Greece, in the time of Hero- * TOV K6\xov, so Herodotus [Lib. 
 
 dotus, was, previous to the Trojan war, i. 80, iii. 7, vii. 117.] calls the kings 
 
 and indeed long afterwards, only dis- of the Lydians, Arabians, and Persians, 
 
 criminated by the names of its different TOV A.VCOV, rbv 'Anaftiov, rbv Utoonv. 
 
 inhabitants. Homer speaks of the Da- Wefseling.
 
 CLIO. 35. 3 
 
 they replied that, since those of Asia had not given them sa- 
 tisfaction for the violence offered to lo of Argos, so neither 
 would they, therefore, give satisfaction to them. They say, 3 
 also, that in the second generation after this, Alexander the 
 son of Priam, having heard of these events, wished to procure 
 for himself by violence a wife out of Greece, being perfectly 
 convinced that he should not have to give satisfaction, 
 since they themselves had not done so. This individual, then, 
 having carried off Helen, the Greeks thought proper, first to 
 send messengers to claim back Helen, and require satisfac- 
 tion for the rape ; but the others, when these demands were 
 made, objected to them the rape of Medea ; that, " not having 
 themselves given satisfaction, nor made restitution when asked, 
 they should wish reparation to be made to them by others." 
 Until this event, therefore, say the Persians, rapes only were 4 
 committed on either side: bu.t afterwards, the Greeks were 
 certainly greatly to blame ; for they began to levy war against 
 Asia, before the others did against Europe. To offer violence 
 to women they hold, indeed, to be the action of unjust men ; 
 but to take any trouble to be avenged of those that have been 
 carried off, they regard as the deed of madmen ; whereas it is 
 the part of the wise to take no account of them ; since it is very 
 evident that, if they did not consent themselves, they could not 
 be carried off'; the Persians, therefore, say, that they, the people 
 of Asia, took no heed of the women that had been stolen ; 
 whereas the Greeks, for the sake of a Lacedemonian woman, 
 collected a vast fleet, and afterwards invading Asia, overthrew 
 the kingdom of Priam. From that time, they declare, they have 
 always regarded the Grecian race as hostile to them. For the 
 Persians claim sovereignty over Asia 1 and the Barbarian na- 
 tions that dwell therein, while they regard Europe and the 
 Grecian nation as entirely independent. 
 
 Such is the relation of the Persians, and to the taking of 5 
 Troy they trace the origin of that hatred of the Greeks which 
 they feel. But with regard to lo, the Phoenicians do not agree 
 with the Persians in their narration of the event ; for they 
 affirm that they did not make use of violence to take this wo- 
 man to Egypt, but that at Argos she formed a connexion with 
 the master of the ship, and when she found herself pregnant, 
 she dreaded the displeasure of her parents, and consequently of 
 her own free will sailed away with the Phoenicians, in order that 
 she might not be detected. Such, then, are the relations of the 
 Persians and Phoenicians. For my part, as to these matters, 
 
 , sibi tamquam suum vindicare. Schweig. r^v A(Wjv iraaav 
 Ilipffai toivrCJv iivai, ix. 15.
 
 4 CLIO. 6, 7. 
 
 I shall not decide whether events happened in this or any other 
 manner; but after I have pointed out him whom I myse 
 know to be the first that commenced deeds of injustice towards 
 the Greeks, I shall proceed to the sequel of the history, mves- 
 tio-atino- alike the small and the large states of men ; for among 
 those which heretofore were great, most of them have become 
 small, while those which in my time were large, formerly were 
 small : convinced, therefore, that human prosperity never re- 
 mains at the same pitch, I shall commemorate both indifferently. 
 
 6 CROESUS was by birth a Lydian, son of Alyattes, and despo- 
 tic monarch 1 of the nations on this side the river Halys, which, 
 flowing from the south between the countries of the Syrians 
 and Paphlagonians, discharges its waters towards the north 
 into the sea called the Euxine. This Croesus was the first of 
 the Barbarians, that we know of, who subjected some ot the 
 Greeks to the payment of tribute to him, and united others to 
 himself by alliance. He subjected to himself the lonians and 
 Aeolians, and the Dorians settled in Asia; and formed an 
 alliance with the Lacedemonians. Previously to the reign of 
 Croesus, the Greeks were all independent ; for the expedition 
 of the Cimmerians, which marched against Ionia before the 
 time of Croesus, did not end in the subjection of cities, but in the 
 
 7 plunder of an incursion. It was in the following manner that 
 the government, which belonged to the Heraclidae, passed into 
 the family of Croesus, called the Mermnadae. Candaules, whom 
 the Greeks call Myrsilus, was despotic monarch of Sardis, and a 
 descendant of Alcaeus the son of Hercules; for Agron the son of 
 Ninus, the grandson of Belus, and great grandson of Alcaeus, 
 was the first of the Heraclidae that was sovereign of Sardis ; 
 and Candaules the son of Myrsus the last. They who governed 
 that country previously to Agron were descendants of Lydus 
 the son of Atys ; from whom the whole of this nation, formerly 
 called Meonians, took the name of Lydians. The Heraclidae, 
 who were sprung from a female slave of Jardanus and from Her- 
 cules, having been placed at the head of affairs 2 by those princes, 
 held the government in virtue of an oracle : they ruled during 
 
 N 
 
 1 The Greeks mean by rupawoc, er part of the Latin interpreters have 
 
 any man who by changing the consti- translated this passage, ab his succeden- 
 
 tution of a state has rendered himself tcs; the note to the edition of Gale, ab 
 
 master of it, whether he governs ac- hiseducati;Grono\ius,abhispraefecti; 
 
 cording to the dictates of justice or of and this last sense I have followed, 
 
 his own caprice. His descendants are 'E7rirpa^0ttf is the Aor. i. of the Pass, 
 
 always regarded as tyrants unless the fcirirpsTro/iai, meae curae traditur, mihi 
 
 nation consent to acknowledge them as c'ommtttitur : $ \aol ivtrtTpa^arai, 
 
 kings. LarcAer. ( Horn. II. ii. 25, cui populicommissisunt. 
 
 Traga rovrwv Hpa K \tiSai tTrtrpa^- Herodotus often uses this expression : 
 
 Gtvrtg,tffxov r)i>dp X j)v,etc. Thegreat- Book ii. 121, iii.!55,157,etc. Larcher.
 
 CLIO. 8, 9. 5 
 
 twenty-two generations of men, five hundred and five years, 
 the son inheriting the kingdom from his father, down to Can- 
 daules the son of Myrsus. This Candaules, then, was ena- 8 
 moured of his own wjfe ; and in the violence of his love, fancied 
 he possessed by far the fairest of women. In this persuasion, he 
 boasted ' beyond measure of the beauty of his wife to Gyges the 
 son of Dascylus, one of his body guards, and a very great favou- 
 rite, to whom he was wont to confide even the most important 
 affairs. After no long time had elapsed, (for it was fated that Can- 
 daules should be unfortunate, 2 ) he spoke to Gyges as follows : 
 " Gyges, I do not think thou believest me, when I speak of the 
 " beauty of my wife, (for the ears of men are more incredulous 
 " than their eyes;) do thou, then, contrive so as to see her when 
 " naked." Gyges, uttering a loud exclamation, said : *' My 
 " lord, what insane discourse dost thou hold, bidding me to cast 
 " my eyes on my mistress when naked ? Together with her gar- 
 " ments woman casts off modesty also. The maxims of virtue 
 " have long since been discovered by men ; from which it be- 
 " hoves us to take instruction : among them is this one, ' Let 
 " each attend to his own affairs.' I am, for my part, per- 
 " suaded that the queen is the fairest of all women : and beseech 
 " thee not to ask any thing unlawful." Gyges, accordingly, by 9 
 answering in this manner, sought to refuse compliance, dreading 
 that some harm might befal him in the business; but the king 
 replied in the following words : " Take courage, Gyges, and be 
 " not afraid either of me, as though I held this language, in 
 " order to .make trial of thee, or of my wife, lest any harm 
 " should come to thee from her : since, first of all, 3 1 will contrive 
 " in such a manner, that she shall not know she has been seen 
 " by thee ; for I will myself place thee in the chamber, where 
 " we sleep, behind the door while open ; and, after I have en- 
 " tered, my wife also will come to repose ; now, close to the en- 
 " trance is placed a seat; 4 upon this, as she undresses, she will 
 " lay, one by one, each of her garments, and an opportunity 
 " will be afforded thee to view her at full leisure : but when 
 " she steps from the seat towards the bed, and thou wilt be 
 " behind her back, then take care that she do not see thee, 
 
 1 fiv yap ol ru>v ai'x/to^opwv, &o. Gyges, etc. and consequently, etc. 
 
 Herodotus frequently uses, per hyper- 2 xprjv yap K. y. K. A form of speech 
 
 baton,iha conjunctiou yap to announce frequent in Herodotus, ii. 161, iv. 79, 
 
 the cause of a thing before the tiling v. 92, 94. 
 
 itself : so that, in the construing of such 3 apx)i', for KO.T apx?;j>, may be 
 
 sentences, the particle yap has the same translated here either " a principio" or 
 
 power as iirt i or imiSr}, quum,quoniam, " omnino." Schweig. Lex. Herod, 
 
 quia. Schweig. note to i. 34. The 4 In the Greek, Spovog, a seat with 
 
 above sentence, therefore, may be con- arms and a foot-board, reserved among 
 
 strued literally, Since Gyges son of the Greeks for persons of free estate. 
 
 Dascylus was, etc, he confided to this Lurcher.
 
 6 CLIO. 1012. 
 
 10 as thou goest through the door-way." Gyges, then, as he 
 could not avoid, prepared to obey : and Candaules, when he 
 thought it time to go to rest, took Gyges into the cham- 
 ber, 'and immediately afterwards the lady also approached. 
 Gyges saw her as she entered and lay dowir her garments, 
 and when he was towards her back, the lady stepping for- 
 ward to lie down, he withdrew quietly out of the room. But 
 she descried him as he went out ; and understanding what 
 had been done by her husband, she made no exclamation 
 of shame, but pretended to have discovered nothing, having 
 it in her mind to be revenged on Candaules. For among 
 the Lydians, as also with nearly all the rest of the Barbarians, it 
 is deemed a great disgrace even for a man to be seen naked. 
 
 11 The lady, then, without discovering any thing at that time, 
 preserved silence: but as soon as day broke, having bade 
 such of her household as she knew to be most faithful to her, 
 to be prepared, she called Gyges. He, fancying that she 
 knew nothing of what had taken place, came when com- 
 manded ; for he was also before accustomed to go whenever the 
 queen sent for him. As soon as Gyges approached, the lady 
 addressed him as follows : " Gyges, I now give thee the 
 " choice of two paths open to thee, whichever thou mayest 
 " choose to follow ; for either thou must slay Candaules, and 
 " take possession of me and of the kingdom of the Lydians, 
 ** or thou shall thyself die immediately by the hands of these 
 <( my servants i 1 so that, obeying in every thing Candaules, 
 " thou mayest not hereafter behold what it is forbidden thee. 
 " For of a certainty either he at least who counselled the 
 " deed must be put to death, or thou who hast beheld me 
 " naked, and done what is unlawful." Gyges for some time 
 remained astounded at what was said to him ; but afterwards 
 he besought her not to bind him by the necessity of determin- 
 ing such a choice : he could not, however, prevail, but saw 
 himself really in the necessity either to kill his master, or to 
 be himself killed by others. He preferred to survive himself, 
 and accordingly enquired : " Since thou obligest me, in spite 
 " of myself, to murder my master, inform me 2 in what manner 
 " then I shall fall on him." " From the same place," said 
 the lady, in reply, " from which he showed me naked, the 
 " approach shall be made ; and the attack shall be on him 
 
 12 " while buried in sleep." Having concerted the plot, when 
 night fell, (for Gyges was not dismissed, nor had he any pos- 
 sibility of escape, but it was necessary that either he himself 
 
 sic, thus. She appears to conditions. Schweig. 
 have pointed at her servants prepared 2 ^sp dicovffw. Lit. Come, I will 
 to murder him, if he should refuse the hear.
 
 CLIO. 1315. 7 
 
 or Candaules should perish,) he followed the lady into the 
 chamber ; and she providing him with a dagger, hid him be- 
 hind the same door : and soon after, when Candaules was 
 asleep, Gyges crept forth, and killing him, got possession 
 both of the lady and the kingdom. Of this event Archilochus 
 of Paros, who flourished about the same period, has also made 
 mention in some iambic trimeters. Gyges thus obtained the 13 
 kingdom, and was confirmed in it by the declaration of the 
 oracle at Delphi ; for as the Lydians highly resented the mur- 
 der of Candaules, and had taken arms, the partizans of Gyges , 
 and the rest of the Lydians came to an agreement, that if the 
 oracle should declare him to be king of the Lydians, he should 
 reign ; but if not, he should restore the sovereignty to the He- 
 raclidae : the oracle gave the answer, and consequently Gyges 
 obtained the sovereignty. The Pythia however said thus much: 
 that vengeance should come to the Heraclidae on the fifth de- 
 scendant of Gyges ; of this prediction neither the Lydians 
 themselves nor their kings took any account until it was ac- 
 tually accomplished. Thus then did the Mermnadae obtain 14 
 the empire, wresting it from the Heraclidae: and Gyges, 
 being king, sent offerings of no small value to Delphi. Very 
 many of his offerings at Delphi are in silver; but beside the 
 silver he dedicated a vast quantity of gold, and among other 
 objects, there are golden beakers six in number, dedicated 
 by him, a gift particularly worthy of mention : these, which 
 are thirty talents in weight, are placed in the treasury of the 
 Corinthians ; although, to speak the truth, this treasury is not 
 that of the whole people of Corinth, but only of Cypselus the 
 son of Eetion. This Gyges was the first of the Barbarians 
 that we know of who made any offerings at Delphi, after 
 Midas the son of Gordius, king of Phrygia : for Midas also 
 dedicated the royal throne, on which he was wont to sit while 
 administering justice, an object well worthy of being seen. 
 This throne is deposited in the same place as the goblets of 
 Gyges. All this gold and silver which Gyges dedicated are 
 called by the Delphians, Gygadae, after the name of the 
 donor. This prince, then, when he had obtained the em- 
 pire, also led an expedition against Miletus and Smyrna, and 
 took the citadel of Colophon ; but as no other important action 
 was performed by him during a reign of thirty-eight years, we 
 shall pass from him, having mentioned the above events: 
 and I will proceed to make mention of Ardys the son of 15 
 Gyges, who reigned after Gyges. This prince took the city of 
 the Prienians, and invaded Miletus ; during his reign at Sar- 
 dis, the Cimmerians being driven from their territories by the
 
 8 CLIO. 1618. 
 
 Scythian nomades, passed into Asia, and gained possession of 
 all Sardis excepting the citadel. 
 
 16 Ardys having reigned forty-nine years, Sadyattes his son in- 
 herited the throne, and reigned twelve years : after Sadyattes 
 Alyattes succeeded. This latter carried on war against Cy- 
 axares a descendant of Deioces, and against the Medes ; he 
 drove likewise the Cimmerians out of Asia ; he took Smyrna, 
 which 'had been colonized from Colophon, and invaded Clazo- 
 menae : from this place, however, he came off not as he could 
 have wished, 1 but with great loss. While he was on the throne 
 he performed other actions, of which the following are the 
 
 Hjnost worthy of mention. He carried on war against the 
 Milesians, inheriting the contest from his father. In his in- 
 vasions he attacked Miletus in the following manner : when 
 the fruits of the earth were ripe he led forth his army, march- 
 ing to the sound of pipes, harps, and flutes, masculine and 
 feminine. 2 When he came into the territory of Miletus he 
 neither pulled down the houses which were in the fields nor 
 set fire to them, nor wrenched off their doors, but suffered 
 them to remain in their places: and as soon as he had de- 
 stroyed the trees and the crops on the ground, he withdrew 
 back into his own kingdom. For the Milesians had the com- 
 mand of the sea, so that it was useless for the army to sit down 
 before the town. The Lydian prince refrained from destroying 
 the dwellings for the following purpose, that the Milesians 
 coming forth from thence might be able to sow and till the 
 land, and he himself, when they had tilled it, might have some- 
 
 18 thing to ravage in an invasion. In this manner he carried 
 on the war eleven years; during which there happened two 
 great discomfitures of the Milesians, one in a battle at Lime- 
 neum in their own country, and one in the plain of the Me- 
 ander. During six of these eleven years, Sadyattes the son of 
 Ardys still ruled over the Lydians, who during that period 
 led the army into the lands of the Milesians ; (for this Sady- 
 attes was he who kindled the war ;) but during the five years 
 that followed these six, Alyattes the son of Sadyattes carried 
 on the hostilities, who having inherited (as was before shown 
 
 1 OVK UJQ i")Qt\t aTrjjXXa^e. Such is your palace the son of Achilles, not as 
 
 the manner in which the Greeks ex- you could wish." Lurcher. 
 
 press themselves in order to soften, in 2 I suppose there were two sorts of 
 
 some measure, what might be too harsh flutes: the one pierced with a small 
 
 in a narration. In the Andromache of number of holes gave a grave sound ; 
 
 Euripides, the Chorus, addressing it- the other, having a larger number of 
 
 self to Peleus (to whom they were bring- openings, produced a sharp sound. 
 
 ing the corpse of his grandson^) says, Herodotus calls the first masculine ; 
 
 " Unfortunate old man, you receive in the second feminine. Larcher,
 
 CLIO. 1922. 9 
 
 by me) the war from his father, pursued it with vigour. None 
 of the lonians shared this war with the Milesians, excepting 
 the Chians alone; and these latter assisted them in return for 
 a similar favour; as previously the Milesians had assisted the 
 Chians in the war with the Erythreans. In the twelfth year, 19 
 the crops having been set on fire by the troops, the following 
 event took place: as soon as the corn was set on fire, being 
 driven by a strong wind, it caught the temple of Minerva, sur- 
 named Assesian, and the edifice having taken fire, was burnt 
 to the ground. At the moment no notice was taken of it; but 
 afterwards, when the army had returned to Sardis, Alyattes 
 fell sick; his disease enduring an unusually long time, he sent 
 messengers 1 to Delphi, whether any one advised him to do it, 
 or he himself thought proper to send and consult the divinity 
 concerning his disorder. When these, however, arrived at 
 Delphi, the Pythia refused to pronounce the oracle until they 
 should erect again the temple of Minerva, which they had set 
 on fire at Assesus, in the territory of Milesia. That events 20 
 happened in this manner I have myself heard from the Del- 
 phians. But the Milesians add to the above the following 
 circumstances : that Periander the son of Cypselus, being 
 intimately connected in friendship with Thrasybulus, who at 
 that time was despotic monarch of Miletus, and having heard 
 of the answer pronounced to Alyattes, sent a messenger to in- 
 form Thrasybulus of it, in order tliat knowing all beforehand 
 he might take measures suitable to circumstances. In this 
 manner then the Milesians affirm the event happened. Aly- 21 
 attes, however, when the reply was made known to him, sent 
 a herald to Miletus, being desirous of making a truce with 
 Thrasybulus and the Milesians for such time as he should be 
 building up the temple. The messenger accordingly went to 
 Miletus; but Thrasybulus being previously fully informed of the 
 whole circumstance, and knowing what Alyattes wished to do, 
 devised the following artifice ; having collected in the market 
 place all the corn that was in the city, whether belonging to 
 himself or private individuals, he gave notice to the Milesians, 
 that when he should give the signal they should all begin to 
 drink and feast with one another. This was done and ordered 22 
 by Thrasybulus for the following purpose, that the Sardian 
 herald seeing the vast heap of corn poured out in the square, 
 and all the inhabitants busied in these enjoyments, might relate 
 what he had seen to Alyattes : this happened accordingly ; for 
 when the herald, having witnessed the same, and delivered the 
 message of the Lydian prince to Thrasybulus, went back to 
 
 1 fooTTpoTi-of, a man sent to consult an oracle ; there is no equivalent word ia 
 English. 
 
 VOL. I. C
 
 10 GLIO. 23, 24. 
 
 Sardis,for no other reason, as I am informed, was peace made ; 
 for Alyattes, who imagined there was a great dearth of corn in 
 Miletus, and that the people were reduced to the utmost verge 
 of misery, heard from the herald at his return from Miletus an 
 account quite opposite to what he himself thought. Soon after 
 a treaty was made between them on the condition that they 
 should be mutual friends and allies ; and Alyattes erected at 
 Assesus two temples to Minerva instead of one, and recovered 
 himself from illness. The above is the history of the war be- 
 tween the Milesians and Thrasybulus. 1 
 
 23 The Periander who communicated the oracle to Thrasybulus 
 was the son of Cypselus : he was despotic monarch of Corinth : 
 the Corinthians relate (and the Lesbians agree with them) that 
 he was witness of the greatest miracle that ever happened in 
 human life ; that of Arion the Methymnian being brought on 
 the back of a dolphin to Taenarus : he was a harper second to 
 none in those days, and the first individual that we know of who 
 invented, named and performed 2 the dithyrambus at Corinth. 
 
 24 They relate that this Arion, after passing a long time at the 
 court of Periander, resolved to make an excursion to Italy and 
 Sicily ; that having collected considerable property he wished 
 to return back to Corinth, and accordingly, at his departure 
 from Tarentum hired a ship manned by Corinthian mariners, 
 as he confided in none more than those of that nation. They 
 add that these men when at sea conspired to cast Arion over 
 board and to possess themselves of his riches ; and that under- 
 standing their intention, he besought them, offering to them 
 his money but begging for life : he could not, however, prevail 
 upon them; nay, the mariners commanded him either to de- 
 stroy himself, so that he might obtain a grave on shore, or to 
 throw himself immediately into the sea. They affirm that 
 Arion, being reduced to this strait, begged that, since such was 
 their resolution, they would permit him to sing, standing in all 
 his apparel on the quarter deck ; and after he had sung he 
 promised to put an end to himself: then the mariners pro- 
 ceeded from the stern to the middle of the vessel, for they felt 
 a desire of hearing the best singer among men. 3 Arion, 
 then, putting on all his apparel and taking up his lyre, 
 stood upon the poop, and went through the orthian strain ; 
 and when he finished the air, threw himself into the sea, as he 
 
 1 Thus did matters happen in the the cause before the effect. roiffi 
 
 war between, &c. tat\Qtlv )(W)i>, el }ti\\oitv dicovatff- 
 
 * (rfa<TKiiv fya/ta, Docere (In see- 6ai, &c. Cupido eos incessit audiendi, 
 
 nam producere, Agere) fabulam. &c. nempe Subiit eos cogitatio volup- 
 
 Schweig. Lex. Herod. tatis quam percepturi essent si audi- 
 
 3 See Schweighaeuser's note on the rent. Schweig. Lex. Herod. 
 use of yap in this passage, marking
 
 CLIO. 2527. 11 
 
 was, with all his apparel. The sailors made away for Corinth ; 
 while a dolphin, as they affirm, taking up the musician, con- 
 veyed him to Taenarus: being landed, he proceeded to Corinth, 
 where on his arrival he related all that had happened. But 
 Periandcr, in consequence of his disbelief of the story, kept 
 Arion in custody, not permitting him to go out, an$ watched 
 attentively for the sailors; as soon, therefore, as these arrived, 
 he called them before him and enquired whether they could 
 give any tidings of Arion ; but when they declared that he 
 was safe in Italy, and that they had left him prosperous at 
 Tarentum, Arion appeared before them in the same garb as 
 when he leaped out of the vessel: the sailors then, struck with 
 terror, and already convicted, could no longer deny. The 
 above, then, is related both by the Corinthians and Lesbians: 
 there is moreover on cape Taenarus a small brass offering of 
 Arion, a man seated on a dolphin. 
 
 Alyattes, the Lydian prince, after waging this long war 25 
 against the Milesians, died, having reigned fifty-seven years ; 
 this prince, the second of his family who made offerings to the 
 oracle., presented to Delphi a large silver crater, together with 
 a saucer of iron inlaid, an object worthy of observation 
 among all the votive offerings at Delphi : it was the work of 
 Glaucus, of Chios, who the first in the world discovered the 
 art of inlaying iron. 
 
 At the decease of Alyattes, Croesus the son of Alyattes 26 
 received the sovereignty, being then five-and-thirty years of 
 age : he attacked first the Ephesians among the Greeks. It 
 was at that time accordingly that the Ephesians being besieged 
 by him, dedicated the city to Diana, stretching a cord from 
 the temple to the wall : between the temple and the ancient 
 city which was then besieged is .a distance of seven stadia. 
 These, therefore, were the first that Croesus invaded. After- 
 wards he attacked, one after the other, each of the Ionian and 
 Aeolian nations, producing different motives against different 
 states; urging important accusations against those with whom 
 he was able to find good cause of hostility, but against some 
 of them producing even trivial charges. When he had thus 27 
 subjected the Greeks on the continent of Asia to the payment 
 of tribute, he next formed the design of building a fleet, and 
 attack-ing the islanders; but when he had all prepared for 
 building the ships, some say it was Bias of Priene, others that 
 it was Pittacus the Mitylenian, who, coming to Sardis, and 
 Croesus enquiring if any thing new was going on in Greece, 
 by the following "reply, put a stop to the ship building: 
 " Sire, the islanders arc levying ten thousand cavalry, in the 
 " design of making an expedition against Sardis and thcc."
 
 Ig CLIO. 2830. 
 
 Croesus, they say, thinking this individual spoke the truth, 
 exclaimed: " May the gods put it in the mind of the islanders 
 to attack the sons of the Lydians with cavalry." The other, 
 continuing, said : " Sire, thou appearest to me anxiously to 
 desire to catch the islanders on horse in the continent, 
 " therein forming good hopes of success : but what dost thou 
 " think the islanders, since they have learnt that thou art 
 " building ships to attack them, can desire and pray for, but 
 " to catch the Lydians at sea, in order to take vengeance on 
 " thee for the Greeks of the continent, whom thou hast re- 
 " duced to servitude?" They relate that Croesus was much 
 pleased with this conclusion, and following his advice, as he 
 thought he spoke to the purpose, ceased the ship building; 
 and entered accordingly into alliance with the lonians that 
 inhabit the islands. 
 
 28 After some time, and when nearly all the nations residing 
 on this side the river Halys were subjected : (for, excepting 
 the Cilicians and Lycians, Croesus had all the others in sub- 
 jection to him, and they are the following: the Lydians, 
 Phrygians, Mysians, Mariandynians, Chalybians, Paphlago- 
 nians, Thracians, Thynians, Bithynians, Carians, lonians, 
 
 29 Dorians, Aeolians, Pamphylians:) all these, I say, being sub- 
 jected, and Croesus having added them to the Lydians, there 
 came to Sardis, now flourishing in opulence, all the wise 
 men 1 out of Greece, who were then in existence, each when 
 he found it convenient to go thither. There came, then, 
 among the rest, Solon, an inhabitant of Athens, who, after 
 framing laws for the Athenians by their own command, mi- 
 grated for ten years, sailing away under pretence of seeing 
 the world, but, in truth, in order that he might not be com- 
 pelled to abrogate any of the laws which he had established : 
 for the Athenians themselves had not the power of so doing, 
 as they had bound themselves, by a solemn oath, to observe 
 for ten years the laws which Solon should enact for them. 
 
 30 Solon, accordingly, having migrated for the above reasons, 
 as well as for the purpose of seeing the world, went into Egypt 
 to the court of Amasis, and also to Sardis, at the court of 
 Croesus. On his arrival, he was entertained by Croesus in 
 the palace: and the third or fourth day after, by the or- 
 ders of Croesus, some servants conducted him around the 
 treasures, and pointed out to him all the great and precious 
 things they contained. When he had beheld all, and exa- 
 mined them sufficiently, Croesus put to him the following 
 
 1 (ro0i<rrai, sophists. This appella- defines the sophist, one who sells his 
 tion was at first honourable, but be- knowledge for money to the first 
 came afterwards odious. Xenophon comer. Larcher.
 
 CLIO. 31. IS 
 
 question : " My Athenian guest, many reports have reached 
 " us of thee, both concerning thy wisdom and thy travels ; 
 " that, from the love of knowledge, thou hast traversed many 
 " countries for the purpose of seeing mankinc(; I feel, 1 there- 
 " fore, now a desire of asking thee who is the happiest of all 
 " whom thou hast hitherto seen ?" The prince put this 
 question, imagining that he was himself the happiest in the 
 world : Solon, using no flattery, but speaking the truth, 2 
 replied : " Tellus, the Athenian, sire." Croesus, astonished 
 at the answer, eagerly enquired : " For what reason, then, 
 " dost thou judge Tellus to be the happiest?" The sage re- 
 plied : " In the first place, 3 Tellus, belonging to a flourishing 
 " country, had sons both fair and virtuous, and beheld chil- 
 " dren born to each of them, and all surviving himself; more- 
 " over, possessing, according to our ideas, sufficient property, 4 
 " the termination of his life was most brilliant ; for in a bat- 
 " tie, fought by the Athenians against their neighbours at 
 " Eleusis, after fighting valiantly, and routing the foe, he 
 " died most gloriously; and the Athenians buried him on the 
 " spot where he fell, at the public expense, and gave him 
 " magnificent honours." 
 
 When Solon had admonished Croesus, by mentioning se- 31 
 veral things concerning the felicity of Tellus, 5 the king asked 
 who was the second, after him that he had seen, imagining 
 that, at all events, he should certainly himself obtain the second 
 rank ; but the sage replied: " Cleobis and Biton; for these, who 
 " were by birth Argives, possessed a sufficiency, and more- 
 " over, such strength of body, that they were both victors 
 " alike at the games, and the following account, in particular, 
 " is related of them : it being the festival of Juno with the 
 " Argives, it was absolutely necessary that their mother 
 " should be conveyed in a chariot to the temple : but as their 
 " oxen did not come in time from the field, the youths, 
 
 1 Literally, A desire, therefore, has cher. That wealth contributes to hap- 
 noio come to me, etc. piness, I am willing to allow ; but I 
 
 2 rt}> lovri xpr/<ra/jvoe, making use am, nevertheless, astonished that the 
 of the truth: TO iov, id quod res est. ancient philosophers should have be- 
 Schweig, Lex, Herod. lieved that one cannot be happy with- 
 
 3 TOVTO \ilv TOVTO Se, Be- out riches. We find the same idea re- 
 cause on the one hand and be- peated in Theognis, and a vast num- 
 
 cause on the other. Larcher: ber of other authors. Lurcher. 
 
 * TOV jBiov tv TIKOVTI. Construction : * It appears to me that this is the 
 
 TOV P'tov (evtKO) tv rJKovri, quum bene meaning of Herodotus, that he wished 
 
 se haberet quod ad victum attinet. Croesus to be admonished by his dis- 
 
 iv iJKiiv is equivalent to tv *\tiv, as in course, that he might learn to judge 
 
 the beginning of this chapter, EV TjKov- more rationally of human felicity.v- 
 
 ar\q. Schweig. o TO, irap THUV, pro Schweig. 
 modulo nostratium facultatum. Lar-
 
 14 CLIO. 32. 
 
 pressed by time, 1 placed themselves under the yoke, and 
 drao-o-ed the chariot, while their mother rode upon it: after 
 ' drawino- the carriage forty-five stadia, they reached the 
 " temple. When they had performed this action, and had 
 " been witnessed by the whole assembly, a most happy ter- 
 mination was put to their lives, and the divinity proved by 
 " them that it is better for man to die than to live. For the 
 " men of Argos who were present extolled the strength of 
 the young men ; while the women extolled their mother for 
 "having such children: the mother, being filled with joy, 
 " both by the action and the glory, and standing before the 
 " image, besought the goddess to vouchsafe to Cleobis and 
 " Biton, who had so greatly honoured her, what it is best to 
 " befal man. And after this prayer, when the young men 
 ' had sacrificed and partaken of the banquet, they fell asleep 
 " in the temple itself, and never more rose, but so ended 
 " life. The Argives, having caused their statues to be 
 " carved, dedicated them at Delphi, as those of most noble 
 " men." 
 
 32 Solon thus allotted the second rank in human felicity to 
 these youths; when Croesus, in anger, exclaimed: " Stranger 
 " of Athens, is my happiness, then, so held at nought by thee, 
 " that thou dost not think me equal to private persons ?" 
 The sage replied: " Croesus, dost thou enquire concerning 
 " human affairs of me who am convinced that fortune 2 is ever 
 "jealous and disturbing? For in the length of time many 
 " things must be beheld which one would not wish, and 
 " much also must be suffered. I place the utmost limit of 
 " human life at seventy years ; 3 those seventy years contain 
 " twenty-five thousand two hundred days, without taking into 
 " account the intercalary month ; if, then, you make every 
 " other year longer by one month, so that thus the seasons may 
 
 Ty wpy, tempore ex- as from its not being entirely con- 
 
 clusi, i. e. quum nihil temporis eis re- sistent with my plan. It is not un- 
 
 liquum esset ; urgente hora. Schweig. worthy observation, that Stobaeus, 
 
 Lex. Herod. who has given this discourse of Solon, 
 
 2 Schweighaeuser is of opinion that omits altogether the passage in ques- 
 Herodotus does not mean the Divinity tion ; and, indeed, Larcher himself is 
 by ro Otlov, but that the sense of the of opinion, that the original text of 
 passage is TO Otlov irav, every thing Herodotus has been here altered. 
 that depends on fortune is (rapa^w- Beloe. 
 
 foe) inconstant, and, as it were, sub- " The days of our age are three- 
 
 ject to the jealousy of fortune. ' score years and ten; and though men 
 
 Schweig. Lex. Herod. ' be so strong, that they come to four- 
 
 3 This passage is confessedly one ' score years, yet is their streng-th 
 of the most difficult in Herodotus. < then but labour and sorrow ; so 
 Larcher has a long and ingenious note ' soon passeth it away, and we are 
 upon the subject, which I have omit- ' gone." Psalm xc. 10. 
 
 ted ; as well from its extreme length,
 
 CLIO. 32. 15 
 
 " fall at the proper time, the intercalated months in the se- 
 " venty years will be thirty-five, and the days in those 
 " months one thousand and fifty : of all these days, which in 
 " the seventy years will be twenty-six thousand two hundred 
 " and fifty, none will produce any one thing entirely similar 
 " to another. Thus, then, man, O Croesus, is completely 
 " the sport of vicissitude. I see clearly 1 that thou art both in 
 " possession of great opulence, and sovereign over many 
 < men; but with regard to what thou enquirest of me, I can- 
 " not yet give thee that character until I have been informed 
 " that thou hast terminated happily this life. For certainly 
 " he who is possessed of great opulence, is not so much hap- 
 " pier 8 than he who lives from day to day, unless the good 
 " fortune befal him to terminate his life happily in the pos- 
 " session of all enjoyments. For many very rich persons are 
 " unhappy ; while many, possessing only a moderate compe- 
 " tency, are fortunate : now he that is very opulent, but un- 
 " happy, has the advantage in two respects only over him 
 " that is fortunate, whereas the other has, in several respects, 
 " the advantage over the rich and unhappy. The former has 
 (t greater capability of gratifying his desires, and bearing any 
 " great calamity that may fall on him ; while the latter has 
 " the advantage over him in the following respects ; on the 
 *' one hand, he is not so able as the rich man to gratify de- 
 " sire and bear calamity ; but, on the other hand, good for- 
 " tune removes both from him ; moreover, he is whole in his 
 " limbs, free from disease, inexperienced of misfortunes, 
 " happy in his progeny, and fair in form : if, over and above 
 " all these, he ends his life happily, he is the person whom 
 " thou seekest, worthy to be called happy : but until he dies, 
 " it behoves us to wait, and not to call him happy, but fortu- 
 " nate. 3 Now it is impossible that man should possess all 
 " these advantages at one and the same time, as there exists 
 " no country that furnishes every thing for itself, but each pos- 
 " sesses one thing while it wants another : and that is best 
 " which possesses the most: so likewise there is no one man 
 " that wants for nothing, but has some enjoyments while de- 
 " prived of the rest ; and he who passes through life, possess- 
 " ing the most of them, and afterwards ends his days in peace 
 " he, sire, in my opinion, is worthy to bear that name. It 
 " behoves in every thing to keep in view the end in which it 
 
 1 Qaiveai. Solon had examined at compereri ac teneri. Lurcher. 
 leisure all the riches of Croesus; he 2 "O\/3ioe' 6 diet TOV bXov /3iov a- 
 
 could not, therefore, say properly, you Kapioroe. Hcsych. quoted by Lurcher, 
 appear to me to be, etc. Viger re- 3 Judge no man blessed before his 
 
 marks, that 0au/o/tai is often taken in death. Eccles. xi. 28, quoted by 
 
 the sense of liqucre, constare, manifeste Lurcher.
 
 16 CLIO. 3335. 
 
 "may terminate; for the divinity, after giving to many a 
 
 33 glimpse of happiness, has entirely overthrown them." The 
 philosopher having thus spoken to Croesus, that king be- 
 stowed no presents on him, but taking little account of him, 
 dismissed him, regarding him as extremely unpolished, since, 
 without attending to present advantages, he advised to keep 
 in view the end of all things. 
 
 34 After Solon had departed, the heavy vengeance of Provi- 
 dence visited Croesus ; because, as one may suppose, he es- 
 teemed himself the happiest of all men. Immediately after, a 
 dream came upon him as he was asleep, which showed to him 
 the truth of the misfortunes which were about to happen to 
 his son : for Croesus had two sons ; one of whom suffered 
 under a grievous calamity, 1 as he was dumb ; but the other 
 surpassed by far in every thing those of his age : the name of 
 this latter was Atys. The dream, then, showed Croesus that he 
 was to lose this Atys, by a wound from an iron spear : when 
 the king awoke, and weighed the matter in his own mind, 
 dreading the event of the dream, he chose a wife for his son, 
 and though he had been in the habit of heading the army of 
 the Lydians, he no longer sent him any where on that service : 
 moreover, he removed from the apartments of the men, 
 and collected in the interior chambers the spears, javelins, 
 and all similar instruments used in war, lest some one of 
 
 35 them, being suspended, should fall on his son. While Croesus 
 was busied with the nuptials of his son, there arrived at Sar- 
 dis a man oppressed by misfortune, and whose hands were 
 not pure ; he was a Phrygian by birth, and of the royal race. 
 This man, coming to the palace of Croesus, besought to ob- 
 tain purification, according to the laws of the country ; and 
 Croesus purified him. 2 ^The ceremony of purification is nearly 
 
 o- vide Schweig. Lex. scribed more minutely or exactly the 
 
 Herod, voc. haQ&tipuv. ceremonies observed at the expiations 
 
 2 It was the office of the priests to than Apollonius Rhodius. The guilty 
 
 expiate for crimes committed either person sits down on the hearth, fixes 
 
 from accident or design, and they his eyes on the ground, and sticks the 
 
 were therefore called Kathartai, pu- instrument of the murder in the earth. 
 
 rifiers : but it should appear from the The person whose protection he im- 
 
 above, and other similar incidents, plores discovers by these signs that 
 
 that kings anciently exercised the he -wishes to be expiated of a murder. 
 
 functions of the priesthood. Beloe. He then takes a suckling pig, slaugh- 
 
 The scholiast of Homer informs us, ters him, and smears the hands of the 
 
 (see ver. 48, last book of the Iliad,) supplicant with the blood. He next 
 
 that it was customary amongst the uses lustral waters, invoking Jove the 
 
 ancients, for whoever had committed expiator. Every thing that had served 
 
 an involuntary murder, to leave his for the expiation is then removed out 
 
 country, and fly to the house of some of the house. Cakes are then burnt, 
 
 powerful individual. There, covering water poured out, and the gods in- 
 
 himself, he sate down, and entreated voked to appease the anger of the fu- 
 
 to be purified. No author has de- ries and propitiate Jove. Lurcher.
 
 CLIO. 36, 37. 17 
 
 the same both with the Lyclians and the Greeks. When Croe- 
 sus had performed the customary ceremonies, he wished to 
 know 1 from whence and who he was, speaking in the following 
 words: " Stranger, who art thou, and from what part of Phry- 
 " gia art thou come, a suppliant 2 at my hearth ? What man 
 ' or what woman hast thou slain?" The stranger replied: 
 " Sire, I am son of Gordius, and grandson of Midas; my 
 "name is Adrastus: having slain unwittingly my own bro- 
 " ther, I have come hither, exiled by my father, and reft of 
 " every thing." Croesus answered him in the following 
 words: " Thou art sprung from a race, my friends, and hast 
 " fled to thy friends; where thou shalt want for nothing, so 
 " long as thou abidest in my house : by bearing this misfor- 
 " tune as lightly as thou canst, thou wilt be the best gainer." 
 The stranger accordingly took up his abode in the palace of 
 Croesus. 
 
 At this game time there was in Mysian Olympus a boar of an -36 
 enormous size. This animal, rushing from that mountain, used 
 to ravage the fields 3 of the Mysians, who had several times gone 
 out to attack him, but they could not hurt him, on the con- 
 trary they suffered much from him. At last some deputies from 
 the Mysians approaching Croesus, addressed him as follows : 
 " Sire, a monstrous boar has appeared in our country, which 
 " ravages the fields: we have endeavoured to seize him, but 
 " cannot. Now, therefore, do we beseech thee to send with us 
 < thy son, and some chosen young men and dogs, so that we 
 " may drive him out of the country." Such, then, were the 
 intreaties they made; but Croesus, calling to mind the warning 
 of his dream, spoke to them as follows : " Mention no more 
 " my son, for I cannot send him to accompany you, since he 
 " is newly married, and is now busied* only with his nuptials. 
 *' I will, however, send with you chosen youths from the 
 " Lydians, and all my pack : 5 and at their departure, I will 
 *' exhort them to do their utmost to assist you in driving the 
 (t wild beast out of your country." Such was his answer, 37 
 with which the Mysians were contented : but the son of 
 Croesus, who had heard what the Mysians wanted, came in at 
 
 is never used by He- the same manner Themistocles dis- 
 
 rodotus in the mere sense of asking: armed the anger of Adrastus, king of 
 
 see Schweig. Lex. Herod. the Molossians. Larcher. 
 
 9 iiriffrioQ, Ion. for t^serrtoc, which 3 "Epya signifies n\>t only the crops, 
 
 the scholiast of Apollonius Rhodius but the vines, the trees, in short every 
 
 explains very properly tiri ry tariq, thing that may be the object of the 
 
 iiv, one that stands at the hearth, i. e. a agriculturist's attention. Larcher. 
 
 suppliant. We have in Homer a very 4 ravra oi vvv p.t AH. TO.VTCI is here 
 
 remarkable instance of this custom. equivalent to TCL rov ydfiov. Larcher. 
 
 Ulysses, after imploring the assistance * Kvvrjyiioiov is explained by 
 
 of Alcinoiis, seats himself on the ashes Schweighaeuser to be, canum venato- 
 
 nearthe hearth. Odyss. vii. 153. In riorum chonim, Schweig. Lex. Herod. 
 
 VOL. I. D
 
 18 CLIO. 3840. 
 
 the moment; and when Croesus refused to send with them his 
 son, the youth addressed him as follows: " Father, formerly it 
 " was deemed in me a most noble and generous action to seek 
 " gl r y> by going to the wars and the chase ; but now thou 
 " hast excluded me from both these, although thou hast ob- 
 " served in me neither cowardice, nor any thing unmanly. 
 " With what eyes must I now be looked upon when I go to or 
 " from the public square? What must I seem to the citizens? 
 " What to my bride ? To what sort of man will she fancy 
 " herself united ? Do thou, therefore, either permit me to go 
 " and attack this boar, or convince me by some argument 
 " that the measures thus taken by thee are better for me." 
 
 38 Croesus replied in the following words : " My son, it is not 
 tl because I have observed either cowardice, or any thing else 
 " displeasing in thee, that I act thus: but the vision of a 
 " dream, which came upon me in my sleep, has declared to 
 " me that thou wouldst not long survive, for thou wouldst be 
 " destroyed by an iron spear. On account, therefore, of this 
 " vision, I have hastened this thy marriage, and for the 
 " same reason I do not send thee forth on the present under- 
 " taking, taking care if I can, by any means, to preserve thee 
 " from danger during my own life: for thou art my only son, 
 " since the other, afflicted as he is in his hearing, 1 1 regard not 
 
 39 " as mine." The youth made reply as follows: " Father, thou 
 " canst not be blamed for taking care of me, at least after be- 
 " holding such a vision : but it is proper I should inform thee 
 " of what thou dost not observe, or hast forgotten, with re- 
 " gard to the dream. The dream, thou sayest, declared to 
 " thee that I was to die by an iron spear. But what are the 
 " hands of a boar? What the iron spear which thou dread- 
 " est ? If indeed the dream had declared that I was to die by 
 " a tusk, or any thing else similar to it, then it would become 
 " thee to do what thou dost ; but, on the contrary, it declares 
 " I am to die by a spear. Since, therefore, we are not going 
 
 40 " to fight against men, permit me to go."-Croesus replied : 
 " My son, thou 2 surpasses! me in declaring thy opinion of 
 
 v rf)v airojjv. As it stantaneous acquisition of the power 
 
 turns out, hereafter, that this dumb of forming sounds expressive of ideas 
 
 child, seeing his father in danger, ob- is a prodigy which surpasses my corn- 
 
 tains suddenly the use of speech, it prehension ; such wonders are cer- 
 
 may be concluded that his dumbness tainly never heard of now-a-days. 
 
 could not proceed from deafness, but Schweighaeuser defends the text" as it 
 
 from some defect in the organs of arti- stands, in such a manner as probably 
 
 culation : hence it has been argued, may convince some readers. 
 that the words TTJV aicorjv are inter- tan ry fit VIK$Q. The words Ian 
 
 polated ; and consequently Larcher ry being not so very easy to render, 
 
 omits them in his translation. Whe- are, by most of the translators, con- 
 
 ther the dumbness proceeded from signed to a respectful silence. 
 
 deafness, or any other cause, the in- Schweighaeuser, in his Latin version,
 
 " 
 
 CLIO. 4144. 19 
 
 " the dream ; overcome, then, by thee, I alter my resolution, 
 " and permit thee to go to the chase." 
 
 When Croesus had thus spoken, he sent for the Phrygian 41 
 Adrastus ; and when he approached, addressed him thus : 
 " Adrastus, when thou wast smitten by dire 1 calamity, a 
 " circumstance, however, with which I do not reproach thee, 
 " I purified thee, and have received thee into my palace, fur- 
 " nishing thee with all that is necessary. Now, therefore, 
 " (since thou art bound, as I have before done thee a service, 
 " to requite me by the like,) I beseech thee to take charge 
 " of my son, who is going to the chase ; lest any thieves and 
 " evil doers should make their appearance on the road to 
 " injure you. Moreover, it becomes thee to go where thou 
 " mayst acquire renown by thy achievements ; for that thou 
 " inheritest from thy fathers, and besides thou possessest 
 " vigour of body." Adrastus made answer : " Sire, were it 42 
 " not thy command, I should not go to this combat ; for it 
 " is not becoming in one, oppressed by such calamity, to go 
 " among his more happy equals, nor have I any such desire; 
 nay, oftentimes I have refrained myself : but now, as 
 thou desirest it, and it behoves to gratify thee, (since it is 
 my duty to requite thee for thy service to me,) I am ready 
 " to do what thou commandest ; and, be assured, that thy 
 " son, whom thou orderest me to guard, shall, as far as 
 " depends upon his guardian, return unhurt." 
 
 When Adrastus had answered Croesus in the above words, 43 
 they afterwards went forth, provided with chosen youths 
 and dogs ; and coming to Mount Olympus, they searched 
 for the boar, and having found the animal, stood around him 
 in a circle, and hurled their javelins at him. Then the 
 stranger, the same man called Adrastus, w,ho had been puri- 
 fied from murder, aiming a javelin at the boar, missed him, 
 and hit Croesus's son. Thus the youth, wounded by the 
 spear, fulfilled the warning of the dream. Some one then 
 hastened to Croesus to inform him of what had happened ; 
 and coming into Sardis,told him of the combat, and of the fate 
 of his son. Croesus, much troubled at the death of his child, 44 
 deplored it the more bitterly, inasmuch as it was the very 
 
 renders them aliqwtenus, " thou sur- ring thy opinion concerning the dream. 
 
 passest me in some manner ;" but he ' a\api, contraction of x"P u I D - 
 
 owns such a speech seems rather for axapin. This adjective, when 
 
 strange in the mouth of Croesus. He used by Herodotus to qualify some 
 
 proposes to transpose the point after misfortune, takes the meaning of grie- 
 
 viK<ji,Q to after tanv, and to make ry vous, dire, sorrowful. In other cases it 
 
 refer to airo^aivwv, the meaning be- signifies disagreeable, displeasing. As 
 
 ing, It is so : thou surpassest me in above, ovSiv a-^api. See Schweig. Lex. 
 
 thus (ry in the sense of ravry,) decla- Herod, voc.
 
 20 CLIO. 45, 46. 
 
 person whom he himself had purified of murder that slew him. 
 Lamenting grievously his misfortune, he called upon Jove the 
 purifier, taking him to witness of what he suffered at the 
 hands of the stranger : he called also upon the god of hos- 
 pitality and friendship, invoking the same deity; calling 
 upon him as the god of hospitality, 1 because by receiving m 
 his house the stranger, he had unknowingly nourished the 
 murderer of his son; as the god of friendship, because having 
 sent him to accompany his son as a guard, he had found him 
 
 45 his greatest enemy. Soon after the Lydians approached, 
 bearing the corpse; behind which followed the murderer: 
 this latter, standing before the dead body, delivered himself 
 up to Croesus, stretching forth his hands, and begging him to 
 have him put to death upon the corpse, mentioning his former 
 misfortune, and declaring, as, after that, 2 he had destroyed 
 the person who had purified 8 him, he ought to live no longer. 
 When Croesus heard these words, although overwhelmed with 
 such domestic sorrow, he took pity on Adrastus, and spoke to 
 him: " I have received, O stranger, all satisfaction from thee, 
 " since thou condemnest thyself to death: but it is not thou 
 " who art the author of this my misfortune, except inasmuch 
 lf as thou hast involuntarily committed the deed; but some 
 " one of the gods, who already heretofore forewarned me of 
 " what was to happen." Croesus, therefore, celebrated the 
 funeral of his son in a manner suitable to his rank; but 
 Adrastus the son of Gordius, and grandson of Midas, who 
 had thus been the murderer of his own brother, and the mur- 
 derer of him that had purified him, convinced that of all the 
 men he knew he was himself the most unhappy, when all was 
 silent around the grave, slew himself on the tomb. Croesus, 
 reft of his son, remained 4 during two years in deep mourning. 
 
 46 But afterwards the empire of Astyages son of Cyaxares, be- 
 ing overturned by Cyrus son of Cambyses, and the increasing 
 power of the Persians, put an end to the mourning of Croe- 
 sus; and it entered into his thoughts to repress, if by any 
 means he could do so, the growing power of the Persians, be- 
 fore they should become formidable. As soon, therefore, as 
 he had conceived that design, he immediately began to make 
 
 1 Jupiter was adored under difie- Lex. Herod. 
 
 rent titles, according to the place and 3 It was in fact Croesus who expi- 
 
 circumstance of his different worship- ated Adrastus ; but Larcher observes, 
 
 pers. Hence those expressions, 'Ayo- he might have delegated this office to 
 
 paiof livg'y MaXi'xioc, 'IKSCTIOC, 'E^>- his son, as a compliment on his mar- 
 
 <moc, 4>iXioe, &c. Larcher. riage. Beloe. 
 
 iir' tKiivy (ry ovfjLQopy.) Praeter KaSf^To, sat down; i. e. attended 
 
 illam calamitatem. Ae. Portus, Lex. to no business. Schweig. 
 Ion. post illam calamitatem. Sckweig.
 
 CLIO. 47, 48. 21 
 
 trial of the oracles among the Greeks, and of that in Libya, 
 sending different messengers to different parts, some to go to 
 Delphi, some to Abac of the Phocians, others to Dodona: 
 some were despatched to Amphiaraus and to Trophonius; 
 others to theBranchidae, in the territory of Milesia. The above, 
 then, are the Grecian oracles which Croesus sent to consult: 
 he despatched likewise other persons to Ammon, in Libya, 
 to question the oracle. It was with the intention of making a 
 trial of what the .pracles knew that he sent; in order that, if 
 he found they knew the truth, he might send a second 
 time, and enquire of them, whether he ought to wage war 
 against the Persians. He sent forth to make trial of the 47 
 oracles, giving the following orders to his Lydians: reckon- 
 ing each day from that on which they departed from Sardis, 
 during the remainder of the time, on the hundredth day they 
 were to consult the oracles, enquiring what the king of the 
 Lydians, Croesus son of Alyattes, was then doing, and what- 
 ever the oracles respectively might pronounce, to write it 
 down, and bring it back to him. Now that which the rest of 
 the oracles pronounced is related by none ; but at Delphi, as 
 soon as the Lydians, sent to consult the deity, entered the 
 temple, and made the enquiry, as commanded, the Pythia, in 
 hexameter verse, spoke as follows : " I know the number of 
 " the sand, and the bounds of the sea ; I understand even 
 " the dumb, and hear him, that speaks not. There strikes on 
 " my senses the smell of a hard-shelled tortoise, boiling with 
 " the flesh of a lamb in a caldron ; beneath which lies 
 " brass, while that lies beneath brass." The Lydians, having 48 
 written down these words of the Pythia, departed, returning 
 to Sardis: and when the others also, who had been despatched 
 to different parts, were arrived, bringing the answers, Croe- 
 sus opened each of the papers, and examined them. None of 
 these doubtless satisfied 1 him; but as soon as he heard 2 that 
 of Delphi, he immediately adored it, and approved it, con- 
 vinced that the only oracle was that of Delphi, as it had 
 found out what he had done ; for after he had despatched the 
 messengers to the oracles, observing the appointed day, lie 
 devised the following, after considering what it might be 
 impossible to discover and conceive ; he cut up a tortoise and 
 lamb, and boiled them together himself in a brass caldron, 
 
 1 riav \i\.v dr} ovStv vpoffitro fiiv. usual signification of irpoaifffOai is to 
 
 Ion. and Ka&' vTra\\avrjv, for riav fitv allow, to approve, to believe, i. 75, i. 
 
 } ovSiv avrbg Trpoaitro. Horum ta- 135, vi. 123. 
 
 men [oraculorum] nullum ad ipsum ibat , * Larcher, to justify the use of 
 
 ad cjus animum accedebat, ei placebat, aicovtiv in this passage, observes, that 
 
 instead of nullum tamen horum ipse the prince probably caused the au- 
 
 probubat. Ae. Port. Lex. Ion. The swers to be read over to him.
 
 22 
 
 CLIO. 49, 50. 
 
 49 placing over it a brass lid. Such, accordingly, was the an- 
 swer given at Delphi to Croesus : but with regard to the 
 reply of the oracle of Amphiaraus, I cannot say what was 
 pronounced to the Lydians, after they had performed the 
 proper ceremonies in the temple ; for of that nothing is re- 
 lated, excepting at least that Croesus considered that he had 
 found this oracle also to be true. 
 
 50 Croesus afterwards endeavoured to propitiate the divinity 
 at Delphi by great offerings : for he sacrificed three thousand 
 of each kind ' of animals that may be offered, and then erect- 
 in a a large pyre, burnt thereon gilt and silvered couches, 
 va?es of gold, and purple robes, and garments; hoping by 
 these to render the divinity, in some measure, more favour- 
 able to him. He commanded likewise all the Lydians to offer, 
 each of them, whatever lawful 'victim they might possess. 
 When these sacrifices were ended, having melted down a 
 vast quantity of gold, he caused it to be run into tiles; making 
 them six palms in length, three in breadth, 2 and one in thick- 
 ness. These were in number one hundred and seventeen; 
 four of which were of pure gold, weighing each two talents 
 and a half; 3 the rest of the tiles were of pale gold, two talents in 
 
 1 KTrjvid Tf. yap ra 9vaifta irdv-a. 
 iravra is here equivalent to tKaurov 
 ykvovc, of each kind. So inix. 80, Ilau- 
 aaviy e irdvra 5tKa i^aip'idt]. Lar- 
 cher. Schweig. This appears to be a 
 prodigious number; but, as Larcher 
 observes, Theodoret reproaches the 
 Greeks with their sacrifices of hun- 
 dreds of thousands. See the account 
 of Solomon's Sacrifice, 2 Chron. vii. 5, 
 the magnificence of which is beyond 
 all parallel: 
 
 " Then the king and all the people 
 " offered sacrifices before the Lord." 
 
 " And king Solomon offered a sacri- 
 " fice of twenty and two thousand 
 " oxen, and an hundred and twenty 
 " thousand sheep." Beloe, 
 
 3 This meaning, which is the same 
 as that adopted by the author of the 
 Voyage du jeune Anacharsis, is re- 
 jected by Larcher. This latter scho- 
 lar, who follows the old reading, a few 
 lines below (rpia j;//ird\avra, one ta- 
 lent and a half instead of rpirov ijfiiTa- 
 XavTov, two talents and a half) observes, 
 that if we admit all the tiles to have 
 been of the same dimensions, we must 
 suppose Herodotus ignorant that gold 
 is the heaviest of metals, since he re- 
 presents the tiles of pure gold as 
 weighing only one talent and a half 
 
 whereas those of pale, i. e. alloyed 
 gold, are made to weigh two talents ; 
 he, therefore, adopts the interpretation 
 of Ae. Portus, ITTI fitv TO. [taicporepcf 
 iirl dt TO. fipaxvTtpa, majorts quidem 
 minores tero. Larcher, and Ae. Port. 
 Lex. Ion. Schweighaeuser reads here- 
 after rpirov t'ffiirdXavTov, two talents 
 and a half, thereby destroying the ob- 
 jection of Larcher, and explains ini 
 ru fiaKportpa (understanding ^spi] as 
 in ITTI raff , I-JTI i%ia, iir' dpiaTtpa,) i 
 the longer direction, i. e. in length ; iiri 
 TO. Ppaxvrtpa (fiipn\ in the shorter 
 direction, i. e. in breadth. Schweig. 
 Lex. Herod, and Not. 
 
 " Speak unto Eleazer, the son of 
 
 ' Aaron the priest, that he take up 
 
 ' the censers out of the burning, and 
 
 ' scatter thou the fire yonder; for they 
 
 are hallowed." 
 
 " The censers of the sinners against 
 ' their own souls, let them make them 
 ' broad plates for a covering of the 
 ' altar." 
 
 The censers had probably run toge- 
 ther, and the similarity is very striking. 
 Numbers, xvi. quoted by Beloe. 
 
 3 There is a great difference between 
 rpia i)fiiTa\avTa(three half-talents)and 
 TpiTov rjfiiTaXavTov ; the first means 
 one talent and a half, and the second
 
 CLIO. 51. 23 
 
 weight. He also caused the statue of a lion to be cast of pure 
 gold, weighing ten talents : this lion, at the time the temple 
 at Delphi was on fire, fell down from the tiles upon which it 
 was fixed, and now is placed in the treasury of the Corinthi- 
 ans; but it weighs only six talents and a half, as three talents 
 and a half were melted off. After Croesus had completed 51 
 these things, he sent them to Delphi, and, together with them, 
 the following other presents : namely, two very large bowls, 
 one in gold, the other in silver; the golden one used to stand 
 on the right, as you entered the temple, while the silver one 
 was on the left ; but these also were removed at the time that 
 the temple was on .fire ; so that the golden one is now placed 
 in the treasury of the Clazomenians: it weighs eight talents and 
 a half, and twelve minae over. The silver crater stands in 
 the corner of the vestibule, and is capable of holding six hun- 
 dred amphorae, for it i used by the Delphians to mix the 
 wine and water in the Theophanian festival. The Delphians 
 relate that it is the production ofTheodorus, of Samos; and I 
 believe it, for the work appears to me no common specimen of 
 art. 1 Croesus sent also four silver casks, which stand in the 
 treasury of the Corinthians; he offered also two basins for 
 the holy water, one of gold, the other of silver. On the 
 golden one are inscribed the words, OF THE LACEDEMONIANS; 
 these declare that the donation was theirs, but without au- 
 thority, for this also was a present from Croesus; but some 
 one among the Delphians wishing to gratify the Lacedemo- 
 nians, placed the inscription ; although I know the name of 
 that person, I shall not mention it. It is true that the boy, 
 through whose hand the water flows, is a gift of the Lacede- 
 monians; but, however, neither of these basins. Croesus sent, 
 together with the above, many other presents, without any 
 inscription, namely, some circular plates of silver, 2 and, among 
 other things, a golden statue of a woman, three cubits high, 
 which the Delphians affirm to be the image of his baker ; 3 
 
 two talents and a half. Larcher. So of Croesus, married a second wife, by 
 
 reraprov ^/iiTuXavrov, three talents whom he had other children. This 
 
 and a half, ii/SSofiov iifiiraXavTov, six woman wished to remove Croesus 
 
 talents and a half. out of the way, and gave the female 
 
 1 avvTvxbv tpyov, opus vulgare. baker a dose of poison, charging her 
 Ae. Port. Lex. Ion. to put it into the bread which she 
 
 2 xivpaTa dpyupta. It is not cer- made for Croesus. The woman in- 
 tain that plates are here meant ; the formed Croesus of this, and gave the 
 XtvpaTa, however, formed a part of poisoned bread to the queen's chil- 
 the vases put on the table. Larcher. dren. By these means Croesus sue- 
 
 3 Croesus, says Plutarch, honoured ceeded his father: and acknowledged 
 the woman, who made his bread, with the fidelity of the woman, by thus 
 a statue of gold, from an honest emo- making the god himself an evidence 
 tion of gratitude. Alyattes, the father of his gratitude. Larcher. Beloe.
 
 24 CLIO. 5255. 
 
 over and above all these, Croesus presented likewise the girdles 
 
 52 and necklaces 1 of his own wife. Such were the presents he 
 sent to Delphi : to Amphiaraiis, having heard of his worth 
 and misfortune, he presented a buckler of solid gold, and, at 
 the same time also a spear wholly of gold, the shaft being of 
 that metal, as well as the points; 2 both which were, even in 
 my time, preserved at Thebes, in the temple of Apollo Is- 
 menius. 
 
 53 To those of the Lydians who were to convey these presents 
 to the temples, Croesus gave it in charge to enquire of the ora- 
 cles, whether Croesus ought to wage war against the Persians, 
 and what auxiliaries he should take. 3 When the Ly- 
 dians had arrived at the places whither they were despatched, 
 and had presented the offerings, they enquired of the oracles, 
 saying: "Croesus, king of the Lydians and other nations, 
 " convinced that these oracles are the only true ones in the 
 " world, presents to you these gifts which your discoveries 
 " deserve, and now enquires of you whether he ought to wage 
 " war against the Persians, and what auxiliary army he 
 " should add to his own." Such were the enquiries these 
 made; and the answers of both oracles completely agreed, in 
 predicting to Croesus, that, "if he should wage war against the 
 ' Persians, he would overthrow a mighty empire;" and they 
 advised him to form an alliance with those of the Greeks whom 
 
 54 he found the most powerful. When Croesus heard the oracles 
 that were brought back, he was delighted beyond measure 
 with the answers ; and being fully convinced that he should 
 destroy the kingdom of Cyrus, he sent again to Pytho, and 
 presented the Delphians, having previously informed himself 
 of their number, with two staters of gold each man. In re- 
 turn for which, the Delphians assigned to Croesus and the 
 Lydians the privilege of consulting first the oracle, immunity, 4 
 preseance, and the right for ever of becoming a citizen of 
 
 55 Delphi to such as might desire it. Croesus, after gratifying 
 the Delphians, consulted the oracle a third time; for after he 
 
 1 Barthelemy makes the value of body of men, i.e. Whether he should 
 
 the presents of Croesus amount to form an alliance with anv other nation. 
 21,109140 French francs. Voy. du irpofiavrrfnv. This privilege could 
 
 jeunc Anach. not be c i aimed but after t]ie Amphic . 
 
 - Larcher supposes the head of the tyonic nations. tiri\dr}v there were 
 
 spear to have been similar to that of in the towns near Delphi, offices where 
 
 a French pike or halbert, which is not those who wished to consult the god 
 
 unlike a^er-de-Z, having one straight paid a certain sum, fixed by the Am- 
 
 pomt between two others bent down, phictyons, as we are informed by 
 
 Kai ii nva ffrparbv dvdpuv Trpoff- Strabo. Croesus and the Lydians were 
 
 shnulV' iT* L , lteral! , j ;' Whe r ther he P^ap S exonerated from the payment 
 
 should add to himsglf any friendly of those fees. Larcher.
 
 CLIO. 56, 57. S5 
 
 bad ascertained its veracity, he repeatedly had recourse to it/ 
 He enquired, then, of the oracle whether his monarchy would 
 be lasting, and the Pythia pronounced to him the following: 
 ft When a mule shall be king of the Modes, then, soft Lydian, 
 " will it behove thee to fly to pebbly Hermus, nor tarry, nor 
 " blush to be a coward." Croesus rejoiced most of all at this 56 
 answer when it came to him, fancying that a mule could 
 never rule over the Modes instead of a man, and, consequently, 
 that neither he nor his posterity would ever be deprived of 
 the sovereign power. He afterwards bent his thoughts towards 
 enquiring and finding out which were the most powerful of . 
 the Greeks that he might conciliate as allies to himself: the 
 result of his researches was, that he found the Lacedemonians 
 and Athenians to excel all the other nations of Greece, the 
 former among the Dorians, the latter among the lonians. 
 For these two nations were of old regarded as the principal, 
 the one being Pelasgic, 2 the other Hellenic. The former had 
 never yet migrated, the latter had wandered much and far ; for 
 under the reign of Deucalion the Hellenes inhabited the terri- 
 tory of Phthiotis, and under Dorus the son of Hellen, the . 
 country at the foot of Ossa and Olympus, called Histiaeotis ; 
 and when they were driven out of Histiaeotis by the Cad- 
 means, they settled at Pindus," and were called Macednians ; 
 from thence again they migrated to Dryopis, and from Dryo- 
 ,pis they lastly proceeded to the Peloponnesus, and took the 
 name of Dorians. 
 
 What language the Pelasgi spoke, I cannot affirm for cer- 57 
 tain ; but if it may be allowed to form a conjecture by those 
 of the Pelasgi, which exist still to this day, dwelling in the 
 city of Crestone, above the Tyrrhenians, 4 and who were for- 
 merly neighbours to those now called the Dorians, and at 
 that time inhabited the territory at present called Thessaliotis; 
 and by those of the Pelasgi likewise, who have founded Placia 
 and Scylace on the Hellespont, and who once dwelt with the 
 Athenians ;* and by those who inhabit whatever other Pelasgian 
 
 1 evttyopitTo avrov' he filled himself, should be substituted for it, as Ther- 
 he satiated himself with it. ma, afterwards Thessalonia, agrees to 
 
 2 Larcher asserts, that the Atheni- the situation. Therma and its gulf 
 ans were never Pelasgians. Essai sur are mentioned in Polymn. 121, 123, 
 fa Chronologic, viii. 11. 124. We have heard of no Tyrrhe- 
 
 3 If Herodotus had meant that they nians but those of Italy. Rennel, \5. 
 withdrew on mount Pindus, he would * We are informed in vi. 137, that 
 have used the article iv rip IUvSy. the Athenians expelled them from their 
 The omission of the article proves that habitations because they offered vio- 
 the town and territory of Pindus are lence to the young women who went 
 here meant. Larcher. to draw water at the nine fountains, 
 
 4 It may be suspected that Tyrrhe- Beloe. 
 nian is a mistake, and that Thermaeon 
 
 VOL. I. B
 
 26 CLIO. 58, 59. 
 
 cities have changed their names. If, I say, one may be allowed 
 to form a conjecture by these, the Pelasgians spoke a barbarous 1 
 language. If then the whole Pelasgian people had the same 
 diafect, the Attic nation, being Pelasgian, must have disused 
 their own language at the time they changed their name to that 
 of Hellenes; for certainly neither 'do the Crestoniates nor the 
 Placiani speak a language similar to that of any of the tribes that 
 now inhabit the countries round them ; whereas both those have 
 one and the same language : hence it is evident that, when 
 they migrated to those countries, they brought with them the 
 
 58 same form of speech which they preserve to this day. As to 
 the Hellenic race, since they have existed, they have, as far as 
 appears to me, always used the same language; separated, how- 
 ever, from the Pelasgic race, although feeble, and proceeding at 
 first from a small beginning, they have increased to a multi- 
 tude of many nations, principally by incorporating with them- 
 selves various tribes, and even some barbarians ; hence, there- 
 fore, as it appears to me, it has happened' that the Pelasgians, 
 -who were barbarians, never made any great advances.* 
 
 59 Croesus learnt, then, that of these nations the Attics were 
 oppressed and distracted by Pisistratus the son of Hippo- 
 crates, who, at that time, governed the Athenians despotically. 
 For there had happened to Hippocrates, who was a private in- 
 dividual, a mighty prodigy, as he was assisting at the Olympic 
 games : for after he had offered a sacrifice, the caldrons, which 
 were standing near, and filled with flesh and water, boiled 
 without the assistance of fire, and ran over. Chilon of La- 
 cedemon, happening to be present, and having witnessed the 
 prodigy, counselled Hippocrates, first, not to take to his home 
 a breeding wife ; and, secondly, should he already have one, 
 to repudiate her; and if he had any son, to discard him. // is re- 
 lated, 3 however, that Hippocrates would not follow the advice 
 given him by Chilon ; and that some time after this, Pisis- 
 tratus was born to him, who, in the sedition between the inha- 
 bitants of the coast* and those of the plain of Athens (in which 
 Megacles the son of Alcmaeon, headed the former, and Ly- 
 curgus the son of Aristolai'des headed the latter,) aiming at 
 despotic power, excited a third party. Having collected, 
 
 1 Not Greek. four ancient tribes of Athens, as were 
 
 2 The meaning of Herodotus is, that - the fiiaoyaioi, whom Herodotus calls 
 the Pelasgi having remained separate, inhabitants of the plain, ol IK rov ift- 
 and, as it were, insulated, and not &ov. The wTrtpdiepioi, was the name 
 having incorporated themselves with of another tribe, called by Plutarch 
 other nations, could not increase as the Siaicpioi. Lurcher. Schweighaeu- 
 Ihe Hellenes. Lurcher. ser takes these words in their simple 
 
 1 Understand \iyovat. sense of inhabitants of the sea-side, 
 
 4 UapoXoi, the name of one of the plain, and mountains. Schweig.
 
 CLIO. GO. 27 
 
 therefore, some followers, and giving as a pretext the protec- 
 tion of the mountaineers, he devised the following artifice : 
 having wounded himself and his mules, he drove his chariot 
 into the public square, as if he had escaped from enemies, 
 who forsooth had wished to cut him off' as he was driving into 
 the country. He intreated the people that he might obtain from 
 them some guard, as he had before gained much glory, when 
 heading the expedition against Megara, by taking Nisaea, and 
 performing other deeds of valour. The people of Athens, de- 
 ceived, gave him some men chosen from among the citizens, 
 who did not act as spearmen to Pisistratus, but rather as club- 
 bearers ; for they followed behind him, carrying wooden 
 staves. These rising with Pisistratus, possessed themselves of 
 the Acropolis ; from that moment, therefore, Pisistratus was 
 master of Athens ; nor did he disturb any of the offices then 
 in being, or alter the laws, but governed the city according to 
 the constitution, making wise and proper regulations. No 60 
 long time after, the factions of Megacles and Lycurgus having 
 united, drove him away; it was thus that Pisistratus the first 
 time gained possession of Athens; and not having held the 
 sovereign power sufficiently long for it to be well rooted, thus 
 lost it. But those who had driven away Pisistratus, again 
 quarrelled with each other ; and Megacles, harassed on 
 every side by the sedition, despatched a herald to Pisistratus 
 to enquire " whether he was willing to take his daughter in 
 " marriage, upon condition of receiving the sovereign power." 
 Pisistratus having accepted the offer, and agreed to these con- 
 ditions, they next contrived, in order to bring him back, an 
 artifice, in my opinion, by far the most silly ever devised ; 
 particularly as even of old the Hellenic race was distinguished 
 from the barbarians as being more ingenious and farther re- 
 
 " 
 
 moved from all foolish simplicity, and as they then contrived 
 this trick on the Athenians, who are said to be the first in 
 wisdom of all the Greeks. There was in the Paeanian 
 canton, a woman, whose name was Phya, four cubits high, 
 all but three inches, 1 and in other respects handsome; after 
 they had dressed this woman in complete armour, placed 
 her on a chariot, and instructed her to assume such demea- 
 nour as to appear most decorous, 2 they drove to the city, 
 having previously despatched heralds as forerunners, who, orx 
 their arrival at the city, proclaimed, according to the orders 
 given them, "Men of Athens, receive with favour Pisistratus, 
 
 (KO.T&) piyaOoQ airoXt'nrovffa rpti 
 
 t; CLTTO Tiffaspoiv TT;XWJ). Li- era. And first showing (her) what de- 
 terally, In stature leaving three digits meanour she should have to appear most. 
 out of four cubits. decorous. 
 
 2 Kai troSeZavTic ai]a olov n
 
 28 CLIO. 61, 62. 
 
 " whom Minerva herself!, honouring him the most of all men, 
 " brings back to her citadel." The heralds accordingly went 
 about pronouncing those words, and immediately the report 
 spread among the different cantons that Minerva was bringing 
 back Pisistratus ; and those of the city, persuaded that this 
 woman was the goddess herself, adored her, though but a 
 mortal, and received Pisistratus. 
 
 61 Pisistratus having recovered, in the above-mentioned man- 
 ner, the sovereignty, married, according to the stipulation 
 he had made, the daughter of Megacles ; but as he had sons 
 grown up, and the family of Alcmaeon were said to be conta- 
 minated, 1 not wishing to have any children by his new married 
 wife, he conversed with her in an unnatural manner. At first 
 the young woman kept this secret ; but afterwards she dis- 
 covered it to her mother, whether this latter had made any 
 enquiries or not; the mother communicated it to her husband, 
 who was filled with indignation at the insult of Pisistratus. 
 In the anger with which he was inflamed, he reconciled him- 
 self with those of the opposite faction; but Pisistratus disco- 
 vering what was going on against him, departed entirely from 
 the country ; and withdrawing to Eretria, held counsel with 
 his sons. The advice of Hippias, namely, to recover back the 
 sovereignty, having prevailed, they then collected gifts from 
 those cities which were in any manner attached 4 to them by 
 former services. Although many furnished considerable sums, 
 the Thebans surpassed all in their gifts ; and, to use few words, 
 after some time had passed, every thing was prepared for them 
 to insure their return ; for some Argive troops came from the 
 Peloponnesus as their mercenaries, and an inhabitant of Naxos, 
 whose name was Lygdamis, by coming to them voluntarily, 
 and bringing a supply of money and men, evinced 3 his great 
 
 62 ardour. They departed from Eretria, and returned to Attica 
 in the course of the eleventh year ofthdr absence ; they first 
 
 1 Megacles, who was Archon at the zens. They were condemned. Such 
 
 time of the conspiracy of Cylon, caused as were still alive, were banished; 
 
 the conspirators to be put to death at the bodies of the dead were dug up 
 
 the foot of the altar, where they had and cast without the limits of Attica. 
 
 ***+% r u fuge ' V> 70 * Megacles, as well as those of his party, 
 
 All those who had shared in those had probably returned from exile. 
 
 murders, were regarded as abomina- Larcher. 
 
 ble. The partizans of Cylou, having . * irpoytkaro. Ion. for irpoyctivro, 
 resumed their strength, were perpe- from TrpoaidseoQai.TrpoaiSiea9ai TI mu- 
 tually in war with the family of Me- to owe some mark of gratitude to some 
 gacles. In the heat of the sedition, one for a benefit conferred. 
 and the people being divided, Solon 3 wpo^u^v irXeiarnv Trapdvtro. 
 advanced between them, and per- Translated by Larcher, redoubla leur 
 .ded those who were termed the ardeur par un secours volontaire de 
 abominable^ to submit to the judgment troupes et d'argent. 
 of three hundred of the principal citi-
 
 CLIO. 63, 64. 29 
 
 took possession of Marathon, in Attica ; and having encamped 
 in that place, their partizans came to them from the city, and 
 others flocked to them from the different cantons, to whom 
 tyranny was more pleasing than liberty. These accordingly 
 assembled together ; but the Athenians of the city, both while 
 Pisistratus was collecting money, and again even when he was 
 in possession of Marathon, took no account of him. At last, 
 when they heard he was advancing from Marathon to attack 
 the city, they determined to march against him. They ad- 
 vanced, therefore, with all their forces against the new comers, 
 and Pisistratus, with his partizans, as they were proceeding 
 from Marathon to attack the town, met them on the road, 1 
 when they were come to the temple of Minerva Pallenis, op- 
 posite to which they pitched their camp. There a soothsayer, 
 Amphilytus, an Acharnanian, moved by divine inspiration, 
 presented himself before Pisistratus, and advancing towards 
 him, prophesied in hexameter verse, speaking as follows: 
 " The cast is thrown, the net is spread, and in the moonshine 
 night the tunnies will rush in." Thus spoke the divine, in- 
 spired by the gods ; and Pisistratus, comprehending the oracle, 
 and declaring that he accepted the omen, led on his army. 
 The Athenians from the city had already eaten their repast, 
 and, after it, had retired, some to dice, others to sleep. Pisis- 
 tratus and his friends fell upon the Athenians, and put them 
 to flight : while these were retreating, Pisistratus devised an 
 excellent expedient, in order that the Athenians might not 
 rally,* but remain dispersed: he placed his sous 3 on horse- 
 back, and sent them forwards; these overtaking the run- 
 aways, spoke to them according to the orders of Pisistratus, 
 bidding them have courage, and retire each to his own 
 house. The Athenians obeying, and Pisistratus accordingly, 
 having thus, for the third time, gained possession of Athens, 
 secured his authority by the means of a good number of aux- 
 iliary troops, and sums of money collected around in the 
 country, 4 some from the river Strymon ; by taking as hostages 
 and sending over to Naxos the sons of such Athenians as had 
 resisted, and not instantly taken to flight : (for Pisistratus had 
 subdued in war this island also, and put it under the govern- 
 
 1 IQ rwvrb avviovrtQ. Larcher's 2 u\iaQ{itv, from aXi'av. Literally, 
 
 translation. Pisistratus and his par- That the Athenians might not be col- 
 
 tizans having departed from Marathon, lectcd. 
 
 all in one united body, approached the 3 roue TraiCac" the article shows that 
 
 city. They arrived near the temple they were the sons of Pisistratus, as 
 
 of Minerva Pallenis, opposite to which in the above, t/3ov\w-o a'/xa roTtrt 
 
 they pitched their camp. This trans- iraiviv. Lurcher. 
 
 lation may be adopted by such as do 4 There were silver mines in Attica, 
 
 not assent to the meaning that Schweig- at Laurium and Thoricus. Larckcr. 
 haeuser gives to if rwvrb avviovrtg.
 
 30 CLIO. 65, 66. 
 
 mentofLygdamis;) besides all these expedients, he endea- 
 voured to secure his authority likewise by purifying the isle 
 of Delos, according to the order of the oracle; this he did in 
 the following manner : as far as the prospect of the temple 
 extended, from the whole of that part of the country he dug 
 up the dead bodies, and transported them to another quarter 
 of the island. 1 Thus Pisistratus reigned over the Athenians ; 
 many of whom had fallen in the battle, while others, with 
 Alcmaeonides, fled from their home. 
 
 65 Croesus learnt then that such at that time was the state of 
 affairs at Athens; and, with regard to the Lacedemonians, he 
 was informed that they had escaped from great misfortunes, 
 and had at last conquered the Tegeans in war; for during 
 the reigns of Leo and Hegesicles, at Sparta, the Lacedemo- 
 nians, who had been successful in all their other wars, were 
 worsted by none but the Tegeans : previously to the time of 
 those princes, they were almost the worst governed of all the 
 Greeks among themselves, and averse to communicate with 
 strangers ; they changed to a better legislation in the follow- 
 ing manner. Lycurgus, a man much esteemed by the Spar- 
 tans, having gone to Delphi to consult the oracle, as soon as 
 he entered the temple, the Pythia instantly addressed him thus : 
 " Thou art come to my fat* temple, Lycurgus, thou beloved of 
 " Jove and all that dwell in the Olympian mansions : I doubt 
 " whether to proclaim thee god or mortal; but sure I think 
 thee rather a god, O Lycurgus." To this some add, that the 
 Pythia dictated also to him the code which is now observed 
 by the Spartans : but, according to what tlic Lacedemonians 
 themselves relate, Lycurgus, when guardian to his nephew, 
 Leobotes, king of the Spartans, brought them from Crete; 
 for as soon as he was nominated guardian, he reformed all the 
 laws, and took proper measures that the new ones might not 
 be violated. Afterwards Lycurgus settled all things belonging 
 to war, the enomotiae, the triacades, the syssitia; 3 he insti- 
 
 66 tuted also the ephori and the senators. It was thus they 
 substituted good laws for their old ones : to Lycurgus, after 
 his death, they erected a temple, and greatly venerate him to 
 this day. As they dwelt in a- fertile land, and well peopled^ 
 they made rapid advances, and soon became a flourishing 
 state; and, accordingly, they were no longer contented with 
 remaining in peace, but fancying themselves superior to the 
 Arcadians, they consulted the oracle at Delphi concerning 
 
 1 Thucydid. iii. 104. 3 Divisions of the troops : Kara. 
 
 Triova, fat: an usual epithet of \6xovs Kai fioipag, ivtaporias KOI ffvff- 
 
 temples where many victims are sacri- aina oTpaTOirtfivovTii;. FolyaeR. ii. 
 
 ficed. Larger. 3 quo ted by Wessel.
 
 CLIO. 67, 68. 31 
 
 the conquest of the whole territory of the Arcadians: the 
 Pythia pronounced to them the following answer : " Askest 
 " thou Arcadia of me ? Thou askest much ; nor will I grant 
 " it thee. In Arcadia dwell many warriors, fed on acorns, 
 " who will repel thee. I bear thee no envy; I will give thee 
 *' Tegea, there to dance, and her fair plain to measure with 
 " the cord." When the Lacedemonians heard this answer, 
 which was brought back to them from the oracle, they gave 
 up their views on the rest of Arcadia; and confiding in an 
 ambiguous oracle, they marched against those of Tegea, car- 
 rying fetters with them, as though they were sure of enslaving 
 them ; but being routed in the battle, all those of the Lace- 
 demonians who were taken prisoners, were themselves laden 
 with the fetters which they had brought, and measuring with 
 a cord the plain of the Tegeans, tilled it. The fetters with 
 which they were bound were preserved even to my time in 
 Tegea, suspended around the temple of Minerva Alea. 
 
 In the first war, accordingly, the Lacedemonians had fought 67 
 against the Tegeans constantly without success : but in the 
 days of Croesus, and during the reign of Anaxandrides and 
 Ariston, in Laeedemon, the Spartans had already gained the 
 upper hand in the war, by acting in the following manner. 
 As they were continually defeated in war by the Tegeans, 
 they despatched messengers to Delphi, and enquired which of 
 the gods they ought to propitiate in order to become superior 
 to the Tegeans in the contest : the Pythia made reply to them, 
 " That it would happen when they brought to their country 
 " the bones of Orestes the son of Agamemnon." But as 
 they were not able to find out the tomb of Orestes, they sent 
 once more to enquire of the god the spot where Orestes was 
 buried : to the messengers who put the above question, the 
 Pythia spoke as follows : " On Arcadia's smooth plain stands 
 " a town, Tegea, where, through potent necessity, two winds 
 " blow ; the smiter on the smitten, woe lies on woe. There the 
 " fruitful earth holds Agamemnon's son : by carrying off him 
 " thou wilt be Tegea's conqueror." When the Lacedemonians 
 had heard this answer, they were still as far off as ever from 
 making the discovery, although they searched on all sides; until 
 at last Lichas, one of the Spartans called agathoergi, found 
 the skeleton. These agathoergi among the citizens are always 
 the eldest of the knights who are dismissed, five every year ; 
 these persons, during the year that they go out of the class of 
 knights, are not allowed to remain idle, being sent in the ser- 
 vice of the Spartan republic to various places. Lichas, therefore, 68 
 who was one of these persons, made the discovery in Tegea, by 
 good luck as well as ingenuity. For as at that time commerce
 
 3-2 CLIO. ,69. 
 
 was established with the Tegeans, he entered a smithy 1 m 
 that country, where he stood looking at the process of forging 
 iron; and showed his admiration at what he saw done. 
 The smith seeing him astonished, stopped from his work, 
 and said to him, " Lacedemonian stranger, thou wonldst cer- 
 " tainly have been far more astonished hadst thou seen what 
 " I have seen ; thou who art astonished at the working of 
 " iron. For wishing to sink a well in this yard, I came, in 
 " digging, to a coffin, seven cubits long: not believing that 
 " there had ever been men taller than those of the present 
 " day, I opened it, and beheld the body, which was equal in 
 " length to the coffin ; and after I had measured it, I covered 
 "it up again." The workman told what he had seen; but 
 Lichas, revolving what had been described to him, conjec- 
 tured that this must be, according to the oracle, the body of 
 Orestes, forming his conjecture in the following manner. Ob- 
 serving the two bellows of the smith, he concluded they were 
 the winds; the hammer and anvil, the smiter 2 and smitten; 
 and the iron which was forging, the woe lying on woe, as, in 
 his opinion, iron had been discovered to the injury of man. 
 Having formed this conjecture, and returned to Sparta, he 
 told the whole circumstance to the Spartans; these proceeded 
 against him on some pretended accusation, and exiled him. 
 Lichas then going to Tegea, and relating his misfortune to 
 the smith, endeavoured to hire 3 the yard from the workman, 
 who, however, was not willing to give it up ; but having at 
 last persuaded him to it, he went to live there. Then dig- 
 ging up the grave, and collecting the bones, he carried them 
 with him to Sparta; and from that time the Lacedemonians 
 were much superior in the war to the Tegeans, whenever they 
 tried their strength against each other. Moreover, the greater 
 part of the Peloponnesus was already subjected to them. 
 69 Croesus, therefore, having obtained information of all these 
 matters, sent to Sparta ambassadors, carrying gifts, to intreat 
 their alliance, prescribing to them what they were to say. On 
 their arrival, they spoke thus: " Croesus, king of the Ly- 
 " dians and other nations, has sent us to you, and says as 
 " follows : Lacedemonians, the god having commanded me 
 
 1 tig xu^Krfiov, a brazier's shop. verbero, expresses pretty well the ham- 
 Brass was discovered and forged be- mef in the enigmatic language of the 
 fore iron. Prior aeris erat quam ferri Pythia, and avrirviros, the anvil, be- 
 cogmtus usus. Lucret. v. 1292. " They cause it repels the stroke. Larcher. 
 
 tilled the earth with brass," says 3 The force of the imperfect should 
 
 Hesiod, as there was not then any be observed : Ipcrflovro does not sig- 
 
 1 iron." When iron became common, nify, he hired, but he wished to hire. 
 
 uch is the force of habit, they still So in the following chapter, xP^abv 
 
 called a smith X a\Ktv S . Larcher. uvtovro, they wished to purchase gold, 
 
 type, coming from TVTTTU, Larcher. '
 
 CLIO. 70, 71. 33 
 
 " to form an alliance with the Greeks, in obedience to the ora- 
 " cle, I therefore call upon you, as I understand that you are 
 " the first of the Greeks ; I desire to be your friend and ally, 
 " without fraud or deceit." Croesus, through his ambassadors, 
 made the above offer. The Lacedemonians, who had also heard 
 of the oracle pronounced to Croesus, rejoiced at the arrival of 
 the Lydians, and formed a treaty of friendship and alliance^ 
 for certain favours they had received from Croesus had laid 
 them under some obligation, since the Lacedemonians had sent 
 to Sardis to purchase gold, intending to use it in the statue of 
 Apollo, which is now placed on mount Thornax, in Laconia, 
 when Croesus presented them as a gift with what they had 
 come to purchase. For those reasons, therefore, as well as 70 
 because he sought their friendship, giving them the prefer- 
 ence over all the Greeks, the Lacedemonians accepted the 
 alliance. First, therefore, they held themselves in readiness 
 for the earliest call; secondly, they made a brass bowl, ca- 
 pable of holding three hundred amphorae, adorning it on the 
 outside of the brim with various figures ;' this they sent away, 
 intending it as a gift in return to Croesus. The bowl, how- 
 ever, never reached Sardis ; the reason of which is thus nar- 
 rated in two different manners. The Lacedemonians, on the 
 one hand, relate that, when the vase, which was conveying 
 to Sardis, was brought near Samos, the Samians, being in- 
 formed of the circumstance, carried it off, sailing in long 
 barks. But, on the other hand, the Samians themselves 
 assert, that as the Lacedemonians who conveyed it ar- 
 rived too late, and were informed that Sardis, as well as 
 Croesus himself, had been taken, they offered the bowl for 
 sale at Samos, and some private individuals having purchased 
 it, consecrated it in the temple of Juno: and that probably 
 they who had sold it declared, on their return to Sparta, that 
 they had been robbed of it by some men of Samos. 2 
 
 Croesus, mistaking the oracle, made an expedition against 71 
 Cappadocia, expecting to overthrow Cyrus and the power of 
 the Persians : while he was preparing to invade the Persians, 
 a certain individual among the Lydians, whose name was 
 Sandanis, and who was even before esteemed for his wisdom, 
 but after the opinion he gave to the king, became very cele- 
 brated by the Lydians, thus counselled Croesus : " Sire, thou 
 " art preparing to attack men who wear skin coverings to 
 " their legs, 3 and all their other garments are of skin : who 
 
 1 wia signifies not only animals, was then with regard to the crater, 
 but figures of every kind, whether ani- 3 avaZvpiSag, literally, breeches, an 
 mals, flowers, fruits, &c. Schweig. English word, the use of which can- 
 
 2 The Greek text adds : Kara p'tv not be excused now-a-days, even in a 
 vvv TOV Kpqrijpa oiirw? t^x*' ^ l "^ bald literal translation. 
 
 VOL. I. F
 
 34 CLIO. 72, 73. 
 
 " feed not on what they would wish, but on what they have, 
 "possessing a sterile land; who, moreover, slake not their 
 " thirst with wine, but drink water ; who have neither figs, 
 " nor any thing else good to eat. Shouldst thou, then, on the 
 " one hand, conquer, what canst thou take from them who 
 " possess nothing? But shouldst thou, on the other, be thy- 
 " self conquered, consider what advantages thou wilt lose : 
 " for when once they have tasted of our delicacies, they will 
 " cleave to them, nor will it be possible to drive them back. 
 " Hence do-I return thanks to the gods, that they do not put 
 " it in the minds of the Persians to invade the Lydians." By 
 these words he did not succeed in convincing Croesus : he 
 spoke the truth, however,- for before they subdued the Ly- 
 dians, the Persians possessed neither the luxuries nor the con- 
 
 72 veniences of life. The Cappadocians are called by the Greeks 
 Syrians: these Syrians, before the dominion of the Persians, 
 were subjects of the Medes ; but at that time they were under 
 Cyrus, as the river Halys was the boundary between the 
 states of the Medes and Lydians : that river springing from a 
 mountain in Armenia, flows across Cilicia ; and then continu- 
 ing its course, has the Matianians to the right, and the 
 Phrygians to the left; after passing by those two states, 
 it runs on northward, 1 and marks the limits on one side of 
 the Syrian-Cappadocians, and on the left of the Paphlago- 
 nians ; thus the river Halys skirts nearly the whole of the 
 Lower Asia from the sea opposite Cyprus to the Euxine: 
 this is the neck of the whole country; in length it is such, 
 that a well-girt 2 walker would spend five days to perform it. 
 
 73 It was for the following reasons that Croesus invaded Cap- 
 padocia: namely, through ambition of their territory, wish- 
 ing to add it to his own states ; and principally from the faith 
 he placed in the oracle, as well as from his anxiety to take 
 vengeance upon Cyrus for Astyages. Because Cyrus the son 
 of Cambyses had conquered and taken prisoner Astyages, 
 king of the Medes, and brother-in-law of Croesus. It was 
 thus that Astyages became brother-in-law to Croesus. A 
 body of Scythian nomades having taken part in a sedition, se- 
 cretly withdrew 3 to the territory of the Medes. Cyaxares son 
 of Phraortes, grandson of Deioces, ruled at that time over the 
 Medes : he received these Scythians, who came as suppliants, 
 in a humane manner ; indeed, he made so much of them, that 
 
 1 piotv avu, flowing up ; i. e. tip in the Latins say succinctus, from which 
 relation to the cardinal points, for it we have derived the word succinctly. 
 runs from the south towards the north 3 VTriKipxtffOm, clam exire. Ae. Port. 
 pole, which is the most elevated. Lex. lon'Excedcre suis sedibus et alto 
 Bellanger. se conferrc.Schweig. Lex. Herod. 
 
 2 v?wvo, well-girt, expeditious ; so
 
 CLIO. 74-. 35 
 
 he confided to their care some youths to learn the language 
 and archery. After some time had elapsed, as the Scythians 
 used constantly to go to the chase, and always brought some 
 game, it happened once that they caught nothing; returning, 
 thus, empty-handed, Cyaxares, (who was, as he then proved, 
 prone to anger,) treated 1 them very roughly, and with indig- 
 nity. The Scythians, thinking they did not deserve such treat- 
 ment from Cyaxares, concerted to cut up one of the youths, 
 whose education was entrusted to them ; and preparing him 
 as they were wont to dress the game, to serve him up to Cy- 
 axares as if it were, forsooth, venison; and as soon as they 
 should have served him up, to retire immediately to Sardis, to 
 Alyattes the son of Sadyattes. And the event happened accord- 
 ingly : for Cyaxares and the guests who were present eat of the 
 flesh, and the Scythians, after committing the deed, became the 
 suppliants of Alyattes. Afterwai'ds (as Alyattes would not 74 
 give up the Scythians to Cyaxares when he demanded them,) 
 war raged between the Lydians and the Medes for five years : 
 during which the Medes frequently beat the Lydians, as the 
 Lydi t ans did frequently the Medes; and among others, 9 a sort 
 of nocturnal battle was fought between them. For these two 
 nations, having carried on the war with equal fortune, coming 
 to an engagement in the sixth year, it happened that as soon 
 as the fight began, the day was 'suddenly changed to night. 
 Tliales the Milesian had foretold to the lonians that sucn a 
 change of the day would occur, fixing the time of it in that 
 same year in which the alteration did indeed take place. But 
 the Lydians and the Medes, when they beheld it was night 
 instead of day, ceased the fight, and both of the contending 
 parties even became extremely anxious to procure peace 
 for themselves ; but those who mediated between them were 
 Syennesis, king of Cilicia, and Labynetus, king of Babylon : 
 those princes hastened the treaty between them, and made an 
 exchange of marriages, for they persuaded Alyattes to give 
 his daughter Aryenis to A sty ages the son of Cyaxares, since, 
 without the strong bond of necessity, treaties cannot remain 
 firm. All those nations celebrate their treaties in the same 
 manner as the Greeks; and besides those ceremonies, cut the 
 upper skin of their arms, and lick up one another's blood. 
 
 1 -irtpitaTTt. In the Oxford edition Sk ravraiq raig jua^ntc. Wyttenbach 
 (1824) it is, by mistake, printed TCII- understands rote TT'IVTI triai rovroig. 
 pie<77T. Larcher observes, that the particle 
 
 2 iv (?, (caJ, &c. Interpreters do filv indicates that during the first five 
 not agree respecting the ellipsis after years the success was equal on both 
 these particles. Schweighaenser con- sides, iv 1 proves that the author is 
 strues iv e rule ciXXatf /la^aif, or iv then going to speak of the sixth year.
 
 36 CLIO. 75, 76. 
 
 75 Cyrus, accordingly, had vanquished this Astyages, who was 
 his own maternal grandfather, and taken him prisoner, for 
 reasons which I shall point out in the sequel of the history. 
 Croesus, irritated on this account against Cyrus, had sent to 
 consult the oracles, whether he ought. to wage war against the 
 Persians, and an ambiguous answer being returned, he 
 thought the oracle favourable to himself, and consequently 
 began war upon the Persian states. When Croesus arrived 
 atthe river Halys, he then, as I suppose, marched his army 
 over it on the bridges which are now there ;' but, as the ge- 
 neral relation of the Greeks represents, Thales the Milesian 
 enabled him to cross it : for, Croesus being in doubt how his 
 army should cross the stream, (as, according to their account, 
 the bridges did not yet exist in those days,) it is affirmed that 
 Thales, being in the camp, caused the river, which flowed on 
 the left of the camp, to run on the right also. This he did in the 
 following manner : beginning above the army, he dug a deep 
 eanal, in the shape of a crescent, so that, the river being at 
 that place turned out of its ancient course into the new chan- 
 nel, might surround the rear of the encamped army, and 
 flowing beyond it, fall again into its old bed. Thus, as soon 
 as the stream was divided in two, it became fordable in both 
 branches : some even assert, that the old bed was entirely 
 dried up ; but this I cannot assent to ; since how could they, 
 
 76 in that case, have crossed the river on their return? Croesus, 
 having passed with his army, arrived at a place in Cappadocia, 
 called Pteria. Pteria is the strongest part of that country, 
 and situate nearly 2 opposite Sinope, a city on the Black Sea. 
 Here he pitched his camp, and ravaged the lands of the Sy- 
 rians ; he took also the city of the Pterians, and reduced the 
 inhabitants to slavery ; he possessed himself likewise of all the 
 places near it, and ruined the Syrians, though they had not 
 offended him. Meanwhile, Cyrus having collected his own 
 army, and taking with him all that dwelt on his road, 
 inarched against Croesus ; but before he began to lead on his 
 troops, he sent heralds to the lonians, and endeavoured to sepa- 
 rate them from Croesus. The lonians, however, would not be 
 persuaded ; and Cyrus, having arrived, pitched his camp op- 
 posite to Croesus ; there, in the country of Pteria, they tried 
 each other's strength. A pitched battle ensuing, and many 
 
 1 Wyttenbach proves satisfactorily, verb maxime, the Greek paXiara is 
 
 that TUG fovcrag ytipiioas signifies, the put for altnost, nearly ; when taken in 
 
 bridges which are now there, and not that sense, Herodotus generally adds 
 
 such bridges as are.now used. the particle rw or Kn. Schweig. Lex. 
 
 4 o. ten. Like the Latin ad- Herod.
 
 CLIO. 77, 78. 37 
 
 having fallen on either side, they finally separated, at the fall 
 of night, neither being conquerors. 1 
 
 Croesus attributed his want of success 2 to the inferiority 77 
 in number of his troops, for his army which had been en- 
 gaged was considerably smaller than that of Cyrus ; on this 
 account, as on the following day Cyrus did not attempt an- 
 other attack, he retired to Sardis, being determined to call 
 upon the Egyptians, according to their treaty, (for he had 
 made an alliance with Amasis, the sovereign of Egypt, pre- 
 viously to that with the Lacedemonians,) to send likewise for 
 the Babylonians, (for there was also a treaty of alliance be- 
 tween them and him, Labynetus ruling at that time over the 
 Babylonians,) and to summon also the Lacedemonians to be 
 present at a determined time. Assembling accordingly all 
 the above, and collecting his own forces, he intended, after 
 passing the winter, to begin with the spring his expedition 
 against the Persians. In this intention, when he reached 
 Sardis, he despatched heralds to his allies, summoning them 
 to assemble at Sardis on the fifth month : and then he dis- 
 banded and sent away the whole of his present army that had 
 fought against the Persians, and which consisted of mercena- 
 ries; not dreaming that Cyrus, who had gained no advantage 
 in the contest, 3 would ever march against Sardis. While 78 
 Croesus was revolving these matters, the whole suburb was 
 filled with serpents ; and as soon as they made their appear- 
 ance, the horses, ceasing to graze their pastures, came and 
 eat them. When Croesus beheld this, it appeared to him a 
 prodigy, as indeed it was ; and he immediately sent messen- 
 gers to the residence of the interpreters of Telmessus. Al- 
 though the messengers reached their destination, and learnt 
 from the Telmessians what the prodigy portended, they were 
 not able to carry back the explanation to Croesus, for before 
 they could sail again to Sardis, he was taken. The fol- 
 lowing, in truth, was what the Telmessians pronounced : 
 " That a foreign host was to be expected by Croesus to in-? 
 " vade the country ; that, on its arrival, it would subjugate 
 " the inhabitants ; for, said they, the serpent is a son of the 
 " earth, whereas the horse is a foe and stranger." This 
 answer the Telmessians gave when Croesus was already a pri- 
 soner, but they themselves were not acquainted with what had 
 happened, either with regard to Sardis or to him. 
 
 1 The Greek text adds : and the two the blame to this. 
 
 armies fought thus. 3 aywi/KTa/wfoj OVTM 7rapa7r\)<Ttc 
 
 2 Literally, Laying the blame to his Qui ita aequo Marte pugnassct. 
 own army, with respect to its num- Schweig. Ver. Lat. 
 
 ber; so below, (jn^Odf rouro, laying
 
 38 CLIO. 79, 80. 
 
 79 Cyrus, as soon as Croesus retreated after the engagement 
 that had happened in the territory of Pteria, understanding 
 that he intended, at his return, to disband his troops, found, 
 upon deliberation, that it would be expedient for him to ad- 
 vance as rapidly as possible against Sardis, before the forces 
 of the Lydians could be collected a second time: and having 
 concerted that measure, he executed it with promptitude ; for 
 leading his army into Lydia, he was himself the messenger of 
 his arrival to Croesus. Croesus, although thrown into great 
 distress, by the events happening so differently from what he 
 had expected, led out, nevertheless, the Lydians to battle; 
 and, in those days, there was not in all Asia a nation more 
 valiant and hardy than the Lydians ; their mode of fighting 
 was on horseback ; they bore long javelins, and were expert 
 
 80 in the management of the horse. The armies meeting in the 
 plain that is situate before Sai'dis, which is both spacious and 
 open, 1 (several rivers, and, among others, the Hyllus, flow 
 through this plain, and fall into the largest stream, called the 
 Hermus, which, rising in a mountain sacred to Cybele, mo- 
 ther of the gods, discharges its waters into the sea, near the 
 town of Phocoea,) Cyrus, as soon as he saw the Lydians there 
 drawn up in battle array, being afraid of their cavalry, acted 
 as follows, on the suggestion of Harpagus, a Mede : collect- 
 ing whatever camels were in the train of his own army, for 
 the purpose of carrying the provisions and baggage, and 
 taking off their burthens, he placed soldiers upon them, ac- 
 coutred as horsemen. Having thus equipped them, he com- 
 manded them to advance at the head of the troops, and face 
 the cavalry of Croesus ; he next gave orders for the foot sol- 
 diers to follow up behind the camels, and placed all his own 
 cavalry in the rear of the infantry. When they were all ar- 
 rayed, he commanded them not to give quarter* to any of the 
 Lydians, but to kill all who opposed them ; lie gave orders, 
 however, that they should not put Croesus to death, not even 
 if he should resist when taken. Such were his orders : and it 
 was for this reason that he drew up the camels to oppose the 
 cavalry : the horse has a dread of the camel, and cannot sup- 
 port either the sight or the smell of him. 2 It was for this 
 reason consequently that Cyrus had recourse to this strata- 
 gem, in order to render the cavalry of Croesus ineffective, by 
 means of which, evidently, 3 the Lydian prince also hoped to 
 
 c, nudus, indicates that the see the form or to smell the scent of 
 
 plain had neither trees nor bushes. him. 
 
 vfT" , 3 Tl pleonastic after 017. Schweig. 
 
 Literally, Cannot bear either to Lex. Herod.
 
 CLIO. 81, 82. 39 
 
 reap much glory. When they joined battle, the horses no 
 sooner saw and smelt the camels, than they turned back, and 
 the hopes of Croesus were destroyed. The Lydians, however, 
 did not immediately lose their spirits, but when they observed 
 what had been done, alighted from their horses, and engaged 
 the Persians on foot : after some time, many having fallenon 
 both sides, the Lydians were turned to flight; and being 
 driven within the walls, were besieged by the Persians. 
 
 Siege then was laid to them : but Croesus, imagining that 81 
 it would last a considerable time, sent some more messengers 
 from the town to his allies; for those who had previously 
 been despatched had fixed the fifth month for the assembling 
 at Sardis ; but these he sent to intreat them to come as spee- 
 dily as possible to his assistance, since he was besieged. He 82 
 sent accordingly to his various allies, and to Lacedemon in 
 particular ; but at that very time it happened that a dispute 
 was pending between the Spartans themselves and the Ar- 
 gians respecting a spot called Thyrea ; for the Lacedemonians 
 had seized that place, although it belonged to the territory of 
 Argolis. The whole country westward to Malea belonged to 
 the Argians, both the continent and the island of Cytheria, 
 with the other isles. The Argians having come to the assist- 
 ance of the part of their territory thus taken from them, they 
 agreed in a conference there, " that three hundred on both 
 "sides should fight; that the place should belong to those 
 " who should be conquerors ; that the main body on both 
 " sides should retire to their homes, and not be present at 
 " the contest, for this reason, lest the armies being spectators, 
 " the party who saw their friends worsted might rush to their 
 " assistance." Having, therefore, come to the above agree- 
 ment, they retired ; and the men chosen on both sides, being 
 left to themselves, commenced battle. They fought, but with 
 such equal fortune, 1 that of the six hundred men, three only 
 were left, Alcenor and Chromius on the side of the Argians, 
 and Othryades on that of the Lacedemonians; these remained 
 when night fell : the two surviving from the Argians returned 
 accordingly to Argos as conquerors ; but Othryades, the sur- 
 vivor of the Lacedemonians, after stripping the dead bodies 
 of the Argians, and carrying their arms to his own camp, 
 kept at his post. On the following day, both parties, having 
 heard of the event, arrived, and for some time each claimed the 
 victory: the Argians alleging, that the greater number of 
 survivors was on their side ; the Spartans, on the other hand, 
 
 1 Literally, They having fought and been equal in the fight.
 
 40 CLIO. 83, 84. 
 
 showing that the Argians had taken to flight, whereas their 
 man had remained, and stripped the bodies of his slain ene- 
 mies. Finally, from words falling to blows, they fought, and, 
 many having fallen on both sides, the Lacedemonians gained 
 the day. From that time, the Argians, who previously were 
 obliged to wear long hair, having shaved their heads, enacted 
 a law, and made a vow, that none of the Argians should suffer 
 his hair to grow, and that their women should not put on or- 
 naments of gold, till such time as they should recover Thyrea. 
 The Lacedemonians, who before this event had not worn long 
 hair, enacted a law the reverse of that of the Argians, that 
 they would hereafter suffer their hair to grow. With regard 
 to Othryades, the only one of the three hundred who sur- 
 vived, they relate, that, being ashamed to return to Sparta, 
 after the slaughter of his fellow-soldiers, he killed himself on 
 
 83 the field near Thyrea. Such being the situation of affairs 
 with the Spartans, the Sardian herald arrived, intreating them 
 to hasten to ther assistance of Croesus, who was then besieged. 
 Nevertheless, when they had heard the herald, they prepared 
 to succour him ; and as they were already equipped, and the 
 ships prepared, a second despatch arrived, stating that the 
 city was taken, and Croesus made prisoner; thereupon, they 
 ceased operations, much afflicted at the misfortune of the 
 prince. 
 
 84 Sardis was taken in the following manner: on the four- 
 teenth day that Croesus was besieged, Cyrus sent round some 
 horsemen, and proclaimed to his own troops, that he would 
 give a reward to the first who should scale the wall. There- 
 upon, the troops having tried, and all the rest ceased their 
 efforts on account of their want of success, 1 a Mardian sol- 
 
 ' dier, whose name was Hyroeades, attempted to ascend by a 
 part of the citadel where no sentinels had been stationed, as 
 it was not to be feared that the place would ever be stormed 
 on that quarter, the citadel being in that direction steep and 
 inaccessible: and this was the only point round which Meles, 
 formerly king of the Sardians, had not conveyed the lion, 
 which his concubine bore him, the Telmessian divines having 
 declared, that, if that lion was carried round the wall, Sardis 
 would be impregnable. Meles, accordingly, having carried 
 it round the other parts of the ramparts where the site 
 of the citadel might be stormed, neglected, as steep and 
 impregnable, the quarter which is opposite to the city of 
 
 1 we ov irpoxip (TO Trpijy/ia.) As the thing did not succeed. Schweig. 
 Lex. Herod.
 
 CLIO. 85, 86. 41 
 
 Tmolus. 1 The above-mentioned Mardian Hyroeades having 
 the day before observed one of the Lydians descend by this 
 place from the citadel to pick up a helmet, which had rolled 
 down from the top, and then return up, was struck by the 
 circumstance, and turned it over in his mind. He accord- 
 ingly ascended next himself, others of the Persians went up 
 after him, 2 and a great crowd having followed, Sardis was thus 
 taken, and the whole town abandoned to pillage. 
 
 With regard to Croesus himself, the following events befel 85 
 him. He had a son, whom I have before mentioned, com- 
 mendable 3 in all other respects, but reft of speech. In the 
 previous days of his prosperity, Croesus had done all in his 
 power for the youth ; he imagined various things, but, in par- 
 ticular, sent messengers to consult the oracle at Delphi con- 
 cerning him, when the Pythia gave the following answer : 
 " Thou Lydian born, king of many nations, most insensate 
 " Croesus, seek not to hear the wished for voice of thy son 
 " sounding in thy palace: for thee it were better far to be 
 " without; for in a hapless day will he first speak." When 
 the city was stormed, as one of the Persians, who knew not 
 Croesus, was going to put him to death, and the prince, 
 though he saw him about to strike, heeded him not, oppressed 
 as he was by calamity, and cared not whether he died by his 
 stroke, the same dumb lad observing the Persian rush on, and 
 overcome by terror and grief, burst a passage to his voice, 
 4 and exclaimed, "Soldier, kill not Croesus." This was ac- 
 cordingly the first thing he spoke, and afterwards he had the 
 use of his speech during the whole time of his life. The Per- 86 
 sians took then the city of Sardis, and made Croesus himself 
 prisoner after he had reigned fourteen years, and been be- 
 sieged also fourteen days ; putting an end, according to the 
 prediction of the oracle, to his own mighty kingdom. The 
 Persians who had taken him, brought him before Cyrus; and 
 the latter having collected a large pile, caused Croesus to be 
 placed upon it, bound in fetters, and surrounded by fourteen 
 Lydian youths ; whether intending thereby to offer to some 
 god those first fruits of the victory, or to accomplish some 
 
 1 tart di irpbs TOV T/uiXou Ttroa/j.- the citadel or town which is opposite the 
 
 fi'ivov T!JS TroXtof. Schweighaeuser Tmolus. If Herodotus, says he, had 
 
 translates' est autem ea (pars), quae wished to designate the town of Tmo- 
 
 Tmolo oppido opposita est. Larcher lus, he would have written tan $t 
 
 treats very roughly a French 'consul Trpof rije TOV T/zwXou Ttrpapukvov 
 
 who had translated the same passage, TroXiof. See Larcher's note. 
 
 Sardes tta.it imprenable du cot6 qui 2 /car' aiirbv. ad ejus exemplwn. Gro- 
 
 faisait face a la mile de Tmolvs. Lar- nov. vestigia hujus legentes. Schtreig. 
 
 cher gives the following construction : apres lid. Larcher. 
 
 tart Si (TO) rrjc 7roXio rtrpa/iyttej/ov 3 STTUIK^C. satis idoneus. 
 irpbc. TOV TytwXou. It is on that side of 
 VOL. I. G
 
 42 CLIO. 87. 
 
 vow ; or else that, having been informed Croesus was a pious 
 man, he caused him to mount the pile, wishing to know whe- 
 ther any divinity would rescue him from being burnt alive. 
 Such, they say, was done by Cyrus ; but when Croesus was 
 placed on the pile, although he was in such calamity, the 
 saying of Solon occurred to his memory, " that no living 
 " person is happy;" and he thought it must have been men- 
 tioned to him by some divine impulse. It is asset-fed, that as 
 soon as this occurred to him, heaving a deep sigh, and break- 
 ing his long silence, he three times exclaimed, SOLON ; and 
 Cyrus hearing him, ordered the interpreters to enquire of 
 Croesus who it was he invoked ; these drew near and put the 
 question. They go on to state, that Croesus remained silent 
 a considerable time, but at last, being compelled to speak, he 
 said, " He is a man whose conversation I would prefer to the 
 vast wealth of all kings." 1 But as what he spoke was unintel- 
 ligible to them, they once more enquired of him what it was 
 that he said; and as they importuned and pressed him, he 
 accordingly told them, "how Solon, an Athenian, had for- 
 " merly come to him, and after examining all his wealth, 
 " took no account of it, but told him things, all of which had 
 " befallen him just as the philosopher had said, although he 
 " had not mentioned them more particularly of him than of 
 " the whole human race, and especially of such as imagined 
 " within themselves that they were happy." Such, they say, 
 was the reply of Croesus; and the fire being already kindled, 
 the exterior of the pile began to burn, when Cyrus, having 
 heard from the interpreters what Croesus said, relenting, and 
 considering that being himself a man, he was delivering alive 
 to the flames another man who had been not inferior to him 
 in felicity; and, moreover, dreading the vengeance of the 
 gods, and reflecting that nothing in human affairs remains 
 fixed, ordered them instantly to extinguish the burning fire, 
 and to bring down from the pile Croesus, and those who were 
 with him ; but, in spite of their efforts, they could no longer 
 87 master the flames. It is related by the Lydians that Croesus, 
 when he saw the change of determination in Cyrus, and be- 
 held all the assistants endeavouring to extinguish the flames, 
 but no longer able to repress them, exclaiming aloud, he in- 
 voked Apollo, " if any grateful gift had ever been made to 
 " the god by him, that he would come to his assistance, and 
 
 ^ l TOV av tyia iraat Tvpavvoiai Trpot- TIM (ovaStv) vaai Tvpdwoim. Lar- 
 
 Ti^rjffa peyaXwv xp/^iariov ?g Xoyouc cher. Another translation may be 
 
 l\Qilv. I have adopted Larcher's in- given : one such that I should prefer 
 
 terpretation for the reasons stated in before great wealth his conversing uith. 
 
 the notes of that learned scholar; con- all tyrants. Schn-eig. 
 struction. Ti
 
 CLIO. 88, 89. 43 
 
 " rescue him from the danger which now threatened him." 
 They report that he invoked the god weeping; when, of a 
 sudden, the sky being till then clear and calm, the clouds 
 gathered, a storm burst forth, and poured down a torrent of 
 rain, which extinguished the fire; and that Cyrus, convinced 
 thereby that Croesus was a good and pious man, caused him 
 to be taken down from the pile, when he put to him the fol- 
 lowing question : " Croesus, who can have persuaded thee to 
 " invade my territory, and to be my enemy rather than my 
 " friend ? n Croesus replied, "It was through thy good for- 
 " tune and my own ill luck, my lord, that I undertook this 
 " expedition: the god of the Greeks was the cause; he im- 
 " polled me to wage the war; for no one is so senseless as to 
 " prefer war before peace, since, in the latter, the sons bury 
 " their fathers; whereas, in the former, the fathers bury their 
 "sons; but doubtless it pleased the gods that such should 
 " be the event." 
 
 Croesus spoke thus. When Cyrus, having relieved him 88 
 from his fetters, ordered him to sit down by him, and treated 
 him with great respect; he himself, as well as all his courtiers, 
 looked upon the prisoner with wonder ; but Croesus, buried 
 in his own thoughts, remained silent. Afterwards, turning 
 himself round, and beholding the Persians, who were sacking 
 the city of the Lydians, he said, " Sire, ought I to tell thee 
 " what I am thinking ofj or am I to keep silence on the pre- 
 " sent occasion r" Cyrus commanded him to speak boldly 
 what he wished to say ; Croesus then asked the conqueror : 
 " Well then, what is all this vast crowd doing with such 
 " haste?" Cyrus replied, " They are pillaging thy city, and 
 " carrying off thy wealth." Croesus resumed : " It is not 
 " my city nor my wealth which they are pillaging, for none 
 " of these things now belong to me, but it is thy property 
 "which they are driving and carrying off." 1 Croesus's an- 89 
 swer struck Cyrus forcibly; wherefore ordering all the others 
 to retire, he asked Croesus what he thought it was best to do 
 in the present circumstances; the other said, " Since the gods 
 " have given me a slave to thee, I hold it but as just, if I per- 
 " ceivc any thing that does not occur to thee, 2 to point it out. 
 " The Persians, naturally insolent, are likewise poor; if then 
 " thou permit them to plunder and retain great riches, it is 
 " certainly probable that the following will thence ensue ; 
 
 d <jf>epov<n re KCII ayovffi TO. aa, of moveables, and such things as it is 
 
 ayai' KOI <piptn> signifies properly to necessary to carry away. 
 
 pillage, but with this difference, that * tl n tvopito irXiov. si quid amplius 
 
 ayeiv is said of flocks which are driven video, i. e. amplius quidem quam id quod 
 
 before, and of the men that are led in ocnlos incurrit.Schweig. Lex. He- 
 
 away as slaves, while ^tpeiv is used rod.
 
 44 CLIO. 90, 91. 
 
 " namely, that he who gets the greatest share must be expected 
 " to rebel ; do thou, therefore, as follows, if thou approve my 
 " advice : place at all the gates a party of the guards, who, 
 " taking the booty from such as are carrying it off; shall say, 
 " that it is necessary a tenth should be dedicated to Jove. 
 " Thus thou wilt not incur their hatred by taking away by 
 " force the booty ; and they seeing that thou art acting with 
 
 90 " justice, will obey willingly." When Cyrus heard this dis- 
 course, he was pleased beyond measure, so excellent did he 
 regard the advice. After lavishing, therefore, great praise on 
 him, and giving to his guards the orders which Croesus had 
 counselled, he addressed him in the following words: "Croesus, 
 " since thou art determined to act and speak as a true king, 1 
 " ask whatever gift thou wishest to be now granted thee." 
 The other answered : " The greatest favour, my lord, thou 
 " canst show me, will be to permit me to send these fetters to 
 " the god of the Greeks, whom I have honoured the most of 
 " all the gods, and enquire whether it is the custom with him 
 " to lead astray such as benefit him." Cyrus then asked him 
 of what he accused the god so as to make such a request: 
 Croesus, thereupon, related to him all the designs he had 
 formed, the replies of the oracles, and especially his offerings ; 
 and how, being elated by the oracle, he was induced to begin 
 war upon the Persians. After mentioning those things, he 
 once more had recourse to intreaty, begging that he would 
 allow him to reproach the god therewith. Cyrus replied to 
 him, laughing, " Croesus, not only this shalt thou obtain, but 
 " whatsoever else thou mayest at any time desire." When 
 Croesus had received this answer, he sent some Lydians to 
 Delphi, commanding them to place the fetters on the sill of 
 the temple, and then to ask the god whether he was not 
 ashamed to have urged Croesus, by his oracles, to wage war 
 upon the Persians, as if he were to put an end to the power 
 of Cyrus, his first fruits from which were these, shewing the fet- 
 ters : he bade them make those enquiries, and, at the same 
 time, ask whether it was the custom with the Grecian gods to 
 
 91 be ungrateful. When the Lydians were arrived, and had 
 spoken according to their orders, it is said, that the Pythia 
 made the following answer : " It is impossible even fey a god 
 " to avoid the lot determined by fate. Croesus has paid the 
 " forfeit of the sins of his fifth ancestor, 2 who being one of 
 
 ( ' dvcpog /3ao-iXfcoe. as a maw king: Croesus was the fifth descendant 
 
 v/7p is put pleonastically ; this ex- from Gyges, including in this number 
 
 pression is familiar to the Greeks, the two extremes, the first and last of 
 
 A.VIJP fe paffiXii'g & x Qpbv j/ytlrai rofc, the race. For this was the succession 
 
 King regards them as foes. Eurip. of the kings of the family of the Merra- 
 
 &upp. o26. Larcher. nadae : Gyges, Ardys, Sadvattes,
 
 CLIO. 92. 45 
 
 " the guards of the Heraclidae, and listening to the arti- 
 " fices of a woman, slew his lord, and took possession of 
 " his throne, which belonged not to him. Although Apollo 
 " endeavoured that the calamity of Sardis might visit the 
 " sons of Croesus, and not Croesus himself, it was not in 
 " his power to divert the fates ; but what they have granted, 
 " he obtained, and gave to Croesus ; for he it was who 
 " deferred the seizure of Sardis three years : let Croesus 
 " then know that he has been made a captive so many years 
 " later than was fated. In the second place, the god came to 
 " his assistance when he was on the point of being burnt. 
 " With regard to the oracle pronounced, it is with injustice 
 " that Croesus complains; for Apollo foretold, that, should 
 " he wage war upon the Persians, he would overthrow a 
 " mighty empire. Had Croesus wished to take good counsel, 
 " it became him then to send and enquire, whether the god 
 " meant his own empire or that of Cyrus ; but since he nei- 
 " ther comprehended what was spoken, nor made any new 
 " enquiry, let him blame himself alone. And the last time 
 " that he consulted the oracle, Apollo made the declaration 
 " with regard to the mule ; l but neither did Croesus com- 
 " prehend this : for Cyrus was undoubtedly that mule ; since 
 " lie was born of parents of different nations, mother of a 
 " superior rank, but an inferior father ; since she was a Mede, 
 " and daughter of Astyages, king of the Medes; whereas he 
 " was a Persian, and ruled by the former ; and being inferior 
 " in every respect, had married his sovereign lady." Such 
 was the answer the Pythia gave to the Lydians. These car- 
 ried back the reply to Sardis, and communicated it to Croesus, 
 who, when he heard it, acknowledged the fault to be his, and 
 not the god's. Such, then, were the events relating to the 
 empire of Croesus and the first subjection of the lonians. 
 
 There are likewise many other offerings of Croesus in 92 
 Greece, besides those which have been already mentioned ; 
 for first, in Thebes of Boeotia, there is a golden tripod, 2 which 
 he dedicated to Apollo Ismenius; secondly, in Ephesus, the 
 golden heifers and most of the pillars ; thirdly, in the temple 
 of Minerva Pronaea 3 at Delphi, a large shield of gold; (all 
 the above were still extant in my time ; but others of the of- 
 ferings have been lost) fourthly, the offerings made by Croesus 
 
 Alyattes, Croesus. Such was the on three legs : they were of two sorts, 
 
 usual manner of reckoning among the some being used at banquets for mix- 
 
 Greeks, when speaking of genealo- ing the wine and water ; others being 
 
 gical degrees. Bellanger. intended to boil water. Lurcher. 
 
 1 tlrrt TO, tlire Aoi'j Trtpt rjfiiovoQ. 3 Upovrfir] 'AOrjvali], Minerva Pro- 
 
 Literally, said what he said concerning naea,<7Hrt*tdic5Yestibularis. Schiveig. 
 
 the mule. Lex. Herod. 
 
 3 The tripod was a vase, standing
 
 46 CLIO. 93. 
 
 at Branchis, in the land of the Milesians, equal in weight, 
 as I am told, and similar to those at Delphi. The presents 
 he made to Delphi and the temple of Amphiaraus, were out 
 of his own property, being the first fruits of his patrimonial es- 
 tate; but the other offerings were made out of the riches of an 
 enemy, who raised a party against him, previously to his as- 
 cending the throne, and joined Pantaleon in his efforts to 
 gain the empire of the Lydians. This Pantaleon was son of 
 Alyattes, and brother to Croesus, though not by the same 
 mother; for Croesus was son to Alyattes by a woman of Ca- 
 ria, whereas Pantaleon was born of a woman of Ionia. After 
 Croesus was, by the gift of his father, in possession of the 
 empire, he caused the individual who had acted contrary to 
 him to be torn to death on the rack; 1 and then dedicated his 
 property, which he had already previously vowed to the gods, 
 in the above-mentioned manner, to the temples which I have 
 enumerated. But enough has been said concerning the offer- 
 ings of Croesus, 
 
 93 The territory of Lydia has not, like some other countries, 
 many wonders deserving mention in history, excepting the 
 gold sand brought down from Tmolus. It exhibits, however, 
 one work, by far the greatest of any, except the works of the 
 Egyptians and Babylonians : there is in that country a tomb 
 of Alyattes the father of Croesus, the base of which is of 
 large stones, and the rest of the monument a heap of earth ; 
 the merchants, 8 mechanics, and girls who prostitute them- 
 selves for hire, caused it to be erected. Some termini, or 
 bournes, five in number, were still, even in my time, standing 
 on the upper part of the tomb ; and letters were engraved on 
 them, showing what portion each class caused to be built; 
 and, on a measurement, it clearly appeared that the portion 
 of the girls was the greatest. For all the daughters of the 
 Lydian people are in the custom of prostituting their persons; 
 for the purpose of collecting a portion, they continue to do so 
 11 such time as they marry; and they have the right of dis- 
 posing 3 of themselves in marriage. The circuit of the monu- 
 ment is six stadia and two plethra; its breadth is thirteen 
 
 according to Suidas, mistake of which Beloe accuses the 
 
 ms and Trmaeus, is an instru- learned French translator never ex- 
 
 ment armed with points, not unlike isted. 
 
 of* S { ^T "^ ^ * SOri * Homines circumforanei, Merca- 
 
 f rack on which criminals were torn tores forenses 
 
 to death. LorcAw. It seems that 3 k*tf w/u is said of the fath who 
 
 Sn are thfnlerS d 
 
 seofhi s tl v,-, T e gvCS s au S ter * nonage, 
 
 * con their C or P laces her in t^ ^nd S of her hus 
 
 ^nd : this right the Lydian girls 
 ^-d for themselves.
 
 CLIO. 94-, 95. 47 
 
 plothra. Adjoining to the monument is an extensive lake, 
 which the Lydians represent as inexhaustible ; it is called the 
 Gygean Lake. 
 
 The Lydians have nearly the same laws as the Greeks, 94 
 save that they prostitute their female children. They are the 
 first in the world we know of that coined and used gold or 
 silver money ; they were also the first retail dealers. The 
 Lydians themselves assert, that the games now existing among 
 them and the Greeks were an invention of theirs ; they add, 
 that at the same time they invented them they sent a colony 
 into Tyrrhenia, giving the following account of those events. 
 They relate, that under king Atys son of Manes, there was a 
 dreadful famine throughout all Lydia ; and that the Lydians, 
 for a time, supported it with constancy ; but afterwards, as it 
 did not cease, they searched for some relief, when various of 
 them devised various things ; and that at that time, therefore, 
 the discovery was made of dice, cockals, and bowls, and all 
 the other kinds of games, excepting back-gammon ; l (for the 
 Lydians do not claim the discovery of that game.) It is 
 added, that they devised the following to repel their hunger; 
 to play every other day, in order not to feel the want of food ; 
 but on the next to cease their sports and eat: in this manner 
 they passed eighteen years, but as after that the evil did not 
 cease, but rather gathered fresh strength, their king in con- 
 sequence divided the whole of the Lydians into two classes, 
 and elected, by lot, the one to remain, the other to depart 
 from the country. Over the party to which it should be al- 
 lotted to remain in the country he constituted himself king ; 
 over that which was to migrate he placed his own son, whose 
 name was Tyrrhenus. They affirm, that the party of them 
 to whose lot it fell to depart out of the country, went down 
 to Smyrna, constructed some ships, and having put on board 
 whatever moveables they had that might be useful, sailed 
 away in search of food and country ; until, after passing by 
 various nations, they reached Umbria ; where they built 
 towns, and remain to the present. But they changed their 
 name of Lydians after that of the king's son, who had con- 
 ducted them, from whom deriving their appellation, they are 
 called Tyrrhenians. The Lydians, therefore, were reduced 
 by the Persians. 
 
 Our history now proceeds, therefore, to inquire who Cyrus 95 
 was that overthrew the empire of Croesus; and by what 
 
 1 TrtiTffoe was the pebble used at thirty-six houses, in which the peb- 
 some kind of table game, the nature bles were 'placed ; the middle line 
 of which is not exactly determined. It was called the upd ypappri, the game 
 appears that the table was divided in itself Trtaema, and ol iriffvoi. See 
 both dimensions by five lines, making Schneider's Greek and German Lexicon.
 
 48 CLIO. 96, 97. 
 
 means the Persians obtained the sovereignty of Asia. I shall, 
 accordingly, write after the authority of some of the Persians, 
 who have sought not to extol the deeds of Cyrus, but to speak 
 - the truth as it is ; although I might point out three other dif- 
 ferent manners of narrating the history of Cyrus. The Assy- 
 rians had been five hundred and twenty years sovereigns of 
 the Upper Asia, when the Medes began the first to revolt 
 from them ; and these, I presume, in their contest for liberty 
 with the Assyrians, evinced their valour, and shaking off ser- 
 vitude, obtained their liberty : after them, the rest of the tri- 
 
 96 butary nations also did the same as the Medes. All the na- 
 tions on the continent were at first ruled by their own laws, 
 but passed again under a despotic form of government in the 
 following manner: There was among the Medes a wise man, 
 named Deioces, and son of Phraortes, who, aspiring to abso- 
 lute power, acted as follows : as the Medes dwelt in villages, 
 Deioces, who was even previdusly much esteemed in his own, 
 applied himself with more eagerness to the exercise of jus- 
 tice; and this he did, as there was much lawlessness all over 
 the country of Media, although he knew that injustice is hos- 
 tile to justice. 1 The Medes of his village having observed his 
 conduct, elected him for their judge. Deioces, as being de- 
 sirous of the sovereign power, behaved himself as a jus? and 
 upright man ; and by so doing gained no small credit with 
 his fellow-citizens ; so that those of the rest of the villages 
 being informed that Deioces was the only man who judged 
 with equity, and having before been oppressed by unjust sen- 
 tences, 2 came, when they heard of it, to 'Deioces, of their own 
 free will, for him to settle their differences ; in the end, they 
 
 97 would refer to no other judge. The number of comers con- 
 stantly increasing, as the report spread that the differences 
 were completely terminated 3 by the decision of Deioces, he, 
 seeing that every thing was norm referred to him, would no 
 longer take his place on the seat from whence he was accus- 
 tomed to pronounce his decision, but refused to perform any 
 longer the duties of a judge: 4 since it was contrary to his 
 
 ' rp <?iKajWo a&Kov jroXe/uov *(m. aSiKiy rb aStKsotitvov wo\iuiov tffrt. 
 
 As Deioces aspired to the throne, he Larcher. Schweighaeuser does not 
 
 ,hed to render himself popular, and see any necessity of altering the text, 
 
 as he was convinced of the iniquity of 7prorrovrc, meeting with, fall- 
 
 the judges, and that those who are ing on. 
 
 the victims of injustice hold it in hor- 3 rdfi Six ^ ft aivilv KaT& ro iov , 
 
 PODufaritv ta V SV-H; r 1 btai ? u Um audirent lites eventum J ustum 
 popularity, to distribute justice with habere, lites juste (ear* TO iiioter- 
 
 zealous impartiality. Such is, I think, minari. Ac. Port. Lex. Ion. 
 eniT Tlfom f h er d h tus - ? Fon- l^ for SlK ^ llv or Suc& as 
 
 -m, to whom this observation be- i\j v for iXdvw. Sckweie Ler 
 
 lougs, corrects in consequence, on rjf Herod.
 
 CLIO. 98, 90. 49 
 
 " interest to neglect his own affairs, and pass the whole of the 
 " day in settling the disputes of others." Rapine and law- 
 lessness extending, in consequence, far more even than before 
 through the villages, the Medes assembled together, and con- 
 ferred respecting the state of their affairs. The friends of 
 Deioces must, I presume, have spoken principally as follows : 
 " Since it is certain that, if we continue the present mode of 
 " life, we shall no longer be able to inhabit this country; let 1 
 " us place a king over ourselves, and so the country will be 
 " well governed, and we may apply to our works without 
 " being driven from our land by the violence of lawless men." 
 By something like this discourse, they persuaded the Medes 
 to put themselves under a monarchical constitution. It being 98 
 immediately proposed for deliberation " whom they should 
 name king," Deioces was repeatedly proposed and praised by 
 all present: till at last they agreed he should be their sovereign. 
 Deioces thereupon commanded them to build him a palace 
 suitable to the royal dignity, and to furnish him with guards; 
 the Medes accordingly did so, for they erected a large and 
 strong palace for him in that part of the country which he 
 himself pointed out, and allowed him to choose his guards 
 from the whole nation of the Medes. When he was in pos- 
 session of the power, he compelled the Medes to build them- 
 selves one single town, and to attend to adorning that, with- 
 out taking so much account of the others. The Medes 
 obeying these orders likewise, he erected a large and strong 
 place, the same which is now called Ecbatana, fortified with 
 concentric walls ; this place was so arranged, that each circu- 
 lar wall was higher than the preceding by the battlements 
 only; the site, indeed, which was on a hill, contributed, in 
 some measure, to its being so ; but it was principally so con- 
 structed by design, the whole number of circles being seven ; 
 within the last of which stood the palace and treasury. The 
 largest of these walls is nearly equal in extent to the 
 ramparts of Athens; of the first circle the battlements are 
 white; those of the second are black; those of the third, 
 purple; those of the fourth, blue; those of the fifth, buff: 
 thus the battlements of all the circles are coloured with paint;* 
 but the two last have their battlements covered, the one with 
 silver, the other with gold. 
 
 Deioces, accordingly, erected for himself these walls around 99 
 his own residence; the rest of the people he commanded to in- 
 habit the outside of the citadel: all these edifices being com- 
 pleted, Deioces was the first to establish the following regula- 
 
 1 <pkpt .(Trr/trwjuti/, come, &c. 2 0ap/mica are colours, as in Latin 
 
 venenum. Larcher. 
 VOL. I. H
 
 50 CLIO. 100103. 
 
 tion ; that no one should enter the king's palace, but that all 
 business should be transacted through the medium of certain 
 officers ; l and that the king should be seen by no one; besides 
 this, that it should be deemed indecent in all persons whatever 
 to laugh and spit in his presence. 2 It was for the following 
 reasons he affected such state, namely, lest his equals, who had 
 been brought up with him, and were not of an inferior family, 
 or second to him in valour, constantly seeing him, should envy 
 and conspire against him; whereas, if they were not in the habit 
 of beholding him, he might appear to them a being of another 
 
 100 nature. After he had settled these regulations, and seated 
 himself firmly on the throne, he continued a rigorous dis- 
 penser of justice: the litigants wrote out the cases in dispute, 
 and sent them in to him ; and when they were brought in, he 
 made his decision, and sent them back. It was thus that he 
 acted with regard to judiciary matters ; but all other things 
 were also regulated by him ; if he was informed that any one 
 had committed an injury, he sent for him, and punished him 
 in proportion to each offence ; for this purpose he had spies 
 and informers in every part of the country under his go- 
 vernment. 
 
 101 Deioces thus collected the Medes into one single nation only, 
 over which he established his empire; the following are the 
 different tribes of the Medes, namely, the Busae, the Parate- 
 ceni, the Struchates, the Arizanti, the Budii, the Magi; such, 
 
 102 then, are the tribes of the Medes. Deioces had a son, Phra- 
 ortes, who, at the death of Deioces, after a reign of fifty-three 
 years, inherited the kingdom. When he had succeeded" to the 
 tin-one, he was not satisfied to rule over the Medes only ; but 
 undertook an expedition against the Persians, attacked them, 
 and subjected them, first of all, to the Medes ; afterwards, 
 having the command of these two nations, both of which were 
 powerful, he subjected Asia, advancing from one people to 
 another, till his expedition against the Assyrians, and those 
 of that nation who inhabited Nineveh : these had previously 
 been masters over all the nations of Asia, but at that time 
 were without allies, they having separated from them, but ne- 
 vertheless were in a flourishing condition. Phraortes, ac- 
 cordingly, undertook an expedition against them, in which, 
 after a reign of two-and-twenty years, he was himself killed, 
 together with the greater part of his army. 
 
 103 On the decease of Phraortes, Cyaxares son of Phraortes, 
 and grandson of Deioces, succeeded. This prince is repre- 
 sented as much more valiant than his ancestors ; he was the 
 
 1 These were his ministers or visits. * nai Hiram. Translated by Lar- 
 rcher - cher : en presence les uns des autres.
 
 CLIO. 104, 105. o] 
 
 first who classed the Asiatic soldiers into cohorts, and com- 
 manded that the spearmen, the archers, and the horsemen, 
 should be drawn up in separate bodies; for, before him, all 
 the troops were confusedly mixed. It was this prince who 
 was engaged with the Lydians, at the time that the day was 
 changed into night 1 over the combatants; it was he also who 
 subjected to himself the whole of Asia above the Halys. He 
 collected all the forces of his empire, and marched against 
 Nineveh, with the intention of avenging his father, and the 
 desire of destroying that city. But after he had vanquished 
 the Assyrians in an engagement, and begun the siege of Ni- 
 neveh, a vast army of Scythians fell upon him ; these were 
 headed by the king of the Scythians, Madyes son of Proto- 
 thys ; in driving the Cimmerians out of Europe, they had en- 
 tered Asia, and thus, in pursuit of the fugitives, had reached 
 the territory of the Medes. From the Palus Maeotis to the 104 
 river Phasis and Colchis is a journey of thirty days for a well- 
 girt walker; and from Colchis to Media, the distance across 
 the mountains 2 is not so great, there being one nation be- 
 tween them, the Saspcires, after crossing which, one is in 
 Media/ The Scythians, however, did not enter the country 
 by that way, but took a much longer route higher up, keeping 
 the range of Caucasus on the right. The Medes having there 
 
 cj O O 
 
 come to an engagement with the Scythians, and being de- 
 feated in the battle, were deprived of their dominion; and the 
 Scythians possessed themselves of the whole of Asia. From 105 
 thence the Scythians proceeded towards Egypt; and when 
 they were in Syria of Palestine, Psammitichus, king of Egypt, 
 meeting them with gifts and intreaties, prevailed on them not 
 to advance any farther. On their return back, when they 
 reached Ascalon, a city of Syria, the greater part of the 
 Scythians passed by it without committing any devastation ; 
 but some few of them being left in the rear, plundered the 
 temple of Venus Coelestis. This temple, as I find on enquiry, 
 is the most ancient of all the temples of that goddess; for that 
 in Cyprus, as the Cyprians themselves allow, owes its origin 
 to this; and the one in Cytheria was erected by Phoeni- 
 cians, who came from this Syria. 3 The goddess visited 
 those of the Scythians who ravaged her temple at Ascalon, 
 and their posterity for ever, with a female disease;' so that 
 
 1 See i. 74. 4 6i]\nav vovaov, two words which 
 
 2 v-rrfpfiaivwv is said of the mouu- have much exercised the ingenuity of 
 fains one crosses. The land of the commentators ; it appears to have been 
 Saspeires, as will be seen, i. 110, was a disorder consequent on the manner 
 mountainous. Larcher. in which the Scythians endeavoured 
 
 3 ravrtit; rr/c Su/wjc.. That is to to cure themselves of the sciatica, pro- 
 say, from Syria of Palestine, duced by constant riding.
 
 52 CLIO. 106108. 
 
 the Scvthians themselves confess that it is for that reason they 
 are afflicted, and that those who come into the country of 
 Scythia may see among them in what manner those indi- 
 viduals are affected, 1 whom they themselves call Enareas. 
 
 106 The Scythians, accordingly, remained masters of Asia 
 during eight and twenty years, and every thing was, through 
 their violence and neglect, completely overturned ; for besides 
 the usual tributes, they exacted from every individual what- 
 ever contribution they chose to impose upon him ; and besides 
 those contributions, they rode about pillaging what the people 
 happened to possess. Cyaxares and the Medes having invited 
 the greater part of them to a feast, and intoxicated them, 
 massacred them ; and by that means the Medes recovered 
 their dominion, and the states over which they had formerly 
 ruled. They then took Nineveh, (the manner in which they 
 made the capture I shall explain in another history, 2 ) and re- 
 duced to their subjection all the Assyrians, the district of Ba- 
 bylon excepted : after which, Cyaxares died, having reigned 
 forty years, including those in which the Scythians held the 
 sway. 
 
 107 Astyages the son of Cyaxares succeeded to the empire. He 
 had a daughter, to whom he gave the name of Mandane: 
 Astyages fancied in his sleep that he saw her discharge such a 
 quantity of urine, that it not only filled his own city, but also 
 overflowed the whole of Asia. Having communicated his 
 vision to the interpreters of dreams among the magi, he was 
 alarmed when he heard from them the particulars. So that 
 afterwards, when Mandane was marriageable, he would not 
 give her to any of the Medes worthy of his alliance, dreading 
 the result of his vision ; but united her to a Persian, whose 
 name was Cambyses, whom he understood to be of a good 
 family, and peaceable disposition, because he regarded him 
 
 108 as greatly inferior to a Mede of the middle rank. In the first 
 year after Mandane was married to Cambyses, Astyages be- 
 held another vision ; he thought 'he saw a vine spring from 
 his daughter's womb, and that vine cover the whole of Asia : 
 when he had had that vision, and communicated it to the inter- 
 preters of dreams, he sent for his daughter, who was then near 
 her delivery, out of the Persian territory; and after her arrival, 
 kept a strict watch over her, intending to destroy her off- 
 spring. For the explainers of dreams among the magi had, 
 from his vision, pointed out that the issue of his daughter 
 would one day reign in his place. Astyages, accordingly, 
 wishing to guard himself against such an event, called to 
 
 J we haKiarai (Ion. for CIOKUVTCII,) * Probably the History of Assyria, 
 rot-c (i. e. OVTOI OVQ) icaXiovm, &c. supposed to be a work of Herodotus. 
 Schwetg. Lex. Herod. Destroyed by time.
 
 CLIO. 109, 110. 53 
 
 him, as soon as Cyrus was born, Harpagus, a relation, the 
 most faithful to him of the Mecles, and his confidant in all 
 matters; to him he spoke as follows: " Harpagus, I would 
 " have thee by no means neglect the business with which I 
 " now trust thee ; do not deceive me, lest attaching thyself 
 " to others, thou shouldst cause thy own fall. 1 Take the in- 
 " fant which Mandane has brought forth, carry it to thy 
 " house, and there destroy it ; and then bury it in such man- 
 " ner as thou wilt think proper." The other replied : " Sire, 
 " hitherto thou hast never seen any thing like ingratitude in 
 " the man that now stands before thee ; I shall take care for 
 " the time to come also not to offend thee: therefore if it be 
 " thy pleasure that this should be done, as thou sayest, it be- 
 " hoves me, so far at least as is in my power, to execute it 
 " carefully." Harpagus having answered in these words, 109 
 and the infant being delivered up to him, adorned in the 
 dress 2 of the dead, proceeded, weeping, towards his house; 
 and at his arrival, related to his own wife the whole discourse 
 Astyages had held to him ; whereupon the woman said to 
 him : " What dost thou intend, then, to do now ?" " Not 
 " according to the commands of Astyages," he replied ; " not 
 " even were he more mad and wrath than he now is, would 
 " I at any rate obey his will, or lend myself to such a inur- 
 " der. I will not be his murderer for many reasons ; for the 
 " child is my own relation, and, moreover, Astyages is old, 
 "- and without male issue; now should 3 the empire at his 
 " death descend to this daughter, whose infant he now wishes 
 " to destroy by my hands, what else would then remain for 
 " me but the greatest danger? 4 Nevertheless it is necessary, 
 " for my safety, that this infant should perish ; but some one 
 " of Astyages's people, and not mine, must be the execu- 
 " tioner." He spoke thus, and immediately despatched a 110 
 messenger for one of Astyages's herdsmen, who, he knew, fed 
 his flocks in pastures well adapted to his purpose, being situ- 
 ated in mountains much infested with wild beasts. His name 
 was Mitradates, and he was married to a fellow-slave : the 
 name of the woman with whom he lived was, in the Greek 
 language, Cyno ; in that of the Medes, Spaco, for the Medes 
 call a bitch spaco. The pastures where this herdsman kept 
 the cattle were at the foot of a range of mountains, northward 
 of Ecbatana, and towards the Black Sea; for in that direction, 
 
 1 fir) trol (al. ai>) eaivry vtpuriffy? 3 QtXrjati. It is proper to observe, 
 
 netuaipsius culpain malum incidas; that in Herodotus, and others, 0I\ 
 
 ne tibi ipse causa sis exitii. Schweig. and idi\ti are often redundant, and 
 
 Lex. Herqd. joined to inanimate objects. Larcher. 
 
 - TJ)V iiri Gavary, supply rr/v (ic6<7- ' The construction is, ri a\\o \tiiri- 
 
 jurjort* or aKivtjv,) ini Qavar^t. ral poi j 6 jueyiaroe TWV KivSvvoiv.
 
 54, CLIO. 111. 
 
 in the neighbourhood of the Saspeires, the country of the Medes 
 is very mountainous, lofty, and covered with wood, whereas the 
 rest of the country is all level. The herdsman who was sent for 
 having come accordingly with great diligence, Harpagus spoke 
 to him* thus: "Astyages commands thee to take this infant, and 
 " expose him on the most desert of the mountains, so that he 
 " may quickly perish: he ordered me likewise to tell thee this, 
 " that if thou dost not destroy it, or if in any manner thou 
 " contributes! towards saving its life, thou shalt perish by 
 " the most cruel death : I am also commanded to see myself 
 111" the child exposed." The herdsman having received these 
 orders, took up the infant, went back by the. same way, and 
 returned to his cottage. Now while he was gone to the city, 
 it so happened that 'his own wife, who expected her delivery 
 every day, 1 brought forth at that time a child. They were 
 both anxious on each other's account; the man being con- 
 cerned fpr the delivery of his wife, and the woman being un- 
 easy, as it was not usual for Harpagus to send for her hus- 
 band : so that when he appeared before her at his return, the 
 woman, seeing him thus unexpectedly, spoke to him the first, 
 / and asked wherefore Harpagus had sent for him in such haste. 
 " Wife," said he, " when I reached the city, I beheld and 
 " heard such things as I wish I had never seen and had never 
 " happened to our masters. The whole house of Harpagus 
 " was filled with lamentation ; terrified, I entered ; and as 
 " soon as I went in, I beheld on the ground an infant, pant- 
 " ing and weeping, adorned with gold, and a coloured gar- 
 " ment. 2 When Harpagus saw me, he ordered me instantly 
 " to take up the infant, carry him away, and expose him in 
 " that part of the mountains that is most infested with wild 
 " beasts; saying that it was Astyages himself who commanded 
 " me to do so, and threatening me with severe punishment if I 
 " did not obey: I took up the child, supposing it belonged to 
 " one of the family, and carried it away ; for I certainly could 
 " never have imagined whose it was. Nevertheless I was as- 
 " tonished when I beheld the gold and richly-ornamented 
 " clothes; as I was likewise at the mourning that appeared in 
 " the house of Harpagus: but soon after, while on my road, I 
 " received indeed a full account from the servant who con- 
 " ducted me out of the city, and placed the child in my hands; 
 " that he is in truth the son of Astyages's daughter, Mandane, 
 " and of Cambyses son of Cyrus, and that Astyages commands 
 
 , signifies, from day varied robe of gold cloth; it is an ex- 
 
 to day, not the whole day ; d,ri?, ample of the figure called by the 
 
 near her delivery. grammarians eV ha Svow. Larchcr. 
 " XP Vff <t> TI KOI tvOiJTi TTouciXy a
 
 CLIO. 112114. 55 
 
 " that he be put to death. So now here he is." At the same 112 
 time that the herdsman spoke these words, he uncovered the in- 
 fant, and showed it to his wife ; she, seeing the baby was stout 
 and well shapen, burst into tears, and embracing the knees of 
 her husband, besought him by all means not to expose the 
 child. But he declared that it was not possible to do otherwise ; 
 inasmuch as witnesses were to come from Harpagus to see that 
 he had executed his orders ; and if he did not do so, he would 
 be most cruelly put to death. The woman, seeing she could 
 not prevail upon him by that means, once more addressed him 
 in the following words : " Since, then, I cannot prevail upon 
 " thee not to expose the child, I beseech thee to act in this 
 <c manner, if it is indeed necessary that a child should be 
 " seen stretched out on the mountain : as I have myself been 
 " delivered, and h'ave brought forth a still-born child, do thou 
 " carry that out and expose it, and let us bring up the son of 
 " Astyages's daughter, as if he were one of our own : and by 
 " that means neither canst thou be convicted of betraying our 
 " masters, nor shall we take bad counsel for ourselves, for the 
 " dead chikLvvill receive a royal burial, and the living one 
 " will not lose his life." The herdsman, thinking that his 
 wife spoke very much to the purpose, immediately did as she 
 advised; the child that he had brought for the purpose of 
 putting to death, he gave to his wife; and taking his own, 
 which was dead, he placed it in the cradle in which he had 
 brought the other ; and covering it with all the ornaments of 
 the other infant, he carried it to the most desert of the moun- 
 tains, where he exposed it. On the third day of the infant's 
 being exposed, the herdsman went to the city, leaving one of 
 his hinds' to watch over it ; and coming to the house of Har- 
 pagus, declared that he was ready to shew the dead body of 
 the child. Harpagus, therefore, sent the most trusty of his 
 guards, and upon their report 2 had the herdsman's child bu- 
 ried. Thus one was buried; but the other, known afterwards 
 by the name of Cyrus, the herdsman's wife took to herself, 
 and brought up, giving him some other name than that of 
 Cyrus. 
 
 When this child was ten years of age, an event of the fol- 
 lowing nature, which happened to him, discovered who he 
 was: he was playing in the same village where the stalls 
 were, amusing himself in the road with other lads of his own 
 age; and the boys, in sport, accordingly elected to be king 
 over them this youth, who commonly went by the name of 
 the herdsman's son. He nominated some of them to be 
 
 1 7rpo/3o<TKoe, an under herdsman, sub- * Literally, Saiv by them, and, fyc. 
 bubukus. Ac. Port. Lex. Ion.
 
 56 CLIO. 115, 116. 
 
 stewards of the buildings ; others to be his guards ; one of 
 them to be the king's eye ;' to another he committed the office 
 of bringing to him the petitions : thus assigning to each his 
 proper duty. One of these lads, who was sharing in the 
 sport, was a son of Artembares, a man of rank among the 
 Medes; but as he would not perform what Cyrus had as- 
 signed him to do, the latter commanded the other boys to lay 
 hold on him ; and they obeying his orders, Cyrus handled 
 him pretty sharply with a scourge. The other, as soon as he 
 was liberated, complained highly of having suffered a treat- 
 ment as unbecoming his rank; and going back to the city, 
 complained to his father of the strokes he had received from 
 Cyrus, not that he said, " from Cyrus," (for that was not yet 
 the name by which he was known) but from the son of 
 Astyages's herdsman. Artembares, inflamed with anger, in- 
 stantly went into the presence of Astyages, taking his son 
 with him ; he declared that he had suffered indignant treat- 
 ment. " Sir," said he, showing the boy's shoulders, " it 
 " is thus we are insulted by thy slave, the son of a herdsman." 
 
 115 Astyages having heard and seen, and wishing to avenge 
 the boy for Artembares's sake, sent for the herdsman and his 
 son. When they were both before him, Astyages looked at 
 the lad, and said to him, " What, then, being the son of such 
 " a father, hast thou had the audacity to treat with this indig- 
 " nity the son of this the first nobleman in my court ?" The 
 youth replied as follows: " My lord, it was with justice that I 
 " behaved thus towards him : for the boys of the village, of 
 " whom he was one, in play, constituted me king over them; 
 " as I appeared to them the best adapted to the office. All 
 " the other boys accordingly executed the orders I gave them ; 
 " but this one refused to obey, and took no account of my 
 " commands, wherefore he received punishment. If then I 
 " am on that account deserving of any chastisement, I am 
 
 116 " here before thee ready to undergo it" While the boy was 
 thus speaking, Astyages recognised him ; 2 for the features of 
 his face seemed to resemble his own, his answer was noble, 
 and the time of the exposition of Ms daughter's child, appeared 
 to agree with the boy's age : struck with these circumstances, 
 he remained silent for some time. Having at last with some 
 difficulty recovered himself, and wishing to dismiss Artem- 
 bares, in order that, taking the herdsman apart, he might 
 examine him, he said: "Artembares, I will manage these 
 " matters so that neither thou nor thy son shall have any 
 " cause to complain." In this manner he dismissed Artem- 
 
 1 The minister of the king, so called * Literally, The recognition of kirn 
 in the Asiatic courts. Larcher. entered the mind of Astyages. '
 
 CLIO. 117, 118. 57 
 
 bares ; and the servants, by the orders of A&tyages, conducted 
 Cyrus into the inner part of the palace. When the herdsman 
 alone was left, Astyages asked him, 1 whence he had received 
 the boy, and who it was that had delivered him to him. The 
 peasant replied, that he was his own child, and that the woman 
 who had borne him was still living with him. Astynges told 
 him that he had not taken good counsel, but wished to bring 
 himself into great straits ; at the same time that he pronounced 
 those words, he beckoned to the guards to lay hold on him. 
 The herdsman being taken to the rack, accordingly discovered 
 the truth. Beginning then from the beginning, he disclosed 
 all, speaking the truth; he next had recourse to supplications, 
 and besought the king to forgive him. 2 When the herds- 117 
 man had confessed the truth, Astyages no longer regarded 
 him as of any great consequence, but being violently irritated 
 with Harpagus, he commanded the guards to call him. When 
 Harpagus appeared in his presence, Astyages put to him this 
 question : " In what manner didst thou, Harpagus, destroy the 
 " infant born of my daughter, and which I delivered to thee?" 
 Harpagus, seeing the herdsman in the apartment, did not 
 recur to falsehood, lest he should be refuted and convicted ; 
 he answered therefore : " Sire, when I had received the infant, 
 " I deliberated, considering within myself how I might act 
 " according to thy desire, and, without subjecting myself to 
 " blame from thee, be a murderer neither with regard to thy 
 " daughter nor thyself. I consequently acted in the following 
 " manner : I sent for this herdsman, and delivered to him the 
 " infant, telling him that it was thy orders that it should be 
 " put to death : and so far, in saying that, I was not guilty of 
 " falsehood ; for such were thy commands. I delivered the 
 " infant then to him, enjoining him to expose it on a desert 
 " mountain, and remain by it on the watch so long as it kept 
 " alive; threatening him most severely if he did not execute 
 " fully those orders. Afterwards, when this man had executed 
 " my commands, and the infant was dead, I sent the most 
 " faithful of my eunuchs, and having seen by them that the 
 " child was no longer alive, I buried it. Thus, Sire, did 
 " matters happen in this bjisiness ; and such was the fate of 
 the child" 
 
 Harpagus, accordingly, confessed the real truth. And 
 Astyages, concealing the anger which possessed him at what 
 had taken place, began by narrating again to Harpagus the 
 whole affair, as he had himself heard it from the herdsman ; 
 
 1 The Greek adds, powwOwTa, The verb Kara^aivtiv in this sense is 
 placed alone. constantly construed with the parti- 
 
 2 Construction : KOI (KciTtfiaivf) KI- ciple. 
 \ivoiv avrov t%i 
 
 VOL. I.
 
 58 CLIO. 119, 120. 
 
 and afterwards, when he had repeated the history to him, he 
 ended by saying, " that the youth was still alive, and that lie was 
 pleased with what had happened. For," said he, (these being 
 his own words) " I grieved much at what had been done to this 
 " child ; and I was not a little sensible to the reproaches of my 
 " daughter. Since, then, fortune has taken a favourable turn, 
 " do thou send thy son to the young new comer, and attend me 
 " thyself at supper, for I intend to offer sacrifice for the salvation 
 " of the boy, to those gods to whom that honour belongs." 
 
 119 Harpagus, when he had heard this discourse, adored the king, 
 and, greatly pleased that his fault had been successful to him, 1 
 as well as that he was invited to the feast in celebration of the 
 fortunate event, went to his home. As soon as he entered, 
 he sent his only son, who was about thirteen years old, bid- 
 ding him go to the palace of Astyages, and do whatsoever that 
 prince should order. He himself being filled with joy, re- 
 lated to his wife what had happened. Astyages, when the 
 lad arrived, killed him, and cutting him into bits, roasted 
 some of the flesh, and boiled the rest; and having it properly 
 dressed, kept it in readiness. Afterwards when the hour of 
 supper came, the other guests, as well as Harpagus, ap- 
 proached ; before the rest and Astyages himself, tables were 
 placed, spread abundantly with mutton ; but to Harpagus the 
 flesh of his own son was served up, the whole of it, excepting 
 the head and the extremities of the hands and feet; those 
 parts were kept aside, covered up in a basket. When Har- 
 pagus seemed to have eaten enough of the food, Astyages 
 asked him whether he was at all pleased with the feast; and 
 Harpagus declaring that he was extremely pleased, those who 
 had it in charge, brought the head of his son, covered up, 
 together with the hands and feet : and standing before him, 
 bade him uncover and take what he chose of them. Har- 
 pagus obeyed ; and uncovering the basket, beheld the remains " 
 of his son. He was not, however, disturbed at the sight, but 
 preserved his presence of mind. Astyages asked him, if he 
 knew what animal he had eaten the flesh of; the other replied, 
 he was aware of it, and that whatever a king might do, it was 
 pleasing. After making this answer, he took up the remnants 
 of the flesh, and went home, intending, I suppose, to bury all 
 the parts of his son that he had collected. 
 
 120 Such was the revenge Astyages took on Harpagus. But 
 deliberating concerning Cyrus, he called the same magi who 
 had interpreted his dream in the manner before mentioned ; 
 when they arrived, Astyages asked them in what manner they 
 had interpreted his dream. The magi, as before, answered, 
 
 1 if afiaprdf ol ig ttov i-yty6v peccatum ei in id quod debuit (commode, 
 recte) cessit. Schweig. Lex. Herod.
 
 CLIO. 121, 122. 59 
 
 saying, it was decreed by fate the child should rule, if lie sur- 
 vived and did not die first. The king replied to them in the 
 following words: "The child exists and survives; and having 
 " been brought up in the country, the boys of the village con- 
 " stituted him their king; and he has completely done all the 
 " same as those that are in reality sovereigns r for he had no- 
 " initiated guards, and ushers, and ministers, and all the other 
 " offices. Now what does it appear to you these things por- 
 " tend ?" The magi answered : " Since the child survives, 
 " and has reigned without any premeditated design, do thou 
 " thence take courage, and be of good cheer ; as he will not 
 " now reign a second time : for even some of the oracles have 
 " ended in a frivolous accomplishment, and dreams also in 
 " the end have tended to slight events." Astyages replied : 
 " I myself, also, magi, am of the same opinion, that the child 
 " having been named king,, the dream is fulfilled, and I 
 "have now nothing to fear from him: nevertheless, weigh 
 " the matter well, and then give me such advice as may be 
 " safest for my own family as well as for yourselves." To this 
 the magi replied : " Sire, to us it is of great importance that 
 " thy government should be upheld ; for if it devolves to this 
 " child, who is a Persian, it will then pass to another nation ; 
 " and we, who are Medes, would become slaves, and be held 
 " in no account by the Persians, to whom we should be as 
 " foreigners ; but while thou, who art our countryman, re- 
 ** mainest king, we ourselves rule in part, and receive high 
 " honours at thy hands. So that, in every respect, it is our 
 " interest to watch for thy safety, and that of thy government, 
 " and now, did we see any cause for fear, we would commu- 
 " nicate it all to thee; but at present, thy dream having 
 " been fulfilled by a trifling event, we ourselves take courage, 
 " and exhort thee also to do the same; 1 send this child away 
 " from before thy eyes to the country of the Persians, and to 
 " his parents." When Astyages heard this, he was filled with 121 
 joy ; and calling Cyrus, he said to him : " My child, I had 
 " condemned thee on account of the vision of a vain dream, 
 " but, by thy own fortune, thou surfivest; depart now, there- 
 " fore, with my good wishes, for Persia, and I will send an 
 " escort with thee; when thou arrivest there, thou wilt find 
 " thy father and mother, who are very different from the 
 " herdsman, Mitradates, and his wife." 
 
 Astyages having thus spoken, dismissed Cyrus, who, on his 122 
 return to the residence of Cambyses, was received by his 
 parents; and when they learnt who the stranger was, they em- 
 braced him with transport, as one indeed whom they had con- 
 sidered dead from the time of his birth. They then enquired 
 
 1 t'rtpa rocaura, alia tidia, adverbially, simiUter, item, Larcher.
 
 60 CLIO. 123, 124. 
 
 in what manner his life was saved. The youth spoke to them, 
 saying, that he did not before know, but had much mistaken ; 
 that on the road he had been informed of all that had hap- 
 pened to him ; for he had thought he was the son of a herds- 
 man of Astyages, till on the road from Media he had learnt 
 the whole circumstance from his escorters. He stated that 
 he had been brought up by the wife of the herdsman ; this 
 woman he was constantly praising, and Cyno was the whole 
 subject of his discourse : his parents laid hold of this name, 
 and in order that their son might appear to the Persians to 
 have been more providentially preserved, they spread about 
 the report, that when exposed, a bitch had suckled Cyrus. 
 
 ] 23 And thence it was that this opinion prevailed. Cyrus being 
 arrived at man's estate, and become the most valiant and be- 
 loved of his equals in age, Harpagus, who much wished to be 
 revenged of Astyages, sought, by sending him gifts, to court 
 his assistance : for, being but a private individual, he did not 
 discern any possibility of taking, by himself, vengeance on 
 Astyages; but when he saw Cyrus growing up, 1 ne endea- 
 voured to make him his associate, comparing the sufferings of 
 that young prince to his own. But, before this, the following 
 measures had already been taken by him : as Astyages treated 
 the Medes with asperity, he had communicated with all the 
 chief men of the nation, and persuaded them that it was to their 
 interest to proclaim Cyrus, and put an end to the reign of Asty- 
 ages. This plot being concerted, and Harpagus ready, he ac- 
 cordingly next wished to communicate his project to Cyrus, 
 who was living in Persia ; and as he had not other manner of so 
 doing, since the roads were guarded, he contrived the follow- 
 ing method. He prepared dextrously a hare, and ripping 
 open its belly, without at all discomposing the hair, he placed 
 in it a letter, in which he had written what he thought proper. 
 He then sewed up the belly of the hare, and giving to the 
 most trusty of his servants some nets, as if he had been a 
 hunter, he sent him to the land of the Persians, commanding 
 him, by word of mouth, at the same time he gave the hare to 
 Cyrus, to direct him to paunch it with his own hands, and to 
 
 124 let no one be present when he did so. These orders were 
 accordingly executed ; and Cyrus receiving the hare, ripped 
 it up, and finding the letter which was contained in it, he took 
 it and read. The letter said as follows : " Son of Cambyses, 
 " the gods watch over thee j for otherwise never wouldst thou 
 " have had such good fortune. Do thou now take vengeance 
 
 , Scbweighaeuaer supplies iirirpffyonkvov ri/twpov, fn 
 
 approves the version of Wesseling, in- spem vindictae sertatum ac succrescen- 
 
 cretcentem, adaugescentem. From the tern, 
 preceding word, r/*wpi/;i/, Wyttenbach
 
 CLIO. 125, 126. 61 
 
 " on Astyages thy murderer; for, according to his intention, 
 " thou wouldst have perished, but through the gods and me 
 " thou survivest. I presume thou hast long since learnt all, 
 " both what was done with regard to thyself and what I have 
 " suffered at the hands of Astyages, because I did not put 
 " thee to death, but delivered thee to the herdsman. If thou 
 " choose now to listen to my counsel, thou shalt rule over all 
 " the land that Astyages governs. Prevail on the Persians 
 " to rebej, and then march against the Medes ; and whether 
 " I myself am named by Astyages to lead the army against 
 " thee or any other of the chief men among the Medes, thou 
 " wilt be successful, for they will be the first to withdraw 
 " from him, and going to thy side, will do their endeavours 
 " to destroy Astyages.' Be certain, then, that here at least 
 " all is prepared ; do as I tell thee, and do it quickly." 
 
 When Cyrus had received this intelligence, he considered 125 
 which would be the most prudent manner of prevailing on the 
 Persians to detach themselves. After some deliberation, he 
 devised the following, as the most expedient, and acted ac- 
 cordingly. He wrote down on a letter what he had deter- 
 mined, and convened an assembly of the Persians; then 
 opening the letter, and reading it out, he declared that Asty- 
 ages appointed him commander of the Persians. " Now, 
 " therefore," continued he, " men of Persia, I propose to you 
 " to come hither, each with a bill." Such was the proposal 
 of Cyrus. There are several tribes of the Persians, certain 
 of which Cyrus assembled, and persuaded to separate from 
 the Medes ; they were the following, on which all the rest of 
 the Persians depend; to wit, the Pasargadae, the Maraphii, the 
 Maspii : of these the Pasargadae are the principal, of which 
 the Achaemenidae, from whence spring the royal family of 
 the Persidae, are a branch ; the following likewise are others 
 of the Persian tribes : the Panthialaei, Derusiaei, Germani, 
 all of which are husbandmen ; the rest of the tribes, namely, 
 the Dai, Mardi, Dropici, Sagartii, are nomad es. When all 126 
 were come, bearing the above-mentioned instrument, there 
 being a certain portion of the Persian territory extending 
 from about eighteen to twenty stadia, overrun with brambles, 
 Cyrus commanded them to clear that space in a day. When 
 the Persians had completed the imposed task, he next di- 
 rected them to meet on i.ie morrow, after they had washed. 
 Meanwhile Cyrus having collected in one place all the goats, 
 sheep, and beasts of his father, killed them, and prepared them, 
 intending to feast the army of the Persians withal, and with 
 wine, and most delicate dishes of meal. On the following 
 day, when the Persians were arrived, he desired them to
 
 62 CLIO. 127129. 
 
 stretch themselves on the greensward, and feasted them. 
 When they afterwards arose from their repast, Cyrus asked 
 them which was more grateful to them, whether the present 
 fare, or that which they had the day before. The men said, 
 that there was a great difference 1 between the two; since, on 
 the preceding day, they had experienced every evil, while on 
 the present they had experienced every thing that was good. 
 Cyrus, laying hold of this answer, disclosed the whole of his 
 project, saying: " Men of Persia ! thus is it with you : if you 
 " determine to obey me, these and very many sweets more 
 " are yours, without being exposed to any slavish toil : but, 
 " on the other hand, if you determine not to obey me, toils 
 " beyond number, and like to that of yesterday, are your 
 " share. Follow me, therefore, and be free : for, with regard 
 " to myself, it seems as if I were by divine Providence born 
 " to place those advantages within your grasp ; with regard 
 " to yourselves, I hold you not inferior to the men of Media, 
 " either in war, or in any other respect. Things being 
 " thus, rescue yourselves as soon as possible from the bonds 
 " of Astyages." 
 
 127 The Persians, therefore, who, even long since, had held it 
 a disgrace to be kept under by the Medes, having now a 
 leader, prepared joyfully to assert their freedom. When 
 Astyages learnt what Cyrus was doing, he sent a messenger 
 to summon him ; but Cyrus commanded the messenger to re- 
 port back in answer, that he should be with him, sooner than 
 Astyages himself would wish. When Astyages heard this, he 
 put all the Medes under arms ; and, as if he had been reft of 
 his senses, nominated Harpagus general over them, forgetting 
 the injury he had done him. When the Medes, thus embo- 
 died, engaged with the Persians, some of them, all indeed to 
 whom the project had not been communicated, fought ; but 
 of the rest, some passed over to the Persians, while the greater 
 
 128 part acted designedly as cowards, and took to flight. The 
 Median army being thus disgracefully routed, when Astyages 
 was informed of it, he exclaimed, threatening: " No ! Cyrus 
 shall not exult, at least at so cheap a rate." Having said these 
 words, he first impaled the interpreters of dreams among the 
 magi, who had persuaded him to send Cyrus away : he next 
 put under arms all the Medes that were left in the city, both 
 young and old ; these he led out, and falling in with the Per- 
 sians, was defeated. Astyages himself was taken prisoner, 
 
 129 and lost all the Medes that he had led to the field. Astyages 
 being now a prisoner, Harpagus presented himself before 
 
 ov TO (j.i<jov, a great interval between.
 
 CLIO. 130, 131. 63 
 
 him, exulting over and jeering the captive ; he said to him 
 many very bitter things, but in particular, with regard to the 
 repast at which the prince had feasted him on the flesh of his 
 son, he asked him, " What he thought of his slavery, after 
 having been a king ?" The captive, casting a look upon him, 
 asked in return whether he attributed to himself the action of 
 Cyrus : Harpagus replied, that, since it was he who had writ- 
 ten to counsel it to Cyrus, the deed might justly be regarded 
 as his own. Astyages then proved to him by his words, 
 " that he was the most silly and iniquitous of men : the most 
 " silly, since, at least, if the present events had in truth been 
 " brought about by his means, he had given up to another 
 *' the power which belonged to himself of becoming a sove- 
 " reign : the most iniquitous, inasmuch as, on account of that 
 " repast, he had reduced the Medes to thraldom ; for if it was 
 " indeed absolutely necessary that the supreme power should 
 *' be transferred to some other person, and he himself should 
 " not keep it, it would have been more just to have given that 
 " advantage to some one of the Medes, rather than to any of 
 " the Persians : whereas the Medes, who were not guilty of 
 *' the injury he complained of, were now from masters made 
 " servants ; while the Persians, who before were servants, 
 <4 were now made masters." 
 
 Thus, therefore, Astyages having reigned during five and 130 
 thirty years, was deprived of the sovereign power; and in 
 consequence of his cruelty, the Medes submitted to the Per- 
 sians, after ruling over that part of Asia that is above the 
 Halys for one hundred and twenty-eight years, not including 
 tiie time that the Scythians governed. It is true, that in the 
 sequel they repented of having so acted, and revolted from 
 Darius ; but after their defection, they were once more sub- 
 jugated, being defeated in a battle. The Persians, together 
 with Cyrus, having then shaken off the yoke of the Medes 
 under the reign of Astyages, possessed from that time the go- 
 vernment of Asia. With respect to Astyages, Cyrus, without 
 doing him any other harm, detained him near himself, till 
 such time as he died. Cyrus, accordingly, having been thus 
 born and educated, attained the throne ; and, as it has before 
 been related by me, subsequently to those events, conquered 
 Croesus, who first began injustice against him ; and having 
 subdued that prince, thus became master of the whole of 
 Asia. 
 
 I have understood that the Persians observe the following 131 
 customs. They hold it improper to erect statues, or temples, 
 or altars, but reproach such as do so with folly ; for this rea- 
 son, as it appears to me, because they do not, like the Greeks,
 
 64 CLIO. 132, 133. 
 
 regard the gods as participating in the nature of man. 1 They 
 are accustomed, when they offer sacrifice to Jove, to ascend the 
 loftiest of their mountains, as they give the name of Jove to the 
 whole circumference of heaven. They sacrifice also to the 
 sun and moon, and earth and fire, and water and winds, and 
 to these alone do they from old make offerings. They have, 
 however, since learnt to sacrifice to Urania, borrowing the 
 custom from the Assyrians and Arabians. The Assyrians 
 call Venus, Myletta ; the Arabians, Alitta ; and the Persians, 
 132 Mitra. Among the Persians, sacrifice to the above-named 
 gods is thus conducted : when they are about to sacrifice, they 
 neither erect altars, nor kindle fire ; they use neither libation, 
 nor flute, nor fillets, nor sacred bread. But to whichever of 
 these gods a Persian wishes to sacrifice, he leads the victim to 
 a clean spot, and, wearing a crown principally of myrtle, he 
 invokes the god. It is not, however, permitted to the indivi- 
 dual who offers the sacrifice to implore blessings on himself 
 alone ; but he prays for prosperity to all the Persians and the 
 king; and necessarily he himself is comprehended in the 
 whole number of Persians. When he has divided the victim 
 into parts, and boiled the flesh, he spreads about grass, the 
 finest he can procure, but mostly clover, and then places 
 upon it the flesh. This being arranged, a magus who is pre- 
 sent (for without a magus it is not lawful for them to offer sa- 
 crifices) chants a Theogonia, such indeed they say the anthem 
 is. After tarrying some little time, the person who has sa- 
 crificed carries away the flesh, and disposes of it as his fancy 
 prompts him. Of all days, it is their custom to honour most 
 that on which each is born : on that day they think it right 
 to spread forth more provision than on others ;. and then the 
 opulent among them place on the board an ox, an ass, a 
 horse, and a camel, roasted whole at the hearths ; but the 
 poor among them give the lesser kinds* of cattle. They use 
 little farinaceous food, but many after dishes, 3 which are not 
 brought all at once on the table. And for this reason the 
 Persians say : " That the Greeks, when they eat, cease to be 
 " hungry, since nothing of any account is put before them 
 " after the repast; but if any thing was brought to them, they 
 " would not leave off eating." They are greatly addicted to 
 wine ; but it is not permitted them to vomit or discharge their 
 
 e- besides the mean- lesser sorts of cattle, as sheep, goats, 
 
 ing given above to this word, it has &c. Larcher. 
 
 been translated, Havinga human shape, 3 eiri^opfifiara was what was served 
 
 born of men, &c. after the repast, what we call the 
 
 2 7rpo/3ara signifies, cattle of all dessert. Larcher. 
 sorts; TO. Xtirra ruv 7rpo/3drwv, the
 
 CLIO. 134136. 65 
 
 urine in the presence of any one; these customs are observed 
 now by them. They are likewise accustomed to deliberate, 
 while intoxicated, on the most serious affairs. Whatever de- 
 termination may appear to them expedient in their delibera- 
 tion, the [master of the house in which they hold counsel pro- 
 poses to them on the following day, fasting ; and if it still ap- 
 pears to them right while fasting, they adopt it ; but if not, 
 they reject it. Again, whatever determination they may re- 
 solve on when fasting, they examine it once more when in- 
 toxicated. If they happen to meet in the highways, one may 134 
 by this means know whether those who come together are 
 equals ; for, instead of accosting, they kiss each other on the 
 mouth; if one is rather inferior, they kiss each other on the 
 cheeks; but if one is much more ignoble, he falls prostrate, 
 and adores the superior. Of all nations, next to themselves at 
 least, they respect most those which inhabit nearest to them ; 
 the second nearest, they esteem second : and after them, ad- 
 vancing farther on, they assign the degree of their esteem ac- 
 cording to the rank of the nation: those who dwell the farthest 
 from them, they hold the least in honour; for they think them- 
 selves by far the first of men in all respects, and that the rest 
 of mankind are attached to virtue in the before-mentioned 
 proportion, and that the farthest removed from themselves 
 are the worst. While the Medes were in power, the different 
 nations governed each other respectively. The Medes ruled 
 them all together, and those nearest to them ; the latter com- 
 manded those who were on their boundaries, and these on 
 their side governed such as were next to them. And in the 
 same proportion do the Persians distribute their degrees of 
 esteem ; for that nation extends to a great distance its go- 
 vernment and administration. Of all men, the Persians af- 135 
 feet most the foreign customs: for instance, they wear the 
 dress of the Medes, imagining that it is handsomer than their 
 own : and in war, they use the Egyptian thoraxes. They in- 
 dulge also in every pleasure they hear of; but more particu- 
 larly use the conversation of boys, a practice which they have 
 learnt from the Greeks. Each individual among them mar- 
 ries several young virgins, but they keep a still greater num- 
 ber by far of concubines. Next to behaving well in battle, it 136 
 is esteemed the greatest merit in a man to beget many chil- 
 dren ; and every year the king sends presents to him who 
 gets the most; for they regard great number as strength. 
 They educate their children, beginning from the age of five 
 years, and continuing to that of twenty, in three things only, 
 riding the horse, shooting the bow, and speaking the truth. 
 Before the child is five years old, he never comes in the 
 
 VOL. T. K
 
 66 CLIO. 137 HO. 
 
 sight of his father, but passes his time with the women : this 
 is done for this purpose, that should he die while yet an in- 
 fant, he may not cause any grief to his father. 
 
 137 This last custom I approve of; I likewise approve of the 
 following; that not even the king himself can put any one to 
 death lor one crime, nor any of the rest of the Persians inflict 
 an irreparable injury on any one of his own slaves for a single 
 fault. But if, after a careful examination, he finds the faults 
 more numerous and great than the services, he may then in- 
 dulge his anger. They deny that any one ever killed his own 
 father, or mother: but with regard to whatever crimes of this 
 nature have been hitherto committed, they affirm that it is 
 beyond a doubt that if they were again enquired into, it must 
 necessarily be discovered that they were committed by sup- 
 posititious or adulterine children ; for, say the}', it is not pro- 
 bable that he, at least, who is truly a parent, should be mur- 
 
 ISSdered by his own son. Whatever things it is unlawful for 
 them to do, the same it is unlawful for them to mention : 
 lying is deemed by them the most disgraceful vice ; next to 
 which, the contracting of debts, and this for many other rea- 
 sons, but principally because, say they, he who is in debt, is 
 also obliged, in some measure, to tell lies. If any of the citi- 
 zens should have the leprosy or morphew, 1 he cannot enter 
 the city, nor mix with the rest of the Persians : they assert, 
 that it is for having committed some sin against the sun that 
 he has those maladies : every stranger that is infected by such 
 disorders, many of them also expel from the country ; several 
 of them drive away also the white pigeons, alleging the same 
 reason. They neither make water, nor spit in a river; they 
 do not wash their hands in it, nor will they allow any other 
 
 139 person to do so, but venerate greatly their streams. They 
 have also the following other peculiarity, which has escaped 
 the observation of the Persians, although not ours: their 
 names that are derived from the qualities of the body, or the 
 dignity of the person, all end in one and the same letter, 
 which the Dorians call San, and the lonians, Sigma; if you 
 attend, you will find the names of the Persians end in this 
 
 14-0 letter, not some so, and others not, but all alike. Such are 
 the things which I know, and can affirm, respecting the Per- 
 sians ; the following customs, however, observed with regard 
 to the dead, are not mentioned as true, but as being things 
 that are kept secret. Namely, that the corpse of a Persian is 
 not buried till such time as it has been lacerated by a bird or 
 
 n T&V irtpl TO <rw/ia Larcher. This sort of scurf is, I think, 
 ytvopivwv. Hesychius, quoted by called the morphew.
 
 CLIO. 141, 14-2. 67 
 
 dog. With regard to the magi, I know for certain that they 
 do so, for they indeed do it openly. The Persians, then, 
 after covering the body with wax, -put it under ground. The 
 magi are very different from the rest of men, as well as from 
 the priests of Egypt; for the latter arc of opinion, that pu- 
 rity consists in killing nothing that has life, excepting what 
 they offer in sacrifice ; whereas the magi kill with their own 
 hands all kinds of animals, excepting men and dogs; nay, 
 they make it their particular business to kill alike ants and 
 serpents, and all other creeping and flying things. But with 
 regard to this custom, let it remain as it was at first estab- 
 lished ; I return to my former narration. 
 
 The lonians and Aeolians, as soon as the Lydians were 141 
 subdued by the Persians, sent ambassadors to Cyrus at Sar- 
 dis, wishing to be subject to these latter, on the same terms 
 as they were to Croesus. But Cyrus, when he heard their 
 proposal, told them the following fable :' " A flute player," 
 said he, " once seeing some fishes in the sea, began to play, 
 " thinking they would come on land ; but when he saw his 
 " hopes deceived, he took a net, cast it round a large shoal of 
 " the fish, and dragged them out. When he saw them leap- 
 " ing, he said to the fishes, Cease to dance now, since, when 
 " I played the flute, you would not come out and dance."* 
 Cyrus told this fable to the lonians and Aeolians for this 
 reason, because previously the lonians, when Cyrus asked 
 them by his messengers to withdraw themselves from Croesus, 
 would not consent ; but now, when the business was done, 
 they were ready to obey him. When the lonians heard this 
 answer brought back to their town, they respectively fortified 
 themselves with walls, and assembled all, excepting the Mile- 
 sians, at Panionium : for with those alone did Cyrus make a 
 treaty upon the same terms as the Lydian king had done be- 
 fore. The rest of the lonians were unanimously of opinion to 
 send ambassadors to Sparta, and intreat them to come to their 
 assistance. These Ionians,towhom the Panioniumbelongs,had 14-2 
 built their cities in the happiest situation of all men we know 
 of for the serenity of the air, and the temperature of the sea- 
 sons : for none of the countries above them, below them, to 
 the eastward or westward, are comparable to Ionia; some 
 being oppressed with cold and wet, others with heat and 
 drought. These lonians do not all use the same language, 
 
 1 \6yoc is a fable, an apologue. Oppian, TeprwX?) 5' art - - - - - j- 
 
 Herodotus calls Aesop, XoyoTonog, ii. EivaXiov Qoptyai Si rispog opxJ/orijpa, 
 
 124. He has much pleasure when he lifts 
 
 The Greeks often give the epithet through the air a sea-dancer. Larcher. 
 , dancers, to fish. Thu
 
 68 CLIO. 143, 144. 
 
 but have four different dialects. 1 Miletus is the first of 
 their cities, lying to the south, after which come Myus and 
 Priene; these are situated in Caria, and use the same dialect. 
 The following are in Lydia: Ephesus, Colophon, Lebedus, 
 Teos, Clazomenae, Phocaea; and these cities have no simi- 
 larity of dialect with the before-mentioned, but use the same 
 with one another. There remain three more Ionian cities, 
 Samos and Chios, and one situate on the continent, Erythrae. 
 The Chians and Erythraeans use the same dialect; but the 
 Samians have a separate one to themselves : such are the four 
 forms of speech. 
 
 143 Of these Ionian nations, therefore, the Milesians were shel- 
 tered from any fear, 5 having made a treaty with Cyrus; 
 and with regard to the islanders, they had nothing to dread, 
 as the Phoenicians were not yet subjected to the Persians, 
 and the Persians themselves were no sailors. The Milesians 
 separated from the rest of the lonians, for no other reason 
 than because the whole Grecian race united, being at that 
 time feeble, the Ionian was by far the weakest and least im- 
 portant of nations; for, if we except Athens, there was no 
 other place of note; wherefore the rest of the lonians, as well 
 as the Athenians, shunned the name, and would not be called 
 lonians, and, to the present day, most of them appear to me 
 to blush at the name; but these twelve cities gloried in the 
 name, and erected for themselves alone a temple, to which 
 they gave the name of Panionium ; and determined not to 
 share it with any other of the lonians ; nor did any others ask 
 to be admitted to a part in the temple, except the Smyrneans. 
 
 144 In the same manner the Dorians of the territory, now called 
 the Pentapolis, the same that was formerly known by the 
 name of Hexapolis, take care not to admit any of the neigh- 
 bouring Dorians into the Triopic temple ; nay, such among 
 themselves as have violated the laws of that temple, they have 
 excluded from its communion : 3 for in the games of Apollo 
 Triopius, they were wont formerly to propose brass tripods 
 for the conquerors; and those who won these were forbidden 
 to take them from the temple, but wei*e obliged there to de- 
 dicate them to the god : an inhabitant of Halicarnassus, ac- 
 
 J fl-apaywyj), Deflexio, In diversum 2 tjirav tv aictiry rov Qofiov were 
 itio, Varietas. Schiveig. Lex. Herod, under shelter from fear. 
 Although the Greeks had four princi- 3 The word [itroxne, twice repeated 
 pal dialects, each of those dialects was in this chapter, signifies properly, par- 
 subdivided into others. The Doric of ticipation in the sacrifices and religious 
 Lacedemon was different from that of ceremonies. M. de Sainte-Croix, quo- 
 Sicily and Magna Grecia ; and even ted by Larcher. 
 in Sicily the language was not the 
 same in the different towns.
 
 CLIO. 14-5147. 69 
 
 cordingly, whose name was Agasicles, having gained the 
 victory, violated the law, and carrying the tripod home to his 
 own house, hung it up : for that reason the five cities, Lindus, 
 lalysus, Comirus, Cos, and Cnidus, excluded from their com- 
 munion the sixth city, Halicarnassus, and such was the 
 punishment they inflicted upon the Halicarnasseans. It ap- 145 
 pears to me that it was for this reason the lonians constituted 
 themselves into twelve cities, and would not admit a greater 
 number, because likewise when they inhabited the Pelopon- 
 nesus, there were twelve divisions of them ; as of the Achaeans, 
 who drove out the lonians, there are now twelve divisions, 
 Pellene, towards 1 Sicyon, the first; then Aegira, and Aegae 
 (in which is the river Crathis, which is never dry, and from 
 which the river in Italy took its name,) and Bura, and Helice 
 (whither the lonians fled when defeated in battle by the 
 Achaeans,) and Aegium, and Rhypes, and Patrae, and Pharae, 
 and Olenus (in which is the Peirus, a large stream,) and 
 Dyme, and the city of the Tritaeans, which last are the only 
 ones situate inland. Such are now the twelve divisions of the 
 Achaeans, and such were formerly those of the lonians ; for 
 this reason, doubtless, the lonians constituted themselves into 
 twelve cities; since it would be silly to assert that these are 
 more lonians than the rest of the lonians, or that they are at 
 all sprung from a nobler origin : the Abantes, from Euboea, 
 do not form the smallest part of them, although they have 
 nothing common with Ionia or the name. With these are 
 mingled several Menyian Orchomenians, Cadmeans, Dryopes, 
 those Phoceans, who separated from their nation, many Mo- 
 lossians, Arcadians, Pelasgi, Dorian-Epidaurians, and several 
 other nations. Those among them who came from the Pry- 
 taneum of Athens, and consider themselves the noblest of the 
 lonians, took no women with them to their new settlement, 
 but married some Carian females, whose parents they had slain. 
 On account of that massacre, these women enacted a law which 
 they bound themselves by oath to follow, and handed down 
 to their daughters, never to eat with their husbands, and 
 never to call their husbands by that name, for this reason, be- 
 cause they had slaughtered their fathers, and husbands, and 
 children ; and after committing such actions, had united them- 
 selves to them : this event happened at Miletus. These loni- 147 
 ans elected for kings, some of them Lycians, sprung from 
 Glaucus, the son of Hippolochus ; some, Cauconian Pylians, 
 descended from Codrus the son of Melanthus : others chose 
 kings from both families. As these affect the name more than 
 
 with the genitive, usually Trpoe ^raju/?p//f, towards the south, 
 signifies towards, on the side of, &c. Larcher.
 
 70 CLIO. 148151. 
 
 the rest of the lonians, let us grant they are the purest born 
 lonians, still all are lonians that descend from the Athenians, 
 and celebrate the Apaturia festival; now they all celebrate it, 
 except the Ephesians and Colophonians, for they are the only 
 lonians who do not observe the Apaturia, and that on account 
 of the guilt of some murder. 
 
 14-8 The Panionium is a sacred spot on Mycale, dedicated in 
 common by the lonians to Heliconian Neptune, situated to 
 the north. Mycale is a promontory of the continent, stretch- 
 ing westward towards Samos. Here the lonians, collecting 
 from the cities, celebrate a festival, to which they give the 
 name of Panionia. Not only the festivals of the lonians, but 
 likewise all those of the other Greeks, have this peculiarity, 
 that they end in the same letter ; similar, in that respect, to 
 
 149 the names of the Persians. The above, then, are the Ionian 
 cities. The following are the Aeolian towns : Cyme, which 
 is called Phriconis; Larissae, Neon Teichos, Temnos, Cilia, 
 Notium, Aegiroessa, Pitane, Aegaeae, Myrina, Gryneia ; 
 these are the ancient cities of the Aeolians, and eleven in 
 number, as one town, Smyrna, was taken from them by the 
 lonians; for those cities, situate all on the continent, were 
 
 formerly twelve in number. These Aeolians are established 
 in a territory better than that of the lonians, but not blessed 
 
 150 with the same temperature of seasons. It was in the follow- 
 ing manner that the Aeolians lost Smyrna : they had given 
 shelter to some of the Colophonians, who had been worsted 
 in a sedition, and driven out of their own country : some time 
 after, the fugitive Colophonians observing the Smyrneans, 
 without the ramparts busied in the celebration of a festival of 
 Bacchus, fastened the gates, and took possession of the town. 
 All the Aeolians coming to- the assistance of their country- 
 men, an agreement was made, that they should abandon all 
 claim to Smyrna, under condition of the lonians giving back 
 the moveable effects. Those of Smyrna assenting to this, the 
 other eleven cities divided them among themselves, and admit- 
 
 151 ted them to be their own fellow-citizens. The above, then, are 
 the Aeolian cities, on the main land, beside those which they 
 have on Ida; for these latter are independent of the others. 
 Those who inhabit the islands have five cities in Lesbos, for 
 Arisba, which was the sixth, they had in Lesbos ; the Me- 
 thymnians enslaved, although they were of the same blood : 
 in Tenedos one city is occupied by them, and one more in 
 the islands, called Hecaton Nesi. Those of Lesbos and Te- 
 nedos, therefore, had nothing to fear, being similarly situate 
 to the lonians which held the islands ; the rest ofjhe Aeolian
 
 CLIO. 152 1 54-. 71 
 
 settlements determined, in public counsel, to follow the lonians 
 wheresoever they might take them. 
 
 When the ambassadors of the lonians and Aeolians came 152 
 to Sparta (for all these matters had been arranged with great 
 despatch) they chose, as spokesman for all, an inhabitant of 
 Phocaea, whose name was Pythermus. This individual put 
 on a purple garment, in order that a greater number of Spar- 
 tans might assemble when they heard 01 it; he then stood 
 forth among them, and pronounced a long discourse, begging 
 them to come to their assistance. But the Lacedemonians 
 would in no manner listen to the prayer, but determined not 
 to afford any succour to the lonians; the ambassadors, in 
 consequence, departed ; and the Lacedemonians, after turning 
 away the messengers from the lonians, despatched some men 
 in a fifty-oared cutter, in order, as I think, to spy into the 
 affairs of Cyrus and of Ionia. When these arrived at Phocaea, 
 they sent the most distinguished of their number, whose name 
 was Lacrines, to inform Cyrus of a decree of the Lacedemo- 
 nians, " that he should beware of injuring any city of the 
 " Grecian territory, for they would not, in that case, remain 
 " inactive." When the herald had thus spoken, it is related 153 
 that Cyrus enquired of the Greeks that were present, " What 
 " men those Lacedemonians were who gave him such a warn- 
 " ing, and how many in number :" and that when he had 
 received the required information, he said to the Spartan he- 
 rald, " I fear not men who have, in the middle of their city, 
 " a place apart, where they collect, and cheat one another, in 
 " spite of their oaths : if I preserve my health, they shall not 
 " have to talk on the sufferings of the lonians, but on their 
 " own." Cyrus threw out this observation against all the 
 Greeks, because they have market-places, where they are wont 
 to exercise traffic in buying and selling ; for the Persians them- 
 selves are not wont to make use of such public places, nor is 
 there among them any thing like a market. After this, having 
 nominated Tabalus, a Persian, governor of Sardis, and charged 
 Pactyas, a Lydian, to convey to Persia the effects both of 
 Croesus, and of all the other Lydians, he marched back to 
 Ecbatana, taking with him Croesus, and, at first, taking no 
 account of the lonians ; for Babylon was an obstacle to him 
 as well as the Bactrian people, the Sacae and the Egyptians ; 
 against all these he resolved to march himself, and to send 
 some other general against the lonians. As soon as Cyrus 154 
 had departed from Sardis, the above-mentioned Pactyas ex- 
 cited the Lydians to rebel from Tabalus and Cyrus; and 
 going down to the sea-side, as he had all the treasures taken 
 out of Sardis, he hired some auxiliary troops, and prevailed
 
 72 CLIO. 155, 156. 
 
 upon the inhabitants of the coast to join with him in the ex- 
 pedition. He then marched against Sardis, and besieged Ta- 
 balus, who shut himself up in the citadel. 
 
 155 Cyrus, informed of this event on the road, addressed Croe- 
 sus in the following words: " What will be, Croesus, the end 
 " of these events ? It seems the Lydians will never cease to 
 " provide employment both for me and themselves. I am 
 " thinking whether it were not better to reduce them to sla- 
 " very ; for now, at least, I seem to have acted in the same 
 " manner as though one were to destroy the father and spare 
 " his sons, since I am taking away thee, who wert somewhat 
 " more to the Lydians than a father, and have given up the 
 " city to the Lydians themselves ; and yet am afterwards 
 " astonished that they revolt from me." Thus the conqueror 
 spoke according to what he thought ; but the other replied to 
 him in the following words, fearing lest he should destroy 
 entirely the city of Sardis: " Sire, what thou hast just said, 
 " is specious. Do not, however, yield wholly to thy passion, 
 " nor destroy an ancient city, which is guiltless both of what 
 " happened before and of what happens also now. Of what 
 " took place before, I was the cause, and now pay for my 
 " fault with my person. In the present case, Pactyas, to 
 " whom thou hast trusted Sardis, is guilty, let him therefore 
 " pay thee the forfeit. Pardon the Lydians ; and, in order 
 " they may not hereafter rebel, nor be any cause of fear to 
 " thee, issue the following commands to them : send, and 
 " order them no longer to keep any warlike weapons ; bid 
 " them put on tunics under their mantles, and wear bus- 
 "kins: command them also to teach their children to play 
 " on the cithern, to dance, and to traffic, and soon wilt thou, 
 " Sire, see them changed from men to women, so that thou 
 " shalt need no longer dread their revolting from thee." 
 
 1 56 Croesus made this suggestion to him, in the idea that such 
 treatment would be more advantageous to the Lydians, than 
 for them to be reduced to slavery, and sold; being convinced 
 that if he did not make some specious proposal, he should not 
 be able to prevail upon the conqueror to alter his determina- 
 tion; and, at the same time, being afraid that, if they should 
 escape for the present, the Lydians might, at some future 
 time, revolt from the Persians, and, in consequence, be utterly 
 destroyed. Cyrus, pleased with the suggestion, and repress- 
 ing his wrath, declared he would follow his counsel; and call- 
 ing to himself Mazares, a Mede, he gave it him in charge, to 
 convey to the Lydians the commands which Croesus had 
 suggested; and, moreover, to reduce to slavery all the others 
 who had united with the Lydians in the attack on Sardis, and
 
 CLIO. 157159. 73 
 
 by all means to bring Pactyas to him alive. Cyrus, accord- 157 
 ingly, after giving these directions on the road, hastened to 
 the territories of the Persians. And Pactyas understanding 
 that the army which was marching against him was at hand, 
 departed through terror, flying towards Cyme. Meanwhile 
 Mazares arrived against Sardis, having under his command 
 I know not what portion of Cyrus's army; and when he found 
 Pactyas and his partizans were no longer in the city, he, in 
 the first place, compelled the Lydians to execute the com- 
 mands of Cyrus; and by his orders the Lydians wholly 
 changed their mode of life. Mazares next sent messengers to 
 Cyme, summoning the inhabitants to give up Pactyas; but 
 they of Cyme came to a determination of referring to the 
 deity of the Branchidae concerning the resolution they should 
 adopt, for there was in that place an oracle founded of old, 
 which all the lonians, as well as the Aeolians, were in the 
 custom of consulting. That place is situate above the port of 
 Panormus, in the land of Milesia. TheCymeans, accordingly, 158 
 despatched messengers to the Branchidae, and enquired, "what 
 " they should do with Pactyas, in order to please the gods." 
 To their enquiries the following oracle was returned : " to 
 *' give up Pactyas to the Persians." When the Cymeans un- 
 derstood the answer that was brought back, they prepared to 
 deliver him up. But although the people prepared to do so, 
 Aristodicus the son of Heraclides, a man of note among the 
 citizens, restrained the Cymeans from so doing, mistrusting the 
 oracle, and imagining that the messengers did not speak the 
 truth. In consequence, other deputies, of whom Aristodicus 
 was one, went to consult the oracle a second time. On their 159 
 arrival at the Branchidae, Aristodicus, in the name of all, con- 
 sulted the oracle, putting the following question : " Sovereign 
 " god ! Pactyas, the Lydian, hath come a suppliant to us, 
 " flying a violent death at the hands of the Persians. They 
 " demand him, commanding the Cymeans to deliver him up. 
 " But though we fear the power of the Persians, we have 
 " not hitherto dared to give him up, before it is distinctly de- 
 " clared to us by thee what we ought to do." Such was the 
 , question lie put ; when the god once more pronounced the 
 same oracle, commanding him to give up Pactyas to the Per- 
 sians. Thereupon Aristodicus acted, according to what he had 
 before determined, as follows : going all round the temple, he 
 took away the sparrows and whatever other kinds of birds 
 had their nests in the temple; it is related that, while he was 
 so doing, a voice issued from the sanctuary, addressing itself 
 to Aristodicus, and saying thus : " Most impious of men, how 
 " darest thou do this? Dost thou pluck my suppliants from 
 
 VOL. I. L
 
 74 CLIO. 160162. 
 
 my temple?'' Then Aristodicus, without hesitating, made 
 answer to this : " Sovereign god ! dost thou in this manner 
 " come to the help of these thy suppliants, and yet order the 
 " Cymeans to give up theirs ?" The god resumed once more 
 in the following terms : " Yes, I do command it, so that at 
 " least you impious wretches may be cut off the quicker, 
 " nor ever more come to consult the oracle about the giving 
 
 160 " up of suppliants." When the Cymeans heard the reply 
 which was brought back, they determined neither to perish 
 by giving him up, nor by keeping him in their city, to expose 
 themselves to a siege ; they therefore sent him away to Myti- 
 lene. And those of Mytilene, when Mazares se,nt a message 
 to them to deliver up Pactyas, were preparing to do so for 
 some stipulated reward, for I cannot vouch for certain what 
 it was, since the agreement was not completed ; for the Cy- 
 means, when they understood what was doing by the Mytile- 
 nians, sent a ship to Lesbos, and transported Pactyas to 
 Chios. But afterwards he was torn from the temple of Mi- 
 nerva Polcuchos, and given up by the Chians ; they delivered 
 him in return for Atarneus ; the territory of this Atarneus 
 belongs to Milesia, and lies opposite to Lesbos. The Per- 
 sians, therefore, when they had received Pactyas, kept him 
 under strict guard, intending to deliver him into the hands of 
 Cyrus. It was no such inconsiderable time that elapsed, be- 
 fore any one of the Chians would use in their sacrifices to any 
 of the gods libations of the barley from this territory of Atar- 
 neus, or would cook for themselves any cakes of the meal 
 that came from thence ; but every thing that came from that 
 
 161 country was excluded from all the temples. The Chians, ac- 
 cordingly, delivered up Pactyas. Mazares afterwards carried 
 on war against those who had besieged Tabalus ; and on the 
 one hand he reduced the Prienians to slavery, and sold them 
 off; and on the other, overran the whole plain of the Mae- 
 ander, committing great devastation with his army; he treated 
 Magnesia in the same manner, immediately after which he 
 died of disease. 
 
 162 After the death of this general, Harpagus, his successor in 
 the command of the army, came into Lower Asia; this man 
 also was a native of Media, the same whom Astyages the king 
 of the Medes had feasted in so unnatural a manner, and who 
 had lent his assistance to Cyrus in obtaining the monarchy. 
 This individual being nominated 'by Cyrus chief of the army, 
 on his arrival in Ionia, took the different cities by means of 
 terraces ; for as soon as he had made the inhabitants shut 
 themselves up within their walls, he gained possession of the 
 town by throwing up intrenchments before the ramparts, 
 rhocaea of Ionia was the first place he attacked.
 
 CLIO. 163165. 75 
 
 These Phocaeans were the first of the Greeks that under- 163 
 took long voyages: it was they who made known to us the 
 Adriatic sea, Tyrrhenia, Iberia, and Tartcssus. They did 
 not sail in round vessels, but in fifty-oared galleys. At their 
 arrival at Tartessus, they ingratiated themselves with the king 
 of the Tartessians, whose name was Arganthonius: this prince 
 reigned over Tartessus eighty years, and reached the age 
 of one hundred and twenty. The Phocaeans pleased this king 
 so much, that he first solicited them to quit their own coun- 
 try, and settle in his territory, in whatever part they might 
 choose : afterwards, not having been able to prevail on the 
 Phocaeans in this respect, when he understood from them 
 that the power of the king of the Medes was increasing, he 
 gave them money wherewith to erect a wall around the city; 
 and must have given it with no sparing hand, for the circuit 
 of the ramparts extends several stadia, and the whole is built 
 of large stones, joined together with art. Such were the 164- 
 means, then, by which the wall of the Phocaeans was built. 
 When Harpagus had brought his army against them, he 
 began the siege, making the following proposal : " That it 
 " would satisfy him if the Phocaeans would only throw down 
 " one battlement of the wall, and dedicate one house." The 
 Phocaeans, abhorring slavery, replied : " That they required 
 " one day to deliberate, and afterwards would give their 
 " answer :" and they demanded, " that he should take his 
 " army away from under the walls whilst they were delibera- 
 " ting." Harpagus said: " That he knew well what they 
 " intended doing, but that nevertheless he would permit them 
 " to hold their council." Accordingly, as Harpagus was 
 marching his troops from under the walls, the Phocaeans 
 meanwhile launched their fifty-oared vessels, placed on board 
 their children and wives, and all their moveable effects, toge- 
 ther with the images out of the temples, and all the offerings, 
 excepting what was in brass or stone, or painted. Having 
 put all on board, and embarked themselves, they set sail for 
 Chios, and the Persians took possession of Phocaea, deserted 
 by its inhabitants. The Phocaeans, seeing that the Chians 155 
 would not sell them the islands called the Oenussae, which 
 they wished to purchase, fearing lest they might become a mart, 
 and their own island be thence excluded; seeing this, I say, the 
 Phocaeans prepared to go over to Corsica (Cy rnus,) for in that 
 island of Corsica they had twenty years before, in obedience 
 to an oracle, founded a city, the name of which was Alalia ; 
 Arganthonius was already at that time dead. These people 
 then being about to pass over into Corsica, sailed first to Pho- 
 caea, wjiere they put to death the garrison of Persians, which
 
 76 CLIO. 166168. 
 
 Harpagus had appointed to guard the city ; afterwards, when 
 they had performed this action, they vowed dire imprecations 
 against such of themselves as should abandon the fleet ; be- 
 side which, they plunged in the sea a bar of iron, and swore, 
 " they would never return to Phocaea, till such time as that 
 " bar should again appear on the surface." But while they 
 were making ready to sail for Corsica, desire and compassion 
 for their city and their habitations in its territory seized more 
 than half of the citizens: these became perjurers, and sailed 
 back to Phocaea; those of them that kept their oath weighed 
 
 166 and sailed from the Oenussae. When they had reached Cor- 
 sica, they lived for five years in common with those who had 
 previously settled there; they likewise erected some temples. 
 As they were in the habit of pillaging the cattle and gods of 
 all their neighbours, the Tyrrhenians and Carthaginians, by 
 mutual consent, began war upon them, with a combined fleet 
 of sixty ships. The Phocaeans themselves also manned their 
 ships, which were sixty in number, and sailed to meet the 
 enemy in the sea called the Sardinia : both parties engaging 
 in a sea fight, the Phocaeans ^gained a sort of Cadmean vic- 
 tory; for forty of their ships were utterly destroyed, and the 
 remaining twenty were rendered useless, by being blunted in 
 the stern. The Phocaeans sailed back to Alalia, took on 
 board their children and wives, and what else of their effects 
 their ships were able to carry, and then quitting Corsica, sailed 
 
 167 towards Rheggium. With regard to the men on board the 
 ships destroyed, the Carthaginians and Tyrrhenians took a 
 much greater number than the Phocaeans, and divided them 
 by lots; these they led out, and stoned to death. After which, 
 all that passed by the spot (in the territory of the Agyllaei,) 
 where the Phocaeans that had been stoned lay, became dis- 
 torted, mutilated, or halt, all indifferently, sheep, oxen, and 
 men. The Agyllaei sent to Delphi to consult as to expiating 
 the guilt : and the Pythia bade them do what the Agyllaei to 
 this very day observe ; for they perform magnificent funeral 
 sacrifices to them, and in their honour celebrate gymnastic 
 and equestrian games. That was the fate of those Phocaeans ; 
 but such of them as fled to Rheggium, on their arrival there, 
 founded that city in the territory of Oenotria, which is now 
 called Hyela; which they built, having understood from an 
 
 habitant of Posidonium, that the Pythia had not ordered 
 them to found a colony in Cyrus, but to erect a monument to 
 the hero of that name. Such accordingly were the events that 
 168 happened with regard to Phocaea of Ionia. The Teii be- 
 laved m a manner similar to them; for when Harpagus had, 
 by means of an mtr'enchment, gained possession of their wall,
 
 CLIO. 169171. 77 
 
 they all embarked aboard their ships, and departed, sailing 
 for Thrace, and there founded the city of Abdera; which Te- 
 mesius of Clazomenae having founded before, did not enjoy, 
 but having been ejected by the Thracians, now receives ho- 
 nours as a hero from the Teii settled in Abdera. 
 
 The above, then, are tjie only tribes of the lonians, which, 169 
 not brooking slavery, abandoned their countries. The rest 
 of the loiyans, excepting those of Miletus, came to battle with 
 Harpagus, as well as those that had quitted the country, and 
 showed themselves men of courage, every one fighting for his 
 own country; but being defeated and taken, they were each 
 obliged to stay in their own territory, and bend to the yoke. 
 The Milesians, as it has been before observed by me, having 
 made a treaty with Cyrus, enjoyed tranquillity. Thus, then, 
 was Ionia subjected a second time ; and when Harpagus had 
 gained possession of the lonians on the main land, those that 
 held the island, dreading a similar treatment, delivered them- 
 selves to Cyrus. I understand that, when the lonians, al- 170 
 though oppressed with many evils, nevertheless assembled in 
 the Panionium, Bias, a native of Priene, gave them a most 
 salutary counsel, which, if they had followed it, would have 
 rendered them the most opulent of the Greeks ; he exhorted 
 the lonians " to depart in one common fleet, sail for Sardinia, 
 " and there found one city for all the lonians ; and thus, res- 
 " cuing themselves from slavery, they would become a flou- 
 " rishing people, inhabiting the largest of all islands, and 
 " ruling over others : whereas, if they staid in Ionia, he said, 
 " he did not see now how they could ever recover their li- 
 " berty." This was the counsel of Bias the Prienian, given 
 to the lonians when they were already subdued. That which 
 Thales, a native of Miletus, by extraction of Phenician blood, 
 gave, before Ionia was subdued, was also very good ; he ad- 
 vised them " to establish one general council at Teos ; as 
 " Teos was the centre 'of Ionia ; and that the other towns in- 
 " habited by them should, nevertheless, be governed as if 
 " they were separate countries." Such, accordingly, were 
 the counsels given by those philosophers. 
 
 Harpagus, after reducing Ionia, prepared an invasion 171 
 against the Carians, and Caunians, and Lycians, taking with 
 him a reinforcement of lonians and Aeolians. Of these, the 
 Carians had migrated from the islands to the main land: for 
 of yore they possessed the islands, being subjects of Minos, 
 and known by the name of Leleges ; and, as far as I have 
 been able to collect concerning such most distant epochs by 
 tradition, they paid no tribute, but manned Minos's ships 
 whenever he required it. Accordingly, as Minos subdued a
 
 78 CLIO. 172, 173. 
 
 great extent of country, and succeeded in war, the Carian 
 people became by far the most renowned of all nations in 
 those days. Three inventions were made by them, which the 
 Greeks have adopted, for it was the Carians who gave the ex- 
 ample of fastening crests to the helmets, and placing devices 
 on the shields. Until that time also those who were accus- 
 tomed to use the buckler, carried it without any handle, ma- 
 naging it by the means of skinny thongs, with which they sus- 
 pended it to the neck and right shoulder. A considerable 
 time afterwards, the Dorians and lonians expelled the Ca- 
 rians from the islands ; and in that manner they passed over 
 to the main land. Such is the way in which the Cretans relate 
 events which happened in regard to the Carians ; the Carians 
 themselves, however, do not agree with them, since they con- 
 sider themselves aborigines ot the continent, and as having 
 always borne the same name as at the present day: they show 
 also at Mylassi an ancient temple of Carian Jove, the privilege 
 of which is communicated to the Mysians and Lydians, as 
 being related to the Carians. For they represent that Mysus 
 and Lydus were brothers to Carus ; to them accordingly they 
 communicate that privilege ; but do not do so to those who 
 belong to any other nation, although they may use the same 
 
 172 language as themselves. The Caunians are, as it appears to 
 me, aborigines; although they themselves assert they came 
 from Crete: and either they assimilated themselves in lan- 
 guage to the Carian people, or the Carians did so to the Cau- 
 nian people ; for that question I cannot decide for certain : 
 but they observe customs very different from those of the rest 
 of men, and even of the Carians ; for among them it is consi- 
 dered as very decent to meet to drink in parties, according to 
 age and friendship, men, women, and children. There were 
 in their country temples erected to strange gods, but when 
 afterwards they altered their mind, and resolved to worship 
 the gods of the country only, all the Caunians that had passed 
 the limits of childhood, clad in their arms, and striking the 
 air with their javelins, went as far as the Colyndic mountains, 
 declaring they were expelling the foreign gods. Such are the 
 
 173 peculiar customs of these people. The Lycians originally 
 sprang from Crete ; for of old all that island was possessed by 
 barbarians ; but at the time of the contest for the sovereign 
 power there, between the sons of Eurppa, Sarpedon, and 
 Minos, when Minos had got the upper hand in the struggle, 
 he drove away both Sarpedon himself and all his partisans. 
 These being thus exiled, passed over to Milyas, a territory of 
 Asia ; for that same country which the Lycians now inhabit 
 was in early times called Milyas, and the Milyans then bore 
 the name of Solymi.
 
 CLIO. 174 V 79 
 
 So long, then, as Sarpedon reigned over them, they were 
 designated by the name which they had brought with them, 
 and by which even to this day the Lycians are known to their 
 neighbours, the Termilae: but when Lycus, the son of Pan- 
 dion, who had himself also been driven out of his country by 
 his brother Aegeus, passed from Athens into the country of 
 the Termilae to Sarpedon, they took after a time the appella- 
 tion of Lycians from the name of Lycus. Of the usages they ' 
 observe, some are Cretan and others Carian ; they have, how- 
 ever, this one custom peculiar to themselves, and in which 
 they agree with no other people ; they take their names from 
 the mother, and not from the father ; if one asks his neigh- 
 bour who he is, he will declare himself born of such a mother, 
 and will reckon up the female ancestors of his mother ; and 
 if a female citizen should marry a slave, all her offspring are 
 deemed noble, whereas if a male citizen, and even the chief 
 one among them, should take a foreign wife or a concubine, 
 the children are ignoble. 
 
 The Carians, then, were reduced to slavery by Harpagus, 174< 
 without performing any brilliant achievement : neither did 
 the Carians distinguish themselves, nor any of the Greeks 
 that occupy that region ; several are settled there, and among 
 others the Cnidian colonists of the Lacedemonians, who in- 
 habit a country exposed to the sea, which, in consequence, is 
 called Triopium : as the whole of Cnidia, beginning from 
 the peninsula of Bybassia, is, excepting to a small extent, en- 
 circled by the sea ; (for towards the north the Ceramic gulf 
 serves as its boundary, to the south the sea of Syme and 
 Rhodes,) the Cnidians, in the intention of converting their 
 country to an island, began therefore to dig a fosse athwart 
 that small portion which is about five stadia long, while Har- 
 pagus was busied in reducing Ionia. The whole of their ter- 
 ritory lay this side of the isthmus, for in that place where the 
 country of Cnidia terminates towards the main land there is 
 the isthmus through which they wished to cut. And the 
 Cnidians in consequence employing many hands in the work, 
 and as the labourers appeared, from some divine cause, to 
 suffer more than might have been expected by wounds in all 
 the parts of the body, but principally in the eyes, while hew- 
 ing out the stone, they sent deputies to Delphi to enquire 
 what power opposed them, when the Pythia, as the Cnidians 
 themselves relate, pronounced to them the following in trime- 
 ter verse : " Raise no tower on the isthmus, nor excavate ; 
 " for had Jove chosen, he would have made it an island." 
 When the Pythia had pronounced this oracle, the Cnidians 
 ceased excavating, and on the approach of Harpagus with
 
 80 CLIO. 175179. 
 
 the army, gave themselves up to him without striking a blow. 
 175 The Pedasians were settled in land above Halicarnassus : 
 among that people, as well as their neighbours around, when- 
 ever any misfortune is about to befal, the priestess of Minerva 
 has a long beard. This has happened thrice. These were 
 the only tribes round the Carians that resisted, for any 
 time, Harpagus, and caused him very great trouble by 
 fortifying the mountain called Lide. The Pedasians, there- 
 
 176 fore, were, after some time, reduced. The Lycians, when 
 Harpagus marched his army into the plain of the Xanthus, 
 went forth, and engaging, although they were but few against 
 many, showed much valour; but being defeated, and block- 
 aded within their ramparts, they collected in the citadel their 
 wives and children, their effects and slaves; and then set fire 
 to it, so as to burn the whole of the citadel thus stored. Hav- 
 ing done this, and bound themselves by dreadful oaths, all 
 the Xanthian men sallied forth secretly, and perished in bat- 
 tle. The greater of the Xanthians that call themselves Ly- 
 cians at the present day, are, with the exception of eighty fa- 
 milies, foreigners : those eighty families happened at the time 
 to be away from the country, and by that means escaped. In 
 this manner Harpagus gained possession of Xanthus, and 
 nearly in the same manner of all Caunus, as the Caunians, for 
 the most part, followed the example of the Lycians. 
 
 177 Harpagus, therefore, reduced the Lower Asia; as to the 
 Upper A sia, Cyrus himself conquered it ; subduing every na- 
 tion, without omitting one : the greater part of these we shall 
 accordingly pass over without notice, but make mention of 
 such as gave him the greatest trouble, and are most worthy of 
 
 178 commemoi-ation. After Cyrus had reduced to his sway all 
 the other nations of the continent, he fell upon the Assyrians. 
 There are in Assyria several other large towns, but the most 
 celebrated and the strongest was BABYLON, where, after the 
 destruction of Nineveh, the royal residence had been estab- 
 lished. The following is a description of the city : the city 
 lies in an extensive plain ; on each side it measures one hun- 
 dred and twenty stadia, being of a quadrangular shape: these 
 stadia together make up four hundred and eighty for the 
 whole circuit : such, therefore, is the city of Babylon in re- 
 spect to size. But it is adorned in a more magnificent man- 
 ner than any city that we know of. In the first place, a moat 
 deep and broad, and full of water, runs round it ; after which 
 comes a wall fifty royal cubits in breadth, and in height two 
 hundred ; the royal cubit being longer by three digits than 
 
 179 the average cubit. And here it will be 'proper that I add, 
 what use was made of the soil dug out of the moat, and in
 
 CLIO. 180, 181. gl 
 
 what manner the wall was erected. As fast as they dug out 
 the fosse, they converted the soil thrown out of the excavation 
 into bricks ; and when they had modelled a sufficient quan- 
 tity, baked them in kilns. Then for cement they took hot 
 bitumen, and spreading, at every thirtieth course of bricks, a 
 bed of wattled rushes, first built up the sides of the moat: and 
 next the wall itself, in the same manner; on the top and to- 
 wards the edge of which they erected towers of one chamber, 
 opposite to each other, leaving between them a space suffici- 
 ent for turning a four-horse chariot. In the periphery of the 
 wall are one hundred gates of solid brass, as well as both the 
 jambs and lintels. There is another city eight days' journey 
 - from Babylon, the name of which is Is; there is in that place 
 a small river likewise called Is, which discharges its stream 
 into the Euphrates : now this river Is brings down with the 
 water a great quantity offtakes of bitumen, from whence that 
 used in the wall of Babylon was obtained. Babylon accord- ISO 
 ingly was walled in, after the above manner. There are two 
 quarters in the town, for a river, the name of which is the 
 Euphrates, divides it in the mkldle; that river, which is large, 
 deep, and rapid, flows out of Armenia, and disembogues itself 
 in the Erythrean sea ; each wall, therefore, forms an elbow a 
 the river, from whence stretches along a wall of baked bricks, 
 following the windings of the stream on either bank. The 
 city itself, which is full of houses three or four stories high, is 
 cut into streets, all of which are straight, as well as the trans- 
 verse ones, leading to the river; in each street gates have 
 been opened in the wall along the fiver, equal in number to 
 the streets themselves ; these gates also are of brass, leading 
 down to the water. The wall that I have described serves, 181 
 accordingly, as a principal rampart; but. there is within it 
 another one, stretching round the city, not much weaker than 
 the former, but more narrow. In the middle of each quarter 
 of the town there was a building ; in one, the palace sur- 
 rounded with an extensive and strong wall ; in the other, the 
 temple of Jupiter, with gates of brass; this latter subsisted to 
 my days, being of a quadrangular form, and two stadia in 
 each dimension : in the middle of the sacred precinct stands 
 a massy tower, one stadium in length, and the same in 
 breadth; upon which rises another tower; upon that rises 
 another ; and so on, up to eight towers : the ascent to these 
 is made by a circular way outside, running round the towers, 
 and about the middle of the ascent is a lodge and seats, where 
 those who climb up sit down and rest. In the last tower is a. 
 spacious cell, in which is placed a large, well-furnished bed, 
 hard by which stands a golden table. There is no statue fixed 
 VOL. i, M
 
 82 CLIO. 182185. 
 
 here, nor does any person pass the night in it, excepting one 
 single woman, whomsoever the god may select of the sex : 
 s'uch is the assertion of the Chaldecs, who are the priests of 
 
 182 this god. These same persons, although I cannot believe it, ' 
 declare that the god himself comes to the cell, and reposes in 
 the bed, in the very same t manner as it happens at Thebes of 
 Egypt, according to the assertion of the Egyptians, for there 
 a woman lies in the temple of Theban Jove. In both in- 
 stances the women are said to have no communication with 
 any man. The same takes place at Paterae of Lycia with 
 the priestess, when the oracle is there, for it is not always 
 that there is an oracle ; but when it so happens, she sleeps 
 
 183 every night with the god in the cell. There is also another 
 cell belonging to the temple at Babylon in the lower part of 
 the building, where is seen a large golden image of Jove 
 seated, near which is placed a large golden table; both the 
 foot-stool and the seat itself are gold, and, as the Chaldees 
 represent, these things took eight hundred talents of gold to 
 make. Without the cell is an altar of gold ; there is likewise 
 another large altar where the full-grown cattle are sacrificed, 
 for on the golden one it is not permitted to sacrifice any ex- 
 cepting suckling animals only. Upon the larger altar also 
 the Chaldees burn one thousand talents of incense every year 
 at the time when they celebrate the festival in honour of this 
 god. There was likewise in those times a golden statue twelve 
 cubits high within the precinct ; that, however, I did not see; 
 but I repeat what is said by the Chaldees. Darius wished to 
 take possession of this statue, but durst not; Xerxes the son 
 of Darius, however, took it, and killed the priest who warned 
 him against removing the statue. In the above manner, then, 
 this temple is ornamented ; it contains also many private 
 offerings. 
 
 184 There have been many sovereigns over this town of Baby- 
 lon, of whom I shall make mention in my Assyrian history; 
 it was they who erected the walls and the temples : and of 
 the number, two queens in particular : the first that held the 
 sceptre flourished five generations before the last ; her name 
 was Semiramis. This princess erected embankments in the 
 plain, which are worthy of being seen; for before that time 
 
 185 the river used to stagnate all over the land." The queen that 
 ruled next after Semiramis, who bore the name of Nitocris, 
 and was more prudent than she who reigned previously, left 
 some monuments which I shall by and by describe ; and, ob- 
 serving that the power of the Medes was great, and so far 
 from being inclined to peace, that several cities had been 
 taken by them, and, among others, Nineveh in particular.
 
 CLIO. 186. 83 
 
 took every precaution in her power to guard against them. 
 In the first place, by digging channels above the town, she 
 rendered the Euphrates, which flows through the middle of 
 the city, and the stream of which was before that time straight, 
 so crooked, that in its present course it touches three times 
 one of the villages in Assyria. Ardericca is the name of the 
 place by which the Euphrates passes three times, and at pre- 
 sent those who go from the Mediterranean sea to Babylon, 
 navigating the river Euphrates, touch three times at that 
 same village, on three successive days; this work, then, was . 
 one of those which she performed. She threw up also an en- 
 trenchment on both banks of the river, worthy of admiration 
 both for its size and its height. At a good' distance above 
 Babylon she dug a drain for the marshes, extending it some- 
 what from the river; for this purpose she dug down till she 
 came to water, and so far for the depth ; as for the breadth, she 
 made it four hundred and twenty stadia in circuit. The earth 
 dug out of this excavation she employed in erecting the em- 
 bankments on the borders of the river ; and when the whole 
 was dug out, she caused stones to be brought, and ran a pa- 
 rapet all round the excavation. She performed those two 
 works, namely, the making of the river tortuous, and the ex- 
 cavated lake, in order that the river might be less rapid, its 
 course being broken by many turns, and that the navigation 
 to Babylon might be winding, while if the enemy landed from 
 their ships, the vast circumference of the lake might check 
 him. These works she executed in that part of the country 
 where the entrance and shortest road from Media were, in 
 order that the Medes, being debarred from communication 
 with her subjects, might not discover what she was doing. 
 Nitocris, by these excavations, accordingly fortified herself; 186 
 when they were completed, she made the following addition : 
 the city being divided into two quarters, by the river running 
 through the middle, under the kings before her time, whoever 
 wanted to cross over from one of the quarters to the other 
 was obliged to pass in a boat ; which, I imagine, must have 
 been inconvenient. But this princess provided also against 
 that ; for when she had excavated the drains for the marsh, 
 she left this as another memorial of that work. She caused 
 some large stones to be hewn out, and when they were ready, 
 and the excavation was made, she turned the stream of the 
 river into the place that had been dug out; and as while that 
 was filling, the ancient bed of the river became dry, they first 
 built up with baked bricks, after the same manner as the city 
 wall, the sides of the river within the town, and the descents 
 leading from the lesser gates to the stream ; and secondly,
 
 84 CLIO. 187189. 
 
 about the middle of the city they constructed a bridge with 
 the stones they had hewn out, binding the blocks together 
 with iron and lead; over this, during day time, wooden 
 planks were laid on which the Babylonians crossed over, but 
 at night those boards were taken away, for the following rea- 
 son ; that the inhabitants might not cross over in the night- 
 time to rob each other : when the excavated lake was filled by 
 the river, and the different parts of the bridge completed, the 
 queen turned the river Euphrates out of the lake into its for- 
 mer channel ; and thus the excavation being converted into a 
 marsh, its utility became manifest, and a bridge was con- 
 
 187 structed for the citizens. That same queen devised also the 
 following deception : over the most frequented of the gates of 
 the city she caused her sepulchre to be made in the view of 
 all ; and had letters engraved on the tomb to the following 
 effect : " Whosoever of the kings of Babylon after me may 
 " be in want of money, let him open this tomb and take what 
 " sum he lists. Let him not open it, however, unless he be 
 " really in want; for it will not benefit him." This sepulchre 
 remained untouched until the kingdom came into the hands 
 of Darius. To Darius it appeared a foolish thing not to make 
 use of that gate, and not to take the money deposited there, 
 money also that invited him to take it; it was for the follow- 
 ing reason he made no use of the gate, because had he gone 
 through it, he would have had a dead body over his head. 
 Having opened the tomb, he found in it no money, but the 
 body, and an inscription to the following effect: " Wert thou 
 " not insatiate of money, and covetous of shameless lucre, 
 " thou wouldst not have opened the repository of the dead." 
 Such accordingly this queen is related to have been. 
 
 188 Cyrus then led an expedition against the son of this prin- 
 cess, who bore the name of his father Labynetus, and pos- 
 sessed the kingdom of Assyria. When the great king sets out 
 on a campaign, he is well provided with bread and cattle, 
 brought from his own residence ; and, amongst other things, 
 water from the river Choaspes, which flows by Susa, is car- 
 ried with him ; for of that, and no other river, does the king 
 drink. A vast number of four-wheeled waggons, dragged by 
 mules, follow him wherever he goes, conveying boiled 
 water from this river Choaspes, contained in silver vases. 
 
 189 When- Cyrus, in his march towards Babylon, came to the 
 Gyndes, a river, the sources of which are' in the Matianian 
 mountains, and which runs through the territory of the Dar- 
 danians, and falls into another river called the Tigris, which, 
 flowing by the city of Opis, discharges itself into the Ery- 
 threan sea; while Cyrus was endeavouring to traverse this
 
 CLIO. 190, 191. 85 
 
 stream, which was passable only in boats, one of the sacred 
 white horses, which was very mettlesome, dashed into the 
 water, and attempted to swim across ; but the current seizing 
 him, carried him away, and drowned him. Cyrus was much 
 enraged at the river's thus insulting him, and threatened him 
 that he would make his stream so shallow, that for the future 
 even women should pass over with ease, and without wetting 
 their knees ; after pronouncing this threat, he laid aside his 
 expedition against Babylon, and divided his troops into two 
 parties; and having so done, he drew by the cord one hun- 
 dred and eighty channels on each bank, running in all direc- 
 tions from the river ; and then distributing his troops, com- 
 manded them to dig. As the number of hands was very 
 great, the work was completed ; but nevertheless they passed 
 the whole of that summer labouring in that one place. 
 When Cyrus had punished the river Gyndes, by distributing 190 
 it into three hundred and sixty channels, and .the second 
 spring had commenced, he marched his army upon Babylon ; 
 the Babylonians awaited him, encamped without the town. 
 When he was come at the head of his forces near the city, 
 the Babylonians engaged with him, and.being defeated in the 
 battle, were shut up in the city. But the inhabitants being 
 previously convinced that Cyrus was not inclined to peace, 
 and had observed that he reduced to his power every nation 
 indifferently, had brought in the corn of several years. They 
 were not, consequently, at all uneasy about a siege ; whereas 
 Cyrus was harassed with difficulties, since, although a consi- 
 derable time had elapsed, his affairs were none the forwarder. 
 In consequence, whether that any other person suggested 191 
 it to him when in such straits, or that he himself discerned 
 what it was expedient for him to do, he employed the follow- 
 ing stratagem: having stationed all his troops, principally 
 near the entrance of the river whereby it flows into the city, 
 but some also at the opposite point where the stream flows 
 out of the town, he commanded the men, as soon as they saw 
 the river was fordable, to enter by that way into the city. 
 Having accordingly thus arranged his troops, and given those 
 orders, Cyrus himself proceeded with the useless hands in the 
 army ; and arriving at the lake, managed with that and the 
 river, just as the queen of the Babylonians had done before, 
 for turning the river into the lake, which was before a marsh, 
 caused the old bed to become fordable as the water sunk. 
 This operation being thus performed, the Persians who had 
 been stationed for that purpose, along the bed of the Eu- 
 phrates, seeing that the water now reached at most to the 
 mid thigh of a man, entered by it into Babylon. Now if the
 
 86 CLIO. 192, 193. 
 
 Babylonians had been informed of, or had known what Cyrus 
 was about to do, they would not have suffered the Persians to 
 enter the city, nor would they have been so quickly reduced; 
 for they might have shut up all the smaller gates leading down 
 to the river, and' mounting themselves on the breast-works 
 that ran along the borders of the river, they would have 
 caught them as in a net. But now the Persians came upon 
 them unexpectedly ; but in consequence of the size of the 
 city, as it is related by those who inhabit it, when the parts 
 towards the extremities of the town were taken, such of the 
 Babylonians as dwelt in the middle did not know of the cap- 
 ture, but as it happened that day to be a festival with them, 
 they continued to dance during the whole time, and to enjoy 
 themselves, until at last they were informed of the truth. 
 And in this manner was Babylon then captured for the first 
 time. 
 
 192 With regard to the power of the Babylonians, I shall prove 
 how great it is by various arguments, but by this in particu- 
 lar. For the support of the great king himself and his whole 
 army, all the land over which he rules is, besides the tribute 
 which it pays, divided into different portions; there being 
 twelve months in the year the territory of Babylon supports 
 him during four, while the rest of Asia does so for the other 
 eight ; so that the territory of Assyria is in importance equal 
 to the third of all Asia. The government of this country, 
 which the Persians call a satrapy, is by far the best of all their 
 governments, for while Tritantaechme the son of Artabazus, 
 held this province, he produced him every day an artaba fulf 
 of silver : the artaba is a Persian measure that holds more by 
 three Attic choenixes than the Attic medimnus. The king 
 himself had in the same province, besides the war horses, a 
 stud of eight hundred stallions and sixteen hundred mares; 
 each of the stallions covering two mares. Such a number of 
 Indian dogs was likewise bred in the province, that four large 
 villages in the plain were appointed to furnish food for them, 
 and exempted from all other taxes. Such were the riches 
 
 193 possessed by the person who ruled over Babylon. The land 
 ot the Assyrians is sometimes refreshed by rain, and it is that 
 which first nourishes the root of the corn ; the plant, how- 
 ever, increases and ripens into corn, by being watered from 
 the river, not as in Egypt, from the river itself overflowing 
 the fields, but by irrigation with the hand, or with engines. 
 For the whole land of Babylon, like that of Egypt, is cut by 
 canals; the greatest of which is navigable, and exposed to the 
 w-inter sun : this canal flows from the Euphrates into another 
 river, the Tigris, on the borders of which the city of Nineveh
 
 CLIO. 194. 87 
 
 was erected. That is by far the best of the countries we know 
 of for the production of wheat; for it does not grow any other 
 plant, neither figs, nor grapes, nor olives : but, on the other 
 hand, it is so adapted to the growing of wheat, that it con- 
 stantly returns two hundred fold ; and when it produces the 
 best crops in its own proportion, it returns so much as three 
 hundred fold. The blades of wheat and barley in that coun- 
 try grow to the breadth of full four fingers ; as to the size 
 that the plants of millet and sesame reach, although I know, 
 I shall not mention, being perfectly convinced that with such 
 as have not visited the land of Babylon, even what has been 
 said concerning its productions, will to many appear incredi- 
 ble. The inhabitants do not make use of olive oil, but of 
 such as they manufacture from the sesame. They have palm 
 trees, which spring up all over the plain ; the greater portion 
 of which produce fruit, from which they procure food, wine, 
 and honey ; they cultivate them after the same manner as we 
 do figs, and, among other things, they hang the fruit of what 
 the Greeks call the male palm around the fruitful trees, in 
 order the fruit may not fall off, but that the fly may enter the 
 date, and so cause it to ripen: for the male palms have flies 
 in their fruit like the wild fig-trees. 
 
 I am now going to describe that which appears to me the 194 
 greatest wonder of all in this country, next at least to the 
 city itself. The boats that they have to navigate along the 
 river down to Babylon are circular, and composed entirely of 
 skin. In that part of the country of the Armenians who in- 
 habit above the Assyrians, they cut the ribs out of willow 
 wood, on the outside of which they stretch skins, so as to 
 make a bottom, without distinguishing the stern, or drawing 
 any part to a point for the stern, but making them circular, 
 like a buckler. They cover the whole of this bottom with 
 straw, and then loading it with merchandise, suffer it to be 
 carried down by the river ; but the principal article they con- 
 vey is casks full of palm wine. These craft are steered with 
 two spars, by two men standing erect, one of whom hauls his 
 spar in, while the other shoves his out Some of these ves- 
 sels are constructed on a very large scale, others on a smaller; 
 die greatest of them are of five thousand talents burthen. 
 Aboard each vessel there is a live ass, and in the larger ones 
 more. When they have navigated down to Babylon, and 
 disposed of their articles, they next sell by auction the ribs of 
 the vessel and all the straw, and packing the skins upon the 
 backs of their asses, travel back to Armenia. For it is impos- 
 sible in any manner to sail up the river, on account of the ra- 
 pidity of the current ; and for that reason they do not make
 
 88 CLIO. 195, 196. 
 
 their vessels of wood, but of skins ; and when they have come 
 with their asses back into Armenia, they construct other 
 barges after the same manner. Such accordingly are the 
 
 195 boats that they use. They wear the following dress: a linen 
 tunic, which reaches down to the feet; over this, they put 
 another tunic of wool, throwing over the whole a small white 
 cloak, and having shoes after their own fashion, and nearly 
 similar to the Beotian clogs. They have long hair, wear 
 crowns on their heads, and perfume themselves all over the 
 body. Every individual has a seal, and a stick worked by 
 hand. Upon the top of each stick is carved either an apple 
 or a rose, a lily or an eagle. For it is not customary with 
 them to carry a stick without some mark. Such, then, is 
 their manner of adorning the body. 
 
 196 I now proceed to describe their customs. The wisest, in 
 my opinion, and one which I understand is observed by the 
 Veneti of Illyria, is this : once each year the following cere- 
 mony took place in every village ; when they had collected 
 all such maidens as were of marriageable estate, they led them 
 in a body to one spot, where a crowd of men gathered round 
 them ; a public crier then making them arise one by one, of- 
 fered each for sale, beginning first by the prettiest of the 
 whole; next, when that one had fetched a good sum, and 
 was sold, he proclaimed for sale another, that which was next 
 in beauty to the prettiest : and they were sold under condi- 
 tion of being married. Such of the opulent Babylonians, 
 therefore, as were desirous of marrying, bade against one an- 
 other, and purchased the most beautiful ; on the other hand, 
 those of the lower classes that wanted wives, did not look at 
 all to a fair form, but received ugly girls, and a sum of money: 
 for as soon as the crier had finished calling the prettiest, he 
 made the ugliest get up, or the lame, (if there were any,) and 
 proclaimed her, asking who would marry her for the least 
 money, until she was acfjudged to him who declared he would 
 be content with the smallest sum. And thus the handsome 
 girls procured husbands for the ugly and the maimed. It was 
 not permitted for any body to give his daughters to whom he 
 liked, nor was any one permitted to take home the maiden 
 that had been sold without a surety, but it was necessary to 
 furnish bondsmen that he would marry her, and then he might 
 take her with him. Those who come from another village 
 might also purchase if they choose: this accordingly was their 
 wisest usage ; now at least it has, however, ceased to exist ; 
 but they have lately devised another expedient, that their 
 women may not be maltreated or taken away ; for since they 
 have, in consequence of their capture, been oppressed and
 
 CLIO. 198, 199. 89 
 
 ruined in their property, every one of the people that is in a 
 state of indigence, prostitutes his female children for money. 
 This next following custom which they have, is the second in 
 point of wisdom. They carry forth the sick to the market-place, 
 for they have no doctors ; the inhabitants then going up to 
 the patient, give him advice with respect to his disorder ; if 
 any one of them has suffered of the same disorder that the 
 patient has, or has known any other person afflicted with it, 
 going up in this manner, they each give him advice, and per- 
 suade him to that, by doing which the adviser has himself 
 recovered from a like disorder, or has witnessed another re- 
 cover. It is unlawful to pass by a sick person in silence, 
 without first inquiring what malady he has. Their dead they 195 
 bury in honey ; and their mourning at funerals is neai'ly the 
 same as with the Egyptians. Whenever a man of Babylon has 
 conversed with his own wife, he seats himself near some burn- 
 ing perfume, while the woman does the same, on the other 
 side ; and as soon as day breaks, they both wash, for they will 
 touch no utensil till such time as they have washed themselves: 
 this practice the Arabians likewise observe. But the most 199 
 disgraceful custom with the Babylonians is this: every native 
 woman must, once in her life, seat herself in the temple of Mi- 
 nerva, and have communication with some stranger. Many 
 of the women, disdaining to mix with the others, through 
 pride in their riches, go in covered carts, and stand before the 
 temple, while behind them follows a numerous train of at- 
 tendants. But the greater part act as follows : a great num- 
 ber of women seat themselves in the precinct of Venus, wear- 
 ing on their heads a garland of twine. And as some are 
 constantly arriving and others departing, passages, drawn by 
 the cord through the different roads, lead among the women, 
 by which the strangers pass and make their choice. When 
 once a woman has taken her seat in this place, she does not 
 depart home until some one among the strangers throwing a 
 piece of silver on her knees, take her out of the temple and 
 enjoy her person. As he throws the piece, he must pro- 
 nounce the following: " I invoke the goddess Mylitta in thy 
 favour." Now, the Assyrians call Venus, Mylitta. The piece 
 of money may be of any size ; it is not rejected, for that is not 
 lawful for the woman to do, as the money becomes sacred. 
 The woman follows the first who throws the piece of 
 money ; she refuses no one ; but after she has yielded to his 
 embraces, having satisfied the goddess, she returns to her 
 home. After this, whatever sum you may give her, you will 
 not be able to seduce her. Such as are endowed with a fair 
 form and stature, return quickly ; but those of them that are 
 VOL. i. N
 
 90 CLIO. 200203. 
 
 deformed, stay a long time without being able to fulfil the 
 law, for many of them remain a space of three, or even four 
 years. In some parts also of Cyprus there is a custom similar 
 
 200 to this. The above, accordingly, are the customs of the Ba- 
 bylonians. There are among them three tribes, who live on 
 nothing else but fish : which, after they have caught, they dry 
 in the sun, and then prepare in the following manner : they 
 cast the fish in a mortar, and, after braying it with pestles, 
 they Strain it through a cloth, and such of them as like, eat it 
 made into cakes ; others eat it, baked after the manner of 
 bread. 
 
 201 When this nation also had been reduced by Cyrus, he 
 formed the design of subjecting the Massagetac to himself. 
 This people is said to be both considerable and brave, dwell- 
 ing towards the east, and rising sun, beyond the river Araxcs, 
 opposite to the Issedones. There are some persons who af- 
 
 202 firm this nation to be also Scythian. The Araxes is reported 
 to be larger, by others smaller than the Istcr ; in it, they say, 
 there are many islands equal in sixe to Lesbos, on which there 
 are men who live on roots of all kinds, which they dig up 
 during the summer, and who hoard up for food the fruits of 
 the trees which they find ripe, on which they live during the 
 winter season. They relate, that they have other trees bear- 
 ing berries, of the following nature, which, when they collect 
 together in parties, and kindle fire, they throw, standing round 
 in a circle, on the flames; and, drawing up their nostrils the 
 smoke of the burning fruit, which they have cast on the fire, 
 intoxicate themselves with the smell, in the same manner as 
 the Greeks do with wine; the more fruit they throw on, the 
 more intoxicated they get, until they rise up to dance, and 
 proceed to singing: such, accordingly, is said to be the diet 
 of these people. The river Araxcs flows from the Matianians, 
 whence also springs the Gyndes, which Cyrus distributed into 
 three hundred and sixty channels. The Araxes discharges 
 itself by forty streams, all of which, excepting one, fall into 
 marshes and swamps, in which they say there dwell men who 
 iive on raw flesh, and are accustomed to use for garments the 
 skins of seals ; that single one of the streams of the Araxes 
 flows without impediment into the Caspian sea. The Caspian 
 is a sea of itself, which does not mingle with the other; for 
 the sea which the Greeks navigate, as well as that called the 
 Atlantic, beyond the pillars, and the Erythraean, are one: 
 
 203 and the Caspian is another by itself; in length it is a fifteen 
 days' voyage for a vessel with oars; in breadth, at that part of 
 it where it is broadest, eight days. Towards that part of the 
 sea which is to the west, Caucasus extends itself, which is the
 
 CLIO. 204 206. 91 
 
 largest and loftiest of mountains. - The Caucasus has within 
 itself many tribes of various kinds, most of which live entirely 
 on the fruits of wild shrubs. It is reported that there are also 
 trees among them producing leaves of the following nature, 
 with which, when rubbed and mixed with water, they paint 
 various figures on their garments ; these figures do not fade, 
 but wear with the rest of the wool, in the same manner as if 
 they had been woven in at first. They relate that among 
 those people concubinage is unconcealed, as with cattle.-' The 204 
 Caucasus, accordingly, limits this sea, called the Caspian, 
 towards the west : on the east, and towards the rising sun, a 
 plain extends, so vast that the sight cannot reach its bounds. Of 
 this vast plain, now, the Massagetae, against whom Cyrus had 
 the design of leading an expedition, possess no small portion. 
 The motives that stirred and urged him on were many and 
 great. First, his birth, which made him fancy he was some- 
 what more than a mortal ; secondly, the good fortune which 
 had attended him in his wars ; for wheresoever Cyrus di- 
 rected his arms, it was impossible for that nation which he 
 attacked to escape. 
 
 A woman was then queen of the Massagetae, her husband 205 
 having died. The name of this queen was Tomyris. Cyrus sent 
 to this woman, as he pretended, to solicit her hand, wishing to 
 have her for his wife; but Tomyris, perceiving that he did not 
 so much court herself as the kingdom of the Massagetae, re- 
 fused him admittance. Cyrus, after this, seeing he did not 
 succeed by stratagem, led his army to the river Araxes, and 
 began openly an invasion of the Massagetae, throwing bridges 
 over the river for the passage of his army, and erecting towers 
 upon the boats intended for crossing the stream. While he 206 
 was employed in this work, Tomyris sent to him a herald, 
 who spoke as follows: " King of the Medcs, cease to hurry 
 " what thou art doing, for them knowest not whether it will 
 " indeed end to thy advantage ; cease thy preparation, rule 
 " over thy own subjects, and be not discontented at seeing us 
 " rule over those that we govern. But thou wilt not adopt 
 " this suggestion ; no ! thou hadst rather be in any state than 
 " in peace; if thou desire so very greatly to make trial of the 
 " Massagetae, come; forego the toil in which thou art busied, 
 " throwing a bridge over the river ; pass over into our terri- 
 " tory, and we will remove three days' march from the river; 
 " or, if thou prefer to receive us on thy states, do thou the 
 " same." When Cyrus heard this message, he convened the 
 chief of the Persians, and laid the business before them, to 
 consult with them what he had to do ; opinions coincided in
 
 92 CLIO. 207, 208. 
 
 one and the same advice, all counselling him to receive To- 
 myris and her troops on his own territories. 
 
 207 Croesus, the Lydian prince, who was present, and disap- 
 proved the above counsel, proposed one directly opposite to 
 it, speaking in the following words : " Sire, I have said to 
 " thee heretofore, that since Jove had placed me in thy hands, 
 " whatever error I might observe in thy concerns, I would 
 " do my endeavours to avert it ; my misfortunes, and great 
 " they have been, serve me as instructions. If thou fanciest 
 " thyself immortal, and that thou hast command over an 
 " army of the like nature, there can be no necessity of my 
 ** making known my opinion to thee ; but if, on the other 
 " hand, thou grantest that thou thyself even art a mortal, 
 " that such are they over whom thou rulest, know this, first 
 " of all, that there is a wheel in human affairs, which, revolv- 
 " ing, allo\v not of the same persons always obtaining suc- 
 " cess. With regard to myself, the opinion I hold on the 
 " present subject is quite the contrary of what these propose : 
 " for should we receive the foes in our own country, the fol- 
 " lowing is the danger which then threatens thee; shouldst 
 " thou be routed, thou losest all thy empire, for, no doubt, 
 " should the Massagetae conquer* they will not retire, but 
 " will advance on thy territories. Shouldst thou, on the 
 " other hand, conquer, conqueror as thou wilt be, thy success 
 " will not be the same as if thou hadst passed over into yonder 
 " country, and after defeating the Massagetae, hadst only to 
 " pursue the fugitives : for this I will oppose to the proposed 
 " opinion, that if thou conquer thy opponents, thou wilt im- 
 " mediately possess thyself of the states of Tomyris. Over 
 " and above what I have urged, it would be disgraceful and 
 " insupportable that Cyrus the son of Cambyses, retiring, 
 " should yield the field to a woman. I am, therefore, of opi- 
 " nion, that we should cross the stream, and advance as far 
 " as they may retire; that after so doing, we should endea- 
 '* vour to circumvent them ; I am informed the Massagetae 
 " are inexperienced of the Persian luxuries, and know no- 
 " thing of the sweets of life ; those men, then, being such, let 
 " us first slaughter and dress a good number of cattle, and 
 '* spread the fare in our camp ; and add craters full of pure 
 " wine, and other food of different kinds; when we have so 
 " done, let us leave the worst part of our army, and the rest 
 " march back again to the river. For unless 1 am mistaken, 
 " those people, beholding so many good things, will fall upon 
 " them, and then will there remain to us to display deeds of 
 
 208 " valour. "/The counsels, accordingly, were opposed. Cyrus,
 
 CLIO. 209211. 93 
 
 however, rejecting the first, and adopting that of Croesus, re- 
 quested Tomyris to recede as he would pass over to meet her. 
 Tomyris retired according to her previous promise. And 
 Cyrus, placing Croesus in the hands of his son, to whom also 
 he left the kingdom, and urgently charging him to honour 
 him and treat him kindly, should the expedition against the 
 Massagetae be attended with no success, and then despatching 
 them to Persia, he himself with his army crossed the river. 
 After he had passed the Araxes, when night came on, he be- 209 
 held a vision, as he slept in the territory of the Massagetae ; 
 it was the following : he fancied in his sleep that he beheld 
 the eldest of the sons of Hystaspes, having on his shoulders 
 wings, overshadowing Asia with one, and Europe with 
 the other. The eldest of the sons of this Hystaspes, who 
 was himself son of Arsames, and one of the family of the 
 Achemenidae, was Darius, then about the age of twenty ; he 
 had been left in Persia, for he was not of a fit age to bear 
 arms. When Cyrus awoke, he, in consequence, began to 
 consider within himself of the dream; and as it seemed to him 
 very important, he called Hystaspes, and taking him aside, 
 said, " Hystaspes, thy son is convicted of conspiring against 
 " myself and my kingdom. I will show thee how I know it 
 " for certain : the gods watch over me, and foreshow to me 
 " all that is to befal me; now, last night, as I slept, I beheld 
 " the eldest of thy children, having wings on his shoulders, 
 " with one of which he overshadowed Asia, and with the other 
 " Europe; it cannot but be, according to this dream, that he 
 " is conspiring against me ; do thou therefore proceed with 
 " despatch back into Persia, and do so, that, on my return 
 " after subjecting this country, thou mayest place thy son 
 " before me to be examined." Cyrus spoke thus, fancying 210 
 that Darius was conspiring against him ; but the god indicated 
 to him, that he himself would die in that place, and his power 
 pass over to Darius. Hystaspes accordingly made answer: 
 " Sire, heaven forbid there should be any Persian in existence 
 " to conspire against thee ; should there be such an one, may 
 " he be quickly cut off; thou hast made the Persians to be free, 
 " from slaves that they were before ; and, instead of being 
 " ruled by others, thou hast made them to rule over all ; but 
 " if any vision hath warned thee that my son is concerting 
 " any measures against thee, I myself deliver him up to thee 
 " to use as thou mayest think proper." Hystaspes answered 
 as above, and crossing the Araxes, proceeded to Persia to 
 take his son Darius, and bring him before Cyrus. 
 
 Cyrus having advanced one day's march beyond the Araxes, 21 1 
 acted after the suggestion of Croesus; and then departing
 
 94 CLIO. 212 214s 
 
 himself with the effective part of the Persian army back to the 
 Araxes, and leaving the worse troops, -a battalion of the 
 Massagetae, consisting of a third part of their army, ad- 
 vanced, seized and put to death the party of Cyrus's army 
 that had been left, and then, seeing the provision spread, 
 they lay down and feasted; and. when they were filled with 
 food and wine, they betook themselves to sleep. The Persians 
 now rushed on and slew several of them, but took by far the 
 greater number prisoners, and among others the son of queen 
 Tomyris herself who was general over the Massagetae, and 
 
 212 was called Spargapises. She being informed of what had 
 befallen her son, sent a herald to Cyrus, with the following 
 message: " Cyrus, thou tyrant, insatiate of blood, be not 
 te overjoyed at what has taken place, that thou hast gained 
 " possession of my son, deceiving him by that poison, that 
 " juice of the vine, with which, when filled, you yourselves 
 " run mad, so that the wine flows back on your lips, and fills 
 " your mouths with words of insolence; thou hast not con- 
 " quered him in fair battle. Attend now to a good counsel 
 " which I propose to thee : give me back my son, and 
 " withdraw unpunished from this land, although thou hast tri- 
 " umphed over the thivd of my arm^v But if thou wilt not 
 " do so, I swear by the sun, the sovereign lord of the Mas- 
 " sagetae, that, thirsty though thou be, I will satiate thee with 
 
 213 " blood." Cyrus, accordingly, took no account of the message 
 thus delivered; but the son of queen Tomyris, this Spargapi- 
 ses, when the wine released him, and he heard of the misfortune 
 that had befallen him, besought Cyrus to relieve him of his 
 fetters, and his request was granted. As soon as he was 
 loosened, and had the command of his hands, he slew himself, 
 
 214 and in that manner ended his life. Tomyris, as Cyrus would 
 not hearken to her proposal, collected all her forces, and 
 engaged him. This battle was, I think, of all that have been 
 fought among the barbarians, the most fierce; and as far as 
 I can learn, it was conducted alter the following manner. 
 First of all, it is said, the two parties, being at some distance, 
 shot their darts; next, when the arrows were exhausted, they 
 engaged with javelins and cutlasses; they continued for a long 
 time firmly fighting, and neither would yield; but at last the 
 Massagetae got the upper hand ; and thus great part of the 
 Persian army was cut off on the spot, and Cyrus himself 
 slain, after completing the twenty-ninth year of his reign. 
 Tomyris having filled a wine sack with human blood, caused 
 the corpse of Cyrus to be sought after among the Persian 
 dead; and when it was found, she threw the head into the 
 wine sack, and abusing the body, spoke as follows : " Although
 
 CLIO. 215, 216. 95 
 
 " I am alive, and conqueror, thou hast ruined me in the con- 
 " test, gaining possession of my son by craft ; now will I, as I 
 " threatened, fill thec with blood." With regard to the death 
 of Cyrus, of the many relations that are made, the above has 
 been chosen by me as being the most probable. 
 
 The Massagetae use the same dress and customs as the 215 
 Scythians: they are some 'on horseback and some on foot, 
 and succeed in both services. e Thcy are archers, fight with 
 spears, and use sagares, 1 according to the custom of those 
 countries. They adopt gold and copper for all purposes; 
 for they use copper for their spears, the heads of their darts, 
 and their sagares, and adorn their helmets, and breast-plates, 
 and girdles, with gold ; on the breasts of their horses they 
 also place plates of brass, but use gold about the bridle, bit, 
 and bosslets ; iron and silver they never use, for they have 
 none in their country, whereas brass and gold are found in 
 abundance. They have the following customs : every man 216 
 marries one woman, but they all converse with her in com- 
 mon ; for it is not, as the Greeks represent, the Scythians who 
 follow that custom, but the Massagetae : when one of them 
 feels an inclination towards any woman, he suspends his quiver 
 by the side of her waggon, and enjoys her person without fear. 
 They prescribe no limit to age; but when a man becomes 
 very infirm, all his relations assemble and sacrifice him, and 
 various cattle at the same time; they then boil the flesh and 
 feast on it: this is regarded by them as the happiest end of 
 life. Such as die of disease, they do not eat, but place under 
 ground, bewailing that he had not the happiness to be sacri- 
 ficed. They sow no pulse, but live on their cattle and on 
 fish, which is furnished in abundance by the Araxes: they 
 drink milk. Of all the gods, they adore the sun alone, to 
 whom they sacrifice horses, the following being the reason ; 
 that they think they should offer to the fleetest of the gods 
 the fleetest of mortal beings. 
 
 > A sort of double-edged battle- nearly all the barbarous herdes of Eu- 
 axe ; an instrument of war used by rope from the east to the west.
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 BOOK If. 
 
 EUTERPE. 
 
 A.T the death of Cyrus, Cambyses succeeded to the throne: 1 
 he was son of Cyrus by Cassandane the daughter of Phraor- 
 tes. This princess having died before her husband, Cyrus 
 not only mourned deeply her loss himself, but likewise com- 
 manded all over whom his power extended to shew the marks 
 of mourning. Cambyses, accordingly, sprung from this wo- 
 man and Cyrus, considered the lonians and Aeolians as 
 slaves, inherited from his father, and preparing an incursion 
 on the Egyptians, took all those over whom he ruled, and 
 more particularly such of the Greeks as he had in subjection. 
 
 Previously to the reign of their king Psammitichus, the 2 
 Egyptians had considered themselves as the most ancient race 1 
 in the world; but since Psammitichus, having obtained the 
 government, chose to ascertain what nation was the first, 
 from that period they allow the Phrygians to be older than 
 themselves, but Consider themselves as more ancient than all 
 the others, Psammitichus not being able, in spite of his en- 
 quiries, to find any solution of the question as to who were 
 the most ancient of mankind, devised the following. He gave 
 two new-born children of the common class to a pastor to be 
 brought up among the flocks, after the following manner : he 
 gave orders that no one should at any time pronounce any 
 
 1 Mesraira son of Ham, and grand- sir, though they write it Misr. 
 
 son of Noah, was the first that peopled This observation is taken from the 
 
 Egypt. This is, in my opinion, com- excellent notes of Larcher, to whom I 
 
 pletely proved by the fact that the am indebted for all the other notes to 
 
 Hebrews called this country Mizraim, this book, to which the author's name 
 
 and the Turks to this day call it Mis- is not subjoined. 
 
 > 7 OL. I. O
 
 98 EUTERPE. 3. 
 
 word before them, but that they should be placed apart by 
 themselves in an empty hovel, and at proper times goats 
 should be brought to them, and \vhen they were filled with 
 milk, the herdsman should depart on his business. This 
 Psammitichus performed and commanded, from a desire of 
 hearing what sound the children would first utter, after they 
 should have ceased the unmeaning cries. Which took place 
 accordingly. For after the pastor had been thus employed 
 for two years, both the children, as he opened the door and 
 entered, approached him, crying out, BEKOS,' and stretching 
 forth their hands. The first time accordingly that the shep- 
 herd heard the sound, he held his peace ; but as whenever he 
 entered ajid attended to them, this same sound was frequently 
 repeated, he in consequence communicated it to his master, 
 and, in obedience to his orders, brought the children into his 
 presence. And Psammitichus himself, having heard the 
 sound, endeavoured to inform himself what nation gave the 
 name of BEKOS to any thing; by enquiry, he found that the 
 Phrygians give that name to bread. So the Egyptians, after 
 pondering this event, allowed that the Phrygians were more 
 3 ancient than themselves. That matters happened after the 
 above manner, I have heard from the priests of Vulcan at 
 Memphis. But the Greeks relate many other idle circum- 
 stances, as for instance, that Psammitichus cut off the tongues 
 of certain women, and thus provided for the support of the 
 children with those women. Such, then, is the relation they 
 give concerning the bringing up of the children. I have also 
 neard other things respecting the antiquities of Egypt, at 
 Memphis, in my conversations with the priests of Vulcan ; 
 and indeed, on that account, I went to Thebes and Heliopo- 
 lis, wishing to be satisfied whether they would agree in their 
 relations with those at Memphis; for those of Heliopolis are 
 considered to be the most learned of the Egyptians in history .- 
 
 1 These children, probably, pro- Henry relates this circumstance in the 
 
 nounced Bcc, the cry of the goats, sixth volume of his History of Eng- 
 
 which they attempted to imitate, as is land, and laughs at its absurdity, 
 
 asserted by the scholiast on Apollo- 2 This place was not only celebrated 
 
 nius Jihodius, os being a termination for being, in a manner, the school of 
 
 peculiar to the Greek tongue. Herodotus : Plato here studied philo- 
 
 The absurd attempt to discover the sophy, and Eudoxus astronomy. Eu- 
 
 primitive tongue has been renewed, as sebius, Cyril, Augustine, and others, 
 
 ono mav say, in our own time. In the aflirm, that Plato got his information 
 
 fifteenth century, James IV. king of in Egypt; and Mr. Bryant says, there 
 
 Scotland, shut up two children in the can be no doubt of it. See Bryant on 
 
 island of Inchkeith, with a dumb per- the Plagues of the Egyptians. Plato 
 
 son to take care of them. When they resided three years at Heliopolis, 
 
 arrived at manhood, they spoke the where he was very intimate with the 
 
 language of Paradise, pure Hebrew. Priests of the Sun. Egypt was not
 
 EUTERPE. 4, 5. 99 
 
 With respect to what I heard touching divine matters, it is 
 not my intention to publish any thing, saving only their 
 names; as I presume all the inhabitants of Egypt must be 
 equally acquainted with them. Whatever I may mention 
 touching them, it will be only when constrained by my nar- 
 rative that I shall allude to them. 
 
 With regard to human affairs, they related the following, 4 
 all agreeing in one and the same account: that the Egyptians 
 were the first of all nations that invented the year, marking 
 in it twelve divisions, at the end of which the seasons come 
 round again. They assert that they owe this invention to 
 their knowledge of the stars. They manage, in my opinion, 
 more cleverly than the Greeks, inasmuch as the latter insert 
 an intercalary month every third year on account of the sea- 
 sons; whereas the Egyptians, making all their months of 
 thirty days, add to every year five supernumerary days, so 
 that with them the circle of the seasons always comes to the 
 same. 1 They affirm that the Egyptians were the first that 
 gave names to the gods, and that the Greeks borrowed them 
 from them ; that they also were the first to erect altars, sta- 
 tues, and temples to the gods, and to carve figures on stone ; 
 that most of these events happened according to their relation 
 they proved to me. They related that Menes was the first 
 mortal who reigned over Egypt : that under him the whole 
 of Egypt, the Theban norne excepted, was a marsh; that in 
 those days nothing was to be seen of the lands now existing 
 beneath the lake Moeris, to which it is a seven days' voyage 
 up the river from the sea. And they appeared to me correct 5 
 in what they said respecting the country; for it is clear to 
 any one, (provided he is a man of some judgment,) that has 
 not heard previously of the circumstance, but beholds it, that 
 the Egypt, to which the Greeks sail, is a country acquired by 
 the Egyptians, and a gift of the river; and that also above 
 
 only the school of Plato, but of Mu- habitants of Thebes, iu Egypt, interca- 
 
 saeus, Melampos, Daedalus, Homer, lated at the end of each year five days 
 
 Lycurgus, Solon, Demqcritus, &c. and a quarter. Larcher supposes there 
 
 See Diodorus Siculus. Bdoe. were in Egypt two sorts of years, the 
 
 A barbarous Persian has overthrown civil one of three hundred and sixty - 
 
 her temples, a fanatic Arab burnt her five days, and the astronomical one, 
 
 books, and one solitary obelisk over- known only to the priests, by which 
 
 looking her ruins, says to passengers, they regulated their festivals, and con- 
 
 This once was Heliopolis. Savary. ciliated to themselves the respect of 
 
 1 If their year had been exactly the people. This last year was not 
 
 three hundred and sixty-five days, far known to Herodotus, and indeed it 
 
 from tuc seasons always corning at the was with great difficulty that Plato 
 
 same time, the winter months would and Eudoxus,who lived thirteen years 
 
 at the end of some centuries come in with the Egyptian priests, could draw 
 
 the spring, and so on with the others, from them this discovery, of which 
 
 Diodorus Siculus asserts, that the in- they made a great mystery.
 
 100 EUTERPE. 68. 
 
 this lake, for three days' navigation, the country is of a simi- 
 lar nature, although concerning this part they related nothing 
 of the kind. 
 
 For the nature of the land of Egypt is after the following 
 kind. First when sailing towards it, and yet one day's voyage 
 from the land, if you heave the lead, you will haul up mud, 
 and be in eleven orgyae water; 1 this shows that the land 
 
 6 brought down by the river extends so far. The length of 
 Egypt following the sea is sixty schoeni, according to what 
 we call Egypt from the gulf of Plinthinites to the lake of Ser- 
 bonis, to which the mount Casius stretches ; from this lake, 
 then, the distance is sixty schoeni; for such people as are 
 poor in territory measure by orgyae; 2 such as are not quite 
 so straitened, by stadia ; such as have an extensive territory, 
 by parasangs ; such as possess very vast regions, by schoeni : 
 now the parasang is equal to thirty stadia; and each schoenus, 
 which is the Egyptian measure, to sixty stadia ; so that the 
 side of Egypt along the sea may be three thousand six hun- 
 
 7 dred stadia. From thence in land up to Heliopolis, Egypt 
 is wide, wholly plain, without water, and marshy. The road 
 from the sea to Heliopolis is pretty nearly equal in length to 
 the road from Athens, leading from the altar of the twelve 
 gods 3 in that place to the temple of Jove Olympian at Pisa. 
 A person measuring these two roads, might find some slight 
 difference between them, but not more than fifteen stadia; 
 for the road from Athens to Pisa wants fifteen stadia to be 
 fifteen hundred ; whereas that from the sea to Heliopolis is 
 
 8 full that number. 4 From Heliopolis, as you continue as- 
 
 1 One day's navigation, according rodotus is here speaking of the differ- 
 to Herodotus, iv. 86, is equal to 1,300 ent itinerary measures in use among 
 stadia. Now the stadium used by our different nations, according to the 
 historian is about 51 toises; hence it greater or lesser extent of their terri- 
 follows, that one day's navigation is tones. 
 
 rather more than twenty-five leagues. 3 This was in the Pythic place of 
 
 Off the coast of Egypt soundings Athens. Pisistratus son of Hippias 
 
 give mud, at the distance of twenty the tyrant dedicated it to the twelve 
 
 leagues, according to Shaw ; and at gods when he was archon. 
 
 the distance of seventeen, according 4 In the report of Herodotus re- 
 
 to Bruce. specting the extent of Egypt, he has 
 
 2 This passage is embarassing : it made use of a stade, which is totally 
 is generally understood of private different from that which he uses 
 landholders : " Those who possess but when he refers to Greece or Persia. 
 little land, measure this land by or- This appears in a remarkable instance, 
 gyae, &c." According to which in- where he assigns an equal number of 
 terpretation, there must have been stades within 15, to the space between 
 many private individuals sufficiently Athens and Pisa, as between Helio- 
 extensive landholders to use the polis and the sea-coast of Egypt, al- 
 schoenus, a measure equivalent to one though the former be about 10.3, the 
 league and a quarter, French. It ap- latter 8G G. miles only ; the one giv- 
 pears to me very "probable, that He- ing a proportion of 755, the olher of
 
 EUTERPE. 9. 101 
 
 cending, Egypt becomes narrow ; for on the one side extends 
 the mountain of Arabia, stretching from nortli to south and 
 south-east, always rising in the direction of the sea called the 
 Erythraean: in this range are found the quarries, cut out for 
 the pyramids at Memphis. At this last place the mountain 
 makes a bend towards the part above-mentioned ;' and where 
 it has the greatest length, is, 2 as I have understood, two 
 months' journey from east to west. On the side of Egypt, 
 towards Libya, stretches another rocky mountain, covered 
 with sand, in which the pyramids are, and stretching along in 
 the same manner as that part of the Arabian mountain that 
 extends southward. Thus, from Heliopolis, there is no great 
 extent of country belonging to Egypt; but for four days' 
 voyage up the stream the territory is narrow. The part be- 
 tween the two mountains described is plain country ; and in 
 the places where it is narrowest, it appeared to me there were 
 about two hundred stadia, and no more, betwixt the mountain 
 of Arabia and the other called the Libyan. From that place 
 Egypt again increases in breadth. Such accordingly is the 
 nature of this country. From Heliopolis to Thebes is a 9 
 voyage of nine days up the river ; or four thousand eight 
 hundred and sixty stadia, as they reckon eighty-one schoeni. 
 These stadia of Egypt being put together, the length on the 
 side of the sea, as I have already shown before, is three 
 thousand six hundred stadia. And now I shall show what is 
 the distance from the sea inland up to Thebes; it is six 
 thousand one hundred and twenty stadia ; the distance from 
 
 1,012 to a degree. So that he appears by Strabo Cercesura. All the way to 
 
 to have used stades of different scales, this place the river Nile ran for the 
 
 without a consciousness of it. Rennel, most part in one channel, and the re- 
 
 p. 427. gjon was bounded on one side with 
 
 1 That is to say, Erythraean, or Red the mountains of Libya, and on the 
 Sea, mentioned line 4. Schweig. other, which was to the east, with the 
 
 2 The whole extent of this country mountains of Arabia. As the latter 
 in length from Philae and the cataracts consisted of one prolonged ridge, He^ 
 down wards, has been esteemed to have rodotus speaks of them in the sin- 
 been between five and six hundred gular, as one mountain, and says 
 miles. It consisted of three principal that it reached no further than Lower 
 divisions, the Thebais, the Heptano- Egypt, and the first division of the 
 mis, and Delta, and these were subdi- Nile, which was nearly opposite to 
 vided into smaller provinces, called by the Pyramids. Here the river was 
 the Greeks, Nomes. Of these, ac- severed into two additional streams, 
 cording to Strabo, ten were in the the Pelusiac and the Canobic, which 
 Thebais, ten also in that portion called bounded Lower Egypt, called Delta, 
 Delta, and sixteen in the intermediate to the east and to the west, while the 
 region, which was styled Heptanomis. original stream, called the Sebennytic, 
 Herodotus tells us that the country pursued its course downward, and 
 was narrow, as it extended from the after having sent out some other 
 confines of Ethiopia downward, till it branches, at last entered the sea. 
 came to the point of Lower Egypt, Bryant. 
 
 where stood a place called Cercasorum.
 
 102 EUTERPE. 104-12. 
 
 Thebes to the city called Elephantis is one thousand eight 
 hundred stadia. 
 
 10 Of the country, therefore, thus described, the most part, a& 
 the priest told me, and as it appeared to me myself also, has 
 been added to Egypt; for the space between the two mountains 
 above described, lying above the city of Memphis, appeared 
 to me to have been, at some time or other, a gulf of the sea, as 
 were once, we know, the environs of Ilium, Teuthrania, and 
 Ephesus, and the plain of the Meander, if one may compare such 
 small things with large, for of the rivers which have brought 
 down the sediment that forms those different countries, none 
 of them in size is deserving to be compared even with one of 
 the mouths of the Nile ; whereas that river has five mouths. 
 There are also other rivers not comparable in size with the 
 Nile, which have wrought great changes; the names of which 
 I might mention, and among others, above all, the Achelous, 
 which, flowing through Acarnania, and disemboguing in the 
 sea, has already changed into mainland one half of the 
 
 11 Echinades islands. There is in the land of Arabia, at no 
 great distance from Egypt, a gulf of the sea, stretching from 
 
 that called the Erythraean, long and narrow, as I now proceed 
 to describe. From the bottom of the gulf to the main sea, 
 the length is such that forty days are spent in the voyage, on 
 board a row-boat : in breadth, where it is widest, it is half a 
 day's voyage; and an ebb and flow take place in it every day. 
 I think that at some time or other, heretofore, Egypt was also 
 such another gulf; this gulf, stretching from the northern 
 sea towards Ethiopia ; the other (the Arabian gulf, which I 
 shall describe,) stretching from the southern sea towards Syria, 
 and being separated only by a small space of land, almost 
 working through one another's shores, and uniting. If, then,, 
 the Nile were to turn his course into the Arabian gulf, what 
 would hinder that gulf from being rilled by the mud brought 
 down by the stream in the space of twenty thousand years? 1 
 I myself, at least, think it might be filled within ten thousand. 
 Wherefore, then, in the time that elapsed before I was born, 
 might not a gulf, even if much larger than this, have been 
 
 12 filled up by such a river, and one so mighty? I believe, 
 therefore, what has been said of Egypt, and those who relate 
 these things; and I am of myself convinced it is so, seeing 
 
 1 Herodotus reasons thus : If the it is not unlikely that it should have 
 Nile were admitted to flow into the been choked up with mud, in the in- 
 Arabian Gulf, the residuum of mud definite period of ages before his time, 
 would fill it up in twenty, or even in This is no argument (hat such a gulf 
 ten, thousand years. If the whole of ever existed. 
 Egypt, therefore, were once a gulf,
 
 EUTERPE. 13, 14-. 103 
 
 that Egypt .stretches into the sea more than the neighbouring 
 land, that shells arc found on the mountains, 1 and a coat of 
 salt on the surface, such as to injure even the pyramids; and 
 moreover that the mountain above Memphis is the only place 
 of Egypt where there is any sand ; add also that Egypt re- 
 sembles neither the neighbouring country of Arabia, nor 
 Libya, nor Syria, (for there are Syrians that inhabit the parts 
 of Arabia near the sea,) but its soil is black and friable, as 
 formed of mud and alluvion, brought down from Ethiopia 
 by the river ; whereas we see the soil of Libya is red and 
 sandy, and that of Arabia and Syria loamy and stony. 
 
 The priests also mentioned to me this, another strong 13 
 proof respecting the country: that, under king Moeris, when- 
 ever the river rose only eight cubits, it watered that part of 
 Egypt beneath Memphis; and, from the death of Moeris to 
 the time when I heard these matters from the priests, was not 
 yet ninety years; but now, unless the river rises sixteen or at 
 least fifteen cubits, it does not overflow the country. And it 
 appears to me, that those Egyptians who inhabit the other 
 'countries below the lake Moeris, and that called the Delta, in 
 particular, if this territory goes on increasing in height in the 
 same proportion, and augmenting in size like heretofore, as the 
 Nile will not be able to inundate it, the Egyptians will suffer 
 for ever after what they themselves said the Greeks would at 
 some time suffer; for understanding that the whole territory 
 of the Greeks is watered by rain, and not by rivers, as their 
 own is, they said ; " that, some time or other, the Greeks, if 
 " disappointed in their hopes, would die of hunger." The 
 meaning of which observation was: " that if providence did 
 " not send them rain, but a drought, the Grecians would be 
 "destroyed by famine; for they have no other resource for 
 " water, except from heaven alone." And this was said by 14 
 the Egyptians of the Grecians with justice; but now I will 
 state how it is with the Egyptians: should it happen, as I 
 have said before, that the country below Memphis should 
 increase in height in the same proportion as in time gone by, 
 
 1 It is very certain that shells are naturalists, that the highest mountains 
 
 found upon the mountains of Egypt, have not been covered with water, 
 
 buf this by no means proves the exist- These,inthetimesofsuchgeBeralmun- 
 
 *nce of the Egyptian gulf. Shells dations, appeared like so many islands, 
 
 also are found upon mountains much In every part of Egypt, on digging, 
 
 higher than those of Egypt, in Europe, a brackish water is found, containing 
 
 Asia, and America. This only proves natrum, marine salt, and a little nitre, 
 
 ihat all those regions have in part Even when the gardens are overflowed 
 
 been covered by the waters of the sea, for the sake of watering them, tlw 
 
 some at one time and some at another, surface of the ground, after the eva- 
 
 I say in part, because it is certain, .poration and absorption of the water, 
 
 from the observation of the most skilful appears glazed over with salt. lolney.
 
 104 EUTERPE. 15. 
 
 what else could betal those Egyptians who inhabit that 
 territory but to die of hanger? since neither would the land 
 be refreshed with rain, nor would the river be able to overflow 
 the fields. At the present, however, the inhabitants of that 
 territory are of all men, and even the Egyptians themselves, 
 those who reap the fruits of the earth with the least toil ; for 
 these have not the labour of drawing furrows with the plough, 
 or digging^ or performing any other work such as the rest of 
 mankind do for procuring corn; but when the river, of itself 
 running over the fields, has watered them, and afterwards 
 withdrawn back to its own channel, then each sowing his own 
 field, drives into it some swine: when the seed has been 
 trodden in by these animals, 1 he waits then for the harvest ; and 
 having caused the corn to be beat out by the swine, he takes 
 it home without any farther trouble. 
 
 S If we choose to follow the opinion of the lonians with 
 reapect to what concerns Egypt, who assert that the Delta 
 only is properly Egypt, saying that along the sea it extends 
 from the place called Perseus's tower, to the Tarichaea of 
 Pelusius, a space of forty schoeni; that from the sea inland it 
 extends to the city of Cercasorum, near which the Nile 
 divides, one branch flowing to Pelusium, and the other to 
 Canobus ; whereas the rest of Egypt belongs in part to Libya 
 and in part to Arabia : adopting this opinion, we might de- 
 monstrate, I say, that originally there was no country belong- 
 ing to the Egyptians; for the Delta, as the Egyptians them- 
 selves represent, and as it appears to me, is formed from the 
 earth washed down, and, to use the expression, but lately 
 risen to view. If, therefore, there was no territory belonging 
 to them, what folly must theirs have been to have fancied 
 themselves the most ancient of nations? Surely it was not 
 necessary for them to recur to the experiment of the children, 
 in order to know what language they would first pronounce. 
 But I am of opinion, that the Egyptians did not take their rise 
 at the same time with that part of their country called by the 
 lonians Delta, but that they have always been ever since the 
 
 1 Plutarch, Eudoxus, and Pliny re- to find out truffles, with a kind of 
 
 late the same fact. Valcnaer does not muzzle to prevent their devouring 
 
 hesitate to consider it a fable invented them. My own opinion on this matter 
 
 by Herodotus; and the sagacious Wes- is, that Herodotus is mistaken only 
 
 seling seems to be of the same opinion, with regard to the time when they 
 
 though he has not rejected the expres- were admitted into the fields. It was 
 
 sion. Gale, not thinking swine adapted probably before the corn was sown, 
 
 to tread down the grain, has sub- that they might eat the roots of the 
 
 tituted oxen, because in Hesychius auuatic plants, which might prove of 
 
 and Phaverinus, the word us seems to injury to the grain. See Diodonis 
 
 signify an ox. They are at present Sicnlus. 
 made use of in some of our provinces,
 
 EUTERPE. 16, 17. 105 
 
 human race has existed ; and that as their land extended, a 
 good number among them remained, while others went lower 
 down ; of old, therefore, the Thebais was called Egypt, 1 the 
 circuit of which is six thousand one hundred and twenty 
 stadia. If then we judge rightly concerning these people, the 16 
 opinion of the lonians with regard to Egypt is not correct; 
 whereas, if the sentiment of the lonians is right, I will shew 
 that neither the Greeks nor the lonians themselves know how 
 to reckon, when they say that there are only three parts in the 
 whole world, to wit, Europe, Asia, and- Libya; for they ought 
 surely to add a fourth to these, namely, the Delta of Egypt, 
 if, at least, that country belongs neither to Asia nor to Libya; 
 for, according to this reasoning, it is evident the Nile does 
 not separate Asia from Libya, since it divides at the point of the 
 Delta, which it embraces, so that that country lies betwixt Asia 
 and Libya. Dismiss we now the opinion of the lonians, and 17 
 proceed to mention our own on these matters ; which is, 2 that 
 the whole of the country inhabited by the Egyptians is Egypt, 
 after the same manner as that inhabited "by the Cilicians is 
 Cilicia, and that by the Assyrians, Assyria ; with regard to 
 the boundary of Asia and Libya, I know of none that can 
 justly be so called except the limits of the Egyptians ; but if we 
 adopt the opinion of the Greeks, we shall regard the whole of 
 Egypt, beginning from the Catadupians 3 and the city of Ele- 
 phantis, as divided into two parts, and sharing in both names ; 
 one side of it belonging to Libya and the other to Asia : 
 for the Nile, entering the country at the Catadupians, flows 
 to the sea, dividing Egypt in the middle. Down to the city 
 of Cercasorum, then, the Nile flows in one stream ; but from 
 that city it is divided into" three channels ; one of which, called 
 the Pelusian mouth, turns to the east; another of these chan- 
 nels is in the direction of the west, and this one is called the 
 Canobic mouth : but the straight channel of the Nile 5 is this; 
 descending from the upper country, the river comes to the point 
 of the Delta ; then dividing the Delta down the middle, it 
 falls into the sea, giving to this channel by no means the 
 smallest or least celebrated portion of its waters; it is called 
 the Sebennitic mouth. There are also two other mouths di- 
 verging from the Sebennitic, leading to the sea, the names 
 appropriated to which are the following : the Saitic and the 
 Mendesian. The Bolbotine and Bucolic mouths are not 
 
 1 See Matthiae, Gr. Gram. p. 441, large one is in Ethiopia. _ Lurcher. 
 or sect. 303. 4 ^K^rai rp^afftac oSovs, for .1 
 
 2 mtae Ik, K. T. X. ; lit. " but we rpi^amag !>Sov S . Schweig. Lex. tieroa. 
 say thus of them." a See Matthiae, Gr. Gram. p. 548, 
 
 3 i. e. At the second cataract ; the or sect. 392, g, 1. 
 VOL. J. P
 
 106 EUTERPE. 18, 19. 
 
 18 formed by nature, but excavated by art. An argument in 
 favour of my opinion, that Egypt is such in extent as I have 
 shown in my discourse, is the oracle pronounced at Ammon ; 
 which I was informed of after I had inferred my own conclu- 
 sion 1 respecting Egypt. For theytof the cities of Marea and 
 Apis, as they inhabited the parts of Egypt on the bounds of 
 Libya, imagining they were Libyan?, not Egyptians, and 
 displeased with the sacred institutions, and wishing not to be 
 prohibited the use of heifers for food, 3 sent a deputation to 
 Ammon, stating, "that there was nothing .common between 
 " them and the Egyptians; for they dwelt without the Delta, 
 " and did not use the same language 3 with them ; and, there- 
 " fore, they wished to be allowed to eat of all sorts of meat." 
 But the divinity would not permit them to act in that manner, 
 saying, " that the land which the Nile, overflowing, waters, 
 " is Egypt; and that all were Egyptians who, inhabiting be- 
 
 19 low the city of Elephantis, drink of its stream." Such was 
 the oracle pronounced to them : now the Nile, when it rises, 
 overflows not only the Delta, but also parts of the country 
 said to belong to Libya and Arabia, in many places two days' 
 journey on either side, sometimes still more, sometimes less. 
 
 Concerning the nature of this river, I was able to collect 
 nothing, whether from the priests or any other individuals. 
 I was anxious, nevertheless, to learn from them why the Nile 
 overflows, beginning to rise at the summer solstice, and con- 
 tinuing for one hundred days; and when it has nearly com- 
 pleted 4 that number of days, sinks back, diminishing its stream ; 
 so that during the whole winter it remains small, until the 
 return of the summer solstice. Concerning none of these par- 
 ticulars, accordingly, was I able to collect any information 
 from the Egyptians, although I enquired of them what power 
 the Nile has to make it different in nature from all other 
 streams; for my own information, I, accordingly, put the 
 above-mentioned questions, and also inquired wherefore it is the 
 only one of all rivers that does not furnish breezes from its sur- 
 
 1 TTJG ip^e vvuprjs virrfpov, i. e. risen during that number of days :" 
 vffripov fj i-yuj tyviiiv. Matth. Gr. Schweighaeuser disapproves this tran- 
 Grara. p. 656. slation, and renders " expleto fere hoc 
 
 2 I have added the words, " for numero dierum." I think Larcher'g 
 food," on the authority of ii. 41, and version is more agreeable to good 
 iv. 186. sense, since Herodotus has just ob- 
 
 3 xai OVK ofioXoyetiv avrolm. Wes- served that Karipxcrat 6 NtTXoc TT\})- 
 seling, and, after him, Larchr, under. Qvuv - - - - iirl ktcarbv ripipas, and 
 staud 6/ioXoymv of the language, as would now contradict himself in some 
 in i. 142. Schweighaeuser translates manner by saying that its increase 
 " nee sibi cum illis convenire." does not continue " quite one hundred 
 
 * Larcher understands iriKaaaq of days." But consult Schweig. Not. 
 the increase of the river ; " having
 
 EUTERPE, ao 22. 107 
 
 face. There are, however, some among the Greeks, who wish- 20 
 ing to be distinguished by their wisdom, have mentioned three 
 different manners of explaining the nature of this stream. Of 
 these theories, two I do not hold worthy of mention, excepting 
 only so far as to point them out; one of these asserts, that 
 the etesian gales are the causes of the river's rising, 1 by im- 
 peding the Nile in its passage to the sea ; but now it has several 
 times happened that the etesian gales did not blow, whereas 
 the Nile still acts in the same manner; add also, that if the 
 etesian gales were the cause, all the other rivers that flow in a 
 direction opposite to the etesian winds, would certainly undergo 
 the same change with the Nile; and in a still greater degree, in- 
 asmuch as, being smaller, they present a less violent current. 
 Now, there are several rivers in Syria, several also in Libya, 
 which are not subject to the same changes as the Nile. The '21 
 other theory is more absurd than the one just mentioned, but 
 in truth more marvellous: according to this, it is asserted, 
 that, coming from the ocean, the river is itself the cause of its 
 changes, and that the ocean flows all round the earth. 3 The 22 
 third opinion, although by far the most plausible, is the most 
 removed from the truth : for this theory does not at all satisfy 
 us 3 by saying that the Nile proceeds from melted snow; since 
 that river flows out of Libya, athwart Ethiopia, and thence 
 enters Egypt : by what means then could its stream be formed 
 of snow, flowing as it does from the hottest [countries] towards 
 the colder? To a man capable of reasoning on these matters, 
 many things 4 will occur from- whence he may infer, that it is 
 not likely the stream of this river should proceed from snow. 
 The first and chief proof is afforded by the winds, which blow 
 warm from those regions; the second is, that that country 
 is constantly without rain or ice; and after a fall of snow it 
 must necessarily rain within five days : so that if it snowed' 
 in those countries, it would likewise rain. 5 In the third 
 place, the men there are black from heat; kites and swallows 
 
 1 ir\r)9viiv without the genitive ar- truth, savouring highly of the absurd" 
 
 tide TOV, see Matthiae, G. Gram. p. and marvellous. 
 
 819, or sect. 541, note. 3 Lit. " says nothing-" 
 
 3 This explanation seems to be as 4 ruv TO. iro\\a. Wesseling sup- 
 follows : the ocean, which the ancients plies TiKfiripia or papTvpia : " quorum, 
 regarded as composed of fresh water, paullo ante scriptorum, indicia multa 
 encompasses the earth ; when the pe- adsunt viro," &c. Schweighaeuser, 
 riodical N. E. or etesian gales blow, with that ingeniousness which distin- 
 a great body of water is driven down guishes him and Heyne, observes that 
 towards the S.W. quarter of the ocean, Wesseljfig's explanation would do 
 where it opens into the Nile ; the very well if the reading was rS>v 
 consequence is, that the superabun- vo\\a tan, sed turbat adjectus ra ar- 
 dant waters rush into the -channel of ticnlus.qui quid hue facial non video, 
 the river, and cause it Jo overflow the 6 which is not the caee ; see in. 10, 
 neighbouring country : a theory, in in fin.
 
 108 EUTERPE. 2325. 
 
 abide there the year through ; and cranes, to avoid the cold of 
 Scythia, migrate to those places for winter quarters; now, 
 if it snowed never so little in the country through which the 
 Nile flows, and from whence it commences its course, not one 
 
 23 of these things could take place, as is proved of necessity. He 
 who suggested what has been mentioned concerning the ocean, 
 having recourse to an obscure tradition for the explanation 
 of the subject, does not deserve a refutation. 1 For I, at least, 
 have never known of any river called Ocean ; and do think 
 that Homer, or some one of the poets before his time, invented 
 the name, and introduced it into poetry. 
 
 24 But, if after disapproving the systems heretofore proposed, 
 I must give my own opinion on this obscure subject, I will 
 mention what, in my opinion, is the cause of the Nile's over- 
 flowing in summer. In the cold season, the sun being driven 
 by the winter from his former course, passes to the upper re- 
 gions of Libya. Thus, to use as few words as possible, the 
 whole is explained ; for it is to be presumed that the country to 
 which this god is nearest, and over which he passes, will be 
 most in want of water, and the streams of the rivers in those 
 
 25 parts will be dried up. But, to explain at fuller length, 2 it 
 happens in the following manner: the sun passing over the 
 upper parts of Libya, produces the following effects ; as in 
 those parts the air is constantly serene, and the region is al- 
 ways hot, there being no cold winds, the sun passing through, 
 produces just the same effect as it is wont to do in summer, 
 when it proceeds through the middle of the firmament ; 
 for it attracts to itself the water, and throws it back to 
 the higher regions ; where being received and dispersed by 
 the wind, it is liquified ; and hence it is natural that the winds 
 which blow from that quarter, the south and south-west, 
 should be by far the wettest of all. Yet I am of opinion that 
 the sun does not discharge always the whole of the water he 
 draws up every year from the Nile, but that some of it abides 
 around him. As the winter grows milder, the sun returns 
 again to the middle of the firmament, and from that time at- 
 tracts water alike from all the rivers ; but, until then, their 
 streams are high, much rain mingling itself with their waters, 
 as the country is washed with storms and torn by torrents : 
 whereas in the summer, not being assisted by the rains, and 
 their waters being attracted by the sun, their streams are low ; 
 but the Nile being desytute of rain, and its waters attracted 
 [at that season] by the sun, it is natural that during that time 
 
 1 Lit. " having referred the subject * See Matthiae, Gr. Gram. p. 822. 
 in question (/uvOov) to something ob- or sect. 543. 
 tcwee."
 
 EUTERPE. 2628. 109 
 
 it should be the only river that flows much weaker than 
 in summer ;' for in summer it is attracted in the same pro- 
 portion with all other streams, but in winter it is the only 
 one that is oppressed. For these reasons I infer that the sun 
 is the cause of these effects. 2 The sun is likewise, in my 26 
 opinion, the cause of the air in that country being dry, as it 
 parches all on its passage : for this reason a perpetual summer 
 reigns over the upper parts of Libya. Now, if the order of 
 seasons were changed, and that in that part of heaven where 
 the north and winter quarter now is, should be the south; 
 and that where the south is now, the north should be ; 3 were ' 
 this change, I say, to take place, the sun, being driven from 
 the middle of the firmament by the winter and north-wind, 
 would pass over the upper parts of Europe, after the same 
 manner as it now does over the upper parts of Libya ; and 
 advancing athwart the whole of Europe, would, I think, pro- 
 duce the same effect on the Ister as it does at present on the 
 Nile. -With regard to the want of breezes from the river, I 27 
 am of opinion that it is contrary to all probability that any 
 should blow from a hot region ; for fresh breezes are wont 
 to blow from cold quarters. 
 
 But let these matters remain as they are, and as they have 28 
 been from the beginning. With regard to the sources of the 
 Nile, not one of the Egyptians, or Libyans, or Greeks, with 
 whom I have conversed, ever professed to know any thing, 
 excepting the guardian 4 of the precious things consecrated to 
 Minerva, in Sais, a city of Egypt. But this individual, in 
 my opinion at least, did but joke when he asserted he was 
 perfectly acquainted with them. He gave the following ac- 
 count: " That there are two peaked mountains 5 situate between 
 " Syene and Elephantis, the names of which mountains are 
 " Krophis and Memphis ; and that accordingly the sources of 
 " the Nile, which are bottomless, come from between these two 
 " mountains ; that one half of the water flows into Egypt, and 
 
 ----- r\ TOV 0p0. See equivalent to eavros : " burning his 
 
 Matthiae's explanation of this passage passage." 
 
 in his Gr. Gram. p. 656, or sect. 452. 3 On the repetition of the particles 
 
 The student whose curiosity may lead fiev and <5t, see Matthiae, Gr. Gram. 
 
 him to a consideration of this interest- p. 936. 
 
 ing subject, I mean the periodical in- 4 ypa^arKrrfc rwv iptiv xprjp-arwv. 
 
 crease of the Nile, will do well to These words Larcher takes to signify 
 
 consult Laroher, for Beloe's extracts " the interpreter of the hieroglyphics." 
 
 are by no means satisfactory, as he Schweighaeuser is of opinion that if 
 
 seems throughout his work to consult that had been the idea of Herodotus, 
 
 the amusement, rather than the in- he would have said itpoypa^ariEvc, 
 
 struction of his reader. o,r i^y^rfiQ TU>V 'upaiv ypa/tjmrwv. 
 
 * hasa'wv TI)V cigodov avrif. s Lit. " raising their heads to a 
 
 Schweighaeuser reads CIVTOV : in both peak." 
 cases the pronoun must be taken as
 
 110 EUTERPE, -29,30. 
 
 " towards the north, while the other half flows into Ethiopiay 
 " and towards the south. That the sources are bottomless, 
 " Psatnmitichus, the king of Egypt," he said, " proved by ex- 
 " periment; for, having caused a cable to be twisted many 
 " thousand orgyae in length, he cast it in, but could not 
 " reach the bottom." The scribe, accordingly, if, indeed, he 
 spoke the real fact, explained the matter so as to give me to 
 understand that there are in that place strong eddies and 
 whirlpools ; and thus, the .water dashing against the rocks, 
 the plumb, when let down, could not go to the bottom. 
 
 29 From no one else could I collect any information ; but I 
 learnt other things relative to Egypt, in its farthest extent, 
 having gone to be an eye witness as far as- the city of Ele- 
 phantis, and beyond that place obtaining my information 
 from hearsay. As you ascend from the city of Elephantis, 
 the country is on a slope; and in that part consequently 
 they drag on the boat, fastening a cord on either side 
 as you would to an ox ;' and if the hawser breaks, the boat 
 recedes, being borne away by the force of the current. This 
 sort of country lasts during a navigation of four days ; and the 
 Nile is there winding like the Meander; and it is a space of 
 twelve schoeni, over which you must navigate in this manner. 
 Next you come to a smooth plain, where the Nile flows 
 round an island. Tachompso is the name of the island; the 
 parts above Elephantis are inhabited by Ethiopians, as well 
 as one half of the island; the other half of which is held by 
 the Egyptians. Close to the island is a vast lake, on the 
 shores of which dwell Ethiopian nomades : when you have 
 navigated across this lake, you fall again into the stream of 
 the Nile, which discharges itself into this lake. Then dis- 
 embarking, you will perform a journey of forty days on the 
 bank of the river ; for in this part of the Nile sharp rocks 
 rise above the water, and many shoals are met with, among 
 which it is impossible to navigate. Having in forty days 
 passed through this country, you will again embark in an- 
 other boat, and navigate for twelve days, after which you will 
 come to an. extensive city, the name of which is Meroe. This 
 city is said to be the metropolis of all the rest of the Ethiopi- 
 ans. There they worship, of all the gods, Jove and Bacchus 
 alone; these latter they greatly venerate. They have one 
 oracle of Jove, and wage war whensoever that god commands 
 them so to do by oracle, and wheresoever he may order. 
 
 30 From this city continuing your navigation, within the same 
 
 1 I conceive the meaning to be, that the plough ; by means of which, h 
 a rope is fastened on both sides of the is towed up from both banks, 
 boat, as you would harness an ox to
 
 EUTERPE. 31,32. Ill 
 
 length of time as ^ou came from Elephantis to the metro- 
 polls of the Ethiopians, you will reach the Automoli. These 
 Automoli bear the name of Asmach, a word which signifies, 
 in our language, 1 " they who stand on the king's left 
 hand." These consist of two hundred and forty thousand 
 Egyptians, of the caste of warriors who went over to the 
 Ethiopians on the following account. Under king Psammi- 
 tichus garrisons were placed at Elephantis against the Ethi- 
 opians, in Daphnae, of Pelusium, against the Arabs and 
 Syrians, and in Marea against Libya ; and down to my time 
 the garrisons of the Persians were arranged in the same man- 
 ner as they were under Psammitichus ; for there are Persians 
 stationed at Elephantis and Daphnae. These Egyptians, ac- 
 cordingly, having been stationed for three years at Elephantis, 
 no one came to relieve; whereupon, they held counsel, and 
 by common consent, all of them detached themselves from 
 Psammitichus, and went over to Ethiopia. When Psammiti- 
 chus was informed of what had taken place, he pursued them ; 
 and having overtaken them, besought them, using many in- 
 treaties, and bidding them not abandon their paternal gods, 
 their children, and their wives : whereupon, it is said, that one 
 of them shewed his private parts, and exclaimed : " that where 
 " that remained, there should they find children and wives." 
 When these people were come into Ethiopia, they delivered 
 themselves into the hands of the king of the Ethiopians, who 
 remunerated them in the following manner. There were 
 certain of the Ethiopian tribes at variance with him ; these 
 he bade them xlrive away, and take their territory to dwell 
 in. These people having come to dwell among the Ethiopi- 
 ans, the latter :became more polished, having imbibed the 
 manners of the Egyptians. 
 
 Thus for a navigation and journey of four months the Nile 31 
 is known, beyond its course in Egypt: for if you reckon up, 
 you will find that number of complete months necessary to 
 go from Elephantis to these Automoli. The river comgs 
 from the west and setting sun ; but beyond this nobody can 
 give any account of it, seeing that in that quarter the land is 
 desert through excess of heat. I have, however, heard the 32 
 following account from certain men of Cyrene, who affirmed 
 that they had been to the oracle of Ammon, and had there 
 entered into conversation with Etearchus, king^ of the Ammo- 
 nians; and that, after various discourse, they fell into a con- 
 versation respecting the Nile, and that no one knew its 
 
 1 tcara n]v 'EXXjjvwr y\S>oaav, " in avoid what might be called a palpable 
 the language of the Greeks." I have absurdity, 
 adopted an equivalent, in order to
 
 M-S EUTERPE. 53. 
 
 sources; whereupon Etearchus declared, that "upon a time 
 " there came to him certain Nasamones:" (this nation is 
 Libyan, and inhabits the Syrtis, and no great portion of the 
 country eastward of the Syrtis:) he affirmed, "that these 
 " Nasamones came to him, and when asked whether they 
 " had any thing new to tell respecting the deserts of Libya, 
 " they said, ' that there had been among them some fiery 
 ** youths, belonging to the most powerful families, who having 
 " reached to man's estate, imagined various extravagant pro- 
 "jects; and, among others, elected by lot five among them 
 " who were to visit the deserts of Libya, and endeavour to 
 " see more than had been beheld by those who had penetrated 
 " the farthest till then,' " (for the whole of Libya lying to the 
 north on the shore, commencing from Egypt, and stretching 
 to the promontory Soleis, where Libya terminates, is entirely 
 occupied by Libyans, and by many different tribes of that 
 race, excepting the parts possessed by the Greeks and Phoe- 
 nicians; but with regard to the region beyond the sea 
 and such as dwell on the coast, those interior countries 
 are occupied by wild beasts ; above the region of wild beasts 
 the country is sandy, excessively parched, and completely de- 
 sert.) " The Nasamones went on to state, that the youths, 
 " who were despatched by their comrades, having well pro- 
 " vided themselves with water and provision, first traversed 
 " the inhabited country ; after passing over which, they pro- 
 " ceeded to the region of wild beasts ; from whence they 
 " marched athwart the desert, travelling westward : that after 
 " passing through a large extent of sandy country, and tra- 
 *' veiling many days, they at last beheld some trees growing 
 " in a plain ; that going up to them, they tasted of the fruits 
 -" hanging on the branches ; but while they were eating, some 
 -** pigmies came up to them, smaller than men of middle 
 " stature, who seized and carried them off. That the Nasa- 
 " mones did not understand the language of these people, 
 " neither did they who were carrying them off understand 
 " that of the Nasamones. These people accordingly took 
 " them across some vast marshes, after passing which, they 
 "came to a city, wherein all the inhabitants were of the same 
 " size as those who had seized them, and black in colour : 
 " near the city flowed a wide river, the stream of which came 
 " from the west to the east ; and in that river crocodiles were 
 33 " seen." So far accordingly I have reported the words of 
 Etearchus, excepting that he said, according to the account 
 of the Cyrenians, " that -the Nasamones had returned, and 
 " that the people to whom they reached were all enchanters." 
 The stream flowing by the city, Etearchus conjectured to be
 
 EUTERPE* 34,35. 113 
 
 the Nile, and indeed common reason assents to it; for the 
 Nile flows out of Libya, dividing it into two parts : and (as I 
 conjecture, assuming unknown things from what is known,) 
 runs in a direction parallel to the Ister. 1 For the Ister is a 
 river, springing up in the country of the Celts, at the city of 
 Pyrene, and in its course divides Europe in the middle ; the 
 Celts are a people beyond the pillars of Hercules, and confine 
 on the Gynesians, the last people of Europe on the west. The 
 Ister flowing across the whole of Europe down to the Euxine 
 sea, terminates in the spot where a colony of the Milesians 
 dwell, called Istria. This river of the Ister, accordingly, as 34 
 it flows through an inhabited country, is known to many ; 
 whereas no one can give any information respecting the head 
 of the Nile, for that part of Libya through which it -flows, is 
 uninhabited and desert : what I could discover, by pushing 
 my enquiries as far as possible, with regard to its course, has 
 been mentioned. It discharges itself in Egypt ; Egypt lies 
 pretty nearly opposite to the mountainous Cilicia ; from 
 .thence to Sinope, on the Euxine sea, in a straight line, is a 
 journey of five days for a well-girt walker ; and Sinope lies 
 directly opposite the spot where the Ister disembogues itself in 
 the sea : consequently it is my opinion that the Nile, travers- 
 ing the whole of Libya, is equal to the Ister. But enough of 
 the Nile. 
 
 I now proceed to give a more particular description of 35 
 Egypt, for that country contains more wonders than any 
 other country; and may vie with all other regions in the 
 works it exhibits, admirable beyond the powers of description; 2 
 for these reasons I shall expatiate more largely upon it. The 
 Egyptians, inasmuch as their climate is different, and their 
 river is of a nature different from all other streams, are to- 
 tally opposite in many respects to all other people in customs 
 and laws. With them the women go to the market-place 
 and trade, while the men stay at home and weave. All other 
 nations weave driving the woof above, the Egyptians be- 
 neath : the men carry burthens on their heads, the women on 
 their shoulders: the women make water erect, the men crouch- 
 ing. They ease the wants of nature within their houses, 
 
 1 r$ "Itrrpy IK ru>v "ffwv n'srpuv that of the Ister, from its source to its 
 
 opfjLarai. I have followed Schweig- mouth in the Euxine sea.]' See 
 
 haeuser's Latin version ; the learned Schweig. Lex. Herod, voc. frpov. 
 
 scholar observes, however, that after Larcher's translation is, " Je pense 
 
 reconsidering the passage, he inclines qu'il partdesmemes points que 1 Ister.^ 
 to the opinion of Valckenaer, namely, 2 ?py Myou uif, for epya fuffrt i] 
 
 " that Herodotus conjectured that the Xyi> loriv, l$tffnv. Matthiae, Gr. 
 
 course of the Nile, from its head to Gramm. p. 656: consult likewise p. 
 
 the place where it discharges its wa- 659, Trppe iraaav x<W, ' compa- 
 
 .ters in Egypt, was equal in length to rison with, ' &c. 
 VOL. I.
 
 114 EUTERPE. 36,37. 
 
 but go out to eat their food in the highways ; bringing for- 
 ward as a reason, that what is indecent, but necessary, should 
 be done in secret ; whereas, what is not indecent should be 
 done in open view. No woman may be priestess to any deity, 
 whether male or female; but men only serve the temples of 
 all gods and goddesses. No necessity binds sons to keep their 
 parents when they do not choose; whereas daughters are 
 
 36 compelled to do so, even if against their choice. In other 
 parts, the priests of the gods wear their hair long, but in 
 Egypt they shave: among all other people the custom holds 
 in mourning, for those whom it principally concerns, 1 to 
 shave their heads; on the contrary, in Egypt, in cases of 
 death, they suffer the hair to grow, both on their heads and 
 chins, although, at other times, they go shaven : among 
 other nations, the living 2 of mankind is wont to be apart 
 from that of brutes ; but with the Egyptians it is with the 
 brutes. All other people live on wheat and barley; whereas 
 it is held a very great disgrace for any of the Egyptians to 
 make his diet off of them, but they make their farinaceous 
 food of olyra, which some call zeia. 3 The Egyptians knead 
 the dough with their feet, while they lift up mud and dung 
 with their hands. Other nations leave the private parts as 
 nature forms them, such excepted as have learnt otherwise 
 from this people; but the Egyptians circumcise them: every 
 man wears two garments, the women wear but one each : 
 other men fasten the sheets and clews of the sails on the out- 
 side, whereas the Egyptians do it on the inside. The Greeks 
 trace their letters and sum with counters, moving the hand 
 from left to right ; but the Egyptians from right to left, and, 
 in so doing, assert themselves that they go to the right while 
 the Greeks go to the left. 4 They make use of two sorts of 
 letters, one of which is called the sacred, and the other the 
 vulgar character. 
 
 37 As they are of all people the most scrupulously devout, 
 they follow these customs. They drink out of brass vessels, 
 rinsing them out every day, not one so, and another not, but 
 all alike. They wear also flaxen garments, always fresh- 
 washed, being particularly curious in this respect : and cir- 
 cumcise their private parts for the sake of cleanliness ; pre- 
 
 1 Construction : v6[io s [g<rrt] a>a 73, is of opinion that " the aa or a 
 KfjSti KiKapdai T&S KirpaXue rovg fia- of the Greeks is what we call spelt, a 
 \tffra iKv'itrai [TO irijSof.'] Schiceig. sort of corn very like wheat, but its 
 Lex. Herodot. That is to say, the chaff adheres so strongly to the grain, 
 nearest relatives. that it requires a mill to separate them, 
 
 2 Larcher gives to Siaira the signi- like barley." 
 
 fication of repast, meal: Schweighaeu- * I have heard the same remark 
 
 ser denies that the word is ever taken made by Turks, and other Levantines, 
 
 by Herodotus in that confined sense. with regard to the European mode of 
 
 3 Martyn, in his note upon Georg. i. writing. Translat.
 
 EUTERPE. 38,39. 115 
 
 ferring to be clean, before being comely.' The priests shave 
 the whole of their bodies every third day, 2 in order no louse 
 or any other filth maybe upon them when they serve the 
 gods : the priests also wear nothing but linen and shoes of 
 byblos; any other kind of garments or shoes they are not 
 permitted to put on : they moreover wash themselves in cold 
 water twice every day, and twice every night, and, in a word, 
 observe thousands of other ceremonies: on the other hand, 
 they enjoy no small advantages, as they have not to consume 
 or spend aught of their own : for sacred food i& cooked 
 for them, and every day they have a good quantity of the 
 flesh of oxen and geese; grape wine 3 is also furnished them, 
 but it is not permitted them to taste fish. Beans the Egyp- 
 tians in general never sow on their lands, and those which 
 spring up of themselves they neither eat when raw, nor feed 
 upon when dressed ; but the priests indeed abhor the very 
 sight of them, regarding them as an impure pulse. It is not 
 one priest alone that serves one god, but there are several to 
 each, one of whom is the hierarch ; when any of them dies, 
 his son is put in his plase. The male cattle they regard as 38 
 sacred to Epaphus, 4 and, for that reason, examine them in 
 the following manner; if the examiner sees even one single 
 black hair on the animal, he deems him impure : one of the 
 priests appointed for the purpose performs this survey, 
 making the animal stand on his legs and lie on his back, and 
 pulling out his tongue, he sees whether he be pure with re- 
 spect to the specified marks, which I shall elsewhere 5 mention: , 
 the priest looks also at the hairs of the tail, whether the animal 
 has them growing naturally: if he be pure in all these points, 
 he marks him by twisting some of the byblos round his horns, , 
 and then sticking a little sealing earth upon it, impresses that 
 with his signet, 6 after which they drive the animal away: 
 punishment of death is decreed to any one sacrificing an ox 
 unmarked. In the above manner accordingly the victim is 
 examined. The following is the mode of sacrifice established 39 
 among them. When they have driven the victim, properly 
 marked, to the altar where they intend to sacrifice, they 
 kindle a fire ; and after pouring out wine on the altar, 7 near 
 the victim, and invoking the deity, they slaughter the animal; 
 when they have killed him, they cut off his head. The body 
 
 ' See Matthiae, Greek Gramm. p. Egypt. 
 
 601, or sect. 456. * The Apis of the Egyptians, chap. 
 
 3 See Matthiae, Greek Gramm. p. 133. Understand 6 SoKifiafav to go- 
 
 890, or sect. 580, 2 d. vern "tSr)rai. 
 
 3 oivoe aniriXtvoQ, in contradistinc- 5 See B. iii. 28. 
 
 tion to the OIVOQ IK Kpi9eut>, barley- 6 <5aicrvXtoe, a ring with a seal. on it 
 
 wine or beer, the general beverage in 7 avrov refers to 0w/tor.
 
 116 EUTERPE. 4-0, 41. 
 
 of the victim they flay ; but with regard to the head, after 
 pronouncing many curses upon it, they take it away ; such as 
 have a market-place, and among whom there dwell Greek 
 merchants, carry it to the market, where they sell it ; but 
 such as have no Greeks among them, cast it into the river. 
 They pronounce imprecations on the heads, using the follow- 
 ino- form : " If any harm is to happen either to those that 
 " offer the sacrifice, or to all Egypt, may it be turned 
 " against this head/' With regard to the heads of the sacri- 
 ficed victims, and the libation of wine, all the Egyptians ac- 
 cordingly observe the same rites indiscriminately in every 
 sacrifice, and from this custom it comes that none of the 
 Egyptians will taste either of the head of any other animal. 
 
 40 But the disembowelling and burning of the victims are dif- 
 ferently arranged by them in different sacrifices ; and, there- 
 fore, I shall state hoto they are performed when sacrificing to 
 her whom they esteem the greatest deity, and in whose ho- 
 nour they celebrate the greatest festival. After they have 
 skinned the ox, offering up previous prayers, they empty the 
 whole of the abdomen', 1 but leave his pluck 2 and fat in the 
 body ; they cut off the legs, the top of the haunch, the 
 shoulders, and the neck. When they have done this, they 
 stuff the rest of the body of the ox with fine bread, honey, 
 raisins, figs, frankincense, myrrh, and other aromatics. After 
 filling it with these things, they burn it, pouring forth abun- 
 dance of oil. They fast also before they sacrifice ; and while 
 the victims are burning, all strike themselves and bewail ; 
 and when they have done their wailings, spread the parts of 
 the victims that were left for a feast. 
 
 41 All the Egyptians, accordingly, sacrifice unblemished bulls 
 and steers ; but the females they are not allowed to sacrifice, 
 as those are sacred to Isis, for the image of Isis, which is 
 under the form of a woman, is represented with cows' horns, 
 in the same manner as the Greeks depict lo: and all the 
 Egyptians, without distinction, venerate cows far more than 
 any other animals ; for this reason, no Egyptian, whether 
 man or woman, will hardly kiss 3 a Greek on the mouth, or 
 make use of the knife, the spit, or the pot of a Greek ; neither 
 will he touch the flesh of an unblemished ox that has been 
 
 r ?\ov Travail Ktivrjv KotXitjv: the signify the heart and liver. Schneid. 
 
 particle MV is pleonastically inserted Greek and Germ. Lex. Herodotus 
 
 between the preposition and the verb, evidently means the parts of the inside 
 
 as is frequent in Herodotus. Schweig- above the midriff, as he mentions that 
 
 haeuser regards Ktivfi icoiAia as equi- they emptied the abdomen, or lower 
 
 valent to Kivtuv, the belly, that part of belly. 
 
 the inside between the ribs and the * See Matthiae, Greek Grammar, 
 
 feauneh. p. 755, or sect . 514,, 2, and 762, or 
 
 * ffir\dy%va is used particularly to sect. 516, obs.
 
 EUTERPE. 42. 117 
 
 carved with a Greek knife. 1 Such cattle as die, they inter 
 after the following manner ; the females they cast into the 
 river ; the males they bury, each in his respective suburbs, 
 with 2 one or both of the horns above the surface as a mark: 
 when the carcass is putrified, and the stated time is at hand, 
 there comes to each city a bark from the island called Proso- 
 pitis. This island lies in the Delta, and its periphery is nine 
 schoeni. In this island of Prosopitis there are many cities, 
 and, among others, that from whence the boats are sent 
 around to collect the bones of the oxen, the name of which 
 eity is Atarbechis, in which is a temple sacred to Venus. 
 From this place different men go in great numbers to the 
 various cities ; and digging up the bones, convey them away, 
 and all bury them in one place. In the same manner as they 
 dispose of the oxen, they inter all other cattle that die : for 
 such is the law imposed upon them with regard to these 
 animals, none of which do they kill. 3 Those who possess the 
 temple erected to 4 Theban Jove, or belong to the Theban 
 nome, refrain all from sheep, and offer up goats j for all the 
 Egyptians do not indiscriminately worship the same gods, ex- 
 cepting Isis and Osiris, which latter they affirm is Bacchus ; 
 those two they all worship without exception. They who 
 have the temple sacred to Merides, or belong to the Mende- 
 sian nome, sacrifice sheep, refraining from goats. The The- 
 bans, accordingly, and all such as after them* refrain 
 from using sheep, assert that this law was enacted among 
 them for the following reason : " That Hercules wished anxi- 
 " ously to behold Jupiter; the god, however, would not be 
 " seen by him ; but that at last, in consequence of the earnest 
 " entreaties of Hercules, Jupiter made use of the following 
 " artifice : having skinned a ram, and cut off the head, he 
 " placed it before him, and covering himself with the fleece, 
 " showed himself in that manner to him." Hence the Egyp- 
 tians represent the image of Jupiter with a ram's head ; and 
 from the Egyptians the custom was borrowed by the Ammo- 
 nians, who are a colony of Egyptians and Ethiopians, and 
 use a dialect between those of both. And, in. my opinion, it is 
 from hence that they took the name of Ammonians, as the 
 distinctive appellation of their country; for the Egyptians 
 call Jupiter, Amon. The Thebans do not, therefore, sacrifice 
 rams; bu-t, from the foregoing reason, those animals are held 
 sacred by them : nevertheless, one day in every year, at the 
 
 . > From similar customs, the Egyp- Lit. for neither do they slaughter even 
 
 tians must have become adverse to these, i. e. the other kinds of animals, 
 
 strangers : see Gen. xliii. 32. 4 "iSpvvrai is equivalent to itipvptvov 
 
 2 See Matthiae, Greek Grammar, tx ovffi > or Wjnftww iavrols- Schweig- 
 p. 614, or sect. 427, 4, b. s Matth. G. Gr. p. 890, 1- 
 
 3 Krtivovfft yap dr/ oiiSf. Tctvra.
 
 118 EUTERPE. 13, 41. 
 
 festival of Jupiter, they kill one, and flaying him, envelope irr 
 a similar manner the image of Jupiter, and afterwards bring 
 before it another statue of Hercules: this being done, all that 
 are around the temple smite themselves, bewailing the ram ; ' 
 after which they inter him in a sacred repository. 2 
 
 43 Concerning this Hercules, 3 I received the following ac- 
 count, that he was one of the twelve gods ; of the other Her- 
 cules, whom the Greeks are acquainted with, I was able to 
 collect no information in any part of Egypt. And indeed 
 that at any rate it was not the Egyptians who took the name 
 of Hercules from the Greeks, but rather the Greeks who took 
 it from the Egyptians, and those of the Greeks particularly, 
 who gave the name of Hercules to the son of Amphitryon ; 
 that such is the truth, I could produce many arguments to 
 prove, and among others, the following: both the parents of 
 this latter Hercules, namely, Amphitryon and Alcmena, were 
 originally descended from the Egyptians ; moreover, the Egyp- 
 tians affirm, that they are unacquainted with the names of Nep- 
 tune and the Dioscuri, nor were they ever admitted by them 
 among their other gods; now certainly, if, at least, they had re- 
 ceived from the Greeks the name of any divinity, they would 
 have preserved the remembrance of these more 4 than of any. 
 other; since, at that time, they applied to navigation, and there 
 were also many Greek sailors: 1 think, therefore, and am con- 
 vinced, 5 that the Egyptians would have been acquainted with 
 the names of those gods even better than with that of Hercules. 
 But there is with the Egyptians an ancient god called Her- 
 cules 5 and, as they themselves represent, it was seventeen 
 thousand years, in the reign of Amasis, since the eight gods 
 were increased to twelve, of whom they hold Hercules to 
 
 44 have been one. Indeed, being desirous to obtain respecting 
 these matters some certain information, from whatever au- 
 thority it were possible, I even sailed to Tyre of Phoenicia, 
 having understood there was in that place a venerated temple 
 of Hercules ; and I saw it was richly furnished with divers 
 offerings, and, among others, there were in it two columns, 
 one of which was of. pure gold, and the other of emerald 
 stone, 6 shedding a brilliant lustre at nights, 7 Entering into 
 
 "With the middle verbs TvirrtaQai, * See Matthiae, Greek Grammar, 
 
 KoirTt09ai, properly, ' to strike one's p. 669, or sect. 4G3. 
 
 self, to bewail,' as in Latin plangi, the 5 rj ifi?) yvwpr) aipiti is a stronger 
 
 object of the grief is put in the accu- expression than E\7ro/ii; it signifies, 
 
 sative." Matthiae, Greek Grammar, an opinion founded upon proofs. 
 
 p. 603, or sect. 419, 5. Wessding. 
 
 3 9f]Kij signifies, in Herodotus, a re- 6 The authors of the Universal 
 
 pository or apartment, in which there History are of opinion that the column 
 
 is room for several sarcophagi. here mentioned was of coloured glass, 
 
 Schweig. illuminated by lamps placed within. 
 
 3 I. e. the Hercules whom the 7 X/t7rovrof TCLQ vvicras pyaOof to- 
 
 Egyptians offer sacrifice to. make sense of the passage, /uya0oc
 
 EUTERPE. 45, 46. 
 
 conversation with the priests of the god, I made enquiry how 
 long a time it might be since their temple had been built; and I 
 observed that neither did they agree with the Grecians, since 
 they affirmed that " the temple .of the god had been built at 
 " the same time when Tyre was founded ; and that it was 
 " two thousand three hundred years since they had inhabited 
 " Tyre." I saw likewise in Tyre another temple of Hercules, 
 bearing the surname of Thasian :' I proceeded, therefore, 
 likewise to Thasus, in which place I found a temple of Her- 
 cules, built by the Phoenicians, who, on their voyage in 
 search of Europa, founded Thasus : now that event took 
 place previously to Hercules the son of Amphitryon being 
 born in Greece, by five generations of man. The result of 
 these enquiries proves, therefore, beyond a doubt, that Her- 
 cules is an ancient god ; and those of the Greeks appear to 
 me to act most properly who have two temples sacred to Her- 
 cules ; to one of whom they offer sacrifice, as to an immortal 
 god, under the name of Olympian ; while to the other they 
 perform funeral service as being a Hero. The Grecians re- 45 
 late many other things without any foundation, among which 
 they have this absurd fable, which they narrate of Hercules; 
 that " on his arrival into Egypt, the inhabitants adorned him 
 " with a crown, and took him out in procession 2 to sacrifice 
 " him to Jove ; that he for some time remained quiet, but 
 " when they commenced upon him the ceremonies previous 
 " to sacrifice before the altar, he had recourse to his strength, 
 " and slew them all." Now such of the Grecians as relate 
 this tale must, in my opinion, be totally unacquainted with 
 the nature and laws of the Egyptians ; for in that nation it is 
 not lawful to sacrifice even animals, if we except sheep, such 
 male cattle and steers as are unblemished, and geese : how, 
 then, could the same people sacrifice men ? Hercules, more- 
 over, being but one individual, and a man too, according to 
 their own account, how could he have the power of slaying so 
 many thousands'? Such is what I have to say .concerning 
 these things, and may indulgence be shewn me by the gods 
 and heroes. 
 
 It is for the following reason that those of the Egyptians 45 
 above-mentioned will not sacrifice goats or bucks : the Men- 
 desians reckon Pan to be of the eight gods ; which eight gods, 
 they say, existed previously to the twelve gods : now the 
 painters and sculptors paint and carve the image of Pan after 
 
 must be taken adverbially, as if for which, see Portus, Lex. Ion. and 
 
 ,/Ky\we, shining greatly at nights. Schweig. Lex. Herod, voc. tivai. 
 
 Schwcig. 2 See Matthiae, Greek Grammar, 
 
 1 ilvai is redundant; concerning p. 915, or sect. 592, /3.
 
 120 EUTERPE. 47, 48. 
 
 the same manner as the Grecians, with the face of a goat and 
 the legs of a buck, not by any means because they suppose 
 that such is his shape, on the contrary they regard him as 
 being like the rest of the gods ; the reason for which they so 
 represent him, I do not think proper to mention. 1 The 
 MendeSians venerate all goats, but more especially the males 
 than the females, and the herdsmen pay greater honours to 
 the former. 5 Of these bucks there is one particularly venerated, 
 and whenever he dies, deep mourning spreads over the whole 
 Mendesian nome. In the Egyptian tongue the buck and 
 Pan are both called Mendes; and in my time there occurred 
 in that nome the following prodigy: a buck publicly had 
 connexion with a woman, which circumstance came to the 
 
 47 knowledge of all men. The Egyptians esteem the hog to be 
 an unclean animal, and to such a degree, that, in the first place, 
 if any one in passing by happens to touch a pig only with his 
 garments, he immediately goes down to the river and plunges 
 in; and, in the second place, the swine-herds, though Egyptian 
 born, are the only persons of all the inhabitants of the country 
 that may enter no temple^ neither will any one give them his 
 daughter or take to himself a wife from among them, so that 
 the swine-herds give and take in marriage from their own 
 class. To the rest of the gods the Egyptians hold it impious 
 to offer up hogs ; to the Moon and Bacchus alone do they 
 sacrifice swine, at the same time, that is to say, in the same 
 full moon, and eat of the flesh. The reason why in all other 
 festivals they hold swine in detestation, and yet offer them in 
 sacrifice at this, is accounted for by the Egyptians: and 
 although I am acquainted with the reason, it would not 
 become me to state it. 3 This sacrifice of swine to the Moon 
 is thus performed: after slaying the victim, the sacrificer,* 
 having placed together the end of the tail, the milt, and the 
 cawl, covers them with all the fat of the animal that is found 
 in the belly ; he then consumes the whole with fire ; the rest 
 of the flesh they eat on the day of the full moon, that on 
 which the sacrifice is made : on any other day they would not 
 even taste it. Such among them as are poor, on account of 
 their want of means, mould hogs of paste, and after roasting 
 
 48 them, offer them in sacrifice. On the eve of the festival of 
 
 1 ov fwi fj&6v iffri Xcyeti', in which " And the pastors of these, i. e. the 
 
 the comparative T/CIO vis used instead of bucks, are held in greater honour." 
 
 the positive T/U: examples of similar 3 [Xoyoe] ipoi OVK ivTrptirtffreoos i<rn 
 
 idiotisms are collected in Matthiae's XEyccrai, the comparative again being 
 
 Greek Grammar, p. 662. Lit. " It is used instead of the positive, 
 
 not agreeable to me to say." * Supply ric, or 6 Svuv, or o $iT}p, 
 
 1 This may likewise be rendered, before Ovffy. Schireig. and JUatthiae, 
 
 Gr. Gram. p. 427, or sect . 294.
 
 EUTERPE. 49, 50. 121 
 
 Bacchus, each slaughters a hog before his door way, and then 
 gives it to the swine-herd, who had furnished it, to carry away. 
 The rest of the festival of Bacchus the Egyptians celebrate 
 pretty nearly in the same manner as the Grecians, except so 
 iar as regards the chorusses: but instead of phalli they have 
 another invention, namely, figures of about a cubit high, 
 moved by a nerve, which women carry about the villages; 
 these figures have the organ of generation, which is scarcely less 
 than the whole of the rest of the body, moveable; 1 a flute 
 player precedes the procession, and the women follow singing 
 the praises of Bacchus. But what is the reason that these figures 
 have the virile member disproportionate, and why do they 
 move that part only of the body? For this a sacred cause is 
 alleged. It appears, therefore, to me, that Melampus the son 49 
 of Amytheon, cannot have been unacquainted with this sacri- 
 fice, but must have been aware of it. For there is no doubt that 
 he was the person who taught the Greeks both the name of 
 Bacchus, the manner of offering sacrifice to him, and the 
 procession of the phallus : although, not understanding it 
 rightly, he did not discover the whole of the mystery, but the 
 sages that have followed him have made it more clearly known. 
 The phallus, however, which is carried in procession in honour 
 of Bacchus, was certainly instituted by Melampus ; and taking 
 after him, the Greeks adopted the practice which they now 
 follow. It is my opinion, therefore, that Melampus being a 
 wise man, acquired the art of divination, and from the infor- 
 mation he gained from Egypt introduced many various customs 
 among the Greeks, and the ceremonies with regard to Bacchus, 
 in particular, making some slight alterations in them ; for I 
 certainly cannot allow that the ceremonies celebrated in 
 honour of the god in Egypt and those among the Greeks, 
 originated both at one and the same time ; 2 for, in that case, 
 they would be conformable to the other customs of the Greeks, 
 and would not be newly introduced ; nor will I, on the other 
 hand, allow that the Egyptians have derived either this or 
 any other rite from the Greeks. I conceive that Melampus 
 must have learnt these matters respecting Bacchus, principally 
 from Cadmus the Tyrian, and from such as departed with 
 this latter from Phoenicia to the country now called Boeotia. 
 
 Add to this, that nearly all the names of the gods have 50 
 come from Egypt to Greece, since they came certainly from 
 
 1 Coray is of Reiskins's opinion, that avfnr'nrTitv in the sense of ' to happen 
 \ve should read vivovra, to agree with or exist at one and the same time :' 
 ayaX^ara. If we read vtvov, I think Gronovius, Wesseling, and Larcher, 
 I%OVTCI must be understood. Larcher. give it the signification of to agree or 
 
 2 Schweighaeuser takes the verb coincide by cliancc' 
 VOL. L. E 

 
 12-2 EUTERPE. 51,52. 
 
 the barbarians, a* I have ascertained by inquiry : I am conse- 
 
 '_ -! /*_._.__ I" 1 A. 
 
 the Graces and the Nereids, the Egyptians have had the 
 names of all the rest of the gods, from time immemorial, in 
 their country. It is true that I speak after the report of the 
 Egyptians themselves; and those gods of whose names they 
 profess themselves to be ignorant must, 1 in my opinion, have 
 received their appellation from the Pelasgi, Neptune excepted; 
 for the name of this last divinity they learnt from the Libyans; 
 since originally no nation, if we except the Libyans, knew of the 
 
 51 name of Neptune, and that god theLibyans still venerate. The 
 Egyptians have no funeral rites whatever in honour of heroes. 2 
 The above institutions, 3 therefore, and various others in ad- 
 dition, which I shall mention by and by, the Greeks have 
 derived from the Egyptians ; but it was not from them that 
 they learnt the custom of representing the statues of Mercury 
 with the member erect, but from the Pelasgi ; the Athenians 
 being the first among the Greeks that adopted it, and the rest 
 taking it from them : for the Pelasgi dwelt in the same country 
 with the Athenians, who were already in those days reckoned 
 among the Hellens, and from thence the Pelasgi began them- 
 selves to be regarded as Hellens. Any one that has been 
 initiated in the mysteries of the Cabin, which the Samothra- 
 cians, taking from the Pelasgi, celebrate, understands what I 
 say ; for these Pelasgi, who dwelt with the Athenians, pre- 
 viously inhabited Samothrace, and from them the Samothra- 
 cians took the mysteries. The Athenians, therefore, were the 
 first among the Hellens that represented the statues of Mercury 
 as having the genitals erect, learning the custom from the 
 Pelasgi; and these latter gave for it a reason, as it 4 is ex- 
 
 52 plained in the Samothracian mysteries. Originally the Pelasgi 
 were wont, as I heard at Dodone, to offer all sorts of sacrifices* 
 
 1 T&V i - - - OVTOI St. See, with or some other verb. 
 
 regard to the repetition of the particle, * Tu is for Ka6a. Herodotus more 
 
 Matthiae's Greek Gram. p. 9S5, or usually has the expression Kara T. 
 
 sect. 606,3. Ta is lonically for a, and KaQd for 
 
 2 I think this is the true sense of the Kara. This may be explained also by 
 words vopQovffi $'wv Al-fvirrtei oi'cf the figure called enallage in grammar ; 
 ypuoi oiiSiv. The latin translator has in that case ra will relate to dppj/ra 
 improperly rendered them, ' sed heroas ruvx, which was in the author's mind, 
 Aegyptii nullo cultu prosequuntur.' and instead of which he has written 
 This term appears to me consecrated ; ipov riva \6yov. Larcher. TO. lv roiai 
 every body knows what the Greeks tv S^. must be regarded as equiva- 
 meant by the term TO. vopiZoptva, lent to Kara ra or we. Wess. 
 which is found every where. Larcher. s Understand Qvaipa with iQvov li 
 
 3 vtvopiicavi, before which must be irAi'm. 
 understood ftadovti^, jrapXa/36j>rfc,
 
 EUTERPE. 53. 123 
 
 to the gods, accompanying them with prayer ; but they had 
 no distinctive names for any of them, as they had not as 
 yet heard of any. They called them thei [i. e. gods] from this 
 reason, because they had placed all things in order, and macle 
 the various distributions. 1 Subsequently, after the lapse of a 
 long time, they learnt the names of the different gods, which 
 were brought out of Egypt, but that of Bacchus they learnt at 
 a much later period: after some time, they consulted the 
 oracle of Dodone respecting those names, for this oracle is 
 regarded as the most ancient of those in Greece, and in those 
 days was the only one in existence. The Pelasgi having 
 accordingly consulted the oracle at Dodone " whether they 
 " should adopt those names that came from the barbarians," the 
 oracle made reply, " that they might use them ;" from that 
 time, therefore, they offered up their sacrifices, making use of 
 the names of the gods ; and from the Pelasgi the Hellens in 
 later times received them. As to whence each of the gods took 53 
 his origin, or whether they all existed from all eternity, and 
 what is their shape, the Grecians knew nothing till very 
 lately, or, if I may use the expression, till as yesterday. 2 For 
 I suppose Hesiod and Homer to be four hundred years older 
 than myself, and no more : now it was they who framed * a 
 theogony for the Greeks, gave distinctive names to the gods, 
 distributed honours and functions to them, and described 
 their forms ; for the poets which are said to have existed before 
 those two men, were, at least, in my opinion, subsequent to 
 them. The first things which I have mentioned [respecting 
 the origin and the names of the gods] the priestesses at Dodone 
 relate ; the latter circumstances, regarding Hesiod and Homer, 
 I state from my own authority. 1 
 
 1 This alludes to the etymology of tributing to Homer or Hesiod the vast 
 
 06e, which is said to be derived from fabric of Grecian superstition. I have 
 
 (0sw) 9a>, the original root of rt0>/jui. used the English word ' framed' be^ 
 
 The truth of this derivation, like that cause I think the meaning of Hero- 
 
 of most learned trifles of the same dotus to be, that Homer and Hesiod 
 
 nature, is denied by many. collated into one body what was re- 
 
 a irpwjv n Kal x6t?> is a proverbial lated in various writings, concerning 
 
 expression for lately. the birth, shape, &c. of the gods, and 
 
 3 The signification of irottiv, in this their mijthi; in the same manner we 
 
 passage, is a subject of dispute ; Wes- might say that Mahomet framed a new 
 
 seling, and after him Larcher, take it religion, although it is well known 
 
 to mean ' to describe in verse;' this that the koran is little more than 
 
 interpretation is combatted by Wolfing, patches of the works of the Jews, the 
 
 who denies that iroitlv, when taken in Christians, and the Idolaters. See 
 
 that sense, can be followed by a dative. Schweig. quotation from Heyne, in 
 
 Schweighaeuser follows the opinion of note to ii. 53. 
 
 Wesseling, it being absurd to suppose * Although it is not my intention to 
 
 that Herodotus ever had an idea of at- burthen these notes with excursive
 
 12 4 EUTERPE. 5456. 
 
 54 With regard to the oracles, both that in Greece, arrd 
 that in Libya, the Egyptians give the following history : the 
 priests of Theban Jove told me, " that two priestesses 1 were 
 " taken away from Thebes by certain Phoenicians ; and it 
 " was ascertained that one of them was sold to be taken into 
 " Libya, 2 and the other to be conveyed to the Greeks ; and 
 " that it was those women that first established the oracles 
 " among the aforesaid people." And when I inquired whence 
 they had so accurately gained the information they related, 
 they said in addition, " that great search had been made by 
 " them after those women, but they were not able to discover 
 " them, and at last they received, concerning them, the infor- 
 
 55 " rnation which they mentioned." The above accordingly 
 was what I heard from the priests at Thebes ; but the follow- 
 ing is the account the prophetesses of the Dodonians give : 
 " that two black doves having flown from Thebes of Egypt, 
 " one of them came to Libya, the other to them: the latter 
 " having perched upon an oak 3 tree, pronounced with a 
 " human voice, that it was fated the oracle of Jove should be 
 " there ; and consequently they regarded what was com- 
 " manded them, as proceeding from the divinity, and imme- 
 " diately executed the order. The other dove that went to 
 " the Libyans, commanded that people (say they) to establish 
 " the oracle of Ammon ;" which is likewise an oracle of Jove. 
 These things were told me by the priestesses of the Dodonians, 
 the name of the eldest of whom was Promeneia, that of the 
 next Timareta, and that of the youngest Nicandra; and 
 moreover the rest of the Dodonians that serve the temple 
 
 56 agreed with them. But my own opinion respecting the sub- 
 ject is this : if it be true that the Phoenicians did- carry off the 
 sacred women, and that one of them they sold to be taken 
 into Libya^ the other into Greece, it appears to me that the 
 latter woman must have been disposed of to be conveyed to 
 the Thesprotians, forming a part of the country which is now 
 called Greece, but previously bore the name of Pelasgia : that 
 
 observations, I cannot refrain from s tg Afivqv irpriOilaav. The prepo- 
 
 directing the attention of the reader sition if, with the accusative, ex- 
 
 to Herodotus's religious veneration of presses motion ; it would therefore be 
 
 truth, so prominently displayed by his incorrect to translate ' was sold in 
 
 anxiety to mark the statements made Libya.' Lurcher. 
 
 upon his own authority. 3 The ^rjybq of the Greeks is not the 
 
 1 If we read lorjias, Herodotus mani- same with the fagus of the Latins, 
 
 festly contradicts his statement, c. 3*. The latter is the beech, the former a 
 
 Valckenaer proposes yvvaiKac <pc, speeies of oak. Lurcher. Schneider, 
 
 [as m c. 56] which will signify ' sacred who, from his acquirements in natural 
 
 women; such probably as were em- history, is particularly good authority 
 
 ployed to attend the temple and the on such points, considers it to be the 
 
 priests, but were not admitted to the guercus cscnlus of Linnaeus. Schneid: 
 
 honour of priesthood. Larcher. Gr. Ger. Lev
 
 EUTERPE. 57S9. 125 
 
 white a slave there she established a temple of Jupiter under 
 an oak tree, since it was likely, that having at Thebes served in 
 the temple of Jove, wherever she went she would carry the 
 remembrance of the god ; and that afterwards, when she had 
 acquired the Greek language, she established an oracle : and 
 that she it was who stated her sister to have been disposed of 
 in Libya, by the same Phoenicians by whom she herself had 
 been sold. I suppose those women were called doves by the 57 
 Dodonians for the following reason : because they were bar- 
 barians, and appeared to them to articulate like birds; but 
 after some time, when the woman began to speak intelligibly 
 to them, they said the dove spoke with a human voice; and 
 as long as she used the barbarian tongue, she appeared to 
 them to articulate after the manner of some bird. Indeed, 
 in what manner could ever a dove articulate with human 
 voice? When they say the dove was black, they allude to the 
 woman being an Egyptian. The manner of rendering oracles, 
 both at Thebes of Egypt, and at Dodone, are pretty nearly 
 the same. Divination from victims came also from Egypt. 
 
 It was likewise beyond a doubt the Egyptians who, the first 58 
 of mankind, invented public festivities, 1 processions, and sup- 
 plications ; a from them the Grecians learnt those customs : of 
 which I take the following to be a proof; those of the Egypti- 
 ans are known 3 to have been instituted for a very long time, 
 whereas among the Greeks they have been but lately estab- 
 lished. The Egyptians are not contented with celebrating 59 
 one festival in every year; on the contrary, they have several; 
 that which they particularly celebrate, and with the greatest 
 care, is in honour of Diana, at the town of Bubastis; and in the 
 second place, that in honour of Isis, in the city of Busiris, (for 
 in that town is the largest temple of Isis; and the city itself is 
 built in the middle of the Delta of Egypt. Isis is called 
 Demeter 4 in the language of the Greeks;) the third festival in 
 rank which they celebrate, takes place in the city of Sais, to 
 the honour of Minerva ; the fourth at Heliopolis to the honour 
 
 Panegyris, Festorum gods with prayer and sacrifice.' 
 
 dierumcelebratio. Schweig.Lex. Herod. Schneid. Gr. Germ. Lex. The word 
 
 2 Ilpocraywy?) is a term borrowed I have used in my version is rather 
 
 from the courts of kings, where there Latin than English, but I do not know 
 
 was the office of Introducer or Usher, of a better. 
 
 Herodotus applies it to those cere- 3 Qaivovrai - - - - iroitvuivai. This 
 
 monies of religion which, as it were, mode of speech does not express a 
 
 bring us acquainted with the divinity, doubt ; it rather contains an aftirma- 
 
 and introduce us to his presence, tion. Lurcher. See Viger. Scct.xiii. 
 
 Lurcher. This word, instead of which Reg. 1. Mutthiae, Gr. Gram. p. 831, 
 
 later authors use irpoffoSoc, signifies or sect. 548, 5. 
 ' The approach to the altars of the 4 Ceres Terrae-mater.
 
 136 EUTERPE. 6062. 
 
 of the Sun ; the fifth at the city of Buto, to the honour of 
 Latona ; and lasty, the sixth in the town of Paprernis, to the 
 
 60 honour of Mars. When they go to the eity of Bubastis, they 
 perform the following ceremonies: as the men and women 
 sail together and a vast multitude of both sexes in each boat, 
 some of the females who have castanets 1 rattle them during 
 the whole of the voyage, while part of the men play on the 
 flute; the rest of the women and men sing and clap their 
 hands: on their voyage as they come near any city, they 
 push the boat to land, and act as follows ; some of the women 
 continue to do as I have just mentioned, while others, 
 shouting aloud, abuse the women of the place ; some dance, 
 and others standing upright, lift up their garments. This 
 they do at every town situate on the river-side. When they 
 are come to Bubastis, they keep the festival, offering up great 
 sacrifices ; and grape wine is consumed on this anniversary in 
 
 freater quantity than during the whole remainder of the year, 
 >r according to the account of the inhabitants, individuals of 
 both sexes congregate to the number of seven hundred thousand, 
 
 61 without reckoning children. In what manner they celebrate 
 the festival of Isis, in the city of Busiris, has been previously 
 mentioned by me; 8 after the sacrifice, all those present of both 
 sexes, amounting to very many thousands of individuals, be- 
 wail and strike themselves ; but in whose honour they perform 
 these lamentations 3 it is unlawful for me to mention. Such of 
 the Carians as dwell in Egypt, exceed the Egyptians inasmuch 
 as they cut themselves in their faces with swords, and by this 
 
 62 shew they are aliens and not Egyptians. When they are 
 assembled at Sais for performing the sacrifice, 4 on one certain 
 evening they all light up, in the open air, a great number of 
 lamps around their dwellings; these lamps are small vases filled 
 with salt and oil, the wick Boats on the top, and burns during 
 the whole of the night; hence the feast itself is called 'The burn- 
 ing of Lamps.' Such of the Egyptians as do not go to the festi- 
 val, observe the night of the sacrifice, and burn all of them 
 lamps, so that the illumination takes place not only at Sais, but 
 throughout the whole of Egypt. With respect to the reason 
 why this one night is thus honoured with illumination, a sacred 
 
 1 The KpoTaXov was a sort of rattle, Gram. p. 60, or sect. 410, 5. In this 
 
 made of a sphtten reed, KoXa/ioe case, as in several others, Herodotus 
 
 t'XWtvot' refrains, through religious scruples, 
 
 Chap. 40. Larcher. from stating the origin of this cere- 
 
 rov ff Tvirrovrai. This is an ex- mony. 
 
 ample of the middle verb taken in a * ry<r 0mria<rt for tie rag Gvaiac. 
 
 reflective sense. The preposition tia See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 563, or 
 
 must be understood with rbv ft. sect. 393 
 Larcher. See likewise Matthiae, Gr.
 
 EUTERPE, (is, 64. 127 
 
 cause is assigned. When they go to the cities of Heliopolis and 63 
 Buto, they merely perform sacrifice. At Papremis they per- 
 form sacrifice and holy ceremonies as elsewhere; but when 
 the sun begins to go down, some few of the priests remain in 
 attendance about the statue, while several others, armed with 
 wooden clubs, stand in the porch of the temple : other men, 
 in pursuance of their vows, more than a thousand in number, 
 and each armed in like manner with clubs, stand together on 
 the opposite part. The image of the god, which is placed in 
 a small chapel of gilt wood, they take care to convey the day 
 before to another sacred building. The few now that have 
 been left around the statue, draw out a four-wheel car, bear- 
 ing both the chapel and the image in the inside; the priests, 
 on the other hand, that are standing at the entrance of the 
 temple, endeavour to prevent them from entering; but the 
 votaries come to the assistance of the god s and, commencing 
 battle, strike them; then ensues a sharp fight with clubs; 
 some have their heads broken, and, I should suppose, many 
 must even die of their wounds; but, as far at least as the 
 Egyptians report, none is ever slain. The inhabitants of the 64 
 place give the following reason for the foundation of this 
 festival : that the mother of Mars inhabited the temple, and 
 Mars, who was brought up apart 1 from her, having reached 
 man's estate, came with the desire of speaking to his mother ; 
 but the attendants, as they had never before seen him, would 
 not permit him to approach her, but drove him back : where- 
 upon Mars, having collected men from another town, punished 
 severely the servants, and went in to see his mother. For 
 this reason, they say, that the combat was instituted on the 
 festival. 
 
 This nation is also the first that made it a principle of 
 religion not to communicate with women in the sacred in- 
 closures, nor to enter them unwashed after communication : 
 for nearly all other people, if we except the Egyptians and 
 the Greeks, are wont to connect themselves with their women 
 in the temples ; and when they rise from them enter the sacred 
 precinct unwashed ; placing men on a level with brutes ; for, 
 say they, we see brutes, and the various kinds of fowl, copu- 
 lating in the very temples and shrines of the gods; 2 and 
 
 Trorpoov, pOKftv TtQpanu'evov. whole of the sacred inclosure; it must, 
 
 Hesych. The whole of this passage in some cases, have been very exten- 
 
 may be translated in another manner, sive, for that of the temple of Aescw- 
 
 as the reader will see if he consults lapius, at Epidaurus, the limits of 
 
 the commentators. which may to this day be pretty 
 
 * This paragraph affords an instance clearly ascertained, contained several 
 
 of the three different terms Itpor, hundred acres, and was adorned wit 
 
 vabf, r'f.ptvof. The upbv was th theatres, amphitheatres, baths, and
 
 128 EUTERPE. 65, 66. 
 
 surely if the act were displeasing to the deity, neither would 
 the brutes perform it. Though they adduce this reason, 
 their conduct by no means meets my approbation. But the 
 Egyptians are scrupulous venerators of their temples in all 
 respects, and in this particularly. 
 
 65 Although Egypt bounds Libya, it is not abundant in 
 animals, but such as are found, are all deemed sacred by 
 their institutions : some of them are tame, others not. Were 
 I to state for what reasons they are consecrated, I should be 
 led into a discourse respecting divine matters, which I wish to 
 avoid by all means bringing forward ; and, indeed, whatever 
 matters of the kind I may hare touched upon in my account, 
 I have spoken from necessity. 1 There is a law instituted 
 respecting animals, the purport of which is as follows. Certain 
 men and women among the Egyptians are nominated curators 
 of the feeding of each species separately, whose office the son 
 inherits from the father. All such as inhabit the towns, 
 accomplish certain vows made to them : they offer up prayers 
 to the god to whom the animal may be consecrated ; they then 
 shave the whole, or the half, or the third part of the heads 
 of their children, and place the hair in a scale against 
 silver ; whatever it may weigh they give to the curator of the 
 animals : the woman purchases therewith some fish, which she 
 cuts up and gives to the animals to eat ; and in that manner 
 is their food supplied them. Should any body kill * one of those 
 animals, if for the purpose, the punishment is death ; but if un- 
 willingly, he has to pay such a fine as the priests may choose to 
 impose : but whoever kills either an ibis or a hawk, whether 
 
 6 willingly or unwillingly, he raust suffer death. Although the 
 tame animals are very numerous, they would be still more so 
 were it not for what happens to th,e cats. When the females 
 have kindled, they no longer approach the males : the latter 
 not being able to succeed in their endeavours to copulate with 
 them, have recourse in consequence to the following artifice ; 
 
 other buildings. The vctbc was the merciful providence has long since 
 cell itself of the deity, in which the delivered from the tyranny of super- 
 sacred image was deposited. The stition; T hope, therefore, to be ex- 
 rifuvof was a part of the ttpbv, con- cused if 1 sometimes take the liberty 
 sisting of various edifices, surrounding of confounding them in one English 
 the vabs, and peculiarly consecrated, word, ' the temple.' Translat. 
 or, as it were, cut off, for the service This passage, coupled with a simi- 
 of the divinity. The reader will no lar one in c. 3, in fin. accounts for the 
 doubt call to his recollection that even scrupulousness with which Herodotus 
 the deeds of brutal licentiousness men- avoids stating the reasons of the 
 tioned i. 199, took place ?w TOV ipov. various ceremonies he has described. 
 The nice distinction that I have just Translat. 
 
 explained, can hardly be attended to 2 g ee Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. C96, 
 
 in the language of a country which a or sect. 481, obs.
 
 EUTERPE. 67,68. 129 
 
 they take away the young ones from the females, carry them 
 off, and kill them : when they have killed them, they do not, 
 however, eat them. The females, on the other hand, being 
 deprived of their brood, and desirous of another, seek in con- 
 sequence the company of the males, for the cat -is an animal 
 very fond of young. When a fire breaks out, a wonderful 
 thing happens to these animals ; for the Egyptians, heedless 
 of extinguishing the flames, stand in a line to take care of the 
 cats ; but those creatures, slipping in between the men, or 
 leaping over them, rush into the fire; and when that happens, 
 deep grief seizes the Egyptians. If in any house a cat dies 
 naturally, 1 all the inmates shave merely their eye-brows: 
 those in whose house a dog happens to die, shave the whole 
 of their bodies and heads. The dead cats are taken to some 67 
 sacred buildings in Bubastis, where, when embalmed, they are 
 buried : with respect to the dogs, they bury them in sacred 
 repositories, each in his own town ; after the same manner as 
 the dogs, 2 the ichneumons, are buried: but the shrew-mice and 
 hawks they carry to the city of Buto ; and the ibises to Her- 
 mopolis : as to the bears, which are few in number, and the 
 wolves, 3 which are but very little larger than foxes, they bury 
 them where they happen to find the carcasses lying. 
 
 The following is the nature of the crocodiles. During the 68 
 four severest months of the winter it eats nothing; it is a 
 quadruped, and inhabits both land and water : for it lays 
 eggs, which it hides in the earth, and passes the most part of the 
 
 1 I was a long time in doubt whether as if ready to seize its prey ; it feeds 
 1 should translate O.TCO rov avrofjidrov, on plants, eggs, and fowls. In Upper 
 * by accident,' or ' naturally.' I adopt Egypt it searches for the eggs of the 
 the latter from tfae authority of Aulus crocodile, which lie hid in the sand, 
 Gellius, who says, avrofia-roq Qavaroq, and eats them, thereby preventing the 
 4 quasi naturalis et fatalis, nulla ex- increase of that animal. It may be 
 irinsecusvi coactus venit.' Noct. Attic, easily tamed, and goes about the 
 xiii. 1. It is the same as what the houses like a cat. It makes a growl- 
 Latins call ' mori sua morte.' Not, ing noise, and barks when it is very 
 however, but that airb rov avToparov angry. Hasselquist. 
 
 may signify ' by chance,' as in the 3 Wolves are not found, it is said, 
 
 following passages from Xenophon: now a-days in Egypt; Sonnini, there- 
 
 rovruv Si ftaprvpeg ol ffwdivrtg airo fore, supposes that Herodotus, in this 
 
 rov avroparov, ' I have for witnesses instance, confounds the wolf with the 
 
 of it those who have saved themselves chacal or jackal. Our historian 
 
 by chance.' Hellen. i. 7. airb TOV was a native of Asia Minor, where 
 
 avroparov %Qf(; iJKOvrog TrXotoi', ' a wolves are very frequently seen, and 
 
 vessel having arrived yesterday by jackals are so numerous and noisy, 
 
 chance.' Cyr. Exp. vi. 4, 12. that the traveller finds great difficulty 
 
 La.rch.er. to enjoy at night the necessary re- 
 
 2 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 540, freshment of sleep, amid a din ten 
 or sect. 386. 3. 'lx vtvra h ot v " v thousand times greater than the cater- 
 Ixvtvp-ovfe Xtyo/ufcu. Hesych. This waulings on a summer night in .a 
 animal is found both in Upper and populous town. Translat. 
 
 Lower Egypt. It creeps slowly along, 
 VOL. I. S
 
 13 o EUTERPE. 69, 70. 
 
 day on dry land, but the whole of the night in the river, for 
 the water is warmer than the air and dew. Of all the animals 
 we know, this is the one that from the smallest beginning be- 
 comes the largest ; for its eggs are but little bigger than those 
 of a goose ; and, when newly hatched, the young one is m pro- 
 portion to the egg ; but, as it increases, it grows to seventeen 
 cubits, mid even yet larger. It has the eyes of a hog, and 
 large teeth jutting out, in proportion to the size of the body : 
 of all animals it is the only one that has no tongue; neither 
 does it move the lower jaw, but is the only creature like- 
 wise that brings down the upper jaw to the lower. It has 
 strong fangs, and a scaly hide, infrangible on the back. It 
 is blind in the water, but exceedingly quick-sighted in the 
 open air ; so that when it lives in the water, it has the mouth 
 filled in the inside with leeches. All birds and animals in 
 general avoid him ; the trochilus is the only animal at peace 
 with him, and that on account of the service he receives from 
 that bird ; for when the crocodile comes out of the water to 
 land and opens his mouth, (which he is wont generally to do 
 towards the west,) the trochilus goes into his throat and de- 
 vours the leeches : the crocodile is pleased at being relieved, 
 
 69 and hurts not the trochilus. With certain of the Egyptians 
 the crocodiles are esteemed sacred ; with others they are not 
 so, but are pursued as foes. Such as inhabit the country near 
 Thebes and the lake Moeris, regard them as most highly 
 sacred. Both these people feed one in particular, which is 
 taught to endure the hand : they place in his ears ornaments 
 of gold, or melted stone, 1 and bracelets around his fore paws ; 
 they give him specified food and the flesh of victims : while 
 alive they attend them with the greatest care, and when they 
 die, embalm them, and bury them in sacred repositories. On 
 the other hand, the people that dwell near the city of Elephantis, 
 even use them as food, not regarding them as sacred. They 
 do not call them crocodiles, but "champsae;" it was the lonians 
 that gave them the name of " crocodiles," fancying that they 
 resembled in form the lizards 2 that are found in their country 
 
 70 in the hedges. There are many and various modes of taking 
 the crocodile; and I proceed to describe that which, to me 
 at least, appears most deserving of commemoration. The 
 fisherman, 3 having baited a hook with a hog's chine, lets it down 
 
 1 \l9ivn .xvra, ( works of melted stellio Linnae.] was known by the 
 
 stone.' I cannot decide whether He- name of the n-po/to&iXoe xtoaaloq. 
 
 Jdotus means glass, enamel, or any a Supply, from the preceding aypai, 
 
 other artificial stone. The use of glass the substantive, oypef'f/lit." hunter,") 
 
 is very ancient, but its origin cannot to govern the verb ct\iaffy. See 
 
 ^determined. Larcher - Matfhiae, Gr. Gram. p. 427, or sect. 
 
 The hedge-lizard, or eft, [Lacerta 294.
 
 EUTERPE. 71-73. 131 
 
 the middle of the stream ; he himself holding on the brink of 
 the river a sucking pig, that is alive, strikes it ; the crocodile, 
 hearing the noise, hastens to the sound, and falling upon 
 the pork, gorges it. All hands then pull ; and when he is 
 hauled ashore, the first thing the fisherman does is to plaster 
 the eyes of the animal over with mud ; and when he has done 
 that, he easily performs all the rest, whereas if that were not 
 done, he would have some difficulty. The hippopotami, 71 
 found in the nome of Papremitis, are sacred, but with the 
 rest of the Egyptians they are not held sacred. The follow- 
 ing is the, nature of their shape. It is a quadruped, cloven 
 footed, having the hoofs of an ox, a flat nose, and turned up, 
 a horse's mane, prominent tusks, with the tail and voice of a 
 horse: in size it is equal to the largest ox; its skin is so 
 exceedingly thick, that, when dry, javelins 1 are made from it. 
 Otters, which they esteem sacred, are likewise produced in 72 
 the river ; and of all the kinds offish, they esteem that called 
 the lepidotus and eel to be sacred : those two sorts, they 
 say, are sacred to the Nile : and among birds, the chenalopex. 2 
 
 There is likewise another sacred bird, the name of which is 73 
 the phoenix : I have not myself seen it, excepting in a picture, 
 for it seldom visits even the Egyptians themselves, only 
 every five hundred years, according to the statement of the 
 people of Heliopolis; and they say that he never comes 
 except when his sire dies : if he is like his picture, he is of 
 the following size and shape; his plumage is partly gold- 
 coloured, partly crimson ; and he is completely similar to the 
 eagle in outline 3 and in bulk. They relate that this bird acts 
 in the following manner, but I cannot give credit to their 
 assertions : that, departing out of Arabia, he brings his parent 
 to the temple of the Sun, having previously enveloped him 
 with myrMi, and buries him in the temple of the Sun : that he 
 conveys him in the following manner ; in the first place, he 
 shapes an egg of myrrh of such a volume as he is able to 
 carry, and then tries whether he can carry it; after he has 
 completed the trial, he hollows out the egg, and places his 
 parent in the inside of it, and then closes with other myrrh 
 
 ' Zvcrra aKovna. Herodotus here trochilus,the lepidotus, the chenalopex, 
 
 joins the words Zvarbv and CLKOVTIOV, and the crex, (see c. 7fi.) I find no- 
 
 the former of which is an adjective, thing concerning these animals sufli- 
 
 and when used alone, signifies a ciently brief and satisfactory for me 
 
 javelin, on account of the substantive to adopt in these notes without over- 
 
 'O.KOVTIOV being understood. It would stepping the limits which confine my 
 
 therefore have been better, instead of plan of illustration. 
 
 ' politajacula,' which I have used in 3 irepirjyriffig, according to Wessel- 
 
 my translation, to have put simply ing, signifies ' formam et diligenteui 
 
 ' jacula.' Schweig. ejus descriptionem.' I take it to be 
 
 2 The curious reader will do well to what we should call in French ' le 
 
 consult Larcher's notes respecting the contour,' Schweig.
 
 13'2 EUTERPE. 7476. 
 
 that part of the egg by which he introduced the body of his 
 parent ; the body lying in the inside, the weight is the same -. 
 havino- thus enveloped him, he carries him into Egypt to the 
 temple of the sun. Such are the actions which they represent 
 this bird as performing. 
 
 74 There are, also, in the vicinity of Thebes, sacred serpents, 
 which are by no means injurious to men ;' in size they are 
 small, and have two horns springing from the top of the 
 head ; when these die they inter them in the temple of Jove ; 
 
 75 for they declare they are sacred to that god. There is a 
 place in Arabia situate nearly opposite to the city of Buto ; this 
 place I visited to make inquiries respecting the winged ser- 
 pents: on my arrival there, I beheld bones and spines* of 
 serpents in indescribable quantities ; there were heaps of these 
 spines, some large, some of a moderate size, and others less; 
 and they were in great numbers. The place itself in which 
 the bones are scattered, is a gorge leading from between some 
 steep mountains into a wide plain, which joins to the plain of 
 Egypt. The report goes, that at the beginning of spring the 
 winged serpents fly out of Arabia towards Egypt ; but that 
 the birds called the ibises, meeting them in the strait at this 
 place, hinder them from advancing, and kill them ; and for 
 this service, as the Arabians state, the ibis is greatly venerated 
 by the Egyptians; the Egyptians also agree with them in 
 assigning the same reason for the honour they pay those 
 
 76 birds. The following is a description of the figure of the 
 ibis : it is all over of a dark black colour, has the legs of the 
 crane, the bill very hooked, and it equals in bulk the crex ; 
 such is the black sort, that which contends with the serpents ; 
 but the kind which is most commonly seen by men 3 (for the 
 ibises are of two species) is naked about the head, and the whole 
 of the neck ; its plumage is white, excepting the head} the neck, 
 the tips of the wings, and the extremity of the tail, for all 
 those parts I have mentioned are of a deep black : with 
 respect to its legs and bill it resembles the other sort. The 
 form of the serpent is like that of the water snake; it has not 
 its wings feathered, but very much 4 like the pinions of the bat. 
 But enough of the sacred animals. 
 
 ' SijXilffSrai governs the accusative; (i/?eW) rolffi avQpwirmai (iSitf) 4 
 
 the rule by which jjX^ovte is made K.r.X. --- ttktvp.kvuv from ilXit 
 
 to govern the genitive, is given in < versari.' Schweig. TO.IV iroffi are 
 
 Matthiae, Gr. Gram. p. 459, or sect. < common things,' such as one fre- 
 
 ?'. ' 1; quently meets on one's road. Lurcher. 
 
 aKavVa signifies not only the back paXitrra (^tmarara. See Mat- 
 
 me, but all the bones of a fish or thiae, Gr. Gram. p. 667, or sect. 461, 
 
 it is equivalent to the French obs. The particle K>; is added t 
 
 word arete.' Larcher. paXum per pleonasmum. Sckaeig. 
 
 uonstr. TWV tv wai ilXtvu'tvuv Lex. Herodot. .
 
 EUTERPE. 77-79. 153 
 
 With regard to the Egyptians themselves, those that dwell 77 
 in the arable part of the country attend, of all mankind, the 
 most to the memory of past events; 1 and are by far the most 
 erudite in history of all with whom I have ever had commu- 
 nication. They follow, this regimen: every month they purge 
 themselves for three successive days, seeking to obtain health 
 by the means of pukes and clysters, for they regard all the 
 disorders of men as proceeding from the food that is eaten ; 
 moreover, the Egyptians are, after the Libyans, the most 
 healthy of all mankind, which proceeds, in my opinion, from 
 the seasons, which never vary, for it is at the changes of the 
 weather that human disease generally takes its rise^at all, but 
 particularly at that of the seasons. They feed on loaves, 
 which they make of olyra, and call " cyllestis ;" they make use 
 of wine manufactured from barley, for vines there are none 
 in the country; 2 some fish they eat raw, after drying them in 
 the sun ; others, when steeped in salt brine : of birds they eat 
 raw likewise, quails, ducks, and the smaller fowls, after previ- 
 ously salting them; all the rest of the birds and fish they 
 have, excepting those which are received as sacred by them, 
 they eat, either roasted or boiled. At the convivial feasts of 78 
 such of them as are rich, after they have finished their repast, 
 a man carries around in a coffin a wooden image of a corpse, 
 made exactly like what it is intended to represent, both in co- 
 lour and in workmanship, and in size of one or two cubits at 
 most : 3 the man shews this image to every one of the guests, 
 and says : " Look upon this, and drink and be merry ; for 
 " such wilt thou be when thou diest." This they do at their 
 entertainments. 
 
 Contented with the institutions of their forefathers, they 79 
 admit none other : they have various customs deserving of 
 commemoration, but they have in particular one song, the 
 Linus, the same that is sung in Phoenicia and in Cyprus, 
 and elsewhere ; it has various names in different nations, but 
 is allowed 4 to be the same that the Greeks sing under the 
 name of Linus : among the many different things that excited 
 my astonishment, this more particularly does, namely, whence 
 they could have derived the Linus;,, for they appear to have 
 
 1 This is taken by Valckenaer and AtywTrroc, that part of Egypt that was 
 
 Wesseling to signify ' the exercise and arable. 
 
 cultivation of the faculty of memory/ s irdvrr) is used by Herodotus to 
 
 Larcher is of the same opinion, but signify, " in each direction;" amean- 
 
 Schweighaeuser regards fivrj^v as ing which does not make sense jn this 
 
 alluding to ' the memory of past passage. Schweig. 
 
 events,' ' historical records.' 4 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 806, 
 
 * That is to say, '/ ffirtipopivrt or sect. 536, d.
 
 134 EUTERPE. 8084. 
 
 suno- it from time immemorial. Linus is called, in the 
 Egyptian tongue, Maneros; and the Egyptians affirm, that 
 he was the only begotten son of the first king ot Egypt, and 
 that, having died prematurely, is honoured with such songs 
 of mourning by them ; they likewise state, that this is the first 
 
 80 and the only song they have. In this next custom, the 
 Egyptians differ from all the Greeks, except the Lacedemo- 
 nians only; when the younger among them meet their elders, 
 they give them the path, and turn aside ; and when they ap- 
 proach, arise from their seats. In the following, however, 
 they differ from all the nations of Greece ; in the highways, 
 instead of saluting one another, they prostrate themselves, 
 
 81 sinking their hands down to their knees. They wear a linen 
 dress, fringed around the legs ; this dress they call " calasiris :" 
 over that they throw a white woollen mantle ; woollens, how- 
 ever, are not taken into the temples, nor is any person buried 
 in them, for that is held unlawful. This custom agrees with 
 the Orphic ceremonies, called likewise Bacchic, which are 
 Egyptian and Pythagorean ; for it is unlawful for any one 
 that has been initiated in these mysteries to be entombed in 
 woollen shrouds ; for which there is a sacred reason given. 
 
 82 The following other practices are likewise inventions of the 
 Egyptians : to which deity each month and day is conse- 
 crated ; ' and according to the day in which a person is born, 
 what will be his fortune, in what manner he will end his life, 
 and what will become of him : these have been adopted by 
 the poets of the Greeks. More prodigies have been disco- 
 vered by them than by all the rest of mankind ; for when any 
 occurs, they write it down, and observe the consequence; and 
 if ever at a subsequent time a prodigy of a similar nature should 
 occur, they take for granted that the event will be the same. 
 
 83 Among these people divination thus stands : the art is attri- 
 buted to no human being, but only to certain of the gods : 
 for there are in Egypt the oracles of Hercules, Apollo, Mi- 
 nerva, Diana, Mars, and Jove; and that which of all the 
 oracles they hold in the greatest honour is Latona's, in the 
 cityofButo: the manner of promulgating the oracle is not 
 
 84 the same with them all, but different. The science of medi- 
 cine is thus distributed among them ; every physician is for 
 one disease, not more, so that every place is full of physi- 
 cians ; for some are doctors for the eyes, others for the head ; 
 some for the teeth, others for the belly, and some for occult 
 disorders. 
 
 1 Supply ipdg or ipi) after Qi&v ortv tm.
 
 EUTERPE. 85, 86. 135 
 
 Their manner of mourning and burying the dead is as 85 
 follows. When a member of a family held in any con- . 
 sideration 1 departs this life, all the females of the house cover 
 their heads and faces with mud; and then leaving the corpse 
 at home, go round about the town with their clothes girt up, 2 
 and strike themselves, shewing at the same time their breasts, 
 and with them go all their neighbours : on the other side, the 
 men likewise strike themselves, girding up their garments like 
 the women ; after they have performed this ceremony, they 
 lastly convey the body away to be embalmed. There are 86 
 certain individuals appointed 3 for that purpose, and who pro- 
 fess that art : these persons, when any body is brought to 
 them, shew the bearers some wooden models of corpses, 
 painted to represent the originals ; the most perfect they assert 
 to be the representation of him whose name I take it to be 
 impious to mention in this matter; they shew a second, which 
 is inferior to the first, and cheaper; and a third, which is the 
 cheapest of all. They then ask of them according to which 
 of the models they will have the deceased prepared : having 
 settled upon the price, the relations immediately depart, and 
 the embalmers, remaining at home, thus proceed to perform 
 the embalming in the most costly manner. In the first place, 
 with a crooked piece of iron they pull out the brain by the 
 nostrils ; a part of it they extract in this manner, the rest by 
 means of pouring in certain drugs : in the next place, after 
 making an incision in the flank with a sharp 'Ethiopian stone, 
 they empty the whole of the inside, and after cleansing the 
 cavity, and rincing it with palm-wine, scour it out again with 
 pounded aromatics : 4 then having filled the belly with pure 
 myrrh, pounded, and cinnamon, and all other perfumes, 
 frankincense excepted, they sew it up again ; having so done, 
 
 1 OIKUO or Ion. oi/cjji'og, as well as lulariae, " sedentary arts." Lurcher. 
 oiicsrj/e, is understood not only of the I have followed Schweighaeuser's 
 slaves, but likewise of the wife and version, " constituti sunt ;" he states, 
 children of a family. Lurcher. Larcher, however, that Kartarai may also be 
 it must be observed, reads oiKrfuav. rendered simply " sedent." Schweig. 
 
 2 The women undid the top of their Lex. Herod, voc. KaTijaOai. 
 garment, in orderio open their bosoms ; 4 The following is the translation 
 and, lest the robe should drop, and so of Larcher : " They extract by this 
 discover them naked to the spectators, opening the intestines, cleanse them, 
 they tied it up with a girdle round their and rince them in palm wine; they 
 middle. This is the meaning of itrt- rince them again in pounded aroma- 
 fa><T/isi/ai. Larcher,from Wyttenbach. tics ; after which they fill the belly 
 
 3 KaTfarai, Ion. for KaQt)VTca. This with myrrh," &c. A difficulty then 
 term, although general, is particularly occurs: what did they do with the 
 applied to those who work at the intestines after they had taken so 
 trades, called by the Latins artes stl- much trouble to cleanse them ?
 
 13 6 EUTERPE. 8789. 
 
 they steep the body in natrum, 1 keeping it covered for se- 
 venty days, for it is not lawful to leave the body any longer 
 in the brine. When the seventy days are gone by, they first 
 wash the corpse, and then wrap up the whole of the body in 
 bandages cut out of cotton cloth, which they smear with 
 gum, 3 a substance the Egyptians generally use instead of 
 paste. The relations having then received back the body, get 
 a wooden case, in the shape of a man, to be made; and when 
 completed, place the body in the inside ; and then shutting it 
 up, keep it in a sepulchral repository, where they stick it up- 
 right against the wall. ,The above is the most costly manner 
 
 87 in which they prepare the dead. For such as choose the 
 middle mode, from a desire of avoiding expense, they prepare 
 the body thus : they first fill syringes with cedar oil, which 
 they inject into the belly of the deceased, without making any 
 incision, or emptying the inside, but sending it in by the 
 seat:; they then close the aperture, to hinder the injection from 
 flowing backwards, and lay the body in brine for the spe- 
 cified number of days, on the last of which they take out 
 the cedar oil which they had previously injected, and such is 
 the strength it possesses, that it brings away with it the bowels 1 
 and inside in a state of dissolution : on the other hand, the 
 natrum dissolves the flesh, so that, in fact, there remains no- 
 thing but the skin and the bones. When they have so done, 
 they give back the body without performing any farther ope- 
 
 88 ration upon it. The third mode of embalming, which is used 
 for such as have but scanty means, is as follows. After wash- 
 ing the inside with syrmaea, 4 they salt the body for the seventy 
 
 89 days, and return it to be taken back. The wives of men of 
 quality are not given to be embalmed immediately after their 
 death, neither are those that may have been extremely beauti- 
 ful, or much celebrated ; but they deliver them to the embalm- 
 ers after they have been three or lour days deceased : this they 
 do for the following reason, that the workmen may not be 
 able to abuse the bodies of those females ; for it is reported 
 by them, that one of those artificers was discovered in the 
 
 Schweighaeuser is of opinion that which would blend with the lympha- 
 
 tKaipifiv rriv KoiXiqv means " to take tic and oily juices and the fat 
 
 the bowels out of the belly," (as in c. 2 Gum arabic, probably. 
 
 40, ieoi\ir)v Ktivfiv naaav t &v tlXov,) 3 vr\lv^ in this case, signifies the 
 
 and proves that KoiXiij and vijfvg are bowels or intestines : TO. oir\ayxya 
 
 synonymous. By this interpretation, are the nobler viscera, i. e. the heart, 
 
 the difficulty disappears. See Schwcig. lungs, &c. Schweig. 
 
 Not, and Lex. Herod. 4 It is not determined what sort of 
 
 ' Larcher sufficiently proves that liquid is meant by avpfiaia. The same 
 
 Xirpov should not be translated " ni- word occurs in c. 125, where Pliny 
 
 ire," but " natrum," a fixed alkali, translates it in a sense which cannot 
 
 apply here.
 
 EUTERPE. 90,91. 137 
 
 very fact on the newly deceased body of a woman, and was 
 impeached by his fellow workman. If any one, no matter 90 
 whether one of the Egyptians themselves or a foreigner, is 
 found having been carried off by a crocodile, or merely 
 drowned in the river, whatever be the city near which he is 
 cast up, the inhabitants must necessarily embalm and dress 
 his body in the most sumptuous manner, and inter him in the 
 sacred repository : no one must touch him, whether relation 
 or friend, the priests of the Nile alone handle the body and 
 bury it, as though it were the corpse of something more than 
 a man. 
 
 They are averse to using the customs of theGreeks; and in- 91 
 deed, in one word, the customs of all other nations whatever. 
 This practice accordingly the Egyptians in general observe; 
 there is, however, a large city called Chemmis, belonging to the 
 Theban nome, near Neapolis ; in that place there is a four- 
 cornered temple of Perseus, the son of Danae, around which 
 palm trees grow. The propylaea of the temple are of stone, 
 and of vast size ; over which are placed two large stone 
 figures : within this precinct is a chapel, in the interior of 
 which is placed a statue of Perseus. The inhabitants of 
 Chemmis themselves state, that Perseus often appears to them 
 in their territory, and not unfrequently within the holy pre- 
 cinct ; and that one of the sandals worn by him is sometimes 
 discovered, which is two cubits long ; and that after it has ap- 
 peared, the whole of Egypt flourishes. The above is the ac- 
 count they give ; they likewise perform the following Grecian 
 ceremonies in honour of Perseus : they celebrate gymnastic , 
 games, which include all sorts of contests, 1 in which they pro- 
 pose for prizes, cattle, cloaks, and skins. When I enquired 
 of them wherefore Perseus was wont to appear to them only, 
 and why they were distinguished from the rest of the Egyp- 
 tians by the celebration of games, they said, that " Perseus 
 " was originally of their city, for Danaus and Lynceus, who 
 " were of Chemmis, sailed into Greece :" and reckoning up 
 the genealogy from those two, they descended to Perseus: 
 they added, that " when he came into Egypt, on the same 
 " errand, as the Greeks report, namely, to take away the 
 " Gorgon's head from Libya, he came to them also, and re- 
 " cognised his relations; and that he already knew the name 
 
 1 ayah/a yvpviKov St& irafft)Q ayw- *x tiv an ^ ayuvltf. Larcher, after 
 viag lx ovra > " ludos gymnicos qui per Wesseling, translates, " qui de tous 
 omnia certaminum genera obtinent, les jeux sont les plus excellens," 
 locum habent," i. e. celebrantur," which of all games are the most ex- 
 equivalent to " ludos gymnicos om- cellent. See Gaisford's Herod, hi. j. 
 nium certaminum genera complecten- 232-3. 
 tes." Sehweig. Lex. Herod, vocc. 
 VOL. I. T
 
 138 EUTERPE. 92. 
 
 of Chemmis when he arrived in Egypt, which he had heard 
 " from his mother; and that, by his own orders, they cele- 
 " brate gymnastic games." 
 
 92 All the above customs are observed by the Egyptians who 
 dwell above the fens ; but those who inhabit among the 
 marshes have the same customs as the rest of the Egyptians ; 
 and, among others, each takes but one wife, as the Greeks. 
 Moreover, to procure themselves easily the means of suste- 
 nance, they have imagined the following other inventions: 
 when the river is full, and the plains are become as a sea, 
 there springs up in the water a quantity of lilies, which the 
 Egyptians call " lotus." 1 After they have gathered these, they 
 dry them in the sun ; and then braying what is contained 
 within the lotus, resembling the poppy, they make it into 
 loaves, which they bake with fire: the root also of this lotus, 
 which is round, 2 and of the size of an apple, is edible, and of 
 a moderately sweet flavour. There are also other lilies, si- 
 milar to roses, likewise produced in the river ; the fruit of 
 which grows on a separate stem, 3 arising from the side of the 
 root, in shape very like a wasp's comb ; in this are found 
 many eatable berries of the size of an olive-stone : these are 
 eaten green 4 and dried. Of the byblus, 5 which is an annual 
 plant, after they have plucked it from the marshes, they cut 
 off the top part, and employ it for various purposes; the 
 lower part that remains, about a cubit in length, they eat, 
 and offer for sale; but such as wish to make a very delicate 
 mess of the byblus, stew it in a hot pan, 6 and so eat it. 
 There are some among them who live entirely on fish; which, 
 when they have caught, and gutted, they expose to the sun, 
 and, when dried, eat. 
 
 1 The two species of lotus men- to see the plant when it was covered 
 tioned by Herodotus in this chapter with fruit and flowers, and observing 
 were a kind of nymphaea or water- some of the calyxes enclosing flow- 
 lily : he likewise mentions (ii. 96, and ers, and others surrounding the fruit, 
 ir. 177,) another lotus, a tree of the inconsiderately took for granted, that 
 Cyrenaica, the " Rhamnus lotus" of the seeds and flowers were produced 
 Linnaeus, and from this latter plant the on different stems, and in different 
 Lotophagi took their cognomen. Larch, calyxes. 
 
 * ibv oroyywXov must refer ty pi'a, 4 There is in the Greek rpwerd 
 
 supplying \prjfta to account for the rpwyerat t, which are said of things 
 
 change of gender. Larcher. eaten raw. Galen explains rpoxrrouni/ 
 
 3 I have followed the translation of by these words w/totf iaQioftkvoi^. 
 Larcher ; he founds himself on the Larcher. The verb rpwytiv occurs in 
 authority of Hesychius, .who explains the same sense, c. 37. 
 K&\vZ by j3Xa<rrg/m: stMl the sense 5 This is the papyrus; cyperns pa- 
 does not seem complete. Schweig- pyrus Linn. 
 
 haeuser, who translates literally, 6 iv KXifiavy ia<f>avti irvi%avrtc. 
 " fructus in alio calyce inest, ex ra- Wesseling has properly explained Si- 
 dice enato," seems to be of opinipn, afavfa , by hot, red-hot ; the expres- 
 that our historian, having happened sion is elliptical, and in irvpbg must
 
 EUTERPE. 93, 94. 139 
 
 The gregarious fish are not generally produced in the 93 
 streams ; ' but after they have grown to a certain size in the 
 lakes, do as follows : when the desire of propagation comes 
 upon them, they swim down in shoals towards the sea; the 
 males go first, scattering part of their sperm ; the females that 
 follow behind swallow it up, and from thence conceive : when 
 they have been impregnated in the sea, they travel back again 
 all to their former haunts; the males, however, this time do 
 not lead the way, but the company is headed by the females, 
 and they, leading the way thus in shoals, do just the same as 
 the males did before, for they scatter by degrees the grains of 
 spawn, 2 which the males that follow behind devour: now these 
 grains are so many fishes, and from such as escape, and are 
 not swallowed, the fish are produced, which afterwards grow 
 to a size. Such of the fish as are caught on their way down 
 to the sea are all found with the head bruised on the left side, 
 whereas with those that are returning back it is the right side 
 that is rubbed. This happens to them by the following 
 means ; as they swim down towards the sea, they keep to the 
 left bank ; and when they return, keep close to the same side, 
 pressing and touching it as closely as they can, in order they 
 may not be driven out of their road by the current. When 
 the Nile begins to rise, the hollows in the land and the 
 lagunes near the stream first begin to fill, as the water filters 
 from the river, and as soon as those places are filled, they all 
 instantly abound in vast quantities of small fish : as to the 
 probable origin of these fish, I think I can explain it; the 
 previous year, when the Nile sunk, the fish, which had depo- 
 sited their eggs in the mud, retired with the last of the waters; 
 and when the time comes round again for the water's rising, 
 the fish are immediately hatched out of those eggs. And thus 
 it is with the fish. 
 
 The Egyptians that inhabit the vicinity of the marshes 94 
 make use of an oil, extracted from the fruit of the sillicyprion, 
 and which the Egyptians call " cici :" 3 they make it in the fol- 
 
 be understood, as Herodotus expresses pot, pan, or some other culinary vase ; 
 himself, iv. 73, \idovs tK TTV^OQ Siatya- and we gather from Athenaeus that the 
 vtae. Lurcher. The signification of <c\f/3aj/o was sometimes brought to 
 TTviyc.iv is" suffocare ;" but this word table with its contents. Schweig. Lex. 
 is also used to express a certain mode Herod, vocc. irv iyuv and *Xi/3ai/of. 
 of cooking, thus described by Casaa- ' That is to say, the canals derived 
 bon, (ad Athenaei ii. p. 65, 1.) " The from the Nile.Reisk. 
 meat is cooked in its own juice, in- 2 KUT' oXiyovg is equivalent to /card 
 closed in a pot or pan, so that no /icpov. Schweig. 
 steam may exhale a mode of dress- 3 This is the " ricinus" of the La- 
 ing which our cooks also call ' suffo- tins, and the " palma Christi" of our 
 cation,' (i. e. braising.") From this it is gardens, the seeds of which furnish 
 evident that Herodotus cannot mean the castor oil of the apothecary. 
 by KXtjSayof, a fixed large oven, but a Lurcher.
 
 140 EUTERPE. 95, yb. 
 
 lowing manner : this plant, which grows spontaneously and 
 wild m Greece, they sow on the banks of their rivers and 
 lakes } the sillicyprion thus sown produces in Egypt a vast 
 quantity of fruit, but of a strong odour. When they have 
 gathered the fruit, some pound it and squeeze out the oil ; 
 others first roast and then boil it, collecting what flows out. 
 The oil is fat, and not inferior to olive oil for the lamp, but it 
 
 95 emits a strong smell. As a remedy against the gnats, which 
 are very numerous, they have the following expedient. Such 
 as dwell above the fens are defended by the towers, to the top 
 of which they ascend to sleep ; for the gnats are not able, on 
 account of the winds, to fly to any height : by those who in- 
 habit the morasses, the following expedient is contrived in 
 lieu of towers; every individual among them is in possession 
 of a net, with which during the day he catches fish, and of 
 which he thus avails himself during the night ; he casts the 
 net around the bed in which he sleeps, and then creeping in, 
 lays himself under it ; the gnats, if one were to sleep wrapped 
 up in one's clothes.or in linen, would bite through the covering, 
 but they do not even so much as try to do so through the net. 
 
 96 The vessels, in which they convey merchandize, are made 
 out of a thorn, 1 very similar in outward appearance to the 
 lotus of Gyrene; and the exudation of which is a gum. Out 
 of this thorn, accordingly, they cut planks about two cubits 
 in length, which they arrange like bricks, and, in the fol- 
 lowing manner, construct the vessel : they fasten together the 
 planks with many long wooden pins ; and when in this man- 
 ner they have formed the hull of the vessel, they place beams 
 athwart them on the top : they do not use any bends ; and 
 caulk the seams on the inside with byblus: 2 these vessels have 
 
 1 The acacia, a thorny tree, from obturant byblo." This authority and 
 
 which exudes what we call gum ara- a reference to the sense in which He- 
 
 bic. See Matth. Gr. Gramm. p. 522. rodotus uses KaTcnraKroQ, v. 16, have 
 
 8 TofiQoQ signifies a peg or pin, induced me to English s/iTraicrouv by 
 
 as in Homer, Odyssey, v. 248. " to caulk." Trjpi -yofufiovs Trtpifipowcrt 
 
 Zvyd are pieces put across to form TO. %v\a, lit. " they fasten the planks 
 
 a deck : " transtra" is used in around gomphi:" I am aware that the 
 
 this sense also by the Latins. 'Ev translation I have given above is any 
 
 wv kiraKTurrav cannot signify inferct- thing but literal ; I have carefully 
 
 unt. He is not speaking in this place consulted Schneider's erudite article 
 
 of stopping up the interstices with on the word yo^oe, but must confess 
 
 papyrus, as with oakum, but of that I see no signification which will 
 
 strengthening the structure ; that is answer the purpose of combining 
 
 the meaning of the verb t/*7racrow. grammatical accuracy with a good 
 
 Eastathius very properly explains it sense : the passage remains unintelli- 
 
 Karaff(pa\i^ovTai. Larcher. Schneider, gible to me. Perhaps the baris was a 
 
 however, translates this passage, " sie sort of raft, and the yo/t^oe a tie or 
 
 stopften die fugen d. Papier," Gr. bandage fastening the blocks toge- 
 
 Germ. Lex. TOO. sraicrow : Sehweig- ther ; but if that be the case, what 
 
 haeuser translates it, in the same shall we do with iffw9iv ?i ry 
 
 sense, " Commissuras nacium inru fivp\ v ? Translat.
 
 EUTERPE. 97. Hi 
 
 one rudder, which is driven through the keel ; ' the mast is 
 made from the thorn ; the canvass of byblus. These craft 
 cannot sail against the stream, unless when a stiff and favour- 
 able wind blows, and therefore are towed from the shore: but 
 they are taken down stream in the following manner; they 
 provide a hurdle made of tamarisk, 2 fastened together with reed 
 bands, and have a stone bored through, of about two talents 
 in weight: the mariner casts from the stem of the vessel the 
 hurdle fastened to a hawser to be carried down by the cur- 
 rent; the stone which is fastened to another hawser he drops 
 at the stern : the hurdle, as the stream bears upon it, floats 
 down with rapidity, and hauls along the bar is (for that is the 
 real name of these vessels;) while the stone, dragging at the 
 poop, and touching the bottom, serves to right the ship. 3 
 They have a vast number of these vessels, some of which are 
 of several thousand talents burthen. When the Nile over- 97 
 flows the country, the cities only remain visible, appearing 
 nearly like the islands in the Aegean sea ; for all the other 
 parts of Egypt are converted, as it were, into a sea, and the 
 cities only rise above. When this happens, they accordingly 
 no longer navigate by the bed of the river, but through the 
 middle of the country ; thus for a person going up at such 
 times to Memphis from Naucratis, the course lies by the py- 
 ramids themselves; although, at other times, this is not the 
 usual course, 4 but that by the point of the Delta and the city 
 
 1 Lit. "They make one rudder, think so, since he has previously men- 
 and that is driven through the keel." tioned the rudder. I conceive the use 
 The ships of the ancients were very of this weight at the poop to have 
 different from those of the present been to serve as a sort of shifting or 
 day. The helm or rudder consisted moveable ballast, the advantages of 
 of two broad oars (TrrjSaXia) jutting which are obvious in the case of the 
 out on either side of the stern ; these current bearing very hard on the hur- 
 were fastened together by a cross bar die, they let the weight drag at the 
 (ft>yr;pia, Act. Apost. xxvii. 40,) so bottom of the river : the resistance 
 that one tiller (ola'C) moved both rud- thus procured would hinder the har- 
 ders. The helm of the baris appears die from hauling the prow under wa- 
 to have been pretty nearly of the same ter, and swamping the boat, a misfor- 
 kind as that adopted in modern navi- tune which otherwise must, in all 
 gation ; but being so different from probability, have happened. I have, 
 those in general use at the time the therefore, translated KanOvvtiv or ica- 
 Muses were written, it is no wonder rtvQvvtiv as allusive to the position, 
 Herodotus should think it deserving and not to the course of the vessel : 
 of mention " that the baris had but such as disapprove of this manner of 
 one rudder (irt)Sd\iov} and that close rendering the Greek verb, may, with 
 to the keel." Translat. Schweighaeuser, Larcher, Beloe, &c. 
 
 2 The ^vpiKij is the tamarix Linn, translate " the stone dragging at the 
 6vpu is used to signify a board, or to.- poop, and sinking to the bottom, 
 bulutum of boards, longer than it is steers the vessel." Translat. 
 broad. Schneid. Gr. Germ. Lex., * It is evident that OVK OVTOG must 
 (omppajujuej/q, lit. " sewed together." be taken as signifying the usual and 
 
 3 This stone certainly could not ordinary course, i. e. that followed 
 have been of any avail towards steer- when the river flows between its 
 ing the vessel; nor did Herodotus banks. Schiceig.
 
 14-2 EUTERPE. 98, 99. 
 
 of Cercasorus. If you sail to Naucratis from the sea, and 
 Canobus through the plain, you will pass near the city of 
 
 98 Anthylla, and that called the town of Archandrus. Of these 
 last places, Anthylla, which is a considerable town, is always 
 peculiarly assigned to the wife of the reigning sovereign in 
 Egypt for her shoes; and this custom has been observed 
 ever since Egypt has been subjected to the Persians : the 
 other place appears to me to derive its name from Archandrus 
 of Phthia, the son-in-law of Danaus ; for it is called the city 
 of Archandrus : there may, indeed, have existed some other 
 Archandrus, but still it is very certain the name is not, at any 
 rate, Egyptian. 
 
 99 So far the things that I have mentioned I have either seen, 
 known by myself, or learnt by enquiry; but now I proceed 
 to give the history of the Egyptians, according as I heard it 
 related : and to that also will be added some things from my 
 own observations. THE PRIESTS stated, that Menes, the first 
 sovereign of Egypt, sheltered 1 Memphis by dikes from the 
 inundations of the Nile ; 2 for the river, before his time t flowed 
 all along the sandy mountain that lies towards Libya ; but 
 Menes, at about a hundred stadia higher up than Memphis, 
 having filled up the elbow which the river made towards the 
 south, dried up the ancient channel, and made the stream 
 flow by an artificial bed between the mountains.; and even to 
 the present day this flexure of the Nile, which is compelled 
 to flow out of its natural channel, 3 is attended to with much 
 care by the Persians, being strengthened every year : for if 
 the river should burst through that place, and overflow, there 
 would be danger of all Memphis being submerged. They 
 add, that when the space detached from the river had been 
 converted into dry land by this Menes, first sovereign of 
 Egypt, he built on that spot 4 the city which is now called 
 Memphis; for this town also is situate in the narrow part of 
 Egypt : and that on the outside, towards the north and west, 
 
 oovv, aggeribus munire. stood as the traditions of the sacer- 
 
 Schweig. The reader is here adver- dotal officers. Tramlat. 
 
 tised, once for all, that most of the 2 To this roDro p'tv answers TOVTO 
 
 innmtives of the subsequent chapters Si, . 9. but as the intervening phrases 
 
 are ruled by ol ipiie tXsyov ; the ob- are too long, TOVTO uiv is repeated, 
 
 servation is indispensable, since in a . 7. Schweig. See Matthiae, 
 
 modern version it is incompatible with Greek Gramm. p. 416, 17, or sect! 
 
 ie necessary fluency of language to 288, b. 
 
 preserve at all times the same con- s 5 e (6 AJK&V TOV Nt.'Xou) awtnyui- 
 
 strnction as in the original ; the con- vo Q p,, lit. which, excluded from 
 
 sequence of which has been, and may its former bed, flows." 
 
 >e again, that a person referring only < TOVTO uiv, tv OVTW TroXtv KTiffai, 
 
 to a translation sometimes fancies that as well as its apodotic, TOVTO Ik, TOV 
 
 Herodotus states, from his own au- 'Efaiemn; TO lobv \Xpveao9ai, relate 
 
 tnority, what he meant to be under- to ol ip c t'Xtyov. Larcher.
 
 EUTERPE. 100, 101. 143 
 
 he dug from the river a moat around the city, for, on the east, 
 the Nile itself skirts the town; over and above this he erected 
 therein the temple of Vulcan, which is extensive, and richly 
 deserving of commemoration. The priests reckoned up out 100 
 of a manuscript roll 1 the names of three hundred and thirty 
 sovereigns subsequent to this Menes : in so many generations 
 of men, eighteen were Ethiopians, and one a native woman ; 
 all the rest were men, and Egyptians. The name of the 
 woman that held the sceptre was Nitocris, the same as that 
 of the Babylonian queen; they related that she avenged her 
 brother, whom the Egyptians had put to death, although he 
 was their king ; after killing him, they delegated the govern- 
 ment to this woman, who, in order to avenge her predecessor, 
 procured by artifice the death of several of the Egyptians ; 
 for having caused to be made a long subterraneous apart- 
 ment, she gave out that she intended to consecrate 2 it, but in 
 her own mind designed otherwise. Then inviting thither a 
 great many of the Egyptians, such as she knew to be most 
 implicated in the murder of her brother, she feasted them ; 
 and while they were at table, admitted the waters of the river 
 by means of a large concealed tunnel; thus much they related 
 concerning this woman, and no more, saving that she herself, 
 after performing the above action, threw herself into a room 
 filled with ashes, so that she might escape punishment. 
 They affirmed, that of the rest of these kings there was no 101 
 specimen of memorable works, so that they were in no re- 
 spect remarkable, 3 excepting one, and that the last of the 
 line, namely, Moeris ; this latter did perform some memora- 
 ble works, such as the propylaea of the temple of Vulcan that 
 looks northward; he dug out likewise the lake, of which I 
 shall hereafter 4 give the dimensions; he also built the pyra- 
 mids that stand in it, the size of which I shall mention when 
 
 1 The substance used for writing equivalent to einwehen, " to conse- 
 upon was the inner bark (the liber) of crate," Kaivifa. Schn. Gr. Germ. Lex. 
 the papyrus ; Theophrastus calls the As Scweighaeuser approves this in- 
 three-cornered stalk of this plant, terpretation of Schneider's, I have 
 which, as I have already observed, is not hesitated to admit it in my ver- 
 the cyperus papyrus Linn, irairvpovi; sion. 
 
 Tpiywvovs, and gives the name of 3 The construction is rather intri- 
 
 /3w/3\oc or /3i'/3Xoe to the inner bark, of cate ; it may be thus unravelled : TO$ 
 
 which paper, sails, clothes, &c. were Sk aXXovg fiaffiXiaf KOT oiiSev tlvai 
 
 manufactured. It is rather a curious XauTrpor/jroc tXtyov, ov yp avr&v 
 
 fact, that the Greek fiifiXiov, the La- oveefiiav anodtZiv epywv tlvai, irXijv 
 
 tin Liber, and the German Buch, toge- tvbg rov ka-^drov avrwv, Moiptof . The 
 
 ther with its cognate English Book, words jcar' ovSiv tlvai Xa/*7rp6r;rof, 
 
 appear all to have been derived from seem to be equivalent to kv ovStvi 
 
 words expressive of the inner coat of Xafjurpovg tlvai. Gaisford. 
 
 bark in some plant. Translat. * Chap. 149. 
 
 8 Kcuvota, in Herodotus, ii. 100, is
 
 144 EUTERPE. 102104. 
 
 I come to speak of the lake. Such are the actions which they 
 represent him to have performed ; none of the others did any 
 thing whatever. 
 
 102 Passing by, therefore, these princes, I proceed to mention 
 the sovereign that ascended the throne next to them, whose 
 name was Sesostris : the priests related, that he was the first 
 that went forth beyond the Arabian gulf on board of long 
 ships, in order to subjugate the nations dwelling on the shores 
 of the Erythrean sea ; until continuing his voyage onwards, 
 he came to a sea that was unnavigable by reason of its shal- 
 lows ; on his return back from thence into Egypt, he, accord- 
 ing to the account of the priests, levied a vast army, which he 
 led over the continent, subduing all the nations that he fell in 
 with ; when he met with any that were valorous, and zealous 
 of 1 their freedom, he erected pillars in their territory, pro- 
 claiming by an inscription the name of himself and of his 
 country, and that he had subjugated them to his power ; but 
 on the pillars erected in the territory of such whose towns he 
 had taken easily, and without fighting, he not only carved 
 the same inscription as he used for those nations that had be- 
 haved in a manly manner, but likewise added a representa- 
 tion of the private parts of a woman, in the intention of shew- 
 
 103 ing how effeminate they were. In this manner he ran over 
 the continent, till passing over from Asia into Europe, he 
 subdued the Scythians and Thracians: and, in my opinion, 
 this was the farthest point that the Egyptian army reached; 2 
 for the above-mentioned pillars are seen standing in that 
 country, but not higher up ; from thence turning to the right 
 about, he marched back towards Egypt ; but when he was 
 on the river Phasis, I cannot affirm for certain whether the 
 king, Sesostris himself, detaching some portion of his army, 
 left it there to people the country, or whether some of the 
 men, wearied with his rambles, chose to remain of themselves 
 
 104 on the Phasis. For the Colchians are evidently 3 Egyptians ; 
 and this I state as having been my own private opinion, before 
 I heard it from others. As it was with me a subject of some 
 interest, 4 1 made enquiries in both nations; and the Colchians 
 had a better remembrance of the Egyptians than the Egyp- 
 tians of the Colchians. The Egyptians said that they thought 
 
 , " extremely Trpocrwrara will afford an instance of 
 
 desirous, anxious." See Matthiae, the superlative put for the compara- 
 
 Gr. Gramm. p. 468, or sect. 328. tive. See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 
 
 2 Lit. " The Egyptian army ap- 669, or sect. 464. 
 
 pears to me to have reached to these, 3 Viger. Sect. xiii. Reg. i. 
 
 (i. e. the Thracians') the farthest point * Quum vero curae mihi haec res 
 
 of their progress in Europe." Some esset. Schweig. 
 read xal ov Trpoffwrara, in %vhich case
 
 EUTERPE. 105, 106. 145 
 
 the Colchians belonged to the army of Sesostris ; but I pre- 
 sumed myself it must be so for the following reasons : first, be- 
 cause they are black, and curly pated; this does not, however, 
 prove any thing, 1 inasmuch as there are other nations of the 
 same nature ; I drew the inference rather from the fact, that 
 the Colchians and Egyptians and Ethiopians are the only 
 people that, from time immemorial, circumcise their private 
 parts. For the Phoenicians and Syri of Palestine, accord- 
 jng to their own avowal, took the custom from the Egyp- 
 tians ; and the Syrii 2 that inhabit the country near the Ther- 
 modon and Parthenion rivers, and the Macrones, who ,are 
 neighbours of these latter, aver that they have but lately 
 learnt the practice from the 'Colchians. Now these are the 
 only nations that are circumcised ; and they evidently do it in 
 imitation of the Egyptians. With regard to the Egyptians and 
 Ethiopians themselves, I cannot say which nation took the prac- 
 tice from the other, for the custom is evidently of the highest 
 antiquity. 3 But I regard this as a positive proof that all the 
 others learnt it by their communication 4 with the Egyptians; 
 such of the Phoenicians as have intercourse with Greece, no 
 longer imitate the practice of the Egyptians, but refrain from 
 circumcising their new-born children. -! shall add another 5 10S 
 fact concerning the Colchians, to show their similarity with the 
 Egyptians : they and the Egyptians are the only people that 
 manufacture linen in the same manner; 6 add to this, that 
 their whole mode of living, and their language, are like each 
 other. The Colchian linen is called by the Greeks, Sardonic, 
 and that which comes from Egypt, Egyptian. With regard 106 
 to the pillars which Sesostris, king of Egypt, erected in the 
 various countries, 7 the greater part no longer exists ; but in 
 Palestine of Syria I saw them myself, together with the in- 
 
 1 Lit. " does not come to any This word must, therefore, refer to 
 ihing." the other nations that had communi- 
 
 2 The Svptot are properly the Cap- cated with the Egyptians. Lurcher. 
 padocians, in distinction of the Supoi, * ept vvv, age vero. See Viger. 
 or inhabitants of Syria, from the Me- sect. xiii. reg. vi. 
 
 .diterranean to the Euphrates. Schweig. 6 The Egyptians had then some pe- 
 
 3 apxalov signifies a custom coeval culiar manner of manufacturing linen, 
 with the origin f the nation, estab- Herodotus has mentioned, ch. 35, that 
 lished from time immemorial : " in- in weaving tneir cloth they shot the 
 etitutum ab ipsa prima gentis origine woof or weft downwards ; whereas 
 ausceptum." Larcker. other nations drive it upwards. This 
 
 4 iTTi/uo-yo/Mj/ot cannot relate to the is, perhaps, the custom he alludes to 
 Ethiopians ; for in that case Herodo- in this place. Larcfier. 
 
 tus would contradict what he has just ' See Matthiae, Or. Gramm. p. 61 1, 
 
 asserted, namely, that he did not 012; 085 ; or sect. 426,2; 426, oft*. 2 ; 
 
 know which of those two nations had 474, c. 
 taken circumcision from the other.
 
 U6 EUTERPE. 107, 108. 
 
 scription I have mentioned above, and the private parts of a 
 woman. There are in Ionia likewise two figures -of that hero 
 carved on stone, the one on the road by which one goes from 
 Ephesus to Phocaea, and the other on that leading from Sar- 
 dis to Smyrna. In both cases there is a man represented, 
 four cubits and a half high, 1 bearing in the right hand a jave- 
 lin, and in the left a bow, and in other respects armed after 
 the same fashion ;' for the dress is partly Egyptian and partly 
 Ethiopian : across the breast, from one shoulder to the other, 
 runs an inscription, carved in the sacred character of the 
 Egyptians, the purport of which is, " THIS LAND i GAINED BY 
 " THE STRENGTH OF MY ARM:"* who he is, and from whence 
 he comes, Sesostris does not state 3 in this case, although he 
 has done it elsewhere ; so that several who have seen these 
 images have fancied they were figures of Memnon, deviating 
 widely from truth in their conjecture. 
 
 107 The priests related, that this Sesostris, king of Egypt, when 
 he returned, bringing many men of the various nations whose 
 territories he had subdued, and had arrived at Daphne of 
 Pelusium, his own brother, to whom he had committed the 
 government of Egypt, having invited him to his home, as 
 well as his sons, collected wood round the outside of the 
 house, and when the pile was completed, set fire to it. The 
 king no sooner saw what had been done, than he consulted 
 with his wife, whom he had brought with him ; and she ad- 
 vised him, as he had six children, to stretch two across the 
 pile, so as to form a bridge over the flames, and then to save 
 themselves by, passing over their bodies. This Sesostris did ; 
 and by that means two of his children were burnt to death, 
 
 108 while the rest were saved with their father. After Sesostris 
 had returned into Egypt, and avenged himself of his brother, 
 he thus employed the multitude of prisoners he had brought 
 over, whose countries he had subdued. It was they who 
 dragged the huge stones that were brought to the temple of 
 Vulcan in the reign of Sesostris; they were likewise com- 
 pelled to dig all the canals that are now seen in Egypt ; and 
 the result of their involuntary labours was, that Egypt, which 
 theretofore was a convenient country for horses and chariots, 
 was deprived oY both : 4 for from that time, Egypt, although 
 
 1 The onrfapi} is half a cubit; we 3 c n \ol and StfyXuict cannot refer 
 
 have seen before i. 50, that rpirov to the stone or inscription; we must 
 
 ^" r ,f a" signifies two talents and necessarily understand 2lero,mp for 
 
 alt, and /Kou<w >//ur4Xavro*, six the nominative. Lurcher. 
 
 cr JUT ' a 5 ^ iS '- therefo . re " Lit. " And they unwillingly made 
 
 P.T&rV'fft 9 T? Slg - Egypt > which was before all conveni- 
 
 Sij^iiSr **** ent for horses and chariots, wanting 
 
 my own shoulders." of them."
 
 EUTERPE. 109, 110. 117 
 
 level in every direction, has remained impassable to horses 
 and chariots; this was caused by the canals, which are nu- 
 merous, and extend in every direction. It was for the fol- 
 lowing reason that the king thus intersected the country ; 
 those of the Egyptians who had not cities on the banks of the 
 stream, but up the country, suffering from drought, when the 
 river sank, were obliged to use for their drink brackish 1 water, 
 which they procured from wells ; for this reason, therefore, 
 Egypt was intersected. The priests related, that this king dis- 109 
 tributed the land among all the Egyptians, giving to each indi- 
 vidual an equal quadrangular portion determined by lot; and 
 from these allotments his own revenue proceeded, as he fixed 
 a certain tribute to be yearly paid. Whenever the river washed 
 away a part of any one's portion, he might present him- 
 self before the king, and state what had taken 'place; and 
 the sovereign sent persons to observe and measure how much 
 the land was diminished, in order that the proprietor might, 
 from that time, pay only a proportionate tribute. 2 Hence I 
 think that geometry took its origin, which has since passed 
 over into Greece ; for it was from the Babylonians that the 
 Greeks took the pole, the gnomon, 3 and the twelve divisions 
 of the day. This was the only king of Egypt that ruled over 110 
 Ethiopia. He left as memorials 4 some stone statues in front 
 of the temple of Vulcan; two of which, representing himself 
 and his wife, are thirty cubits high ; the others, representing 
 his children, four in number, are twenty cubits high. A long 
 time after, the priest of Vulcan refused to let Darius the Per- 
 sian place his own statue before them, alleging " that he had 
 " not performed actions equal to Sesostris the king of Egypt; 
 " for that Sesostris had subdued various nations not inferior 
 " to those Darius had vanquished, and more particularly the 
 " Scythians; whereas Darius had not been able to master the 
 " latter : it was not, therefore, just that one who had not sur- 
 " passed him in achievements should place a statue 5 before 
 " his offerings." 6 And they accordingly relate that Darius 
 forgave the reply. 
 
 1 Hesychius explains irXarv vSup adds, from the authority of Diod. Sic. 
 by TO aX/jLvpov ; voc. ir\arv. Larcher. " of the danger he had escaped." ^ 
 
 2 Construction : bicwe rov \onrov 5 Understand iaravai avrbv, avaQri- 
 TfXioi (/xepog) rife rf.Tajy.kv j/e O.-KQ$Q- pa or avdpiavra. Schweig. 
 
 pije Kara Xoyov. 6 The statues that were erected to 
 
 3 Two astronomical instruments, any person were invariably offered or 
 
 according to Schweighaeuser ; see his dedicated to the gods, to the end that 
 
 note. being under the protection of religion, 
 
 4 iivi]^Qanvov is a monument in- no one should dare to throw them. 
 
 tended to preserve the memory of down. Larcher. 
 
 something. Larcher. This translator
 
 US EUTERPE. Ill, 112. 
 
 Ill The priests related that at the death of Sesostris, his son 
 Phero succeeded to the kingdom ; but he performed no 
 military exploit, having the misfortune to be blind, which 
 happened to him in consequence of the following action. 
 The river having risen in those days to the very great height 
 of eighteen cubits, spread over the country, and a fresh wind 
 blowing, was agitated with waves; and they report that the 
 king,- seized with impious rage, hurled a javelin into the 
 eddies of the stream; immediately after which, being seized 
 with a disorder in the eyes, he became blind. He remained 
 accordingly deprived of sight for ten years, and in the eleventh 
 an oracle was brought to him from the city of Buto, declaring 
 " that the period of his punishment was come to a close, and 
 " that he would recover his sight, by washing his eyes in the 
 " urine of a woman who had connected herself only with her 
 " husband, and was innocent of other men :" he accordingly 
 first made trial of the urine of his own wife ; and afterwards, 
 as he did not recover his sight, he made trial indiscriminately 
 of that of other women : when his sight was restored, he col- 
 lected in one city, which is now called Erythrebolos, 1 all the 
 women, of whom he had made trial, excepting her by using 
 whose urine he was cured ; and having thus assembled them, 
 he burnt them all, together with the town itself, and took to 
 himself for wife her to whose water he was indebted for the 
 restoration of his eye-sight. On his recovery from this 
 calamity in his eyes, he presented various gifts to all the 
 celebrated temples, and, which is most deserving of mention, 
 dedicated in the temple of the sun a curious specimen of art, 
 two obelisks, each of which is cut out of one stone, and is. one 
 hundred cubits high, by eight broad. 
 
 According to the account of the priests, this prince was suc- 
 ceeded in the sovereignty by a native of Memphis, whose 
 name, in the language of the Greeks^ was Proteus : in his 
 honour there is now at Memphis a consecrated place, beautiful 
 and well kept, lying to the south of Vulcan's temple ; the 
 neighbourhood round the precinct is inhabited by Phoenician 
 Tyrians, and the whole of this quarter is known by the name 
 of the camp of the Tynans. Within the precinct consecrated 
 to Proteus there is a chapel, called that of Venus the Stranger, 
 which chapel I conjecture to have been dedicated to Helen 
 the daughter of Tyndarus ; for I have heard an account of 
 Helen having lived at the court of Proteus, but what con- 
 vinces me the most is that the chapel bears the name 2 of 
 ' ! e. Red Soil. ^ nomen gerit. Ipbv Stiv 
 
 tirwvvfitoc, i. e. l-nwvvfioQ, Qui aft ['A^po&Yjje, it should be,] ti 
 aljquo (site a persona, sire a re qua^ i. e. tpbv TO KaXiirai Siivrje 4 
 *un) nomen invenit ; Qui alicnjus Schweig. Lex, Herod.
 
 EUTERPE. 113115. 149 
 
 Venus the Stranger, 1 for of all the various temples of Venus 
 that exist, no where else is there one called of the Stranger. 113 
 On my making inquiries respecting what happened to Helen, 
 the priests stated that matters were thus. Paris, having 
 carried Helen off from Sparta, made sail for his own country; 
 but when he was in the Aegean, contrary winds drove him 
 into the sea of Egypt ; when (as the winds did not subside) 
 he came into Egypt by that mouth of the Nile, which is now 
 called the Canobic, and touched at Tarichea. There was 
 upon the shore a temple of Hercules, that is still existing, 
 and into which, if the slave of any man seeks refuge, and, 
 delivering himself up to the god, impresses himself with the 
 sacred marks, no one dares touch him : this law, which has 
 existed from a very remote period, continued the same down 
 to my time. Accordingly, some of the servants of Paris, 
 being informed of the law that held with respect to this 
 temple, deserted ; and sitting down as suppliants of the god, 
 accused Paris, in the design of injuring him, discovering the 
 whole matter regarding the injustice with which he had acted 
 towards Helen and Menelaus. This accusation they made in 
 the presence of the priests and of the governor of that mouth 
 of the Nile, whose name was Thonis. When Thorns heard 114 
 the account of those people, he despatched immediately an 
 express to Proteus, at Memphis, stating as follows : " There 
 " hath come a stranger, by birth a Trojan, who has com- 
 " mitted an atrocious action in Greece ; for, having seduced 
 " the wife of his host, he hath come hither, driven on thy 
 " states by the winds, bringing her, together with much 
 " wealth. Shall we, therefore, suffer him to sail away un- 
 " punished, or shall we take from him what he has brought 
 " hither ?" 2 In reply Proteus sent back a messenger saying, 
 " Whosoever this man is that has acted in so impious a manner 
 " towards his host, seize him, and bring him into my presence, 
 " that I may hear what he also has to say." When Thonis 115 
 heard this command he seized Paris, and retained his ships; and 
 then conveyed him to Memphis, together with Helen and his 
 riches; and took besides the suppliants. When they were 
 all arrived, Proteus asked Paris who he was and from whence 
 he came; Paris disclosed to him his family, and mentioned 
 
 1 The ancients had very little scru- Venus Arsinoe was somewhat similar, 
 
 pie or delicacy in building temples to Beloe. 
 
 their favourite beau ties, simply adding 2 Lit. " What he came having. 
 Venus to their names. Thus in Egypt Twpo, which I have rendered Tro- 
 there was a temple at Alexandria to jan, means an inhabitant of Teucris or 
 Venus Belestria, Belestria being the Troas. Trorepa Srjra n- Mat- 
 name of a slave of great beanty, the thiae, Gr. Gram. p. 941, 2, or sect, 
 favourite of an Egyptian Prince. 609.
 
 1 50 EUTERPE. 116. 
 
 the name of his country, and also from whence he had 
 set sail, and whither he was bound. Proteus then en- 
 quired of him whence he had taken Helen ; Paris hesitated 
 in his answer, and spoke not the truth, whereupon the 
 suppliants taxed him, disclosing the whole train of his 
 crimes. At last Proteus pronounced sentence on them in 
 the following words : " Were it not that I deem it of 
 " great importance to put no stranger to death who may 
 " come into my states weather-bound, 1 I would certainly 
 " aveno-e the Greek on thee ; thee, who, most wicked of 
 " men, after being hospitably received, hast committed the 
 " foulest deed : thou hast seduced the wife of thine host ; nor 
 " did that content thee; but, after instigating the woman, 
 " thou hast carried her off by stealth; 2 nor has even that con- 
 " tented thee, but thou didst not depart till thou hadst spoiled 
 " the house of thy host. Now, therefore, since I esteem it of 
 " great importance not to put to death any stranger, I will 
 " not permit thee to carry any farther this woman or these 
 " riches, but I will keep them for the Grecian host, till such 
 " time as he himself may choose to come and fetch them away : 
 *' with respect to thyself and thy fellow-travellers, I forewarn 
 " you to depart within three days 3 out of my territory, or 
 " otherwise that you will be treated as enemies." 
 116 The priests related, in the above manner, the arrival of 
 Helen at the court of Proteus ; and I am of opinion that 
 Homer likewise had heard the same account ; but, inas- 
 much as it was not so well adapted for an epic as the other 
 which he has followed, he, in consequence, 4 neglected it, 
 contenting himself with shewing that he was acquainted with 
 that account also. This appears evident; for, describing in 
 the Iliad (and in no other place does he retract himself) the 
 wanderings of Paris, he says, that he went, 5 in his voyage with 
 
 1 VTT' avifjuav fjr) a;roXa/i00vrfc, 3 See Matthiae, Or. Gramtn. p. 528, 
 " hindered from pursuing their course or sect. 378, 3. [ifropni&ffOai (from 
 by the winds." op/ioc.) signifies to change the port or 
 
 2 avairTtpu>aa avrrjv, o"xi X wt; station of a vessel : the literal trans- 
 tKK\tyaQ. The verb avaKTtpovv (from lation would perhaps be "toshift your 
 Trrepoi') signifies " to raise the feathers moorings, within three days, from my 
 or wings,'' thus the peacock, spreading states to some other," &c. 
 
 his tail, is said avcnrTtpwaai rb icdXXoc. * tg b, quare, as i. 115, Wess. See 
 
 Rletaph. avcnrtpovv nva means " to Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 688, or sect, 
 
 fill one with longing desire, hope." 477, d. if is here taken for ia. 
 
 Schneid. Lex. Gr. Germ. i%wv need Viger. chap. ix. sect. 11, 9. 
 
 not be joined to kicXe-4/ac, but rather to 5 Constr. Kara [for KctGa or icaO' a, 
 
 otxai,i. e.olxfaitxuvavrfiv: thus we which is nearly the same as we, ut, 
 
 havetpxo/zai!x^,lcomehaving,i.e.I quemadmodum, prout quatenus, as in i. 
 
 bring; aimjui tx>v, I go my way's 208, iLC, lii. 86,] ydp 'iiroirfat [he has 
 
 having; I depart taking with me, i.e. described in verse] iv '\\iah (nai 
 
 I carry away. Sch'.ceig. ,) ,~t\\tj vnTrocwt iuvrbr [has
 
 EUTERPE. 117. 151 
 
 Helen, to various places, and, among others, touched at 
 Sidon, of Phoenicia ; this circumstance he makes mention of in 
 DIOMKDE'S EXPLOITS,' and the following are his verses: 
 
 " Where lay the varied veils, work of Sidonian dames, 
 " which fair Paris himself brought from Sidon; on the wide 
 " sea, steering that course by which he returned with illus- 
 " trious Helen." 2 
 
 He also makes mention of it in the Odyssey, in the follow- 
 ing verses : * 
 
 " Such' were the goodly, skilful drugs Jove's daughter held, 
 " which Polydamna gave her, consort to Thonis, and Egyp- 
 " tian born ; where the generous soil produces rife drugs, 
 " many excellent, many baneful." 3 
 
 Menelaus again says as follows to Telemachus: 
 
 " In Egypt also the gods detained me, desirous though I 
 " was to return hither ; for I had not offered them perfect 
 " hecatombs."' 
 
 By these verses Homer proves he was aware of Paris's 
 voyage into Egypt ; for Syria is on the boundaries of Egypt, 
 and the Phoenicians, to whom Sidon belongs, dwell in Syria. 
 From these verses, and particularly from the passage [I have 117 
 quoted out of the Iliad,] it is manifest 5 that the Cyprian 
 verses 6 are not by Homer, but by some other; for in the 
 Cyprians it is stated that on the third day of his departure 
 for Sparta, Paris came to Troy, bringing Helen, as he had a 
 
 he retraced his steps, i.e. retracted, con- ever, be taken intransitively and ini- 
 
 tradicted himself]) ir\cn>t]v T>)v'A\i%- personally, "clarum est," " adparet," 
 
 avdpov, [t7roii]irt] wg aTrijviixOr), K. r. asinix. 68. Schweig. Schweighaeuser 
 
 X. I do not wish to palm this note on understands xwpiov as referring to the 
 
 the reader for a satisfactory expla- passage of the Iliad quoted in the 
 
 nation of the difficulty in the text of foregoing chapter, ov-% rJKiffra, d\\d 
 
 Herodotus. Schweighaeuser has a /iaAt<rra. See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. 
 
 long comment, which may be con- p. 669, or sect. 463. 
 suited by the accurate-minded student. 6 The subject of this poem was the 
 
 1 The title of Aio/^oue dpiffTtiu is Trojan war, after the birth of Helen, 
 prefixed to the 5th Book of the Iliad, Venus caused this princess to be born, 
 (as Aoijuog Kai y.r\vi$ to the 1st; that she might be able to promise 
 "Qviifjog KOI KardXojoQ to the 2nd, and Paris an accomplished beauty ; to this 
 so on ;) but the lines quoted in the Jupiter, by the advice of Momus, had 
 subsequent part of the text, are taken consented, in order to destroy the hu- 
 from the 6th Book (inscribed "Eicropoe man race again by the war of Troy, 
 icai Avopo/xax?; o/JiXta;) it is to be which was to take place on her ac- 
 presumed, therefore, that originally count. As the author of this poem 
 the Book inscribed Ato^Sove apiora'a refers all' the events of this war to 
 comprehended likewise the 6th. Venus, goddess of Cyprus, the work 
 Schweig. was called by her name. It is evi- 
 
 2 Iliad, vi. 289 92. dent, says M. Larcher in continuation, 
 
 3 Odyss. iv. 227, sqq. " that Herodotus would have told the 
 
 4 Id. ibid. 351. name of the author, had he known 
 
 5 Understand "O/^/poe or o 7roiijr/ it." Belue. N 
 to govern fl/\ol; this verb may, how-
 
 15 2 EUTERPE. 118, 119. 
 
 fair blowing wind and smooth sea; whereas in the Iliad 
 Homer says that Paris wandered about as he was returning 
 with her. So I take my leave of Homer and the Cyprian 
 verses. 1 
 
 118 To the questions which I put to the priests whether what 
 the Greeks relate as having happened with respect to Troy 
 was fabulous 2 or not, they related the following in reply, 
 which they stated to have learnt by inquiry of Menelaus 
 himself Namely, that after the rape of Helen, a vast arma- 
 ment of the Greeks proceeded to the Teucrian territory to 
 aveno-e Menelaus ; that, having disembarked and pitched 
 their camp, they sent a deputation to Troy, with which Mene- 
 laus himself also went; that when they were come within the 
 walls, they claimed back Helen, and the riches which Paris had 
 stolen and carried away, and demanded reparation of the 
 injury : but the Trojans made the same reply then as after- 
 wards, both on oath and otherwise, that they had not Helen, 
 nor the riches they were accused of stealing, but that they 
 were all in Egypt, and that it was not according to justice 
 that they should make reparation for what Proteus, the king 
 of Egypt, held. Whereupon the Greeks, fancying themselves 
 jeered by the Trojans, besieged the town in consequence, and 
 continued the war till such time 3 as they stormed the place. 
 But when they had taken possession of the citadel, as there was 
 no appearance of Helen, and they received the same account as 
 before, the Greeks, giving credit accordingly to what they had 
 heard at first, despatched Menelaus himself to the court of 
 
 1 19 Proteus. Menelaus having arrived in Egypt, and sailed up 
 to Memphis, after he had stated the truth of the matter, re- 
 ceived the rights of hospitality, 4 and regained Helen, who 
 had suffered no injury, as well as all his riches. Although he 
 had met such treatment, Menelaus acted with great injustice 
 towards the Egyptians ; for as contrary winds detained him, 
 though he was anxious to return home, and had continued so 
 for a long time, he devised a most impious thing; for laying 
 hold of two children of the natives, he made victims of them. 
 Afterwards, when it was discovered that he had acted in this 
 manner, being abhorred and pursued, he fled for shelter 
 a-board his ships, into Libya; but whither he directed his 
 course from thence, the Egyptians could not say. Of these 
 things they declared they knew a part by inquiry, and the 
 
 1 From Littlebury. \iyovaiv. 'HpoSorog t 
 
 2 fidraiog signifies " futilis, mendax, Larcher. 
 
 falsus" , Larcher. * i,,W i } vrr\<;t /ityaXwi/. See Mat- 
 
 3 1 o s&lXov, Ion. for Sfwe or, Greg, thiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 509, or sect. 363. 
 de Dialect. 223, avrl rov tug oi>, iig 8
 
 EUTERPE. 120, 121. 153 
 
 rest, having taken place in their own country, they stated as 
 knowing it to be correct. '^-Such is the account given by the 120 
 priests of the Egyptians ; and I myself assent to what they 
 say respecting Helen, particularly when I revolve in my mind 
 the following circumstances: that, had Helen been in Troy, 
 she would have been given back to .the Greeks, whether with 
 or without the consent of Paris ; for surely Priam, at any 
 rate, was not so mad, nor his other relations, as to choose to 
 endanger their own persons, their children, and their city, in 
 order that Paris might keep possession of Helen. But even 
 if at first they had made this resolution ; since, whenever they 
 came to blows with the Greeks, so many of the Trojans in 
 general fell, and there never was a battle that took, place 8 
 without two or three or more (if we are to give any credit to 
 what is represented by the epic poets) of the sons of Priam 
 himself being slain : all these things concurring in such a 
 manner, I should think that even had Priam taken to 
 himself Helen, he would have given her back to the 
 Greeks, under condition, at least, of being delivered from 
 such calamities. Neither was the kingdom to descend to Paris, 
 so that the management of affairs might have devolved upon 
 him, as Priam was advanced in years; but Hector, who was 
 both older and more of a man than he, would have 
 inherited it at the death of Priam ; and it was not natural 
 that he should abet his brother when guilty of an injustice, 
 and when on that account so many dire calamities were heaped 
 upon himself individually, and upon all the rest of the Tro- 
 jans. But the fact was they had no Helen to restore, and 
 though they spoke the truth, the Greeks would not believe 
 them ; in my opinion, through the design of providence, in 
 order, the whole nation being completely swept away, might 
 prove to mankind this, that for great crimes great is the ven- 
 geance at the hands of the gods. And these things I have 
 explained as they appear to me. 
 
 They stated that Rhampsinitus succeeded Proteus in the king- 121 
 dom ; he left as monuments the propylaea of Vulcan's temple, 
 looking towards the west ; and in front of the propylaea fixed 
 two statues, five and twenty cubits high : of these, the one that 
 stands on the north side, the Egyptians call summer, and that 
 on the south, winter; the one which they call summer, they pros- 
 trate 3 themselves before, and present with gifts; to the other, 
 
 1 (if ETratoToe eyevfTO TOVTO tpyaff- * OVK ton on ov, non est (vel non 
 
 jusvoe. See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. fuit) quum non, etc.; id est, numquam 
 
 p. 430, or sect. 296. The reader is re- non, semper quoties factum praelium 
 
 quested to apply this note to the 19th est. Schweig. Lex. Herod. 
 
 line of c. 119; as it was omitted, by a 3 Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 570, or 
 
 mistake of the printer, in the foregoing sect. 407; and p. 935, or sect. COG, 
 
 pi.-e. II. 3. 
 VOL. I. X
 
 15 4 EUTERPE. 121,' 121.' 
 
 which they call winter, they behave in a quite opposite manner. 
 
 131 i They related that this 'king possessed such a vast treasure 
 
 ' of silver, that not one of the kings that have since existed 1 
 could even come near to him in wealth, much less surpass 
 him. Wishing to put his riches in safety, he caused to be 
 built a stone chamber, one of the walls of which was on the 
 outside of the palace. The builder, with an evil design, 
 imagined the following artifice: he made one of the stones so 
 as to be easily taken out of the wall, by two or even one man. 
 When the chamber was completed, the king deposited his 
 riches in it ; and, after the lapse of some time, the builder, 
 being at the point of death, called to him his sons, who were 
 two in number, 2 and disclosed what artifice he had used in 
 building the king's treasury, looking forward to the prospect 
 of their acquiring a good fortune: 3 having clearly explained 
 to them how to take out the stone, he gave them its measures/ 
 saying, that if they exactly observed what he had said, they 
 would become stewards of the king's wealth. The builder 
 died, and, not long after, his sons set to work ; they went in 
 the night time to the palace, and finding the stone in the 
 edifice, easily managed it, and brought away abundance of 
 
 12 1, 2 riches. But, when the king happened to open the chamber, he 
 was struck at seeing the pieces sunk in the vases 5 which con- 
 tained them ; he could, however, accuse no one, the seals 6 
 being unbroken, and the chamber shut. Having opened it 
 twice or thrice after this, and still observing that the pieces 
 continued to diminish, (for the thieves did not cease com- 
 mitting their depredations,) he acted as follows : he ordered 
 some traps to be made, and placed by the side of the vases 
 where the money was contained. The thieves coming as 
 before, and one of them having made his entrance, as soon as 
 he drew near the vase was instantly entangled in the snare ; 
 when he discovered the calamity into which he had fallen, he 
 directly called to his brother, made known to him what had 
 happened, and bade him enter as speedily as possible, and cut 
 
 1 iirirparj)tvr<i>v,fromsTriTpt<pw, equi- treasury of the king." irpoopai' governs 
 
 valent to iTriyivopevwv, " none of the the genitive of the person, and the ac- 
 
 kings since born and educated; none cusative of the thing, which is here 
 
 of the succeeding kings." Schtceig. represented by the proposition, OKWQ 
 
 Lex. Herod. fl' lov a<j>9ovov t^uitri. See Matthiae, 
 
 8 tlvaiyap avrtf Svo, " for he had Gr. Gramm. p. 526, or sect. 377. 
 
 two;" this infinitive, like a great many * That is to say, not only its di- 
 
 more, in this tale of the nursery parti- mensions, but its distances from the 
 
 cularly, is governed by tXtyov. bottom and sides of the edifice. 
 
 3 Lit. "that being anxious (Trpoopiwv, Schtceig, 
 
 looking forward) for them, that they Lit. "the vases wanting in money." 
 
 might have abundant means of subsist- * I. e. the seals on the doors. The 
 
 ence, he had used an artifice (n x va- reader will please to recollect that 
 
 4v, arhficns uti) in constructing the locks were not yet invented. Trtinslnt.
 
 EUTERPE. 121,' 121.' 155 
 
 off his head, lest, if seen, and it were known who he was, lie 
 should be the cause of his brother's ruin also. The latter, 
 thinking he spoke to the purpose, did as he desired ; after 
 which, fitting in again the stone, he departed homewards, 
 carrying with him his brother's head. As soon as it was 121, 3 
 day, the king entered the treasury, and was amazed at be- 
 holding the body of the/thief in the trap, and without a head, 
 while the building remained uninjured, having neither ingress 
 nor egress. Being greatly perplexed, lie acted as follows : 
 he caused the corpse of the thief to be hung over the wall, 
 and placing sentinels over it, gave them orders to seize whom- 
 soever they should see weeping or commiserating, and bring 
 him into his presence. The mother was grievously affected 
 at the exposition of the lifeless body; and addressing herself 
 to her surviving son, enjoined him, by every means in his 
 power, to endeavour to deliver the body of his brother, and 
 bring it to her ; and she threatened, if he neglected her 
 orders, to go to the king and denounce him as having the 
 stolen riches. As the mother continued to treat with severity 121, 4 
 the surviving son, and he could not persuade her, spite of 
 whatever he said, he thereupon contrived the following plan. 
 He made ready some asses, on which he placed skins full of 
 wine, and then drove them before him ; when he came near 
 the sentinels, stationed over the suspended body, he pulled 
 towards him the hanging feet 1 of two or three of the skins, and 
 untied them himself; when the wine began to flow, he beat 
 his forehead, making loud exclamations, as though he knew 
 not which of the asses to go to first ; the guards, seeing abund- 
 ance of wine running about, hastened into the road with cups, 
 and caught what was spilling, considering it as so much gain 
 
 1 Skins with the hair on the inside back of a horse, so that the hinder 
 are still used for the conveyance of legs hang down below the girths; and, 
 wine, in Greece. They are called, in when we have met a drove of these 
 the modern language, aslce, and are wine-carriers, we have frequently re- 
 procured in the following manner : plenished our travelling bottle, which 
 after a sheep or goat has been slaugh- was expeditiously done by untying one 
 tered, an incision is made all round of the hanging feet (Trofowvaf d?ra/i- 
 the neck, by which the animal is /wvoi;e)andinsertingitintheneckofthe 
 entirely flead and pulled, as it were, bottle. Presuming that the wine-skins 
 out of his sheath, with a rapidity and of modern Greece are not unlike those 
 skill, which, I think, would baffle the of ancient days, I have rendered 
 attempts of our best butchers. The iroSiuvag aTra/zyusvovf, " the hanging 
 hide is then turned inside out, and feet," although Beloe, whose version 
 laid in water: when used, the wine the reader is at liberty to adopt, trans- 
 is poured in at the opening of the lates, " he secretly removed the pegs 
 neck, and drawn off by an incision in from the mouths of two or three of 
 one of the hinder legs. In travelling, the skins." Translut. 
 the wine-skin is thrown across the
 
 156 EUTERPE. 121. 
 
 for themselves ;' the driver, assuming the appearance of anger, 
 railed against them all,' but as the sentinels endeavoured to con- 
 sole him, he pretended to be pacified after a time, and to dismiss 
 his anger; at last he drove his asses out of the road, and set 
 all rio-ht : having entered into farther conversation with the 
 soldiers, one of whom joked with him, and excited him to 
 laughter, he gave them one of the skins; and they, immedi- 
 ately stretching themselves on the ground, thought of nothing 
 but drinking, and, taking the driver by the hand, bade him 
 tarry with them, and bear company in the potation : he suf- 
 fered himself, forsooth, 3 to be persuaded, and remained; as they 
 behaved with civility to him while drinking, he gave them 
 another of the skins; the guards having drunk freely, were so 
 intoxicated and overpowered with drowsiness, that they laid 
 themselves to sleep in the very place where they had been 
 drinking. The young man, seeing the night was far ad- 
 vanced, now unfastened the body of his brother, and, in 
 derision, shaved the right cheeks of all the sentinels : he then 
 placed the body on one of the asses, and drove back to his 
 5 home, having thus obeyed his mother's commands. The 
 king was much chagrined when it was related to him that the 
 body of the thief had been stolen and carried off; and being 
 fully determined to find out who it could be that had done the 
 deed, he is said to have acted as follows, although I do not 
 credit the account. He ordered his own daughter to place 
 herself in a brothel, enjoining her to admit all men without 
 distinction, but before they enjoyed her person, to compel 
 each to tell her the most subtle and atrocious actions that had 
 been committed by him during his life, and should any one 
 disclose what had taken place with regard to the thief, to lay 
 her hands on him, and not suffer him to go away. The 
 young woman, acting according to the commands of her 
 father, and the thief having discovered for what purpose this 
 was done, and being desirous of excelling the king in cunning, 
 did as follows. Having cut off the arm 4 of a body newly de- 
 ceased, at the shoulder, he went forth, carrying it with him 
 under his cloak, and coming into the king's daughter, 5 and 
 the same questions being put to him as to the others, he 
 replied, that the most atrocious deed he had ever committed 
 
 1 iv niptiii iroitvu'tvovQ, " lucro ap- jeering or ironical manner, as in Te- 
 ponentes," as Horace has expressed rence, " populus id curat scilicet." 
 himself, Lib. i. Od. 9. Lurcher. Lurcher. 
 
 2 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm.p.535, 4 Larcher proves beyond question 
 or sect. 383, 6, obs. 2. that x<p is frequently taken to signify 
 
 3 The particle crj is not an expletive; the arm', together with the hand. 
 
 it answers to the " nimirum,"or " sci- See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 888,. 
 licet," of the Latin, and is used in a or sect. 578.
 
 EUTERPE. 121,' las. 15T, 
 
 was when he cut off' his brother's head, who had been caiurht 
 in a gin in the king's treasury, and the most cunning, when, 
 making the guards drunk, he unfastened the suspended body 
 of his brother. When the young woman heard this, she 
 seized him; but in the dark the thief gave her the arm of the 
 dead body, which she seized and held fast, thinking she had 
 hold ot the man's own arm, but the thief; leavino- it with her 
 ran away by the door. When this new event was reported 121, e 
 to the king, he was completely amazed at the versatility and 
 boldness of the man; and at last he sent in all the cities 
 round to proclaim that he would grant a pardon, and add to 
 it a valuable reward, if the thief would come into his presence; 
 the robber, trusting the promise, went to him ; and Rhamp- 
 simtus was much astonished, and gave him the above-men- 
 tioned daughter in marriage, as to one who surpassed all men 
 in knowledge ; for, as they say, the Egyptians surpass all the 
 rest of mankind, while he surpassed all the Egyptians. 
 
 Afterwards, as they related, this same king descended alive 122- 
 into the place which the Greeks think to be Hades, and 
 there played at dice with Ceres, sometimes beating the <r (l- 
 dess, and at others being beaten by her ; he returned* 5 up 
 again, bringing with him a golden napkin, as a gift from the 
 deity. And accordingly, from this descent of Rhampsinitus, 
 as the priests affirmed, the Egyptians, at his return, instituted 
 a festival, which I know they continued to celebrate down to my 
 time, but I cannot, however, say whether they derive it from the 
 above or any- other cause. The priests, having that same day 
 woven and made a mantle, bind, therefore, with a fillet the eyes 
 of one of their company; and, taking him, wrapped in the above 
 mantle, to the road that leads to the temple of Ceres, they all 
 retire; when, as they state, the priest whose eyes are thus 
 bound, is conducted by two wolves to the temple of Ceres, 
 which is twenty stades distant from the city ; and the wolves 
 likewise bring him back again from the temple to the same 
 place. With regard to these things related by the Egyptians, 123 
 such persons may adopt them as true to whom they appeal- 
 credible ;, the task which I have imposed on myself in the 
 whole of this History, is to write what I hear reported con- 
 cerning all things. 1 The Egyptians assert that Ceres and 
 Bacchus rule in the world below.. The Egyptians are also 
 the first that laid down the principle of the immortality of the 
 human soul ; and that, when the body is dissolved, the soul 
 enters into some other animal which is born at the same time; 
 and that, after going the round of all the animals that inhabit 
 the land, the waters, and the air, it again enters the body of a 
 
 1 This passage should be read once and again, before we impugn the v- 
 racity of Herodotus. Translat.
 
 i58 EUTERPE. 124. 
 
 man which is then born. This circuit, they say, is performed 
 by the soul 1 in three thousand years. There are several 
 amono- the Greeks who have adopted the above opinion, as 
 though it were an invention of their own, some in former and 
 others in later times, whose names I do not mention, although 
 I am not unacquainted with them. 
 
 124 Until king Rhampsinitus, accordingly, as they stated, good 
 government, in every sense, 2 existed over Egypt, and the 
 country flourished mightily ; but after him, Cheops, who 
 reigned over them, plunged the country into deep calamities. 3 
 For that prince, in the first place, shut up all the temples, and 
 
 , made them refrain from sacrifice ; and, in the second place, 
 compelled all the Egyptians to toil in his own service ; some 
 of whom were accordingly appointed to draw down to the Nile 
 blocks of stone out of the quarries that are in the Arabian 
 mountains ; 4 and when the stones had been conveyed across 
 the river in boats, others, stationed by his orders, received 
 them, and dragged them to the mountains called the Libyan 
 range. 5 The work was carried, on by a hundred thousand 
 men at a time, a fresh party succeeding every three months. 
 With respect to the time during which the people were thus 
 harassed, 6 I was informed ten years were spent on the road 
 they constructed for the conveyance of the stones, a work, 
 which, in my opinion, is not much inferior to the pyramid 
 itself, (for it is in length five stadia, in breadth ten orgyiae, 
 and in height, at the part where it is most lofty, eight orgyiae, 
 and all built of smooth stone, with carved figures of animals) ; 
 on this causeway, accordingly, ten years were spent, and on 
 the underground chambers in the hill where the pyramids 
 stand, which rooms Cheops intended for his own place of 
 burial, insulating them by drawing a canal from the Nile. 7 
 In the erection of the pyramid itself, the time passed was 
 twenty years. It is of a quadrangular shape, each face mea- 
 suring eight plethra in length, and the height in proportion : 8 
 
 1 avry, i. e. ry ^vxy- * See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 675, 
 
 2 iraaav ivvofiiriv: the latter word or sect. 467, 2 b. 
 
 means, " that state of the common- 5 See the preceding note. 
 
 wealth in which good laws and insti- 6 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 545, 
 
 tutions prevail :" the adjective iraaav or sect. 390 c. 
 
 has been consigned to a respectful si- 7 Lit. " which he made for sepul- 
 
 lence by the different translators. chres to himself in an island, drawing 
 
 3 Otherwise: "but after him, Cheops, a moat from the Nile." 
 
 who ruled over them, proceeded to 8 By a very accurate measurement, 
 
 the height of wickedness." In this this pyramid is found to be 448 ft. 
 
 latter mode of understanding the text, 2 in. high ; and 728 ft. broad at the 
 
 iXdaai is taken intransitively, as if base (see Schweig. not.) ; therefore, 
 
 equivalent to iXQtlv. But if, as above, if vtyoQ iffov be taken to mean " equal 
 
 tXairai is taken transitively, either in height," we must either suppose the 
 
 ffQtac or tr]v Alywrov must be under- text altered, or regard Herodotus as 
 
 stood as the object. See Schweig. Note, a most egregious blunderer. Translat.
 
 EUTERPE. 125. 
 
 159 
 
 It is built of polished stones, fitted together with the utmost 
 nicety, none of which is less than thirty feet. This pyramid 125 
 was constructed on the following plan. 1 They began by 
 building it in the shape of steps, called by some, crossae, by 
 others, bomides : 2 having first made it in this form, they drew 
 up the stones for the res^of the work 3 by means of machines, 
 consisting of short pieces of wood, 4 when they had lifted them 
 from the ground to the first tier of steps ; as soon as a stone 
 had reached so far, it was laid on another machine, placed on 
 
 1 The annexed diagram is intended to represent the plan on which the 
 pyramid was constructed : 
 
 It was first built in the shape of steps ; 
 these steps, a b c, d ef, k I, were, by 
 some, called Kpocrffai, by others /3u>/u- 
 fce; the stones for finishing the struc- 
 ture, that is to say, to fill up the vacuities 
 a c,c e,e k, Sfc. were first raised hy ma- 
 chinery, to a b, from a b to c d, and so 
 on. They finished, in the first place, 
 the top, k g I, and then proceeded to 
 efk, and thus continued descending 
 till they reached the bottom, so that 
 the section of the pyramid, when com- 
 plete, was an isosceles triangle, r g s. 
 Although it is not my intention to com- 
 pare, in the present work, the accounts 
 of Herodotus with those of modern 
 travellers, I think it proper to inform 
 my reader that the whole of the outer 
 coating no longer exists, (although 
 there are evident marks of its having 
 once been such as Herodotus describes ;) 
 and that the largest of the pyramids 
 
 consists of about two hundred tiers, or 
 steps, varying in height from two to 
 four feet. Translat. 
 
 * TCLQ jwra&rspoi KpoaaaQ, 01 Sh j3o>- 
 fiiSas ovofia^ovffi. The bomides are 
 small altars, or rather bases ; with 
 respect to Kpoaaai, which occur in 
 Homer, the reader will do well to 
 consult Wesseling's note, and Lex. 
 Dammii. 
 
 3 rove gTriXotTrowe \iQovs must relate 
 to the stones used in finishing the 
 building, that is to say, in filling up 
 the tiers. Schweig. 
 
 4 Placed together probably so as to 
 form an inclined plane ; a machine 
 which even in the present day is the 
 only one used for raising enormous 
 blocks, which would break the cranes 
 and other instruments used for less 
 ponderous objects. Translat.
 
 EUTERPE. 126. 
 
 the first range; from thence it was hauled up to the second, 1 
 [and from the second to the third,] by means of another ma- 
 chine, [and so on] ; for as many as the tiers of steps were, so 
 many were the machines, or perhaps they had but one ma- 
 chine in all, and 'that portable, which they transferred from 
 one tier to another, when they had drawn up a stone ; for it 
 is proper I should state both modes 2 as they are related. The 
 top-was accordingly finished off 3 the first; after which they com- 
 pleted the part immediately below, and, last of all, the lowest 
 division next to the ground. There is marked on the face of the 
 pyramid, in Egyptian characters, how much was expended in 
 syrmaia, 4 onions, and garlic, for the workmen ; and I perfectly 
 remember, 5 that the interpreter who explained to me the inscrip- 
 tion, stated the sum expended to be sixteen hundred silver 
 talents. If that is true, how much more may we conclude to have 
 been spent in iron, wherewithal to perform the work, in food 
 and raiment for the labourers ? Particularly as they spent all 
 the time above-mentioned in erecting the works themselves, and 
 must, I suppose, have spent no inconsiderable time, over and 
 above, during which they would have been employed in hew- 
 ing out the stones, conveying them, and excavating under- 
 126 ground . 6 They informed me, that Cheops arrived to such a 
 pitch of wickedness, as, when he was in want of means, to 
 prostitute his own daughter in a brothel, enjoining her to 
 exact some certain sum, the amount of which I am not aware 
 of, for that they did not tell me, although they did inform me 
 that the girl collected the sum that had been imposed by her 
 father, and moreover, having a mind to leave a monument of 
 herself as well, required every man who came into her to pre- 
 sent her with a stone fit for her intended work ; and out of 
 
 1 It is probable that after uroi-^ov enormous size. Translat. 
 
 some such words as IK rov fevripov 5 Respecting we with the infinitive, 
 
 tin TOV rpirov ffToixov, have been consult Sch'weig. Lex. Herod, voc. we, 
 
 omitted. Schtceig. iv. ;' and Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 
 
 Lit. for let it be told by us in 823, or sect. 543, in which last, the 
 
 both manners as it is related." translation given by Blomfield of -we 
 
 tKTroiiiv signifies to " finish, to n\v ifik tv n^v^aQai is " as far as I 
 
 implete, to ornament, to put the last recollect rightly ;" Schweighaeuser's 
 
 oke to a work." Herodotus is version is " recte memini." "Lit. " and 
 
 speaking of the coating of the pyramid, as I perfectly remember what the in- 
 
 Archer, from Wess. terpreter, when he read the inscription, 
 
 (( * This word is rendered by Pliny, said to me," &c. 
 
 raphanus, 1 ' i. e. radish; by which is Probably for the foundation of the 
 
 to be understood, not the delicate pyramid, since, according to Schweig- 
 
 idishes we have in our gardens, for haeuser's text, the time passed in ex- 
 
 which we are indebted to the Chinese, cavating the vaults on the hill is coro- 
 
 but a large black sort of turnip, called prehended in the ten years employed 
 
 in English the black Spanish radish, on the causeway. Translat. 
 winch grows in hot countries to an
 
 EUTERPE. 127129. 1| 
 
 these stones, as they represent, was built the pyramid standing 
 in the middle of the three, 1 just opposite the large one, and 
 which is in each dimension one plethron and a halt The 127 
 Egyptians related that this Cheops reigned fifty years ; and 
 that at his death, his brother Chephren succeeded to the 
 throne ; this prince conducted himself in the same manner as 
 his predecessor, in other respects, and made a pyramid, which, 
 however, is not equal in dimensions to that of Cheops, for J 
 myself measured them ; neither are there any underground 
 chambers beneath it, nor is there any canal flowing to it from 
 the Nile, as in the other; where, by means of a cut made of 
 masonry, the river flows in and encircles an island, on which 
 they say Cheops himself is deposited. He built this pyramid 
 dose to the large one, making the first course of variegated 
 stone from Ethiopia,* and equal to the other in size all but 
 forty feet. 3 Both pyramids stand on the same hill, which is 
 about a hundred feet high. This Chephren, they said, 
 reigned six and fifty years. Thus one hundred and six years 128 
 are reckoned, during which all manner of calamities visited the 
 Egyptians, and for the whole of that time the temples were 
 closed, and never opened ; from their abhorrence of these 
 sovereigns, the Egyptians are very loth to mention their 
 names, but even call the pyramids after the shepherd Philitis, 
 who, in those days, grazed his flocks about the place. 
 
 After Chephren, according to their account, Mycerinus 129 
 the son of Cheops ruled over Egypt ; the actions of his father 
 were disapproved by him ; he opened the temples, and per- 
 mitted the people, who had been ground down to the lowest 
 stage of misery, to attend to their own affairs and sacrifices ; 
 he was of all their kings the one that distributed justice with 
 the greatest impartiality, and in this respect accordingly they 
 extol him above all the princes that ever reigned over the 
 Egyptians ; for not only was he wont to judge with equity, 
 but even if any one complained of the sentence he pro- 
 nounced, 4 he pacified his anger by making him compensation 
 out of his own property. 5 The first calamity that befel this 
 
 1 According to Herodotus, the first 3 Constr. f Xt^pTjv] olKoSofj^at \rtiv 
 pyramid was that of Cheops ; the se- irvpauiSa] ExofJitvtjv T% /x yaXje [wu- 
 cond, that of Chephren ; and the third, pap'ooe,] iiTrofotjuae rbv Trpwrov dopov 
 that of Mycerinus. The fourth pyra- \iQov AiOiomicov iroiici\ov, [/card] rkv- 
 mid, or that erected by the daughter TO piyaQoe viropae noatpaKavra irofof 
 of Cheops, was in the middle of the rye trepjjc [i. e. rye /uyaA;c.] 
 
 three first, and opposite that of her 4 IK rfc Suens signifies " on account 
 
 father. Larcher. of (en consequence de) his sentence. 
 
 2 This stone must have been -very Larcher, from Wesseling. 
 
 hard, since kniyes were made ef it, as 5 vapd iwvrov diSovai, " to gpve 
 
 we have seen above, inithe description from his own substance.' See Mat- 
 
 of, the act of embalming. Translat. thiae,Gr.Gramm.p.905,orsect.588,4- 
 J. *
 
 162 EUTERPE.. 130133. 
 
 Mycerinus, who was so kind to his subjects, and conducted 
 himself in this manner, was the death of his daughter, the only 
 offspring that he had in his family : being deeply afflicted at the 
 misfortune that had befallen him, and desirous of interring his 
 daughter in some more sumptuous manner than others, he 
 caused a hollow heifer of wood to be made; and after he had 
 plated it with gold, entombed, accordingly, his deceased child 
 
 130 within. This same heifer, however, was not put underground, 
 but even till my time was to be seen: it was at the city of Sais, 
 placed within the palace, in an apartment elegantly furnished ; 
 they burn perfumes of all kinds before it during the whole of 
 the day; and there is always a lamp kindled before it through- 
 out the night. Near this cow, in an adjoining room, stand the 
 images of Mycerinus's concubines, as the priests at Sais re- 
 lated ; there are certainly colossal statues of wood, represent- 
 ing naked women, the number of which may be about twenty, 
 but as to whom they are meant to represent, I can only say 
 
 131 what is related. But there are persons who give the follow- 
 ing history respecting this heifer and the colossal statues: that 
 Mycerinus was enamoured of his own daughter, and by vio- 
 lence obtained enjoyment of her person ; but afterwards, as 
 they represent, the young woman strangled herself through 
 grief, when her father entombed her in this heifer, and the 
 mother cut off the hands of the attendants who had betrayed 
 her daughter to her father ; and that to the present day their 
 statues are mutilated in the same manner as their persons 
 were when alive. But, in my opinion, what they say is fabu- 
 lous in every respect, but more particularly as to what con- 
 cerns the hands of the colossusses; for this I saw myself, that 
 the hands had fallen off through age, and were to be seen in 
 
 132 my time even lying at the feet of the statues. The heifer is 
 concealed beneath a purple cloth, all but the neck and head, 
 in which parts she is gilded with a very thick plate of gold ; ' 
 and between her horns rises the circle of the sun figured in 
 gold. The heifer is not represented standing upright, but 
 crouching on the knees ; she is in size about equal to a large 
 live heifer. This image is once in every year brought forth 
 out of the apartment; it is at the time when the Egyptians 
 strike themselves, and wail that god, whose name 1 am not at 
 liberty to mention in this matter, that they produce to the 
 light this heifer, in consequence, as they relate, of the young 
 woman herself having besought her father Mycerinus, when on 
 her death-bed, to be allowed to behold the sun once every 
 
 133 year. After the death of his daughter, the following was the 
 next calamity that happened to this king. An oracle was 
 brought to him from the city of Buto, declaring " that he had 
 
 > * * o 
 
 t. pi. see Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 641, or sect. 441, 2, a.
 
 EUTERPE. 134. 163 
 
 " only six years to live, and must die in the seventh." The 
 prince, being grievously afflicted, sent to the oracle with a re- 
 proachful message to the god, cotnplaining in return " that 
 " his father and uncle, who not only had shut up the temples, 
 " and slighted the gods, but also had wasted mankind, should 
 " have lived for so long a time, while he who was devout, was 
 " to die so soon." There then came to him from the oracle 
 a second response, saying, " that for that very reason his life 
 ?* was abridged ; for he had not performed what he was ap- 
 " pointed by fate to do; since it was decreed that Egypt 
 " should be oppressed for the space of one hundred and fifty 
 " years ; and that the two who had reigned previously to him 
 " knew this, whereas he did not." They relate, that when 
 Mycerinus heard this, seeing himself already condemned, 1 he 
 caused a great number of lamps to be prepared, and as soon 
 as night fell, was wont to light them up, and drink and feast, 
 never ceasing, whether by night or by day, and roving about 
 the marshes and groves, and wherever he could hear there were 
 places best suited for pleasure 2 in the land. He adopted this 
 contrivance, from a desire of convicting the oracle of false- 
 hood, and in order that, by turning night into day, 3 he might 
 live twelve years instead of six. 
 
 This king also left behind him a pyramid, but much smaller 134 
 than his father's ; it is of a quadrangular form, of Ethiopia 
 stone half way up, and on each side wants twenty feet of 
 being three plethra. This is the pyramid which several of 
 the Greeks affirm to be that of Rhodopis the harlot, but with- 
 out reason : for these persons, I am certain, speak without 
 even knowing who Rhodopis was ; or otherwise they would 
 not have attributed to her the building of a pyramid, on 
 which, in few words, numberless thousands of talents have 
 been expended ; they cannot either have been aware that Rho- 
 dopis flourished under the reign of Amasis, and not in the 
 time of this king; for she lived very many years later than 
 the princes who left these pyramids. She was by birth a 
 Thracian, and was slave to ladmon the son of Hephaestopo- 
 lis, a native of Samos, and fellow-servant with Esop the fabu- 
 list ; for he likewise belonged 4 to ladmon, as is shewn by the 
 
 1 we KaraKfKpinevoiv oi TOVTW, the Actae of the Sicilians, and the 
 
 " this sentence being pronounced on Mammae of the Egyptians and Sy- 
 
 him :" " this being decreed against rians. Larcher, 
 
 him." <ie, with the gen. abs. of the 3 at J>{>KTI<; ij/wpot vouvfiivai, tft 
 
 part, see Schweig. Lex. Herod, voc. nights being made days; Norn. Abs. 
 
 we, vii. in fin. see Matthiae, Or. Gramm. p. 860, or 
 
 , . 
 
 ivnBnrnma, are " agreeable spots sect. 562, 1. 
 proper to inspire pleasure," such as Understand *ou\o after tyivtro
 
 164 EUTERPE. I3p. 
 
 following circumstance, which is not the slightest of the 
 proofs that can be adduced : the Delphians had repeatedly, 
 according to the decree of the oracle, proclaimed, " whether 
 " any one would avenge the death of Esop," no one appeared 
 to demand atonement, excepting a grandson of ladmon, like- 
 wise named ladmon ; so that Esop must also have been a 
 135 slave of ladmon. 1 Rhodopis came into Egypt, being brought 
 thither by Xanthus of Samos ; having come for the purpose 
 of prostitution, she was ransomed for a large sum by Cha- 
 raxus of Mitylene, the son of Scamandronymus, and brother 
 to the lyric poetess, Sappho. Rhodopis was accordingly set 
 at liberty; she stayed in Egypt, and being particularly lovely 
 in person, collected great riches, for a woman of her class, 2 
 but not, however, enough to erect such a pyramid ; indeed, 
 as any body that chooses may, even in the present day, see 
 the tenth part of her property, one cannot by any means at* 
 tribute to her very vast riches. For Rhodopis was desirous 
 of leaving a monument of herself in Greece, and getting some- 
 thing made that had never been invented or dedicated by any 
 one in a temple, to deposit it at Delphi, as a memorial of 
 herself. Having consequently caused to be fashioned out of 
 the tenth part of her property a great number of iron spits, 
 such as are used to roast oxen on, 3 as many as the tenth of 
 her riches would allow, she sent them to Delphi ; and they 
 are still, to the present day, kept in a heap, behind the altar 
 
 1 The Greeks, whether on good au- be barren, and sent them all manner 
 
 thority or otherwise it is not my in- of dire diseases. Wishing to stay the 
 
 tention to consider at present, attri- scourge, they proclaimed at the diffe- 
 
 buted to Esop the composition of that rent festivals of Greece, that if any 
 
 book of fables, which, with justice, one could be found to demand satis- 
 
 may be termed the manual of active faction for the death of Esop, they 
 
 life. Larcher has translated from Plu- would grant k him. In the third ge- 
 
 tarch the following account of his neration a native of Samos presented 
 
 death ; as I have not a Plutarch at himself, named Idmon, [the same with 
 
 hand, I shall English his version : the ladmoH of Herodotus ;] he was 
 
 " Croesus sent Esop to Delphi with a no relation to Esop, but one of the 
 
 great quantity of gold, in order to offer descendants of those who had pur- 
 
 a magnificent sacrifice to the god, and chased him at Samos. They of Delphi 
 
 to distribute to each citizen four mi- made some satisfaction to him, and so 
 
 nae. Having, it would seem, some were delivered from the calamities 
 
 dispute With the Delphians, be per- with which they had been afflicted." 
 
 formed the saerifice,bnt sent the money 2 us av tlvai 'PoSwiriv, " ut quae 
 
 back again to Sardis, deeming the in- Rhodopis esset j" " ut Rhodopis, for a 
 
 habitants unworthy of the prince's Rhodopis." Sehweig. Lex. Herod, voc. 
 
 rnanificeBce>, The Delphians, urged we, iv. fin. See also Matthiae, Gr. 
 
 by anger, unanimously accused him Gramm. p. 823, or sect. 543 : Matthiae 
 
 iacrikge, and put him to death, by takes the old reading of 'PO&UTTIOC. 
 
 g J?,! m from the rock H y am ' ' This disgraceful memorial was no 
 
 paeus. The god of Delphi, offended longer to be seen in the days of PIu- 
 
 t sacb a deed, made their lands to larch. Translut.
 
 EUTERPE. 136, 137. 165 
 
 which the Chians dedicated, and opposite to the temple itself. 
 The harlots of Naucratis are generally 1 beautiful; for not 
 only did the woman I am now speaking of become so famous, 
 that all the Greeks were acquainted with the name of Rhodo- 
 pis, but, subsequently to her, one whose name was Archidica 
 was celebrated throughout Greece, although less generally 
 spoken of than Rhodopis. Charaxus having, after he had 
 purchased the freedom of Rhodopis, returned back to Mity- 
 lene, Sappho frequently turned him 2 into ridicule in her 
 verses. I forbear any farther account of Rhodopis. 
 
 The priests related, that after Mycerinus, Asychis became 135 
 king of Egypt; he erected the propylaea of Vulcan's temple, 
 looking towards the rising sun, and which are by far the most 
 magnificent and large ; for although all the propylaea have 
 figures carved upon them, and an infinite number of such 
 other ornaments as are seen upon buildings, these have by far 
 the greatest quantity. In his reign, according to their ac- 
 count, money circulating very slowly, a law was enacted for the 
 Egyptians, that by giving his father's body as a pledge, a 
 man might borrow money; and to this law was added ano- 
 ther, that the person who lent the money should be put in 
 possession of the whole sepulchral repository of the borrower; 
 that if, after giving this pledge, any one refused to refund, the 
 following punishment should be inflicted on him, that in the 
 ease of his own death, he should have no right to be interred 
 either in the tomb of his forefathers or in any other, neither 
 should he be at liberty to entomb any of his relations that 
 departed this life. They related, that this king, being desi- 
 rous of exceeding those that had preceded him as sovereigns 
 over Egypt, left as a monument a pyramid, which he con- 
 structed of bricks, upon which there is an inscription engraved 
 on a stone slab, the purport of which is : " Despise me not, 
 " when compared with the stone pyramids, since I exceed 
 " them as much as Jove does all other gods; for plunging 3 a 
 " pole into the lake, and collecting the slime that stuck there- 
 " to, they moulded bricks, and in that manner erected me." 
 Such are the actions this prince is said to have performed. 
 
 I was informed, that after Asychis, there ruled a blind man 137 
 from the city of Anysis, whose name also was Anysis. In his 
 reign, the Ethiopians and their king Sabacos invaded Egypt 
 
 1 ^tXav in the sense of" consuesse r something flat under another, in order 
 solere." to raise it." Lurcher. Lit. " For 
 
 2 fiiv may relate to Rhodopis, or to placing a pole under the miul in the 
 Charaxus. Larcher. lake, all the mud that stuck to it, 
 
 3 VTTOTVJTTUV signifies " to put that," &c.
 
 166 EUTERPE. 138, 139. 
 
 with a great force ; the blind prince accordingly took refuge 
 in the marshes; and the Ethiopian ruled over Egypt fifty 
 years, during which he performed the following actions. 
 Whenever any of the Egyptians committed a crime, he would 
 not have him put to death ; but in proportion to the enormity 
 of the offence pronounced sentence, commanding each crimi- 
 nal to throw up a mound in the town to which he belonged : 
 and in this manner the cities were raised still higher than be- 
 fore ; for in former times they had been elevated by those 
 who then dug the canals under king Sesostris; but afterwards, 
 under the Ethiopian prince, they were raised to a very lofty 
 site. And although all the cities in Egypt are placed on a 
 high level, the greatest quantity of earth was, in my opinion, 
 raised at the city of Bubastis, in which there is also a temple 
 of Bubastis highly deserving of mention ; for though there 
 ai*e other temples more spacious and sumptuous, there is none 
 .more delightful to behold than this. Bubastis is the same as 
 
 138 Artemis [i.e. Diana] in the Greek tongue. The temple of this 
 goddess is built in the following manner. If you except the en- 
 trance, in other respects it is an island ; for there are two moats, 
 drawn from the Nile, which do not mingle their waters, but 
 lead each up to the entrance of the temple, one flowing round 
 one side, and the other round the other ; ' both these canals 
 are one hundred feet broad, and shaded with trees. The 
 propylaea, which are ten orgyiae in height, are ornamented 
 with figures six cubits high, deserving of commemoration. As 
 the temple stands in the centre of the town, it is seen on every 
 side as you go round : for the level of the city having been 
 raised, while the temple was not removed from its site, as it 
 was first built, it is conspicuous on every quarter. There is a 
 wall running round it adorned with figures; and within, a grove 
 of very lofty trees, planted around the large temple, in which 
 accordingly is deposited the statue. The breadth and length of 
 the sacred precinct is, in all parts, one stade. At the entrance 
 there is a road paved with stone, which extends about three 
 stades, and runs athwart the market in an easterly direction : 
 the breadth of this road is four plethra, and on either side of 
 it very lofty trees are planted ; it leads to the temple of Mer- 
 
 139 cury. The priests related, that the departure 2 of the Ethio- 
 
 1 The sacred precinct was, there- Xeryij. So in Homer r rsXoe Qdvaroto 
 
 fore, a peninsula, bounded at the hot- for Gdvaroe, and riXog ya^iow for yd- 
 
 tom by the Nile, and on either hand /*o. Otherwise a comma must be put 
 
 by a canal or moat one hundred feet after riXoe e, and instead of TTJ? 
 
 broad. Translat. airaXXayifc, read r^v a-n-a\Xay)}i>, 
 
 I understand rtXof Si rijg diraX- " At last, the departure," &c. 
 
 as a periphrase for i diraX~ Lurcher:
 
 EUTERPE. 140, ui. 137 
 
 pian prince happened on this occasion : that having beheld in 
 his sleep the following vision, he took to flight. He fancied 
 there was a man standing over him, and counselling him to 
 collect together all the priests in Egypt, and cleave them down 
 the middle : when he had beheld this vision, he declared that 
 he thought the gods had pointed out this opportunity to him, 
 in order that, by being guilty of sacrilege, he might draw 
 upon himself some calamity at the hands either of the gods or 
 men ; he declared he would not, however, act in that manner, 
 but that the time that he was to rule over Egypt, after which 
 he should withdraw, was gone by ; for when he was in Ethi- 
 opia, the oracles which the Ethiopians use declared to him 
 that he was to rule over Egypt fifty years ; now, as that time 
 was elapsed, and the vision of the dream terrified him, Saba- 
 cos departed out of Egypt of his own free wilL I was in- 140 
 formed, that when the king of Ethiopia was gone out of 
 Egypt, the blind prince again ruled, having returned from 
 the marshes, where he had abided fifty years, having formed 
 an island of mud and ashes : for when the Egyptians came to 
 him, bringing food, according to the orders given to all of 
 them, unknown 1 to the Ethiopian, he bade them bring some 
 ashes, over and above their other gifts. This island no one 
 could discover before the time of Amyrtaeus, but for more 
 than seven hundred years, the kings, previous to Amyrtaeus, 
 were unable to find it out. The name of this island is Elbo ; 
 it extends on every side ten stades. 
 
 They related to me that this Anysis was succeeded in the 141 
 kingdom by a priest of Vulcan, whose name was Sethos. He 
 neglected and held in no account the military among the 
 Egyptians, as though he did not stand in need of them : he 
 accordingly disgraced them in various ways, but 2 more parti- 
 cularly took away from them their lands, twelve chosen 
 arourae having been given to each of them under the former 
 sovereigns. Some time after, Senacherib, king of the A rabians 
 and Assyrians, led a mighty army against Egypt ; when, ac- 
 cordingly, the military class of the Egyptians refused to come 
 to his assistance: the priest, being driven to this strait, entered 
 
 1 Th. Magist. explains this very a field ploughed for corn, and is some- 
 well at the word 2iyy. TiOtrai fi times used for the corn itself. It was 
 IvTavOa (' Hpofloroc) TO ffiyy dvri row also an Egyptian measure. " Egypt, 
 Avvoia. Lurcher. says Strabo, " was divided into prae- 
 
 * Const. (iXtvov avrbv, i. e. S!0wv) fectures, which again were divided 
 
 aire\i<r9ai T&C apovpae a^aq (i. e. rove into toparchiae, and these into other 
 
 uaviaovs,} Tolffi (tXtyor) apovpae St- portions, the smallest of which were 
 
 l&Su iirlT&v ffporlpwv jSaXW oV termed apovpat." Suidas says it was 
 
 itf a iKAorif. Tranlat. Arura is a a measure of fifty feet : from this word 
 
 Greek word, which signifies, literally, is derived arvum, are, &c. Uelot.
 
 1 68 EUTERPE. 142. 
 
 the temple, and before the image of the god complained of 
 the evils he was exposed to. While he was pouring forth his 
 sorrows, sleep came upon him ; and in a vision he fancied 
 he saw the deity standing over him, and bidding him be of 
 good heart, as he should suffer no disgrace by opposing the 
 Arabian host, for he would send him help. Sethos, accord- 
 ingly, confiding in the dream, took with him such of the 
 Egyptians as chose to follow him, and encamped near Pelusium, 
 for it is there that lies the entrance. None of the military 
 followed him, his army consisting only of merchants, mecha- 
 nics, and rabble. When they were come there, a multitude 
 of field mice poured forth in the night against their adversa- 
 ries, and devoured their quivers, their bows, and besides that, 
 the thongs of their shields, so that on the following morning, 
 being reft of arms, and taking to their heels, many of them 
 fell. And to this day there stands in the temple of Vulcan a 
 figure in stone of this king, holding in his hand a mouse, with 
 an inscription to the following effect: 1 " You that behold me, 
 " be pious." 
 
 142 Up to this part of my history I have followed the relation 
 given by the Egyptians and the priests, who shew, that, from 
 the first king down to this priest of Vulcan, the last of them 
 who reigned, there were three hundred and forty and one 
 generations of man, and during these the same number both 
 of high priests and of kings. Now, three hundred generations 
 of men are equivalent to ten thousand years ; for three gene- 
 rations make up one century $ and the forty and one genera- 
 tions still remaining, over and above the three hundred, are 
 equal to one thousand and three hundred and forty years. 
 Thus, according to their account, during eleven thousand 
 and three hundred and forty years, no god took the form of 
 man ; nor, in truth, whether previously or subsequently, under 
 the other kings of Egypt, have they any record of this occur- 
 ring. They declaimed, likewise, that during this space of time, 
 the sun had four times risen out of his usual quarter ; and 
 had twice risen where he now sets, and twice set where he 
 now rises : 2 and nothing had been altered in Egypt in conse- 
 
 1 Xtywv Sta ypa^arwv, means that dotos that the above is rendered, 
 
 there was on the statue an inscription " and these words issuing from his 
 
 importing, &c. The verb Xeyni/ is mouth :" it would be highly imperti- 
 
 frequently used^ with ypa/^ara, thus, nent to enter into any long disquisition 
 
 TO. ypafipaTa t\tyt rdSt, ypap/iarrt to prove that words cannot issue from 
 
 \syovra race : and many other in- the mouth of a marble statue, parti- 
 
 stances might be produced. I should cularly as Herodotus says no such 
 
 not have thought it necessary to make thing. Translat. 
 this explanation, had I not seen in one * The meaning of Herodotus, as 
 
 - of the published translations of Hero- Larcher shews, is unquestionably that
 
 
 ETJTERPE. 143145. 169 
 
 quence of that event, whether in respect of their land or river, 
 or with regard to diseases and deaths. Formerly, when 143 
 Hecataeus the historian was at Thebes, and reckoning up his 
 genealogy, 1 attributed the origin of his family to some god, 
 whom he regarded as his sixteenth progenitor, the priests of 
 Jupiter behaved to him as they did to me myself, albeit- 1 did 
 not mention my genealogy. They introduced me into a 
 spacious building, where they shewed and reckoned up as 
 many wooden statues as they had said : 2 for each high priest, 
 during his life, places 3 his own statue there. The priests, ac- 
 cordingly, reckoning them up, and shewing them to me, 
 proved that they succeeded each other from father to son, 
 beginning at the image of the last deceased, and running 
 through the whole series, until they had shewn them all. 
 When Hecataeus reckoned up his genealogy, and attributed 
 his origin to a god in the sixteenth line, they opposed to him 
 the genealogy of the high priests, after they/ had reckoned 
 them up, 4 not admitting his supposition that a man was be- 
 gotten of a god : they opposed to him, that each of these sta- 
 tues was a " Piromis," begotten of a " Piromis," reckoning 
 them up till they had shewn him three hundred and forty and 
 five statues of a " Piromis," begotten of a " Piromis," with- 
 out referring their origin either to god or hero. " Piromis" 
 signifies, in our language, a good and virtuous man. 
 Such men, accordingly, they declared all those to have been 144 
 that the statues represent, and very far from being gods. 
 They related, nevertheless, that previously to these, the gods 
 ruled over Egypt, abiding among men ; that there was ever 
 one of them that had the sovereign power; and that the, last 
 that ruled over Egypt was Orus the son of Osiris, whom the 
 Greeks call Apollo ; that it was after he had dethroned Ty- 
 phon that he ruled over Egypt. Osiris is the same as Dio- 
 nysus [i. e. Bacchus] in the language of the Greeks. . 
 
 Now, among the Greeks, Hercules, Bacchus, and Pan, are 145 
 regarded as the newest of the gods ; whereas, with the Egyp- 
 tians, Pan is deemed most; ancient, and one of the eight gods 
 
 the sun rose four times out of his 3 'iararai, the mid. Toice,; " panict 
 
 usual quarter ; two of which he par- tibi, non alteri." Schweig. 
 ticularly specifies as being the most 4 iwi ry dpi9pi<ru. Postquam omnes 
 
 remarkable, namely, when he rose di- enumeraverant. Schweig. Dont ils 
 
 rectly opposite to the usual point of lui fireht renumeration. Larcher. 
 
 the heavens, or, in the language of the would be the height of presumption 
 
 historian, " rose twice where he now not to bow to such authorities ; other- 
 
 sets,andsettwicewherehenowrjses." wise I should have taken tirl in the 
 
 1 vtvtri\oyiiiv, equivalent to Kara- sense of, with regard to; they opposed 
 Xeyai/ rou e CLVM aid varipae, vi. 53. his genealogy in regard to number, 
 
 2 I. e. three hundred and forty-five, i. e. they reckoned up three hundn 
 the number both of kings and hie- and forty-five for Hecataeus aixteen. 
 rarchs. Translat. 
 
 VOL. l 2
 
 170 EUTERPE. 146. 
 
 cnlled the " first;" Hercules, one of the twelve called the " se- 
 cond;" and Bacchus, one of the " third," that were added to the 
 twelve gods. 1 I have previously mentioned how many years 
 the Egyptians represent as intervening from Hercules to king 
 Amasis; 2 from Pan, it is said, the intervening years are still 
 more ; but from Bacchus the least ; and even from this latter 
 to king Amasis they reckon ten thousand five hundred years. 
 This statement, the Egyptians affirm, they know to be exact, 
 as from time immemorial they have computed and registered 
 the years. Now, from the Bacchus said to have been born of 
 Semele the daughter of Cadmus, down to my time, is at most 
 about sixteen hundred years ; and from Hercules the son of 
 Alcmena, nine hundred, more or less ; and from Pan, the 
 son of Penelope, (for Pan is represented by the Greeks as 
 born of her and Mercury,) the years are less than from the 
 1 46 Trojan war, at most about eight hundred to my time. Of 
 these two opinions, above mentioned, every one is at liberty to 
 adopt that which he thinks most probable; my own idea with 
 respect to these matters has already been given. 3 For if these 
 gods likewise had been known in Greece, and grown old there, 
 as did Hercules the son of Alcinena, and Bacchus the son 
 of Semele, and Pan the son of Penelope, one might say, that 
 these latter, who were only men, bore the names of gods that 
 had been born in older times ; but now, with regard to Bac- 
 chus, the Greeks affirm, that as soon as he was born, Jupiter 
 sewed him up in his thigh, and conveyed him to Nysa, a 
 city of Ethiopia, above Egypt ; but with respect to Pan, they 
 cannot tell where he was conveyed to after his birth : it is, 
 therefore, evident to me, that the Greeks were informed of 
 their names subsequently to those of the other gods ; and that 
 from the time they first heard of them they reckon their birth. 4 
 
 1 In c. 43, Schweighaeuser observes Seventeen thousand years: see 
 that lirti Tt k TU>V oicrw Qiwv ol vw- the latter part of c. 43. Matthiae, 
 StKa Qioi iyivovTo cannot signify, as Gr. Gramm. p. 545, or sect. 390, c. 
 Larcher has, " those twelve gods that 3 In c. 43. Schweig. 
 were born of the eight gods ;" and re- * The question considered by He- 
 marks, at the same time, that lablonski rodotus in this chapter is, " Whether 
 properly observes, that the Egyptians did the Greeks receive their gods 
 added in succeeding times four deities from the Egyptians, or not?" This 
 to the eight which they originally some affirmed, and others denied ; 
 worshipped : Schweighaeuser has, hence the a/t^ortpa, " the two opi- 
 therefore, translated, in the above case, nions," he alludes to. Herodotus is 
 " postquam ex primis octo diis exsti- of opinion, that " the Greeks took 
 terunt il-li duodecim." It strikes me their gods from the Egyptians :" which 
 as indubitable that the same reason- he endeavours to prove by the follow- 
 ing applies to the passage, AtowtroQ ing line of argument. No one can 
 ci,T&v Tpiruv, 01 IK TUIV SvuStKu Qt&v deny but that the gods Hercules, Bac- 
 fytvovro ; I have in consequence ven- chus, and Pan, are much more ancient 
 tured to deviate from Schweighaeuser, than the men bearing their names, 
 whose version gives " qui a duodecim who were born in Greece, and are 
 diis generati sunt." Translat. worshipped by the Grecians among
 
 EUTERPE. 147, 148. 171 
 
 The above things are, therefore, narrated from the authority 
 of the Egyptians alone. 1 
 
 But I shall now proceed to describe the events which took 147 
 place in this country, in the relation of which all other na- 
 tions concur with the Egyptians; to which will be added 
 some things from my own observation. The Egyptians having 
 recovered their liberty, at the death of the priest of Vulcan 
 that reigned over them, (as they could not live any time 
 but under a kingly government,) established twelve kings, 
 dividing the whole of Egypt into twelve parts. These princes 
 contracted intermarriages, and pursued their reign, adopting 
 the following laws, not to destroy one another, nor to endea- 
 vour to possess one more than the other, but to preserve an 
 inviolate friendship. It was for the following reason that 
 they imposed upon themselves those laws, which they observed 
 with great strictness; when they were first seated in their re- 
 spective governments, it was foretold them by an oracle, 
 " that he among them who should make in the temple of 
 " Vulcan a libation from a brazen vase, should rule over all 
 " Egypt;" for, it appears, they were wont to assemble in all 
 the temples. These princes accordingly resolved upon leav- 148 
 ing a monument in common; and according to their resolu- 
 tion, they caused to be made a labyrinth, at a short distance 
 above the lake Moeris, and lying pretty nearly opposite the 
 town called the City of Crocodiles; I myself have seen this 
 labyrinth, which is beyond the power of words to describe ;.* 
 
 the gods. Now, if in ancient times ruled over Egypt before the eceptro 
 
 there had been known to the Grecians fell into the hands of men ; as fike- 
 
 any Hercules, Bacchus, or Pan, real wise the account he has given of the 
 
 gods, who had reigned among them, ancient kings of human race. Schweig. 
 then indeed such as affirm those gods 2 Xoyov ^uw. Schweighaeuser 
 
 to be of Grecian, and not Egyptian translates " fama majorem, greater 
 
 origin, might allege that the other than report represents it:" but in his 
 
 Hercules, Bacchus, and Pan, had sue- Lex. Herod, the learned scholar states 
 
 ceeded them in name and in honours ; his opinion, that it would have been 
 
 but, on the contrary, the Grecians better to have translated, " oratione 
 
 know of no Hercules more ancient major, i. e. major etmagis admirand us 
 
 than the son of Alcmena ; and with quam declarari verbis et oratione pos- 
 
 respect to Bacchus and Pan, not only sit;" or, as Larcher has it, " aii des- 
 
 are the original ones unknown to sus de toute expression." Schweig. 
 
 them, but they are not sufficiently ac- Lex. Herod, toe. Xoyoe, I. 1. Mat- 
 
 quainted with the later ones. Hence thiae, Gr. Gramm. sect. 451. The 
 
 it is fair to infer that the names and words rbv syw -ij^r) ISov refer to the 
 
 worship of Hercules, Bacchus, and beginning of c. 147, TCIVT frfrj fpaffta- 
 
 Pan, were not known among the Gre- irpoffiffrai Si rt avTolai KM T?IS tufa 
 
 cians till about the titne when the men fyioe : hence the use of the particle 
 
 who bore those names took birth. ySi}. This remark is taken from 
 
 Schweig. " the notes of Schweighaeuser, who, in 
 
 1 Tavra fi'tv vvv avToi Aiyvirriot his Lex. Herod, gives another signifi- 
 
 \eyovffi " these things accordingly the cation to ij$n, that of ctiam, connecting 
 
 Egyptians themselves say :" that is to it with p&#, as if Herodotus had 
 
 say, all that he has mentioned respect- said, oi> fiovov d'oXoyov, AXXd *m 
 
 ing the three orders of gods who Xoyov |w. Lex. Herod, voc. jfij, t.
 
 172 EUTERPE. 115. 
 
 for were one to sum up all the buildings of the Greeks, ami' 
 all the works they have performed, 1 they would manifestly be 
 inferior in labour and costliness to this labyrinth ; although 
 the temple of Ephesus and that of Samos are, no doubt,' de- 
 serving of admiration. The pyramids are, indeed, beyond 
 description, and each of them separately may be regarded as 
 vying with many of the great works of the Greeks put toge- 
 ther; but the labyrinth exceeds even the pyramids: for it 
 consists of twelve courts, surrounded with buildings, the gates 
 of which are on opposite sides, six contiguous ones being to 
 the north, and six to the south ,' one and the same wall en- 
 circles them on the outside. The apartments on the inside 
 are of two kinds, some subterraneous, and others above 
 ground over them : they are three thousand in number, fifteen 
 hundred of each kind. The chambers accordingly that are 
 above ground I saw and visited myself, so that I speak of 
 them as an eye-witness ; what I state concerning the under- 
 ground apartments I know only by inquiry, for the Egyptians 
 appointed over the place would not shew them, as they said 
 that the sepulchres of the kings who raised the whole of the 
 edifice, and those of the sacred crocodiles, were deposited 
 therein : consequently I only mention what I learnt by hear- 
 say of the buildings beneath ; but I saw myself the upper 
 part, which is the mightiest of human works, for the great 
 variety of straight passages athwart the buildings, and wind- 
 ings across the courts, filled me with infinite amazement as I 
 passed from the courts to the chambers, and from the cham- 
 bers to the vestibules, and from the vestibules to other build- 
 ings, and from the chambers to other courts. 2 The ceiling of 
 all these chambers is in fretted work, and of stone, as well as 
 the walls; the walls are likewise full of carved figures. Each 
 eourt has a peristyle running round it, and is built of stone, 
 joined with the utmost nicety: close to the terminating angle 3 
 
 1 dfl-ofogie tpywv, " confectio ope- oiW;fiara and $d%ooi were parts of 
 
 rum, et per metonym. opera confecta." the arlyg. 
 Schwvig. Lex. Herod. 3. The eXty/ioi were winding pas- 
 
 8 The following explanation of the sages leading out of the court or av\i) 
 
 different parts of the labyrinth is to the 
 
 taken partly from Larcher and partly 4. vaaraSec, or vestibules of the 
 
 from Wyttenbach : orlyai, from which one passed into 
 
 1. avXai Karatrrtyot are not covered the 
 
 courts, but courts enclosed with walls. 5 . ote^/zara, or apartments ; through 
 
 Those coarts were surrounded with a which ran the 
 
 peristyle or colonnade of white mar- 6. Su^oSoi, or straight passages, 
 
 ble, awX/; & ixaffTT), TrtpjoTvXog, Xi6>ov leading again to the avXal, or courts. 
 
 \IVKOV apuofffikvov TO. p,a\wra. Lastly, opo^j) k TTCLVTHJV \i9ivri 
 
 2. There were twelve ranges of must be referred to oi'ioj/iarajv, irnme- 
 bBildings, the same number as of diately preceding. Translat. 
 courts. ^ These buildings Herodotus * It is not very improbable but that 
 calls ai OTfyai. The vacr/the and yiavirj may signify, in Herodotus, any 
 M*y/>t were parts of the av\r>: the extremity. See Lex. Herod, voc. yarn'*;.
 
 EUTERPE. 149, 150. 173 
 
 of the labyrinth stands a pyramid forty orgyiae in height, on 
 which large animals are carved ; the road into this pyramid 
 is made under ground. 
 
 Although this labyrinth is such as I have described, a more 149- 
 astonishing object still is the lake called that of Moeris, near 
 which this labyrinth is constructed. The extent of its circum- 
 ference is three thousand six hundred stacles, making sixty 
 schoeni ; which are equal to the length of Egypt itself on the 
 sea side. This lake stretches in length from north to south, 1 
 being, in its deepest part, of the depth of fifty orgyiae. That 
 it was made by hand, and excavated, is sell! evident ; for as 
 near as can be in the middle of the lake stand two pyramids, 
 each of which rises fifty orgyiae above .the surface of the 
 water, the rest of the building that lies beneath measuring the 
 same; on both is placed a stone colossus seated on a throne: 
 thus the pyramids are one hundred orgyiae in height, which 
 hundred orgyiae are just 2 equivalent to one stadium of six 
 plethra ; for the orgyia measures six feet, or four cubits, the 
 foot being four palms, and the cubit six. The waters of the 
 lake do not spring from the soil, which is particularly dry in 
 this quarter; but are brought from the Nile by a canal : the 
 stream flows inwards to the lake during six months, and out- 
 wards again during six. At the time the waters are flowing 
 outwards, the lake produces to the royal treasury 3 one talent 
 of silver each day during the six months, from the fish ; and 
 when they flow inwards, twenty mines. The natives stated 15O 
 also, that this lake discharges its waters by an under-ground 
 passage into the Libyan Syrtis, 4 on the western side where 
 it lies towards the continent near the mountain above Mem- 
 phis. Not seeing any where the earth heaped up out of this 
 excavation, for that was an object of curiosity to me, I made 
 enquiries of the people inhabiting nearest to the lake where 
 the soil that had been dug out was laid ; they informed me 
 whither it had been carried, and I was easily brought to be- 
 lieve them ; for I knew by report that something of the kind 
 had been done in Nineveh, a city of the Assyrians; for some 
 thieves in that place had determined to carry off the riches of 
 Sardanapalus king of Nineveh, which were great, and kept 
 
 Be /ta/c/w/ / X/juvij Trpoe 3 flaffiXrj'iov signifies, properly, the 
 
 |8op>}j/ re ical vorov, " Lacus a parte king's palace, in which the treasury 
 
 boreali et australi oblongus est." was probably placed. To /3affi\iicov is 
 
 Schiveig. " Ce lac dont la longueur the proper word for the royal treasury, 
 
 va du nord au midi." Lurcher. ra/ulov being understood. Lurcher. 
 
 2 SiicaioG answers perfectly to our * if TTJV Zvpnv rqv iv Aiflvy. See 
 
 word jus*. A MS. grammarian of the Matt.Gr. Grarnm. p. 920, or sect. 596, 
 
 Bibl. St. Germ, des Pres observes, a. The observation of that excellent 
 
 Siicaiov jusrpoj/ TO laov. 'Hpodoroc B. grammarian applies only to the old 
 
 Lurcher. reading, namely, If At/3t>ijv. Translat.
 
 174 EUTERPE. 151, 15-2. 
 
 in treasuries under ground ; the thieves beginning in conse- 
 quence from their own house, dug a mine under ground in 
 the direction of the palace, taking the proper measures, and 
 as soon as it was night, conveyed the soil produced from the 
 excavation into the river Tigris, which flows by the town. 
 And thus they continued until they had completed their pur- 
 pose. I heard that the excavation of this lake in Egypt was 
 managed in the same manner ; except that it was not done by 
 night, but by day ; for the Egyptians employed on the exca- 
 vation conveyed the soil to the Nile, which dispersed it when 
 thrown in. Thus accordingly is this lake said to have been dug. 
 
 151 After a time, these twelve kings who governed with equity, 
 happening to be busied in sacrifice at the temple of Vulcan, 
 and on the last day of the festival having to make a libation, 
 the high priest brought thm golden beakers, such as they 
 were wont to use in their libations, but mistaking the number^ 
 brought eleven, although the princes were twelve. Thereupon 
 Psammitichus, who was standing behind the rest, not having 
 a beaker, took off his helmet, which was of brass, held it 
 forth, and made the libation. It should be observed, that all 
 the rest of the kings were used to wear helmets, and at that 
 time happened to have them on : Psammitichus, therefore, 
 without any crafty design, held forth his helmet ; but the rest, 
 taking into consideration what had been done by Psammiti- 
 chus, and the oracle which had been pronounced to them, 
 that he among them, who should make a libation out of a 
 brass cup, should be sole king of Egypt, and finding, upon 
 examination, that he had not done this with any premeditated 
 design, thought it would be unjust to put him to death, but 
 they resolved to strip him of the greatest part of his power, 
 and banish him to the fens, forbidding him to come out of 
 them, or to have any communication with the rest of Egypt. 
 
 152 This Psammitichus had once before taken to flight to avoid 
 the Ethiopian Sabacos, who had put to death his father, 
 Necos. Having at that time fled to Syria, the Egyptians be- 
 longing to the riome of Sais had brought him back, when the 
 Ethiopian was departed in consequence of his vision ; and 
 afterwards, when seated on his throne, he was by the eleven 
 kings compelled to fly a second time to the morasses on ac- 
 count of this business of the helmet. 1 Feeling convinced, 
 therefore, that he was maltreated by them, he resolved to be 
 avenged of his persecutors : and having sent to the shrine of 
 
 Construction: TO Stvrtpov fyivyiiv stances, are frequent in Herodotus; 
 
 *C TO. e\ea KTa\apf3avii piv Trpog Ttav " it befals or happens to so and so to 
 
 ivStKQ paai\k<av SMTTIV Kvvirjv. The do or to suffer so and so." See 
 
 expression, KaraXa/j/3ava nva Troitiv, SchiceigS Lex. Herod. 
 or irdffxtiv TOVTO, and similar in-
 
 EUTERPE. 153, 154-. 175 
 
 Latona at Buto, where the truest oracle with the Egyptians 
 is, an answer was brought to him, " that vengeance would 
 " come from the sea, what time men of brass appeared." 
 Great disbelief possessed Psammitichus, of men of brass ever 
 coming to his assistance : ' but after the lapse of no long time, 
 certain men of Ionia and Caria, being on a predatory cruize, 
 were driven on the coast of Egypt; and having landed, clad 
 in brass armour, one of the Egyptians, coming into the fens 
 to Psammitichus, reported to him (as he had never before 
 seen men armed in brass,) that some men of brass, who had 
 come from the sea, were ravaging the country. Thereupon 
 Psammitichus, apprehending that the oracle was verified, 
 shewed much kindness to the lonians and Carians, and by 
 making great promises, endeavoured to induce them to abide 
 with him. Having succeeded in persuading them, he ac- 
 cordingly, by the assistance of those auxiliaries, and such of 
 the Egyptians as had chosen to stand by him, 3 overthrew the 
 kings. 
 
 Psammitichus, having established his authority over the 153 
 whole of Egypt, erected at Memphis the propylaea of the 
 temple of Vulcan, looking towards the south; he built like- 
 wise, opposite the propylaea, the quadrangle in which Apis is 
 fed when he makes his appearance; the building consists of a 
 peristyle, and is full of carved figures ; instead of columns, the 
 supports are colossal statues of twelve cubits. Apis is, in the 
 Greek tongue, Epaphus. To the lonians, and such as joined 154 
 his party, Psammitichus gave some lands to inhabit, opposite 
 each other, the Nile occupying the middle space: these places 
 he called Camps. 3 He accordingly not only gave them those 
 lands, and all the rest he had promised them, but likewise 
 confided to them some Egyptian children, to be taught the 
 Greek language : and from those who then learnt the lan- 
 guage are sprung the people that in these days act as inter- 
 preters* in Egypt. The lonians and Carians dwelt for a long 
 time in these places, which are towards the sea side, a little 
 below the city of-Bubastis, on the Pelusiac mouth of the Nile: 
 but in the course of time king Amasis transferred them from 
 thence, and settled them at Memphis, appointing them his 
 guard against the Egyptians. Since these people have been 
 established in Egypt, we Grecians have had so much commu- 
 nication with them, that we are perfectly acquainted with all 
 
 1 Lit. " great incredulity diffused were in Egypt several places of this 
 
 itself in him, that men of brass should name. Lurcher. See the Geographi- 
 
 come auxiliaries to him." cal Index to Herodotus, voc. Camps. 
 
 a Understand yiviaQai after /itr' 4 This was one of the seven castes 
 
 iuvrov. of Egypt : see c. 164. 
 
 8 SrparoTTttfa, " Castra." There
 
 176 EUTERPE. 155, 156. 
 
 that has taken place with respect to Egypt, beginning from 
 the reign of Psammitichus down to the present: for these 
 were the first people, speaking a strange language, that ever 
 settled in Egypt ; and even in my time there remained in the 
 places from whence they were transferred the docks for their 
 ships, and the ruins of their houses. Thus, therefore, did 
 Psammitichus obtain the sovereignty of Egypt. 
 
 155 Although I have already 1 mentioned several particulars re- 
 specting the oracle in Egypt, I shall make some addition to 
 my account, which of it is fully deserving. The Egyptian 
 oracle is a temple of Latona, placed in a large city on the 
 Sebennytic mouth of the Nile, as you sail upwards from the 
 sea. The name of this city which contains the oracle is Buto, 
 as I have already named it : in this same town there is a tem- 
 ple of Apollo and Diana ; the temple of Latona, which con- 
 tains the oracle, is itself very extensive, and its propylaea rise 
 to the height often orgyiae. I shall now mention what struck 
 me with the greatest astonishment of all that is to be seen 
 here. There is within the precinct a chapel of Latona made 
 out of one single stone, in height and length, each of which 
 is forty cubits ; and all the sides measure the same : another 
 stone is laid over it for a roof, projecting four cubits all round 
 
 456 the chapel. 2 This chapel, accordingly, is, of all the things 
 that are seen near the temple, in my opinion, the most asto- 
 nishing; but, next to that, the island called Chemmis, situate 
 in a deep and spacious lake, near the temple at Buto : this 
 island is said by the Egyptians to be floating ; for my part I 
 saw it neither float nor move, and was much surprised when 
 I heard there 3 was really such a thing as a floating island. 
 .There is in this island a large chapel of Apollo, in which 
 three altars are erected. Palms spring up in abundance on 
 the island, as well as several other trees, some of which pro- 
 duce fruit, others are barren. The Egyptians add the follow- 
 ing relation, when they state that this island floats : that La- 
 tona, who was one of the eight gods first born, and dwelt in 
 the city of Buto, where her oracle now is, having received 
 Apollo in trust from Isis, saved him by hiding him in this 
 island, which originally was fixed, but is now said to float. 
 And accordingly when Typhon, who was searching every 
 where, with the intention of finding out the son of Osiris, 
 came here, the island for that reason became moveable. 4 The 
 
 1 Chapp. 59 ; 83 ; 133, 4 i n the text, as punctuated by 
 
 2 Lit. ' having eaves, four cubits Schweighaeuser and Mr. Gaisford, a 
 broad. Trapwpo^ig, " pars tecti prae- long parenthesis occurs between 'Ovi- 
 ter murum prominens." Schweig. Lex. pjoc rbv vatca and TT/V dt vijaov dia 
 
 *?, ,. TOVTO ytviaGai 7rXwrji>. I have made 
 
 si, see Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. a separate sentence of the parenlheti- 
 
 938, or sect. 608. ca l observation ; for the modern lau-
 
 EUTERPE. 157-159. 177 
 
 Egyptians assert, that Apollo and Diana are the offspring of 
 Bacchus and Isis, and that Latona was their nurse and sa- 
 viour; in the Egyptian language, Apollo is called Orus; 
 Ceres, Isis; and Diana, Bubastis: from this tradition, and 
 none other, did Eschylus the son of Euphorion 1 take the idea 
 of representing, in his verses, Diana as the daughter of Ceres, 
 in which he is singular among all the poets of former times. 
 Such is the account they give 
 
 Psammitichus ruled over Egypt fifty-four years, during 157 
 twenty-nine of which he besieged Azotus, a large city in 
 Syria, which at last he took. This city of Azotus is, of all the 
 places we know of, that which stood the longest siege. 
 rsammitichus had a son, named Necos, who ruled in his turn 159 
 likewise over Egypt ; he was the first that undertook the ex- 
 cavation of the canal leading into the Red Sea, which Darius, 
 king of Persia, afterwards continued digging out; this canal is 
 four days' voyage in length, and was dug sufficiently broad 
 for two triremes to row abreast: it is supplied with water 
 from the Nile, which enters it a little above the city of Bubas- 
 tis, near Patumos, the town of Arabia; and falls into the Red 
 Sea. 2 They began excavating in that part of the plain of 
 Egypt situate towards Arabia; above, and contiguous to 
 which, lies the range of mountains extending opposite to 
 Memphis, in which the quarries are ; the canal, therefore, 
 runs a long way by the foot of this mountain, from west to 
 ast; it then extends through some defiles, and leads from the 
 mountain down to the Arabian gulf in a southerly direction. 
 In that part where the pass from the north sea 3 to that of the 
 south, called likewise the Erythrean, is shortest, namely, from 
 mount Casius, that bounds Egypt and Syria, down to the 
 Arabian gulf, is exactly one thousand stadia: this is the 
 shortest cut ; but the canal, inasmuch as it is more winding, 
 as longer by a great deal ; one hundred and twenty thousand 
 men perished in digging it, under the reign of Necos. Necos 
 accordingly put a stop to the excavations in the middle of the 
 work, the following oracle having been pronounced against 
 him : " that he was labouring for a barbarian :" now, the 
 Egyptians give the name of barbarians to all who do not use 
 the same language with themselves. Having ceased his ex- 1 59 
 
 guages, in general, are greatly infe- of Schweighaeuser and Mr. Gaisford. 
 
 rior to the ancients in syntactical arti- Larcher, and, as a matter of course, 
 
 culations. Tmnslat. Beloe, follow the conjecture of Wes- 
 
 1 Herodotus, it is probable, alludes seling, oXiyov 'E. TfoXioe' irapa II. TJ)I/ 
 
 to some piece of the tragie poet which A. -iroXiv ioi^n iq ri)v 'E. 9aXaa<rav : 
 
 time has withdrawn from the admira- it falls into the Erythrean sea, near 
 
 tion of the world. Translat. Patumos, a town of Arabia." Translal . 
 
 z I have followed the punctuation 3 The Mediterran#;m. 
 VOL. I. A a
 
 178 EUTERPE. 160, 161. 
 
 cavations, Necos bent his attention towards military affairs; 
 triremes were constructed, some on the northern sea, and 
 others in the Arabian gulf on the Erythrean sea, the clocks 
 for which remain visible to the present day ; these he made 
 use of in cases of need. Necos likewise engaged the Syrians 
 with an army of foot, and conquered them near 1 Magdolus; 
 and after the battle, took Cadytis, a large town of Syria. He 
 sent to the Branchidae in Milesia, and consecrated to Apollo 
 the garment in which he happened to achieve these exploits. 
 After reigning in all sixteen years, he died, leaving the sceptre 
 to his son Psammis. 
 
 160 During the reign of this Psammis over Egypt, some mes- 
 sengers arrived from the Eleans, boasting that the games of 
 Olympia were conducted in the most fair and honourable 
 manner 2 of any among men ; and fancying that the Egyp- 
 tians themselves, the wisest of mankind, could invent nothing 
 superior to them. Having, on their arrival in Eygpt, stated 
 for what purpose they had come, the king called together 
 such of the Egyptians as were reported to be the most wise ; 
 the Egyptians thus assembled heard of the Eleans all the re- 
 gulations which it belonged to them to observe with regard 
 to the games; 3 and after explaining them all, the ambassadors 
 stated that they had come to know, " whether the Egyptians 
 " could invent any thing more equitable." The wise men, 
 after consulting together, enquired of the Eleans whether 
 their own fellow-citizens entered the lists; they made answer, 
 that any one who chose, whether of their own countrymen or 
 of the rest of the Greeks, was allowed to contend; whereupon 
 the Egyptians observed, " that by such an enactment they had 
 " completely swerved from what was just; for that it could 
 " not be otherwise" than that they would shew some partia- 
 " lity to their countryman that contended, to the prejudice of 
 " the stranger; and, therefore, bade them, if they indeed wished 
 " to establish just regulations, and had come for that pur- 
 " pose to Egypt, to found games for foreign combatants only, 
 " and to permit none of the Eleans to enter the lists." Such 
 was the admonition the Egyptians gave to those of Elis. 
 
 161 Psammis, having reigned only six years;, and made an ex- 
 pedition into Ethiopia, (immediately after which he died,) 
 Apries his son succeeded him. This prince was, next to 
 Psammitichus, his great-grandfather, the most fortunate of 
 
 1 Sometimes iv is used with names thiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 648, or sect. 446. 
 of places, when proxiihity only is im- a ,\ii tne regulations which they 
 
 plied. Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 883, Lad thought fit to make." Larcher. 
 or sect. 677. 4 See Schweig. Lex. Herod, voc. 
 
 3 SiKaioTara Kai /eaXAiora, see Mat- H>)X av ')> 2.
 
 EUTERPE. 162. 17<> 
 
 the kings his predecessors during five-and-twenty years of his 
 reign ; in which time he led an army against Sidon, and en- 
 gaged at sea the king of Tyre. But when the time was come 
 that he was fated to be no longer fortunate, his calamities 
 began on an occasion which I shall state more fully in my 
 History of Libya, 1 and briefly in the present place. Apries, 
 having sent an army against the Cy remans, received a very 
 great defeat : whereupon, the Egyptians, laying the blame on 
 him, revolted, for they imagined that Apries had sent them 
 designedly to manifest destruction, in order that they might 
 be slaughtered, and so he might rule the more securely over 
 what should remain of the Egyptians; grievously offended at 
 this, those that returned from the expedition, and the friends 
 of such as had been cut offj broke into open 3 rebellion. 
 When Apries was informed of this, he sent Amasis to them to 16$ 
 appease them by words. On the arrival of this officer, he en- 
 deavoured to restrain the Egyptians, exhorting them not to 
 act in that manner, when one of the malecontents that was 
 standing behind him placed a helmet on his head, and in so 
 doing exclaimed, " he placed it on him as a mark of sove- 
 " reign power." 3 Nor was what took place so very much 
 against the will of Amasis himself, as he shewed some time 
 after ; for when the malecontents had appointed him king, he 
 made preparations to march them against Apries. As soon as 
 Apries was informed of these occurrences, he despatched to 
 Amasis a man of rank, one of the Egyptians who adhered to 
 him, whose name was Patarbemis, with orders to bring Ama- 
 sis to him alive. Patarbemis, having arrived, and called to 
 Amasis, the latter, who happened to be on horseback, lifted 
 himself up, ami broke wind, at the same time bidding Patar- 
 bemis take that to his master. They relate, that Patarbemis, 
 nevertheless, asked him, as the king had sent for him, to go to 
 the court ; when Amasis made answer, that " he had long been 
 " making preparations for so doing, and that Apries should 
 " not have to complain of him, for he would come himself, 
 " and bring others in company." But Patarbemis was not 
 blind to the meaning of his words, and observing that he was 
 prepared, departed in all haste, with the intention of making 
 known to the king as early as possible what was going on. And 
 
 In Melpomene. Herodotus, how- J3affi\i)iy, " to put him in possession 
 
 ever, probably forgot the promise he of the crown." The examples of tin, 
 
 makes here. Lurcher. in this sense, are very frequent : jwi 
 
 2 k TiJQ lOdtje (odov) " ex recta via, j3Xd/3j?, " nocendi causa, to yre. - 
 . e palam et ex professo, vel etiam Lurcher. So itrl fojXrjim, i. 41; but, 
 confestim." JE. Port. Lex. Ion. see Matthiae, Gr. Gramiu. p. 900, or 
 
 3 The helmet was in Egypt the mark sect. 585, ft. 
 of sovereign power. See c, 151, Ivi
 
 180 EUTERPE. 163167. 
 
 thev relate, that when Patarbemis returned back to Apries, 
 without bringing Amasis, the prince, without assigning any 
 reason to him, and inflamed with anger, commanded his ears 
 and nose to be cut off'. The rest of the Egyptians, who had 
 till then stood by Apries, seeing the most respectable indivi- 
 dual among them subjected to such disgraceful treatment, 
 without interposing any delay, 1 went over to the others, and 
 
 163 gave themselves to Amasis. At this new intelligence, Apries 
 armed his auxiliaries, and led them forth against the Egyp- 
 tians; the auxiliary troops which he had about his person 
 were Carians and lonians to the number of thirty thousand ; 
 his royal residence, which was both large and magnificent, was 
 at Sais. Thus the partisans of Apries marched against the 
 Egyptians, while those of Amasis went to encounter the fo- 
 reign troops. Both armies accordingly met near 2 the city of 
 Momemphis, and prepared to try one another's strength. 
 
 164 There are seven classes of the Egyptians; the first is called 
 the priests ; the second, the military ; the third, the herds- 
 men ; the fourth, the swine herds ; the fifth, the merchants ; 
 the sixth, the interpreters-; the seventh, the pilots. Such are 
 the classes of the Egyptians; each of which derives its name 
 from its profession. The fighting men are called, some Gala- 
 siries, and others Hermotybies ; they belong to the following 
 
 165 nomes (for all Egypt is divided into nomes.) The following, 
 I say, are the nomes of the Hermotybies ; Busiris, Sais, 
 Chemmis, Papremis, the island called Prosopis, and one half 
 of Natho. These are the nomes to which the Hermotybies 
 belong ; when their number is at the highest, they amount to 
 one hundred and sixty thousand : none of these people attend 
 
 166 to any mechanical art, but .are dedicated to war. The next 
 following nomes are those of the Calasiries, namely : Thebes, 
 Bubastis, Aphthis, Tanis, Mendes, Sebennys, Athribis, 
 Pharbaethis, Thmuis, Onuphis, Anysis, Myecphoris : which 
 last nome is an island opposite the city of Bubastis. 3 These 
 are the nomes of the Calasiries, who, when at their highest, 
 amount to two hundred and fifty thousand men. Neither is 
 any of these at liberty to exercise any mechanical trade, but 
 
 167 they a Ppty to war alone, the son succeeding to the father. I 
 
 1 ovSiva xpovov sirivxovreg signi- not to translate quite literally. The 
 fies, instantly, without delay :" /u- eypression of the historian is remarka- 
 icpbv lirurxovra, " a short time aftet." ble : " this nome dwells in an island," 
 Larcher. instead of " is situated in an island." 
 
 2 Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 883, or This is an imitation of Homer, whom 
 se ct- 577. Herodotus always follows as his mo- 
 
 ,, text > " this nome is in an del in 8t jle. II. ii. 62S, o'io' 
 
 island ;.' but as the nome occupies the x ioi 'Exivawv ff tifMuav-vrja 
 
 whole of the island, I thought it better ovai wip^v Xo C . Larcher.
 
 EUTERPE. 168, 169. 181 
 
 cannot positively decide whether the Greeks took this custom 
 likewise from the Egyptians, seeing that among the Thracians, 
 the Scythians, the Lydians, the Persians, and nearly all the 
 barbarians, such as prefer mechanical arts, and their descend- 
 ants, are the least esteemed of their fellow-citizens ; whereas, 
 such as abstain from handicraft employments, are held to be 
 noble, and more particularly those who devote themselves to 
 war. This practice all the Greeks have adopted, but the 
 Lacedemonians in the highest degree. The Corinthians are 
 they who hold handicraftsmen in the least disesteem. This 168 
 elass is, excepting the priests, the only one of the Egyptians 
 that has the following distinguished privileges; twelve arourae 
 of chosen land, and tax-free, were assigned to each individual. 
 The aroura is in each- dimension one hundred Egyptian 
 eubits; and the Egyptian cubit is equal to that of Samos. 
 This, accordingly, was a privilege common to them all : the 
 following perquisites they enjoyed in turn. 1 Every year one 
 thousand of the Calasiries, and a like number of the Her- 
 motybies, were named body guards to the sovereign : to 
 these, besides the arourae, the following other things were 
 daily given, to wit, of dressed meal a ration of five minae to 
 each individual; of beef, two minae; of wine, four arysteres.* 
 The above was constantly given to those on guard. 
 
 When Apries, at the head of his mercenaries, and Amasis, 169' 
 at the head of all the Egyptians, were both come to Momem- 
 phis, they engaged battle; the foreigners fought valiantly, 
 but, being far inferior in number, were accordingly put to 
 the rout. It is reported that Apries fancied that not even a 
 god could have the power of expelling him from the throne, 
 so firmly did he think himself established ; 3 but in this en- 
 gagement lie was vanquished, and, being taken prisoner, was 
 carried to the city of Sais, to his own former dwelling, which 
 now became the palace of Amasis. There, for sonic time, he 
 was kept in the palace, and Amasis treated him with kind- 
 ness ; but in the end the Egyptians, reproaching Amasis with 
 not acting according to justice, in keeping the greatest foe to 
 themselves, as well as to him, he* in consequence, delivered 
 
 1 The text adds, " and never the good, as they might induce some to 
 
 game." believe that we are perfectly acquaint- 
 
 ? I have preferred leaving the names ed with a subject over which an Egyp- 
 
 of weights and measures, as I find tian darkness is still spread: those 
 
 them in the text. It would be a who wish to penetrate the mist have 
 
 matter of no very great difficulty to many volumes to read and many i|- 
 
 eopy from some commentator what he Uiorities to consult. Translat. 
 
 may regard as their equivalents in 3 Jjt. " that not even a god could 
 
 modern terms ; but such dogmatic ob- put a stop to his reign, so firmly did 
 
 servations would do more harm than he think it settled in him."
 
 IS-2 EUTERPE. 170, 171. 
 
 up Apries to the Egyptians, who first strangled him, and then 
 interred him in the tombs of his fathers; these tombs are in 
 the temple of Minerva, close to the sacred edifice, on the 
 right hand as you go in; for those of Sais bury within the 
 holy precinct all the kings that belong to that noine : and for 
 that reason, the tomb of Amasis, 1 likewise, is a little fur- 
 ther off from the sacred edifice than those of Apries and his 
 forefathers ; although that also is within the vestibule of the 
 holy precinct: it consists of a large stone chamber, adorned 
 with columns in the shape of palm trees, and with other or- 
 naments: within the chamber is a recess behind two folding 
 
 170 doors, in which stands the repository. 3 There is, likewise, at 
 Sais, in the temple of Minerva, the tomb of him whose name 
 I do not consider myself at liberty to mention in this matter; 
 it is behind the chapel of Minerva, close to the wall of the 
 building : in the holy quadrangle stand also some large stone 
 obelisks, close to which is a reservoir adorned with a stone 
 cornice covered all round with ornaments, and nearly equal 
 in size, as I judge, to that at Delos, which is called the 
 
 171 Trochoeides. On this basin they exhibit at night the repre- 
 sentation of what befel that god; 3 this representation the 
 Egyptians call mysteries, with regard to which, although I 
 am fully acquainted with the manner in which each part is 
 conducted, 1 shall be silent. 4 I shall likewise be silent re- 
 specting the rites of Ceres, although I am also acquainted 
 with them, and shall mention only what it is lawful to discover. 
 The daughters of Danaus were they who introduced those 
 rites out of Egypt, and taught them to the Pelasgian women ; 
 in subsequent times the whole of Peloponnesus having been 
 depopulated by the Dorians, they were lost ; the Arcadians, 
 who were left in the Peloponnesus, and not expelled their 
 country, being the only persons who preserved them. 
 
 1 Amasis belonged to the Saitic ing it, said ravra tarut fvaTopa, with- 
 
 noine ; see c. 172. out dividing the word, which then 
 
 ' I have followed Larrher's trans- signifies " let those things be of good 
 
 lation, which Schweighaeuser ap- taste." Wesseling very properly doubts 
 
 proves. whether we ought to read tv ffTopa 
 
 3 That is to say, of him whose name in two words, as the grammarians 
 Herodotus has just informed us he would lead us to believe. Sophocles 
 does not think himself at liberty to (Philoct 201) writes it in the same 
 dirulge. Translat. manner as Herodotus; ii'ffrofia I^E, 
 
 4 Herodotus is probably the first Trai, " be silent, son." The scholiast, 
 who made use of this expression, who relates the joke of Hellanicus, 
 tvtTTOfia KI ivQia, as most of those that says, fi&Oamv oi'rw \ejfiv, AITI rov 
 have used it, add icaO' 'Hpotforov, " to auinra. Larcher. The expression in 
 use the expression of Herodotus." Herodotus cannot however be resolved 
 The critics blamed the expression, otherwise than by dividing the word 
 and placed the mark X by the side of ivtrroua, thus : ntpl rovrtav (TO) aro^a. 
 it, to shew that it was not to be /oi tv KiiaQio, i. e. tv fxiru>. Schtceig. 
 imitated, because Hellanicus, in read- Lex. Herod.
 
 EUTERPE. 172, 173. 183 
 
 Apries, having been accordingly dethroned, Amasis, who 172 
 was of the nome of Sai.s, assumed the sovereign power ; lie was 
 of the city which is called Siuph. At first the Egyptians 
 slighted this prince, and held him in no great esteem, as one 
 that had formerly been a plebeian, and of no eminent family ; 
 but, after some time, Aniasis induced them ' to shew him proper 
 respect, not by severity, but by means of an ingenious artifice. 
 He had a vast quantity of precious things, and, among others, 
 a golden foot-pan, in which Amasis himself, and all his guests, 
 were wont daily to wash their feet; having had this vase 
 broken up, he caused the image of a god to be made out of it, 
 and set it up in the most frequented* part of the town: the 
 Egyptians thereupon approached the image and honoured it 
 with great adoration. Amasis, informed of the behaviour of 
 the citizens, called the Egvptians together, and declared to 
 them, " that the image had been made out of the foot-pan in 
 " which, heretofore, the Egyptians had been accustomed to 
 " spew, to make water, and to wash their feet, but which 
 " at present they worshipped with such veneration. Now," he 
 added, " his own fete was the same with that of the basin, for 
 " heretofore he had been a plebeian, but DOW was king over 
 " them ;" and he commanded them to pay him due honour 
 and respect. In this manner he brought the Egyptians to 
 believe it just to obey him as their sovereign. This king 173 
 adopted the following plan of managing affairs : early in the 
 morning, till such time as the market begins to fill, 3 he care- 
 fully transacted such business as was brought before him ; 
 after which he passed the rest of the day in drinking, joking 
 his bottle companions, and indulged in wit and humour.* 
 His friends, offended at this conduct, admonished him, saying 
 as follows : " Sire, you do not conduct yourself well by letting 
 " yourself down too low ; it is your place to remain seated on 
 " a jjenerable throne, and pass the day in transacting busi- 
 " ness; so would the Egyptians be convinced that they are 
 " ruled by a great man, and you yourself would have a better 
 " reputation ; whereas at present you act in a manner by no 
 " means consistent with royal dignity." Amasis made answer 
 
 , " to "bring to their 7rpt ctiXjjv, the middle of the after- 
 
 duty," as in Plut. iroXifiy irpoadftvOai noon, that is to say, the ninth hour of 
 
 tQvt). Schweig. the day ; t'crTripa, the evening, the 
 
 * Lit. " fittest, most opportune." sun-set. Larcher. 
 
 Trie TroXtoc ojcov, see Mattkiae, Gr. 4 iraifvifiiiuv is said of a man that 
 
 Oranim. p. 503, or sect. 357. exercises the wit of a gentleman.; 
 
 3 Dio Chrysost. de Gloria, Oral, //aratoc of him whose jokei offend 
 
 Ixvi. Trpwi, sun-rise, early in the morn- decency and good morals ; vaiTfvirjfiu^ 
 
 ing ; irtpi vXridovaav dyopdv, the mid- "witty;" yaruioc, "smutty." See 
 
 die of the morning, that is to say, the Larcher and Valcknaer. 
 third hour; raf fiifftinfipiag, noon ;
 
 184- EUTERPE. 174-, 175. 
 
 in the following: " They who use bows, are wont to brace them 
 " when they want to shoot ; but unbrace them as soon as they 
 " have done ; for, were the bow to remain constantly strung, 
 "it would undoubtedly snap; and so the archer would not 
 " be able to use it in case of need. Thus it is with the con- 
 " dition of man : were he constantly to employ himself in 
 " serious business, and not devote himself, during some portion 
 " of his life, to sport, he must insensibly 1 become either a mad- 
 " man or a fool ; this I know, and therefore allot a portion to 
 " each." Such was the reply he made to his friends. 
 
 174, Atnasis, nevertheless, is represented as having been, even 
 when only a subject} addicted to drinking ajid merry-making, 
 and never a man of business : and when the means failed him to 
 support a life of drinking and pleasure, he used to go about 
 thieving. They who accused him of having their property, 
 were wont, when he denied the accusation, to take him before 
 the oracles that were in their respective districts: he was 
 accordingly not unfrequently convicted by the oracles, but he 
 was likewise often acquitted : whereupon when he came to the 
 throne, he acted as follows ; of all such gods as had declared 
 him innocent of theft, he neglected the temples, nor furnished 
 any thing towards repairing them, regarding them as com- 
 pletely undeserving, and as having false oracles ; but such as 
 had declared him guilty of theft, he attended to with the 
 greatest care, as being truly gods and pronouncing veracious 
 oracles. 
 
 175 In the temple of Minerva, at Sais, he erected* a magnifi- 
 cent portico, far surpassing all [who had till then erected 
 similar structures] both in height and extent, in the bulk and 
 quality of the stones. He dedicated, moreover, some huge 
 colossal statues, and enormous androsphinxes ;' he likewise 
 brought, for the reparation of the temple, other stones of 
 extraordinary size, some of which he took from the queries 
 opposite Memphis ; but the most enormous, he brought from 
 the city of Elephantis, distant from Sais a twenty days' 
 voyage. But of all these blocks, that which most excites my 
 astonishment is this : he brought from the town of Elephantfs 
 a chamber cut out of one stone; two thousand men, all of the 
 
 1 On the nse of \av9avfiv with the rovro piv corresponding to TOVTO f, a 
 participle, see .Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. little lower down ; " on the one hand, 
 p. 840, or sect. 552, and Viger. c. v. on the other." 
 
 sect. vrii. reg. 3. s Monstrous tignres, which had thi 
 
 2 If the reading oi is correct, it body of a lion and the face of a man. 
 must be referred to rg 'A.9, } vaiy, The Egyptian artists represented com- 
 t>eing put pleonastically, as may be monly the sphinx with the body of a 
 observed in different parts of our his- lion, and the face of a young woman, 
 torian. Schweig. There is in the text Larcher.
 
 EUTERPE. 176,177. 186 
 
 class of pilots, were appointed to transport it y and they were 
 for three years constantly employed on the conveyance. The 
 length of this chamber, on the outside, is one and twenty 
 cubits ; its breadth fourteen, and its height eight ; such are the 
 exterior dimensions of this single stone room; but of the 
 inside it measures in length eighteen cubits, and one pygon, 
 in breadth twelve cubits, and in height five. It lies close to 
 the entrance into the sacred precinct ; for, according to the 
 account they give, it was not dragged within the inclosure for 
 the following reason : the architect, wearied with the labour, 
 seeing that so long a time had been taken up, fetched a sigh 
 as the chamber was drawing onwards ; which circumstance 
 Amasis regarding as an evil omen, 1 would not suffer it to be 
 hauled any further : but others say, that one of the labourers 
 employed to move it with levers, was crushed beneath the 
 mass, and on that account it was not drawn within the temple. 
 Amasis dedicated likewise, in all the other celebrated temples, 1*76 
 works deserving to be seen by reason of their size; and among 
 others, the colossus lying on its back, opposite the temple of 
 Vulcan, in 2 Memphis; it is seventy-five feet in length; and 
 on the same base 3 stand two other colossusses, of Ethiopic 
 stone, each of which measures twenty feet ; one on one side, 
 and the other on the othr of the sacred building. There is 
 likewise another similar colossus of stone, at Sais, couched in 
 the same manner as that at Memphis. It was Amasis, also, 
 that erected at Memphis the temple of Isis, which is both ex- 
 tensive and deserving of consideration. 
 
 Egypt is represented as having flourished greatly under the 1 77 
 reign of Amasis, both in respect to the advantages derived to the 
 land from the river, and to mankind from the land: the , 
 whole number of cities inhabited in those days was twenty 
 thousand. It was Amasis who enacted the following law 
 among the Egyptians : that each of the natives should every 
 year make known to the governor of his nome,* from whence 
 he drew his subsistence : and if any one failed to do so, or could 
 not shew an honest mode of livelihood, he should be doomed to 
 death. Solon, the Athenian, borrowed this law from Egypt, and 
 
 1 rov Si "Afiaffiv ivQvpiarbv 7ronjera- thiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 917, or sect. 
 
 fitvov, which the Latin translator has 594,1. 
 
 rendered " id advertens Amasis." 3 I suppose that jiaQpov is used here 
 
 That is not correct. 'EvOvfiiffrbv, or to express one of the tiers of steps by 
 
 iv9vfiiov TroiuffOm, signifies " in reli- which people ascended to the temple, 
 
 gionem, in omen, vertere -." see Duker Translat. 
 
 on Thucydides, vii. 18. Larcher. * The provinces of Egypt were called 
 
 Iv Gvpiarbv -jroiiioQai, Gall. " faire Nomes, and the governor, or chief 
 
 conscience de faire ou dire quelque magistrate of each of those provinces, 
 
 chose." Ae. Port. Lex. Ion. a Nomarch. Larcher. 
 
 * On the repetition of iv, see Mat- 
 VOL, I. B b
 
 186 EUTERPE. 178181. 
 
 instituted it among the Athenians ; and the inhabitants of that 
 
 178 town still observe it as being a praiseworthy enactment. 
 Amasis, being fond of the Greeks, granted various privileges 
 to different persons of that nation, and, among other benefits, 
 conferred the city of Naucratis to be inhabited by such as 
 came into Egypt. To those who did not choose to abide 
 there, but came only for purposes of trade, he gave certain 
 districts, in which they might rear altars and temples to the 
 gods. Of those temples, the most extensive and celebrated, 
 and which at the same time is the most frequented, is that 
 called the Hellenium, and was built by the following cities in 
 common; namely, Chios, Tcos, Phocaea, and Clazomenae, of 
 the lonians; Rhodes, Cnidus, and Halicarnassus, of the Dori- 
 ans; and die city of the Mitylenians, alone, of the Aeolians. The 
 temple belongs to those cities, and they appoint the presidents of 
 the factory; 1 the other places which lay claim to a share in it, 
 
 *** * claim what they do not participate in. The Aeginitae erected, 
 at their own "expense, a separate temple to Jupiter; the 
 Samians erected one to Juno; and the Milesians one to Apollo. 
 
 179 In former days, Naucratis was the only staple, and there 
 was none other in Egypt, and whosoever came to any other 
 of the mouths of the Nile, was compelled to swear " that he did 
 not come of his own free will," and, after taking the oath, he 
 was obliged to sail in the same ship to the Canobic mouth; 
 but if it were not possible to perform the voyage by reason of 
 contrary winds, the merchandize was obliged to be conveyed 
 in barises round the Delta, till it came to Naucratis. In such 
 
 16b manner then was Naucratis privileged. The Amphictyons 
 having entered into a contract to build up the temple now 
 'seen at Delphi, for three hundred talents, (for the one that 
 stood there before had been burnt down by accident, and it 
 belonged to the Delphians to furnish the quarter of the 
 sum agreed on,) they of Delphi went about the various towns 
 and solicited subscriptions. In so doing, they obtained the 
 largest donation from Egypt, for Amasis gave one thousand 
 talents weight of alum, and the Greeks dwelling in Egypt, 
 twenty mines. 
 
 181 Amasis contracted friendship and alliance with the Cyre- 
 nians ; he resolved also to take to himself a wife from their 
 country, whether from a desire of possessing a Greek woman, 
 or from the affection he otherwise felt towards the inhabitants 
 of Cyrene. He married, in consequence, a woman whose 
 name was Ladice, the daughter, as some represent, of Battus, 
 
 means a commercial a private judge for commerce, what 
 place: 7rpo<rrar;e TOV ipiroplov, signi- we call a " consul," as Chislmll (Air- 
 fies the judge of such a town, and not tiquitat. Asiatic.) thinks. Ltreher.
 
 EUTERPE. 182. 1ST 
 
 according to others, of Arcesilaus ; and, lastly, according to 
 many, of Critobulus, an individual distinguished among his 
 citizens. When Amasis lay with this woman, ho found him- 
 self unable to consummate, although he could communicate 
 with other women. This having continued a long time, 
 Amasis said to the woman called- Ludice, "Woman, thou 
 " hast used charms against me, and there is no means of thy 
 " escaping the most cruel death of all women." Ladice, 
 seeing that Amasis was in nowise pacified by her denial of the 
 accusation, made a vow in her own mind 1 to Venus, that 
 if Amasis should enjoy her person that night, as that was 
 her only remedy against the impending calamity, she would 
 send a statue to her at Gyrene. Immediately after she had 
 -made the vow, Amasis was enabled to gratify his desires, and 
 continued most happy in her possession ever after. Ladice 
 fulfilled her vow to the goddess, for having caused a statue to 
 be made, she transmitted it to Gyrene, and it was preserved 
 down to my time, looking 2 towards the country on the outside 
 of the citadel of Gyrene. This Ladice, Cambyses sent back 
 uninjured to Gyrene, when he had established his power over 
 Egypt, and was informed by her who she was. Amasis dedi- 182 
 cated likewise some offerings in Greece ; in the first place, he 
 sent to Gyrene a statue~coated with gold, of Minerva, and his 
 own portrait represented in painting; secondly, to Minerva 
 at Lindus,he dedicated two stone statues and a linen corselet 3 
 
 1 Wesseling reads vjjtyT," in the tern- sopher. Had I followed the plan I 
 pie of Venus." originally proposed to myself, which 
 
 2 It is probable that this statue was was to illustrate my author by the 
 placed within the town ; if so, the works of subsequent historians, and 
 text means that it was turned towards the journals of modern travellers, the 
 the country, and this is the sense that comments upon this single book would 
 I have adopted. But the text may, have extended to two volumes; indeed 
 with equal propriety, be taken to sig- those of Larcher occupy four hundred 
 nify that the statue was outside of the pages of matter closely printed in a 
 town, and turned towards it. The very small type : considerations, not 
 reader may choose which he likes. within the control of an author 
 Larcher, alone, have hindered me from carrying 
 
 3 Probably something of the kind of into effect my design, but I regret 
 diaper or damask. See iii. 47 ,fin. This it the less, as a Geographical Die- 
 is the last note I find it necessary to ap- tionary to the works of Herodotus, 
 pend to this most important and into- translated from Larcher, and accom- 
 resting part of ancient history : the ob- panied with illustrations from various 
 ject that I have kept in vie win the com- authors and travellers, is about to 
 position and compilation of these obser- make its appearance, which will, at 
 vations,has been to explain the mean- least, assist the reader in those parts 
 ing of Herodotus, an object of no small of Herodotus where illustration is of 
 moment, when we consider that this the greatest consequence; I mean with 
 historian is unquestionably the best regard to the relative situations of 
 authority with regard to ancient Egypt, the places he mentions, and the state 
 which he seems to have examined of the world at the time the Muses 
 and studied with the curiosity of a were written. 
 
 traveller and the geuius of a philo-
 
 188 EUTERPE. 182. 
 
 worthy of consideration ; thirdly, to Juno, in Samos, he 
 offered two wooden images of himself, which, down to my 
 time even, stood in the large chapel, behind the doors. He 
 made the above presentations at Samos, by reason of the con- 
 nexion of hospitality between himself and Polycrates the son 
 of Ajax : he acted in the same manner at Lindus, not by 
 reason of any connexion of hospitality, but because the temple 
 of Minerva at Lindus is said to have been erected by the 
 daughters of Danaus, who touched there at the time they 
 were flying from the sons of Aegy ptus : such were the offer- 
 ings of Amasis. He was the first that took possession of 
 Cyprus, and subjected it to the payment of tribute*
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 THALIA. 
 
 IT was against this Amasis, accordingly, that Cambyses the son 1 
 of Cyrus, at the head of an army, composed not only of 
 the other nations he ruled over, but likewise of lonians and 
 Aeolians from among the Grecians, made war, from the follow- 
 ing motives. Cambyses sent into Egypt a herald to demand 
 the daughter of Amasis ; this demand he made at the sugges- 
 tion of a native of Egypt, who acted thus out of spite to 
 Amasis, because that prince, choosing him from among all the 
 physicians in Egypt, had torn him from his wife and children, 
 and delivered him up to the Persians, when Cyrus sent to 
 Amasis, and requested a physician for the eyes, the best that 
 could be procured of those in Egypt. Being offended at 
 this, the Egyptian, in consequence, urged, by his counsels, 
 Cambyses to "demand of Amasis his daughter; 1 to the end 
 that, either by giving her up the prince might be filled with 
 grief, or, by refusing her, subject himself to the hatred of 
 Cambyses. Amasis, hating and dreading the power of the 
 Persians, knew not whether he ought to give up his daughter 
 or to refuse her ; for he was well convinced that Cambyses did 
 not wish to have her as a wife, but as a concubine. Taking 
 all into consideration, he accordingly acted in the following 
 manner. There was a daughter of Apries, the preceding 
 king, a very tall and fair woman, and the only remaining 
 offspring of that family; her name was Nitetis. Amasis, 
 having, accordingly, adorned this maiden with a golden dress, 2 
 
 1 Constr. ivrjyt ry av^ovKiy Kafi- a The Greek is ioOIjri rt icai \pvatf. 
 
 fiveta,Kt\iv<>)v \avTbv~\aiTiiiv" Aftaatv It is, I think, the figure which the 
 
 Qvya.Tf.pa. Schweig. See also Mat- grammarians term iv Siu Svolv, as in 
 
 thiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 584, or sect, this verse of Virgil : "PaterUlibamus 
 
 411, 4. et auro." Georg. ii. 192. Lurcher
 
 190 THALIA. 24. 
 
 sent her to the Persians, as his own daughter. But, some time 
 after, Cambyses, embracing the girl, named her after her 
 father, whereupon the young woman said to him : " Sire, 
 " thou knowest not that thou hast been deceived ' by Amasis, 
 " who, after richly adorning my person, has sent me to thee, 
 " as if, giving his own daughter ; whereas, in truth, I am the 
 " v child of Apries, whom, that man, revolting with the Egyp- 
 " tians, put to death, though he was his sovereign lord." This 
 discourse, together with the existing cause, induced Cambyses 
 the son of Cyrus, greatly incensed, to invade Egypt: such is the 
 
 2 account the Persians give. The Egyptians, on the other hand, 
 claim kindred with Cambyses, affirming that he was born of 
 that daughter of Apries just mentioned; for, say they, it was 
 Cyrus, and not Cambyses, that sent to Amasis to demand his 
 daughter : but, in this account, they do not follow truth ; nor, 
 indeed, can it have escaped them (for, if there be any people 
 accurately acquainted with the institutions of the Persians, it 
 is the Egyptians,) that, in the first place, it is contrary to their 
 laws for a bastard to reign, if there be a legitimate descend- 
 ant ; arid, in the second place, that Cambyses was the son of 
 Cassandane the daughter of Pliarnaspes, a man of the tribe 
 of the Achaemenides, and not the son of that Egyptian woman; 
 but they pervert history, in affecting to be connected by re- 
 lationship with the family of Cyrus. So stand those matters. 
 
 3 The following account is likewise given, although to me it 
 appears incredible ; that a certain Persian female having come 
 to visit the women of Cyrus, when she beheld the fair-shaped 
 and tall children standing around Cassandane, admired and 
 praised them much; and thereupon Cassandane, who was 
 wife to Cyrus, used the following words : " Although mother 
 " to such children, Cyrus holds me in disdain, and honours 
 " her that he has obtained out of Egypt." This language she 
 used out of jealousy to Nitetis ; when Cambyses, who was the 
 eldest of her children, said : " For that very reason, mother, 
 " when I grow up to be a man, I will turn Egypt upside down." 
 They represent him as having spoken thus when he was about 
 ten years of age, and the women were struck with astonish- 
 ment ; consequently, when he had reached the years of man- 
 hood, and held the sovereign power, calling to mind his pro- 
 mise, he undertook the expedition ~ against Egypt. 
 
 4 An event of somewhat the following nature likewise took 
 place, and contributed towards the undertaking of such an ex- 
 
 1 Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 829. and Xenophon make the same rliffer- 
 
 3 Valcknaer observes, that in Hero- ence between (n-pctiia and trrparia. 
 
 dotus ffrpartjiT) means an expedition, See Sckweig. Lex. Herod. 
 
 and trrpan? an army. Thueydides
 
 THALIA. 5,6. 191 
 
 podition. There was among the auxiliaries of Amasis, a man, 
 by extraction of Halicarnassus, whose name was Phanes, both 
 good in council and valorous in battle. This Phanes, having 
 I know not what cause of complaint against Amasis, fled on 
 ship-board from Egypt, with the intention of seeking an in- 
 terview with Cambyses. But as he was a man of no small con- 
 sideration among the auxiliaries, and was most fully ac- 
 quainted with every thing concerning Egypt, Amasis pursued 
 him, using every effort to seize him. fie sent in pursuit of 
 him the most faithful of his eunuchs, a-board a trireme ; this 
 eunuch overtook him in Lydia, and, though he seized him, 
 did not take his prisoner back to Egypt; as Phanes cir- 
 cumverted him by artifice; for, after making the guards 
 drunk, he went over to the Persians. Coming into the pre- 
 sence of Cambyses, who was preparing to invade Egyptj but 
 was embarrassed ' with regard to the march, not knowing how 
 he should traverse the desert, Phanes not only discovered to 
 him all the affairs of Amasis, but also pointed out in what 
 manner the march should be made, giving the following ad- 
 vice : " to send to the king of the Arabians, and request him 
 " to grant a passage undisturbed." By that quarter alone is 5 
 there a practicable entrance into Egypt; for, from Phoenicia 
 to the boundaries of the city of Cadytis, the country belongs 
 to the Syri, called those of Palestine ; from Cadytis, which is 
 a city, in my opinion, not much inferior to Sardis, the sta- 
 ples along the sea coast, as far as the town of Janysus, 
 belong to the king of Arabia; from Janysus, the country 
 again belongs to the Syri as far as the lake of Serbonis, near 
 to which the Casian range stretches down to the sea; from 
 the lake of Serbonis, in which report says Typho hid himself 
 Egypt begins. Now, the country between Janysus and the 
 rang-e of Casius, and the lake Serbonis, which is no small 
 space, since it extends three days' march, is completely with- 
 out water. I am now going to mention what lew of those C 
 that cruise to Egypt are acquainted with. . Cargoes of earthen 
 jars, full of wine, are imported twice every year into Egypt 
 from all parts of Greece, as likewise from Phoenicia, and yet 
 not so much as one in number (if I may use the expression) 
 of those wine jars is to be seen lying about. In what manner 
 then, some one may ask, are they got rid of? 2 This I will 
 explain. Every demarch 3 is held to collect together all that 
 sort of ware in his own town, and take it to Memphis ; and 
 
 1 Constr. Kai airoptovn (icard) rt}v in the sense of ubi ; " where then are 
 tXaffiv. Schu-cig. they consumed ?" Sclitveig. Lex. Herod. 
 
 2 KOI" for irov may be taken as equi- 3 Demarch, i. e. the magistrate, 
 valent to els ri : it may also be taken
 
 192 THALIA. 79. 
 
 they of Memphis fill them with water and transport them to 
 the above-mentioned desert of Syria; thus the jars newly im- 
 ported and sold in Egypt are carried to increase the old store 
 
 7 in Syria. Thus, accordingly, the Persians, as soon as they 
 had possession of Egypt, facilitated the entrance into the 
 country by providing it, 1 in the above-mentioned manner, with 
 water. " But, at that time, as there was not yet any provision 
 of water, Cambyses, in consequence of the information he had 
 received from the stranger of Halicarnassus, sent ambassadors 
 to the king of Arabia, and obtained, at his request, a safe con- 
 duct, after pledging his faith, and receiving in return that of 
 the Arabian prince. 
 
 8 The Arabians respect their oaths as much as any nation ; 2 
 they use the following ceremonies when they take an oath. 
 A third person standing between the parties intending to 
 swear, makes, with a sharp stone, an incision near the thumb 
 on the inside of the hands of the persons that are about to 
 make the oath ; he then takes a flock from the garment of 
 both, and smears with the blood seven stones lying in the 
 middle, and while so doing, he invokes Bacchus and Urania. 
 When the person that officiates has performed these cere- 
 monies, he that has taken the oath pledges 3 his friends to 
 the stranger or the citizen, if it be with a fellow-citizen that 
 he forms the connexion ; and even the friends think it right to 
 respect the oath. These people hold Bacchus and Urania to 
 be the only gods ; and assert that they trim their hair in the 
 same manner that Bacchus himself was shorn ; they trim their 
 heads in the shape of a circle, cutting the hair off all round 
 the temples. They call Bacchus, Orotal, and Urania, Alilat. 
 
 9 When, accordingly, the Arabian chief had made the treaty 
 with the ambassadors that had come from Cambyses, he 
 adopted the following plan. Having replenished with water 
 the skins of camels, he loaded therewith all the live camels he 
 had: having so done, he took them into the desert, and there 
 awaited the army of Cambyses. This is the more credible of 
 the two accounts that are given ; it is nevertheless proper I 
 should mention the other, although less probable, since it is 
 likewise related. There is a large river in Arabia, called the 
 Corys ; this stream disembogues itself in the sea named the 
 Erythrean ; from this river, accordingly, it is said that the 
 king of the Arabians having, by tacking together the un- 
 tanned hides of oxen and other animals, formed a channel 
 stretching into the desert, brought water by that means, and 
 
 J Constr. ffaZavTfc (rrjv iaf3o\r)v See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 422, or 
 
 iv' A'tyviTTov) vSan. Schweig. Lex. sect. 289. 
 
 Herod. 3 -n-apeyyvqi, " donne ses amis pour 
 
 a rdiai /toXiirra (<r*/3o/ivoc.) garant." Lurcher.
 
 THALIA. 1012. 
 
 dug spacious reservoirs in the desert to receive and hold the 
 water. The distance from the above river to the desert, is a 
 twelve days' journey; and they relate that he brought its 
 stream, by three channels, to three different stations. 
 
 Towards 1 the mouth of the Nile, called the Pelusian, Psam- 10 
 menitus the son of Amasis, was encamped, in expectation of 
 the arrival of Cambyses ; for the invasion of Egypt by Cam- 
 byses did not happen in the life-time of Amasis ; that prince 
 having died after a reign of forty-four years, during which no 
 great calamity befel him ; and, at his death, after being em- 
 balmed, was interred in the tombs which he had built for 
 himself within the sacred precinct. 2 During the reign of 
 Psammenitus son of Amasis over Egypt, a mighty prodigy 
 took place among the Egyptians: it rained 3 at Thebes of 
 Egypt, although it had never done so there before, nor has it 
 since to my time, as the Thebans themselves assert; in fact, no 
 rain falls in any part whatever of Upper Egypt ; but at that time 
 it fell in drops at Thebes. When the Persians, after traversing 11 
 the arid region, had pitched their camp near the Egyptians, 
 with the intention of giving battle, the auxiliaries- in the army 
 of the king of Egypt, who were Grecians and Carians, being 
 incensed against Phanes for introducing a foreign army into 
 the country, inflicted the following punishment upon him. 4 
 Phanes had a family of children, which he had left in Egypt ; 
 having brought these into the camp, and before the eyes of 
 the father, they placed a bowl in the space between the two 
 armies; and then bringing forward, one by one, all the chil- 
 dren, slaughtered them upon the bowl. Having killed each 
 of the children, they poured wine and water into the bowl ; 
 and then all the auxiliaries, drinking of the blood, 5 immedi- 
 ately engaged battle. A bloody fight ensuing, and a vast mul- 
 titude having fallen on both sides, the Egyptians were turned 
 to flight. I beheld a very remarkable thing on the field of 12 
 battle^ my attention being directed thereto by the natives: the 
 bones of those of either party that fell in the battle being scat- 
 tered about on separate sides, (for the skeletons of the Persians 
 
 1 sv does not here signify a* ; the y?j 6Xiy y, understand Mart : so a lit- 
 
 country at the Pelusian mouth was tie lower down, /cai rore fffftjow at 
 
 by no means fit for the encampment of Oj}/3ai <//aicaft, " at that time Thebes 
 
 an army. Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p, was watered with drops of rain. - 
 
 883 Valcknaer. Schneid. 
 
 * This was the precinct sacred to * Lit. " contrived the following 
 Minerva, as may be concluded from thing against him. 
 
 ii. 169. Larcher. 5 ^'ovrec rov /""<*, IK, 
 
 * Lit. " Thebes of Egypt was wa- " having drunk some blood : 
 tered with rain :" such is the meaning <u>aroc is the partitive gem 
 .of the passjve vfirOai, thus, vlrai f] Larcher. 
 
 VOL. I. c c
 
 194 THALIA. 13. 
 
 lie apart, as they were separated at the first ; and in another 
 part lie those of the Egyptians,) the skulls of the Persians are 
 so weak, that if you strike them only with a pebble, you per- 
 forate them ; whereas those of the Egyptians are so strong, 
 that even when you strike them with a stone you can with 
 difficulty break them. They said, and easily convinced me, 
 that the cause of this difference was, that the Egyptians, be- 
 ginning immediately from their childhood, shave their heads, 
 and so the skull, by being exposed to the sun, is hardened : 
 the same reason accounts for their not being bald ; for one 
 sees among the Egyptians fewer persons bald than among all 
 other people. Such accordingly is the cause that they have 
 firm skulls. The following accounts for the Persians having, 
 on the other hand, weak skulls ; they shade themselves, from 
 infancy, by wearing on their heads 1 tiaras. This fact, such 
 as I have described, I was accordinglv witness to; I have 
 likewise seen something of the same kind near Papremis, in 
 the remains of the troops cut off, together with Achaemenes 
 the son of Darius, by Inarus, king of Libya. 2 
 13 After the battle, the Egyptians, being routed, fled in dis- 
 order; and having been driven into Memphis, Cambyses 
 despatched up stream a ship of Mitylene, with a Persian'he- 
 rald on board, to invite the. Egyptians to a capitulation. 
 But when they beheld the vessel coming into Memphis, they 
 poured forth in a crowd from the citadel, destroyed the ves- 
 sel, and after cutting the crew into pieces, carried them within 
 the citadel. The Egyptians being, thereupon, besieged, after 
 some time, surrendered. 3 The neighbouring Libyans, dread- 
 ing the same fate as had befallen Egypt, surrendered without 
 a blow; they taxed themselves, and sent presents: in like 
 manner those of Cyrene and Barca, having the same dread 
 as the Libyans, did as much. Cambyses received graciously 
 
 Tiapag QopiovTie. The Persia, the king of Egypt. 'O A^inr- 
 
 TriXoc was the generic name for a hat ; noe,ll, is Psammenitus,kingof Egypt. 
 
 the particular sort of hat or covering *O 'Ap<J/3<oc, 9, is the king of the Ara- 
 
 ) the head worn by the Persians was bians. Secondly, I have so called him 
 
 the riapa, a sort of turban, if we may because this acceptation is clearly de- 
 
 rely on Quint. Curt. 3, 3, 19, regium termined by Thucydides, i. 104. 
 
 capitis msigne, quod coerulea fascia Lurcher. 
 
 albo distincta circumibat. Schneid. * In the verb rnf/ii, and its com- 
 
 T 1""' ,,' , pounds, the perf. and aor. 2, are taken 
 
 1 have called this Inarus " king in a passive sense. Larcher whose 
 
 t Libya, although Herodotus gives translation is " furent enfin obliges de 
 
 him only the appellation of TOV Af/3v- se rendre." irapacrrJJj/ai signifles pro- 
 
 oc, the Libyan;" first, because Hero- perly, "to stand by," but is often 
 
 lotus generally calls kings by the taken by Herodotus in the sense of 
 
 the nation over which they to surrender, to deliver one's self 
 
 rule. He says constantly the Persian, up." iii. 13; v. 65; vi. 99, 140. 
 
 > Egyptian, instead of the king of Sckweig. Lex. Herod. Wess.
 
 THALIA. 14. 195 
 
 the gifts that came to him from the Libyans; but being offended 
 with what .was brought from the Cyrcnians, because, I sup- 
 pose, it was of no great value, (as they sent only fifty mines 
 of silver,) he seized the money, and scattered it with his own 
 hand among the troops. 
 
 On the tenth day after he had got possession of the citadel 
 of Memphis, Cambyses, having ignominiously seated in the 
 suburb the king of the Egyptians, Psammenitus, who had 
 reigned six months ; having, I say, commanded him to be 
 placed there, together with others of the Egyptians, he made 
 trial of his constancy by acting in the following manner. 
 Having clad Psammenitus's daughter in^the garb of a slave, he 
 sent her to fetch water with a jug; and, together with her, sent 
 other damsels, selecting the daughters of the first men, clad 
 after the same manner as that of the king. When the maidens, 
 amid shrieks and sobs, passed by the place where their fathers 
 were seatedj 1 the rest of the parents shrieked and wailed in re- 
 turn at seeing their children fallen into misery; but Psamme- 
 nitus looked up, and seeing what had been done, bent him- 
 self to the ground. The damsels sent to fetch water having 
 passed by, Cambyses, in the second place, sent the king's son, 
 together with two thousand youths of the same age, belonging 
 to different Egyptians, theii* necks girt with a halter, and a 
 bridle in their mouths: 5 these were led forth to make satis- 
 faction for the Mitylenians who had been destroyed at Mem- 
 phis with the vessel; for the royal judges had pronounced 
 this sentence, that, for every individual slain, ten of the first 
 of the Egyptians should be put to death. 3 Psammenitus, 
 seeing the youths pass by, and understanding his son was led 
 to death, although the rest of the Egyptians seated around 
 him wept and mourned lamentably, behaved in the same 
 manner as he did with regard to his daughter. These having 
 likewise passed by, it happened that one of the king's table 
 companions, a man in years, who was now deprived of all his 
 wealth, and possessing nothing, except as a pauper, went 
 about begging alms of the troops, passed by Psammenitus the 
 son of Amasis, and those of the Egyptians that were seated in 
 the suburb : as soon as Psammenitus beheld him, he burst 
 
 1 KCLTCL Toi>e varepac- See Matlhiae, uses the word ffrofiovv in the sense of 
 Gr. Gramm. p. 893, and Valcknaer'a gagging; ^tfiovv and iTriffTOfii&iv are 
 no te. the more usual expressions ; the for- 
 
 2 I thought at first that Herodotus mer in particular. Tran&lat. 
 
 had alluded to the " gag ;" but a pas- 3 Consequently the crew of the Mi- 
 sage in 118 of this book convinces tylenian ship, massacred by the Egyp- 
 me that it is a real bridle, which was tians, must have amounted to two 
 fastened as a mark of disgrace round hundred. Translat. 
 the neck. Larcher. Herodotus, iv, 69,
 
 196 THALIA. 15. 
 
 into loud lamentations, and calling to his companion by name, 
 beat himself on the head. I must observe, there were sentinels 
 placed over the prince, who communicated to Cambyses the 
 Avhole of his behaviour as each procession went by. Cambyses, 
 astonished at his demeanour, sent a messenger to make enqui- 
 ries of him, saying thus : " Thy lord and master, Cambyses, 
 " demands of thee, Psammenitus: wherefore,' seeing thy daugh- 
 *' ter reduced to misery, and thy son marching to death, thou hast 
 " neither shrieked nor sobbed ; whereas thou honourest this 
 " pauper, who, as he is informed, is no relation of thine?" 
 Such was the question put by the messenger, when the prince 
 replied in the following words : " Son of Cyrus, my domestic 
 " calamities are greater than to be expressed by grief; ' but 
 " the sad fate of my friend is deserving of tears, who, having 
 " fallen from abundance and happiness, is reduced to poverty 
 " on the sill 2 of age." It is reported, that when this answer 
 was brought back* to Cambyses by the messenger, he thought 
 the reason given to be good; and, as it is related by the 
 Egyptians, Croesus wept, for that person also had followed 
 Cambyses into Egypt; all of the Persians who were present 
 likewise wept; and something of pity entered even the breast 
 of Cambyses, 4 who directly command'ed his attendants to save 5 
 the king's son from among those that were about to be put to 
 death, and to remove the king himself from the suburb, and 
 15 bring him into his presence. Those who were sent on this 
 errand, 6 found the son no longer in existence, having been 
 the first that was put to death ; but removing Psammenitus 
 himself, they brought him into the presence of Cambyses, 
 where he passed the remainder of his life, without undergoing 
 any ill treatment; and indeed if he had known how to refrain 
 
 1 SeeMatthiae,Gr.Gramm. p. 652, therefore, inasmuch as the infinitive 
 
 , ,. . stot ' Rhet> "' 8 ' rons through the sentence, have used 
 
 This Homeric expression appears the infinitive mood, for we know that 
 
 to admit of two meanings, the com- in similar phrases, iirei, and such like 
 
 inencement and the end of old age : particles, may be construed with the 
 
 e Lurcher's note. I have adopted a infinitive, ii. 32; in. 35: but in this 
 
 literal translation, which, no doubt, instance the author has chosen to con- 
 
 will expose me to the reproach of strue the particle we with a partici- 
 
 servihty, a favourite term of criticism pie, instead of either an infinitive or 
 
 the mouths of individuals who indicative, taking ravra w S birtvuv- 
 
 could as easily push down the Egyp- Q'svra as equivalent to ravra <i c drrt- 
 
 tian pyramids with one finger as turn vtixOt). Schiteig. Not 
 
 a Greek sentence into fair English. * Matthiae, Gr. Graram. p. 556, or 
 
 Translai. 
 
 seet . 
 
 fi 5?: TaZ l a ^ * v "X&VTa. The oi is expletive : a similar pleonasm 
 
 ifimtives SOKUIV and &utpv are ra equally common in French, that is 
 
 governed by Xeyovai, understood from to say, in familiar language: faites- 
 
 C A*yWW instead of what would moi-lui faire telle chose. Larcher. 
 fiaye been the common expression, Ka i fdreuu signifies " eo petitum ar- 
 
 ray wg aTrtvii^Qri, Herodotos might, cesso." Latchtr,
 
 THALIA. 16. 197 
 
 from planning innovations, 1 he would have received back 
 Egypt, to govern over the country, for the Persians are wont 
 to honour the children of kings ; and if any of them even de- 
 tach themselves from their power, they, nevertheless, return 
 the government to their sons: that such is their practice, may 
 be inferred from many examples, and from this in particular ; 
 I mean from Thannyra the son of Inarus, king of Libya, who 
 received the government which his father held, and likewise 
 from Pausiris the son of Amyrtaeus, as he also was restored 
 to the kingdom of his father, although none ever did more 
 injury to the Persians than Inarus and Amyrtaeus. Now 
 Psammenitus, having formed evil designs, received his re- 
 ward; for he was caught exciting the Egyptians to rebel, 
 and when he was discovered, having by Cambyses's command 
 drunk bull's-blood, he instantly expired. Such was the end 
 of Psammenitus. 
 
 Cambyses proceeded from Memphis to the city of Sais with 16 
 the intention of doing .what he effectually performed. For as 
 soon as he entered the palace of Amasis, he immediately com- 
 manded his attendants to drag the corpse of the king out of 
 its tomb; and when these orders were obeyed, he ordered 
 them to scourge the body, to pluck its hair, to prick it, and 
 to disgrace it in every other manner. After they had done 
 this with great labour, (for the corpse having been embalmed, 
 resisted, and did not give way, 2 ) Cambyses commanded them 
 to burn it, his commands in that respect being impious. For 
 the Persians hold fire to be a god ; so that to burn dead bo- 
 dies is contrary to the institutions of both nations; of the 
 Persians, for the reason mentioned above, as they say that it 
 is not lawful to offer the body of a man to a god ; of the 
 Egyptians, because fire is regarded by them as a living beast, 
 which devours whatever it can catch, and when satiated, dies, 
 together with what it has eaten : now with them it is never 
 
 1 Schweighaeuser, after H. Etienne, fer, a young man of great hopes, 
 
 refers ?77ri<rrrj0j) to the theme oTutrnw, whose premature death Schweigha 
 
 and explains this phrase by the pleo- ser deplores, compares this passage 
 
 nastic negative of the Greek idiom, with one in vii. 29, *7rurra<To Ovat ai 
 
 one lying in the a privative of the TOIOVTOQ, " know how, i. e. contrive, 
 
 verb, the Bother in the particle pj. Lit. have a care to be always such: 
 
 " if it had been disbelieved that he hence is deduced a very happy mode 
 
 was planning innovations." Schiceig. of explaining this phrase, if he had 
 
 Not. et Lex. Herod, voc. Avurriw. Ae. known how, i. e. if he had been pru- 
 
 Portus refers tmarWi to Mffraptu, dent enough, not to medd e with inno- 
 
 rds it as the aor. rations ;>> &c This translation I have 
 
 of which he regards it as the aor. rations ;>> &c This translation I have 
 
 pass. l,Att. and taking it as an im- adopted without hesitation. 
 
 personal verb, gives the following Sckweig. Lex Herod, voc. *0ar 
 translation : if it had been known u riStv *UYTO, was by n 
 
 that he was not planning innovations." means soft and yielding, as a put 
 
 Port. Lex. Ion. voc. frivrifln. Wer- carcass would have been.
 
 198 THALIA. 1719. 
 
 lawful to give a dead body to beasts, and for that reason they 
 embalm, lest when lying under ground the carcass should be 
 eaten by worms. So that Cambyses commanded a thing to 
 be done, which is held lawful by neither people. However, 
 according to the account of the Egyptians, it was not Amasis 
 that was treated in this manner, but some one else of the 
 Egyptians, who was of the same stature as Amasis ;' in offer- 
 ing indignities to whom, the Persians thought they were dis- 
 gracing Amasis. 8 For they aver, that Amasis, being informed 
 by an oracle of what would happen to him after his death, 
 buried in his own sepulchre, close to the doors, the body of 
 that man which they scourged, and commanded his son to 
 deposit his own corpse at the very bottom of the repository, 
 intending thereby to remedy the impending evils. These or- 
 ders of Amasis, which respect the tomb and the man, were 
 not, in my opinion, originally given, and the Egyptians ap- 
 pear to me so far guilty of vain and false boastings. 3 
 
 17 After this, Cambyses resolved upon three different expedi- 
 tions, one against the Carthagenians, another against the 
 Ammonians, and a third against the Ethiopian Macrobians, 4 
 who inhabit the parts of Libya on the southern sea. After 
 some deliberation, he judged it best to send his naval forces 
 against the Carthagenians ; to send against the Ammonians a 
 detachment of his land army ; and to despatch to the Ethio- 
 pians, in the first place, some spies, to see whether the table 
 of the sun, reported to be in the land of the Ethiopians, really 
 existed; and, over and above that, to reconnoitre every thing 
 else ; these spies he resolved to send under pretence of carrying 
 
 18 gifts to the king of that nation. The table of the sun is re- 
 ported to be this : it is a meadow in the suburb, filled with 
 the boiled flesh of all manner of quadrupeds ; in which they 
 say the magistrates of the city, for some purpose, place 
 the flesh at night ? and in the day any one that chooses may 
 go in and eat, the inhabitants affirming, that the land itself 
 produces these things every night. Such, accordingly, report 
 
 19 states the table of the sun to be. As soon as Cambyses had 
 determined upon despatching spies, he immediately sent for 
 such Ichthyophagi out of the city of Elephantis as were ac- 
 quainted with the language of the Ethiopians ; and mean- 
 while, as they were gone to fetch them, he commanded his 
 
 1 0*"7> $vffig erw/xaroe, fjXiKia. 3 Construction : (SoKeovcri poi) At- 
 Hesych. rjXucia is taken in the same yvirrioi atpvovv avra aXAwf (falsely.) 
 sense, Matthew, vi. 27, and Luke, 4 Macrobians is not the name of a 
 X1X - 3. nation, but an epithet given by Hero- 
 
 2 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 636, dotus to that portion of the Ethiopians 
 or sect. 384. by reason of their longevity. Larcker,
 
 THALIA. 20, 21. 199 
 
 fleet to steer towards Carthage. But the Phoenicians refused 
 to obey ; since they were bound by solemn oaths, and should 
 be guilty of impiety, if they were to wage war upon their own 
 offspring. 1 The Phoenicians refusing, the remainder of the 
 fleet was not sufficiently strong for the contest ; so that the 
 Carthagenians escaped in this manner the thraldom of the 
 Persians; for Cambyscs did not think it just to offer violence 
 to the Phoenicians, inasmuch as they had of their own free 
 will given themselves to the Persians, and the whole of the 
 naval armament was dependent upon them. 2 The Cyprians, 
 who formed a part of the expedition against Egypt, had like- 
 wise given themselves to the Persians. 
 
 When the Ichthyophagi were come to Cambyses from the 20 
 city of Elephantis, that prince, prescribing what they were to 
 say, sent them to the Ethiopians, carrying, as gifts, a purple 
 cloak, a golden necklace, bracelets, an alabaster box of per- 
 fume, and a cask of palm-wine. Those Ethiopians to whom 
 Cambyses sent are described as the most stout and handsome 
 of men ; they are said to have many customs different to those 
 of other nations, and this one in particular, with respect to 
 the sovereign power; they elect for king that citizen whom 
 they may judge the tallest, and to possess strength in propor- 
 tion to his stature. 
 
 The Ichthyophagi having accordingly come to these people, 21 
 and presented the gifts to their king, spoke in the following 
 terms : " The king of the Persians, Cambyscs, desirous of 
 " uniting with thec in friendship and hospitality, has sent us 
 " with orders to have an interview with thee, and presents 
 " thce with these gifts, in the use of which he himself mostly 
 " delights." But the Ethiopian prince, knowing they had 
 come as spies, made the following reply to them : " Neither 
 " has the king of the Persians sent you, bearing gifts, from 
 " any such great desire of becoming my ally ; neither do you 
 " speak truth, for you have come as spies over my kingdom. 
 " Nor is he a man of justice; for were he just, he would not 
 " covet another land beside his own, nor would enthral men 
 " from whom he has received no injury. Now, therefore, do 
 " you give to him this bow, and say these words, The king of 
 " the Ethiopians counsels the king of the Persians, when his 
 " subjects thus easily can bend bows equal to this in si/e, 
 
 1 All the world knows the Cartha- were not only the most considerable 
 
 genians were a colony of the Phoeni- part of Cambyses's fleet, but the most 
 
 cians ; the endearing appellation of skilful in tactics and war, so that 
 
 children, jrolfoff, was given by the without them, Cambyses -could com- 
 
 mother country to her colonies. pass no undertaking by sea. Getttoz, 
 
 * That is to say, the Phoenicians quoted by Lurcher.
 
 200 THALIA. 22, 23. 
 
 " then with superior numbers to make war upon the Ethio- 
 " pian Macrobians ; but until that time to give thanks to the 
 " gods that they have not put it in the heads of the sons of 
 "Ethiopia to acquire any country beyond their own." 
 
 22 Having so said, and unbraced the bow, he delivered it to the 
 new comers ; then taking up the purple cloak, he asked what 
 it was, and how it was made : the Ichthyophagi having stated 
 to him the facts concerning the purple and the dye, he ex- 
 claimed, that the men were deceitful, and their garments de- 
 ceitful as well : he next inquired concerning the golden neck- 
 lace and bracelets ; and when the Ichthyophagi had explained 
 to him their use as ornaments, the prince laughed, and taking 
 them for chains, said, that with them there were chains 
 stronger than those; in the third place, he made inquiries 
 respecting the perfume, and when the messengers explained 
 the manner of making it, and of using it as ointment, he made 
 the same observation as on the cloak. But when he came to 
 the wine, and was informed about its manufacture, being de- 
 lighted with the beverage, he asked what the king lived on, 
 and what was the longest life a Persian attained. They in- 
 formed him, that the king lived upon bread, describing at the 
 same time the nature of corn ; and that eighty years was the 
 longest term of life granted to man. Whereupon the Ethio- 
 pian prince said he was not surprised that feeding upon dung 
 they lived so few years ; for neither would they be able to 
 live so long even, unless they recreated 1 their strength with 
 such drink, meaning the wine, for in that respect they them- 
 
 Q3 selves were excelled by the Persians. The Ichthyophagi, 
 having on their part enquired of the king respecting the 
 length of life, and the diet of the Ethiopians, he said that most 
 of them reached to one hundred and twenty years, and that 
 some even went beyond that ; that their food was boiled flesh, 
 and their drink milk. The spies, being astonished at the 
 number of years, he is said to have taken them to a fountain, 
 in which such as bathe become shining, the same as if the 
 fountain were of oil ; and a perfume exhales from it similar to 
 that of violets. The spies stated, that the water of this foun- 
 tain was so light, that nothing was able to float upon it, neither 
 wood, nor even objects lighter than wood ; but that all sunk 
 down to the bottom. 3 If this water of theirs is, in truth, such 
 as it is represented, it may, perhaps, 3 as they constantly make 
 
 1 Understand favrobg after a vetjtepov. ernae observationes probant fere onv- 
 
 * It is in allusion to this passage nia magni viri dicta." Translut. 
 
 that the illustrious Boerhave lends 3 See Matthiae, Gr. Grannn. p. 754, 
 
 his important testimony to the vera- or sect. 514. 
 
 city of Herodotus : " enirn vero hodi-
 
 THALIA. 24, 25. 201 
 
 use of it, account for their being Jong lived. When the spies 
 departed from the fountain, the king is said to have conducted 
 them to a prison, where all the prisoners were bound in 
 chains of gold; for among these Ethiopians copper is the 
 most scarce and valuable of all metals,- after looking at the 
 prison, they saw the place called the table of the sun. After 24 
 which, they lastly saw their tombs, which are said to be made 
 of glass, in the following manner: after desiccating the corpse, 
 whether in the same manner as the Egyptians do, or by some 
 other process, they cover it all with plaster, and paint it over, 
 imitating, as far as possible, the life; they next place it within 
 a column of glass made hollow, which is dug up by them with 
 ease, and in great abundance. Deposited within the column, 
 the dead body appears through, emitting no unpleasant smell, 
 nor exhibiting any thing whatever unsightly :. and the whole 
 case is visible, as well as the corpse itself. 1 This column the 
 nearest of kin accordingly keep during one year in their 
 houses, presenting it with the firstlings of all, and honouring 
 it with sacrifices: after which they carry it away, and set it 
 up without the town. 
 
 After seeing every thing, the spies departed on their way 25 
 back ; and when they had reported the above things, Cam- 
 byses, incensed with anger, 2 directly marched against the 
 Egyptians, without issuing orders for any provision of vic- 
 tuals, or giving himself a thought that he was about to lead 
 his army to the extremes of the earth ; but, behaving like a 
 maniac and insane 3 man, as soon as he heard the account of 
 the Ichthyophagi, began the campaign, commanding the 
 Greeks who were with" him to remain where they were, and 
 taking with him all his land army." When in his march hecame 
 to Thebes, he detached about fifty thousand men from the main 
 body ; and commanded them to enslave the Ammpnians, and 
 then set fire to the oracular shrine of Jupiter; while he him- 
 self, at the head of the remainder of his troops, proceeded 
 against the Ethiopians. But before the army had gone one- 
 fifth of the way, suddenly all the provisions 5 they had brought 
 
 1 Lit. " the column has every part 4 6 TTE^OC (Trparoe signifies,, in He- 
 
 visible, as well as the body :" that is rodotus, a land army, and not infantry 
 
 to say, the case was not put up against or foot. Larcher. This is not always 
 
 a wall like the Egyptian mummies, ii. the case ; it is sometimes opposed to 
 
 8G, of which latter the forepart was 17 ITTTTOC, and at others to o vavrucdg 
 
 consequently all that could be seen. <rrparoe ; 
 
 Schweiff ffiTivv tx /*"'"* the provisions : 
 
 6py7}v7ro, ff a/iro C ,i.e. tyyr0'c. this expression is very commoii in 
 
 3 Mfltthiae, Or Gramm. p. 046, or Herodotus. See the Lex. Herod, of 
 
 sect. 444, 5. Schweig. roc. t X u, / 
 
 VOL. r.
 
 -20-2 THALIA. 26, 27. 
 
 failed them ; after the provisions, the sumptcr horses, which 
 they devoured, failed likewise : if, then, observing this, Cam- 
 byses had given up his design, and led back his army, he 
 would have shewn himself a man of prudence, in spite of his 
 first error, but, on the contrary, without taking any account, 
 he still inarched forwards. The soldiers, as long as they 
 could get any thing from the land, kept themselves alive by 
 eating herbs ; but when they were come to the sandy desert, 
 some of them had recourse to a dreadful expedient, for, se- 
 lecting by lot one out of every ten of their number, they de- 
 voured his body. Cambyses, informed of this, and dreading 
 lest the men should eat up one another, forbore his expedition 
 against the Ethiopians, and retreated ; he came back to 
 Thebes, having lost a great number of men, and, descending 
 from thence to Memphis, permitted the Grecians to return 
 home in their ships. Such was the unfortunate 1 result of his 
 
 26 expedition against the Ethiopians. Those of the troops who 
 had been sent to carry on the war against the Ammonians, 
 departed from Thebes, and commenced their march, provided 
 with guides, and are known to have reached the city of Oasis, 
 which is inhabited by certain Samians, said to be of the 
 Aeschrionian tribe. They are distant seven days' journey 
 from Thebes across the sand ; this place is named, in the 
 language of the Greeks, the " Isle of the Blessed." This spot 
 the army is accordingly reported to have reached ; but after- 
 wards no one can give any account of what befel them, ex- 
 cepting the Ammonians, and such as have heard the relation 
 given by that people ; for they did not reach to the A mmonians, 
 neither did they return back. The following account is that 
 given by the Ammonians alone; that as the army was inarching 
 from the above Oasis athwart the desert to invade them, and 
 had reached nearly midway between them and the Oasis, as 
 the troops were taking their dinner, a fierce and violent south 
 wind blew up, and bringing with it mountains of sand, buried 
 them, and that in that manner they disappeared. Such is the 
 relation which the Ammonians give of what happened to that 
 army. 
 
 27 When Cambyses was come to Memphis, Apis, whom the 
 Grecians call Epaphus, made his appearance to the Egyp- 
 tians; and as soon as he manifested himself the Egyptians 
 directly put on their best apparel, and rejoiced. Cambyses, 
 seeing the Egyptians act in that manner, and regarding it as 
 evident that they performed those rejoicings in consequence 
 
 1 ovru) iK()Kt : adeo cessit infelici- used to signify a calamity, without 
 ter. fbe verb 7rpaat is frequently the addition of (cajcaif : seeWess.Xot.
 
 THALIA. 2830. 203 
 
 of his ill success, summoned the Magistrates of Memphis; jmd 
 when they came into his presence, he asked, " Wherefore, 
 " when he was at Memphis the time before, the Egyptians 
 " had done nothing of the kind; but did so now when he was 
 " there, after losing great part of his army?" They made 
 answer, that thtir god, who usually made his appearance at 
 long intervals, had manifested himself; and that when he ap- 
 peared, all the Egyptians made public rejoicings. Cambyses, 
 having heard this, exclaimed, that they lied," and, as liars, 
 punished them with death. After putting these persons to 28 
 death, he, in the second place, summoned the priests, into his 
 presence; and when the priests gave the same explanation, he 
 said, that he would find out whether any deity came so fami- 
 liarly to the Egyptians. 1 Having so said, he bade the priests 
 bring Apis forward; and they accordingly went to fetchjnm. 
 This Apis, otherwise Epaphus, is a steer, born of a heifer, 
 which is never after able to conceive again. The Egyptians 
 say, that 'a flash of lightning descends from the sky upon this 
 heifer, and that therefrom she brings forth Apis. This steer, 
 called Apis, has the following marks; he is black, but bears 
 on his forehead a square white spot, and on his back the 
 image of an eagle; he has the hairs of the tail double, and a 
 beetle on his tongue. When the priests brought Apis, Cam- 29 
 byses, like a maniac, grasping his dagger, and intending to 
 strike the belly of Apis, wounded him in the thigh : then, burst- 
 ing into laughter, he said to the priests : " You scoundrels, 
 " are there gods such as this, of blood and flesh, and sensible 
 " of steel ? A deity this, worthy, indeed, of the Egyptians ; 
 " but you shall not, of a truth, laugh at me, at any rate with 
 " impunity." 2 When he had so spoken, he charged those 
 whose office it was to scourge the priests, and to put to death 
 whomsoever of the rest of the Egyptians they might catch 
 celebrating the festival. So that the festival of the Egyptians 
 was put an end to, and the priests were punished : Apis, 
 after being wounded in the thigh, pined away, lying in the 
 temple, and having died in consequence of the wound, the 
 priests buried him, unknown to Cambyses, 
 
 Cambyses, as the Egyptians relate, immediately, in conse- 30 
 quence of this crime, was seized with madness, though he was 
 not before in his right senses. And the first crime he com- 
 mitted was on his brother Smerdis, \fhowas born of the same 
 
 1 ov \r\fftiv avrov, K. X. lit. " it pwi>/so common in all the Creek au- 
 
 should not be concealed from him thors, has generally been the stum- 
 
 whether any god tractable to the hand bling block of translators : it signifies, 
 
 had come among the Egyptians." " with impunity." Larclier. 
 This expression, xvti-
 
 THALIA. 31. 
 
 father ami the same mother as himself: he had. sent him back 
 from Egypt to Persia, out of jealousy, because he was the only 
 one of the Persians that braced, within about two fingers' 
 breadth, the bow which the Ichthyophagi had brought from 
 the king of Ethiopia ; and none other of the Persians was able 
 to do so much. When Smerdis was returned to Persia, 
 Cambyses beheld the following vision in his sleep : he fancied 
 a messenger came to him from Persia to inform him that 
 Smerdis, Seated on the royal throne, touched the sky with his 
 head. On this account, therefore, fearing for himself lest his 
 brother should kill him and assume the empire, he despatches 
 to Persia, Prexaspes, who was the most faithful to him of the 
 Persians, with orders to put Smerdis to death. Prexaspes, 
 having gone up to Susa, put Smerdis to death ; taking him 
 out, as some say, to the chase; 1 but others relate that he took 
 him down to the Erythrean sea, where he drowned him. 
 31 They state this to have been, accordingly, the first beginning 
 of Cambyses's wickedness : the next crime he committed was 
 on the person of his sister, who had accompanied him into 
 Egypt, and with whom he cohabited, although she was his 
 sister, by the side both of father and mother; she became his 
 wife in the following manner, for before his time the Persians 
 were never wont to connect themselves with their sisters. 
 Cambyses was enamoured of one of his sisters, and desiring 
 to marry her, as he knew he should act contrary to precedent, 
 summoned the royal judges and asked whether there was any 
 law existing authorising him that chose to unite himself with 
 his sister. The royal judges are individuals chosen among 
 the Persians, voho enjoy their office until death, or till such 
 time as any deed of injustice may be discovered in their con- 
 duct. These persons exercise justice among the Persians, 
 and are the expounders of the laws of their forefathers, and 
 all causes are referred to them. Cambyses having accordingly 
 put the question, they gave an answer to him which was both 
 conformable to justice and exposed them to no danger ; de- 
 claring, that they could discover no law which authorises a 
 brother to unite himself to his sister ; but they found, how- 
 ever, another law, namely, that he who ruled over the Persians 
 was at liberty to do whatsoever he might choose. Thus they did 
 not, through fear of Cambyses, violate the law ; and lest, by 
 rigidly, observing it, they should perish, they found another 
 enactment favourable to a prince desirous of marrying his 
 sister. Then Cambyses accordingly married the object of his 
 
 1 Constr. ol fiiv \iyov<n (Upifiacnria} i^ayayovra (2uin(W) itr aypqv 
 (airoKTStvat)
 
 THALIA. 3-2-3L 
 
 205 
 
 fover and, in fact, no lon<r time after, he took another sister- 
 and it was the younger of the two, who had followed him into 
 Egypt, that he put to death. Of the death of this woman two 32 
 accounts are given, as in the case of Smerdis. The Grecians 
 say that Cambyscs set a lion's whelp to fight with a puppy, 
 and the lady was also a spectator: the puppy being beaten, 
 another one, brother to the former, broke couple, and rushed 
 to his assistance; the dogs being now two in number, mastered 
 the young lion. At the sight of this, Cambyses was pleased; 
 but the lady, who was seated by his side, shed tears. Cam- 
 byses observing this, enquired wherefore she wept; she replied, 
 that seeing the dog come to the assistance of his brother, she 
 wept, a& she called Smerdis to mind, and thought that there 
 was nobody to come to his help. The Grecians, therefore, 
 affirm that in consequence of this speech she was put to death 
 by .Cambyses. But the Egyptians narrate that, as they were 
 reclining round the table, the lady, taking up a lettuce, pulled 
 it to pieces, and then asked her husband whether was the 
 lettuce more beautiful when pulled to pieces or when whole; 
 the prince replied, when whole : the lady then said, " Yet 
 " hast thou imitated this lettuce, in diminishing the family of 
 " Cyrus." They say that Cambyses, enraged at this, gave 
 hsr a kick, she being pregnant ; so that she died of a mis- 
 carriage. 
 
 The above were the actions committed on his own family 33 
 by Cambyses, in his frenzy, whether that his madness pro- 
 ceeded from what he had done to Apis, or from any other 
 cause, as many evils frequently befal men. And, indeed, 
 Cambyses is said to have been troubled from his birth with a 
 violent disorder, 1 the same that some call the sacred disease; 
 so that it was not at all improbable that being afflicted in body 
 with a direful malady, he should be insane in mind. 2 The 34? 
 following mad actions he committed on the other Persians. 
 He is said to have asked Prexaspes, whom he greatly honoured, 
 and who likewise had the office of presenting all communi- 
 cations to him, whose son also was the cup-bearer of Cambyses, 
 and enjoyed no small honour; he is represented, I say, as 
 having addressed this Prexaspes in the following words: 
 " Prexaspes, what sort of man do the Persians regard me as 
 " being, and what are the discourses they hold concerning 
 
 1 The Greek is /xtyoXjj i/oerof, which. fjityd\rj. Lurcher. If we adopt Lar- 
 
 I at first thought might he translated cher's version of these two words, I 
 
 literally/' great disorder :" but Hesy- cannot see what will become of the 
 
 chius informs us that //fyaXr; VOGOQ qtialificative riva. 
 signifies the " epilepsy :" consult his 5 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 607. 
 Lexicon, voc. jutyn\j vdffoc and votroe
 
 206 THALIA. 35. 
 
 me?" The other replied, " My lord, in *11 other things 
 " they greatly extol thee, but assert thou ait too much ad- 
 " dieted to the love of wine." Such, accordingly, was what 
 Prexaspes said with respect to the Persians ; but the prince, 
 in anger, resumed in the following words : " What, then, do 
 " the Persians say that I lose my senses by indulging in 
 " wine? Their former language must surely then have been 
 " false." For I must observe that, previously, Cambyses had 
 inquired of Croesus and the Persians who were members 
 of his council, what sort of man they conceived him to 
 be in comparison with Cyrus : they made answer, that he was 
 superior to his sire ; for he had retained all his possessions, 
 and had added to them Egypt and the sea. Such, accordingly, 
 was the speech of the Persians ; but Croesus, who was pre- 
 sent, and not pleased at the decision, said to Cambyses : 
 " For my part, son of Cyrus, I do not think thee equal to thy 
 " father ; for thou hast not yet any son like thee whom he has 
 " left." When Cambyses heard this he was pleased, and 
 35 praised the decision of Croesus. Calling then to mind these 
 words, he is represented as saying in anger to Prexaspes: 
 " Do thou thyself now mark whether the Persians say the 
 " truth, or whether, in speaking as they do, they shew not 
 " that they themselves are mad ; for, if with an arrow I hit 
 " in the middle of the heart this thy son, as he stands in the 
 " porch, it will be evident the Persians speak to no purpose ; 
 " whereas, if I miss, then say that the Persians speak truth, 
 " and that I myself am not in my senses." They relate, that 
 having said these words, and braced his bow, he shot at the 
 youth ; the lad fell, and Cambyses commanded them to rip 
 him up, and look at the wound ; and when the arrow was dis- 
 covered sticking in the heart, the king, smiling and filled with 
 gladness, said to the father of the boy, " Prexaspes, it must 
 " be evident to thee that it is not I that am mad, but the Per- 
 " sians that have lost their wits. Now, tell me, hast thou ever 
 " yet known any man in the world hit the mark so well ?'" 
 Prexaspes, seeing the man was not in his right senses, and 
 fearing for his own person, said, " My lord, for my part I do 
 " not imagine that even the deity 2 himself could aim so well." 
 
 a neuter plural, taken iiri aicoirbi', Kara vicoirbv, Kara GKOTTOV 
 
 adverbially for fTTKTKOTrwe. tTriffKoiros TO&VHV. The first expression signifies 
 
 oioToe is an arrow that hits the mark, to hit the mark, the others to shoot at 
 
 as in Theocritus, Id. xxiv. 105, roKov the mark, whether it is hit or not. 
 
 $' ivravvaai icnl tirianoTrov tlvai oiff- Larcher. 
 
 r>v, which Warton unnecessarily cor- 2 The god himself to whom the art 
 
 rects tTTiTrXoKoi'. There is a great dif- of shooting with the bow is attributed, 
 
 ference bet ween i-rriaKoiraTo^tviiv and Apollo. Bellangcr.
 
 THALIA. 36. 007 
 
 Such was the action he then committed : at another tinl6, 
 having, in a similar manner, 1 seized, without any just cause^ 
 twelve of the Persians, he had them buried alive with their 
 heads downwards. 2 
 
 Croesus, the Lydian prince, seeing Cambyses conduct him- 36 
 self in this manner, thought it right to admonish him in these 
 words: " Do not, sire, deliver thyself wholly to the heat of youth 
 " and to passion ; curb and restrain thyself: it is good to be pro- 
 " vident, and moderation is wisdom. 3 Thou puttest to death 
 " men, thy own subjects, seizing them for no just cause; thou 
 " even killcst children : if thou commit many more such deeds, 
 " beware lest the Persians detach themselves from thee: thy 
 " father Cyrus strictly charged me to advise thee, and to 
 " suggest whatever I might conceive right." Croesus, ac- 
 cordingly, shewed his benevolence towards him in giving this 
 admonition; but Cambyses returned the following answer: 
 " Dost thou even dare to give counsel to me, thou who hast 
 " so wisely governed thy own country ; who gavest such 
 *' good advice to my father, counselling him to pass the 
 *' Araxes, and march against the Massagetae, when they 
 " themselves offered to pass over into our territories ? Thou 
 " hast ruined 4 thyself by ill governing thy own country : thou 
 " hast likewise ruined Cyrus who hearkened to thee. But 
 " thou shalt not have done so with impunity ; for in truth I 
 *' have this long time been desirous of some pretext against 
 " thee." When he had thus spoken, he took up his bow as 
 if about to shoot at him, but Croesus ran out : Cambyses, not 
 having an opportunity of shooting him, commanded his at- 
 tendants to lay hold of Croesus and put him to death. But 
 the attendants, aware of the king's turn of mind, concealed 
 Croesus, with the following view; that if Cambyses should 
 repent and re-demand Croesus, they, by bringing him for- 
 ward, might obtain from the latter the reward of his life; 
 whereas, if Cambyses did not repent, nor feel any desire for 
 the Lydian prince, they might even then put him to death. 
 And no long time after, Cambyses did in effect regret Croesus; 
 and the servants, hearing of it, informed the king that he was 
 alive. Cambyses then said, " that he was rejoiced that Croesus 
 " was still living ; but, nevertheless, they who had saved him 
 
 1 Lit. " twelve Persians of the same * i-rrl KI^>U\^V, "jusqu'a la tete;" 
 
 rank as the highest." "O/toia is for Lurcher; " inverse capite ;" Schweig. 
 
 fyoiwe. These wetc of the class called 3 Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 633, or 
 
 by Xenophon, in many places of the sect. 437. 
 
 Cyropoedia, the oporifioi. Lurcher. < See Matthiae's observation on the 
 
 Schweiff. however, translates 6/toTa separation of the preposition from tl: 
 
 role TrpwronTi " non dissimili ratioue." verb, (uirb from wXtoacJ Gr. Gramm. 
 
 Schweig. Ver. Lat. P- 917, or sect. 594, 2.
 
 208 THALIA. 37, 38. 
 
 " should not go unpunished, 1 but should pay for it with their 
 " lives." And he gave his orders accordingly. 
 
 37 Many actions of the above nature he committed in hi* 
 madness on the Persians, and their allies, during Jiis stay at 
 Memphis, opening likewise the ancient repositories of the 
 dead and looking at the bodies. Among other mad deeds, he 
 went into the temple of Vulcan, and mocked the image in 
 various manners. 2 That image of Vulcan is very similar to the, 
 Phoenician pataeci, which those people bear on the sterns of 
 their triremes; for such as have not seen them, I may compare 
 these pataeci to a pigmy. 3 Cambyses, likewise, went into the 
 temple of the Cabiri, into which it is not lawful for any one 
 to enter, except, at least, the priest; he likewise burnt the 
 images, after greatly insulting them ; those images are also 
 similar to that of Vulcan, 4 of whom they are said to be the 
 
 38 children. It is, therefore, perfectly clear to me that Cambyses 
 must have been completely mad, 5 as otherwise he certainly 
 would not have thought of turning into ridicule temples 6 and 
 sacred institutions ; for, were one to offer all nations to make 
 their choice of the best laws out of all codes, they would eacli, 
 after mature reflection, select their own, so convinced is every 
 nation that its own institutions are much the best; it is therefore 
 improbable that any one, unless, indeed, he were a madman, 
 would make such things an object of laughter. That such is the 
 idea of all men with respect to their laws, may be proved by 
 various instances, but by this in particular. Darius, during 
 his reigu, called together the Greeks who were with him, and 
 -asked them, " For what sum they would undertake to eat the 
 " bodies of their deceased fathers?" They replied, that upon 
 no consideration whatever would they do such a thing. Darius 
 afterwards summoned those Indians that are called Calatiae, 
 and are in the custom of eating the bodies of their parents : 
 
 i, " to do any thing from a master far more severe than our 
 
 with impunity :" this verb is construed honest author, I mean from the world, 
 
 with the participle. Schweig. Lex. whose instructions are often purchased 
 
 Herod. at the expence of character and for- 
 
 4 Consult Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. tune. " These," says Major Rennell, 
 
 555, or sect. 394, a. ob. 1. contrasting the character of a true 
 
 8 Lit. " he who has not seen them, lover of liberty with that of the dema- 
 
 I will describe to him; they are the gogic scoundrels of the French revo- 
 
 imitation of a pigmy." lution, in a strain highly characteristic 
 
 4 Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 540, or of the English gentleman, " are the 
 sect. 368, 5. sentiments of a republican, who, in 
 
 5 The reader who, after perusing order to enjoy a greater degree of civil 
 the nine books of Herodotus, closes liberty, quitted hi* native ity, Hali- 
 the volume, and finds that he remem- carnassus, when its system of laws 
 bers but this one chapter, will surely was violated by the tyrant Lygdamis." 
 not deem his time ill-spent. The his- p. 7. Translaf. 
 
 torian gives here a wholesome lesson, 6 Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 555. 
 which, sooner or later, all men loam
 
 THALIA. 39, 40. 209 
 
 lie asked them, in the presence of the Grecians, who were in- 
 formed of what was said by an interpreter, " For what sum they 
 " would engage to consume the bodies of their fathers with 
 " fire:" the Calatiae uttered a loud exclamation, and begged 
 him to be mere religious in his discourse. Such, therefore, 
 is the opinion of nations respecting these matters; 1 and 
 Pindar, in my opinion, is right when he says in his verses, that 
 " Law is the sovereign of alL" 3 
 
 While Cambyses was carrying on war against Egypt, the 39 
 Lacedemonians led an expedition also against Samos and 
 Polycrates the son of Ajax, who, having raised an insurrection, 
 got possession of the island. He had at first divided the state 
 into three portions, and governed with his brothers Pantag- 
 notus and Syloson ; but, having afterwards put to death the 
 former, and driven the younger, Syloson, out of the country, 
 he got possession of the whole of Samos : while he was in full 
 power, he entered into connexion of hospitality with Amasis, 
 the king of Egypt, sending him gifts, and receiving from him 
 others in return. In a short time, the power of Polycrates 
 suddenly increased, 1 and the fame of it spread over Ionia, 3 and 
 all the rest of Greece; for, wherever he undertook an expe- 
 dition, all succeeded -to him prosperously : he had a fleet of 
 one hundred fifty-oared galleys, and a thousand bowmen ; he 
 attacked and pillaged 4 all without making any distinction ; for 
 lie used to say, that he conferred a greater pleasure on a friend 
 by returning what he had taken from him, than if he had not 
 originally taken it. He, accordingly, took possession of many 
 of the islands, and even several cities on the continent ; and 
 among others, he vanquished, in a sea-fight, the Lesbians, who 
 had.corne with all their forces to the assistance of the Milesians. 
 These being taken prisoners, and chained, were made to dig 
 out the whole of the moat round Samos. The great pros- 40 
 perity of Polycrates did not escape Amasis, but was with him 
 an object of inquietude : and Polycrates's good fortune having 
 increased still more, Amasis wrote the following in a letter, 
 and transmitted it to Samos. " Amasis to Polycrates says as 
 " follows. It is indeed sweet to hear that a man, our friend 
 " and host, flourishes ; but to me thy great success does not 
 ** bring pleasure, convinced as I am that the divinity is jealous. 4 
 
 1 o'vrbi fiiv vvv Tavra vtvopiffTcu. ; tuta sunt." Translat. 
 
 this, I think, relates to we 1 ovrw vi- 2 Preserved by the Scholiast on 
 
 von'iKavt ret rrtpi rove vopovs, a little Nem. ix. 35. 
 
 higher up ; being one of those repe- 3 KCU (TO. 7rp?jyuar) ijv [itpufiiva, 
 
 titions so common in Herodotus, and K. T. X. " and his power was cele- 
 
 jnost ancient writers. Larcher trans- brated," &c. T 
 
 lates " tant la coutume a de force;" 4 tyfp* * KCU ijyt. See the note on r 88. 
 
 and Schweig. " ita igitur haec consti- 5 TO Gtiov - - tan fOovtpav. lUis 
 
 VOL. I. EG
 
 210 THALIA. 41, 4-2. 
 
 " I would wish ' that both myself, and those whom I cherish, 
 " might be successful in some things but in others fail ; and so 
 " pass through life in vicissitude, rather than be prosperous in 
 " every tiling. For I have never yet heard mention made of 
 " any one, who, after being successful in every thing, did not 
 " at last die completely miserable. Do thou, therefore, in 
 " obedience to my advice, act in the following manner against 
 " thy good fortune; consider what thou canst find the most 
 " esteemed by thee, and when deprived of which thon wilt be 
 " most grieved in soul, cast it aside, so that it may never 
 "again come among men. And if, after so doing, success 
 " does not befal thee in turn with misfortune, apply a remedy 
 
 41 in the manner I propose." Polycrates, having read the 
 letter, and conceiving that Amasis gave him good counsel, set 
 about considering which of his possessions would grieve him 
 most in mind by the loss^ and, after some search, he deter- 
 mined upon this. He had a signet, which he was wont to wear, 
 consisting of an emerald set in gold : it was the work of 
 Theodorus the Samian, son of Telccles. When he had de- 
 termined upon casting this away, he acted as follows. Having 
 manned a fifty-oared barge, he went on board, and then gave 
 orders to put out to sea : when he was at a good distance 
 from the island, he took off the signet, and, in the sight of all 
 Dn board, cast it into the deep; having so done, he returned; 
 
 42 and being arrived home, gave himself up to sorrow. But, on 
 the fifth or sixth day after, the following circumstance hap- 
 pened to him. A fisherman having caught a large and fine 
 fish, thought it worthy of being presented to Polycrntes ; 
 wherefore, taking it to the gate of the palace, he said he 
 wished to be admitted into the presence of Polycrates : being 
 successful in his application,* he presented the fish, saying, 
 
 passage, and a similar one in the dis- feel at the prosperity of their fellow 
 course of Solon to Croesus, i. have creatures. The epithet " jealous" is 
 been the subject of much disquisition, not of unusual application to the Al- 
 as It would seem at first sight that mighty m the Scriptures, where the 
 Herodotus attribute* to the divinity sense of the word is known to every 
 one of the worst passions of human Christian. Exod. x. See Schti-eig. 
 nature, I mean envy: and, indeed, Lex. Herod, voc. tyQovtpoc. Translat. 
 Plutarch accuses the historian of so ' See Valcknaer'a note on the sup- 
 doing in direct terms. We must not pression of paXXov ; Herod. Ed. Qaitf. 
 expect to find among the ethnicks tit. 337. 
 
 those sublime ideas of the divinity for 2 xuprjaavroq t o'l rovrov, "cum 
 
 which we are indebted to the imme- hoc ei successisset," i. e. having suc- 
 
 diate revelations of the Almighty : I ceeded in obtaining what he asked, 
 
 cannot, however, but be of the opinion The verbs xojpmv, and the compound 
 
 of Larcher that by $9ovcpbe Herodotus irpc/xupkiiv, are frequently taken in 
 
 means the hostility of the divinity this sense without the general addition 
 
 against that pride so often engendered of IVTV^WQ. Larcher ; Schteeig. Lex. 
 
 by success in the human heart, and Herod; Wesseling. Not. 
 not the regret which too many men
 
 THALIA. 4345. 211 
 
 " Sire, I have caught tins fish, but do not think it 
 " right to take it to market, albeit I arn one that earns his 
 ' bread by the toil of his hands; on the contrary, I imagined 
 " it would be worthy of thyself and thy dignity; I have, 
 " therefore, brought it thee as a gift," Polycrates, pleased 
 with this address, replied in these words : " Thou hast acted 
 " very properly ; and I owe thee double thanks, both for thy 
 " speech, and for the gift. 1 We invite thee to dinner." The 
 fisherman, accordingly, proud of the honour, went homewards: 
 meanwhile, the servants, having cut up the fish, found Poly- 
 crates' s signet lying in its belly : as soon as they espied it, they 
 took it, and, full of joy, carried it to their master, and giving him 
 the signet, told him in what manner it had been found. Poly- 
 crates could not but think the accident superhuman ; 2 he, 
 therefore, wrote all down in a letter, as well what he had 
 done, as what had befallen him ; and, having written, delivered 
 it to be carried 3 into Egypt. Amasis, having perused the 43 
 letter that came to him from Polycrates, saw that it would be 
 out of the power of a man to rescue another from the calamity 
 about to befal him, and that Polycrates could not end his life 
 in prosperity, since he was fortunate in all things; and found 
 again even what he cast away. Sending, therefore, a herald 
 to him at Samos, he declared that he cancelled the contract of 
 hospitality : this he did for the following purpose; lest, in the 
 case of direful and great misfortunes befalling Polycrates, he 
 should be sorrowed in mind as for a friend. 
 
 It was, therefore, against this Polycrates, thus fortunate in 44 
 every thing, that the Lacedemonians made war, being iritreated 
 so to do by the Samians, who subsequently founded Cydonia, 
 in Crete. At the time that Cambyses son of Cyrus was collect- 
 ing forces to invade Egypt, Polycrates despatched a messenger 
 to him, and begged he would likewise send to him at Samos, 
 and ask for some troops. 4 Cambyses, upon the receipt of the 
 message, nothing loth, sent to Samos, begging Polycrates 
 would send a naval armament to accompany him against 
 Egypt. Polycrates, thereupon, choosing such of the citizens 
 as he suspected most of a desire to rebel, despatched them 
 a-board forty triremes, charging Cambyses, at the same time, 
 not to send them back. According to the account of some, 4-5 
 those of the Samians that were sent away by Polycrates did 
 not go to Egypt; but having in their course reached the Car- 
 pathian sea, 5 held counsel, and determined upon not continuing 
 
 1 Lit. "and the favour is double, sometimes governs the dative, as Kpot- 
 both of the address and the gift." ffi? ivt\0tiv TO TOV 2oX<->voc, i. *<>. 
 
 2 rbv Sk (i. e. UoXviepdrta) ifffrOt 3 See the same expression in v. 95. 
 OHO,' ilvm TO iratjyua: " ^ thought 4 Matthiae, Gr. Gramui. sect. 631, 
 entered Polycnites that the event was obs. 2. 
 
 superhuman." ioiwoQcu. in this sense 5 iv Kapwafly, see ii. 16&.
 
 212 THALIA. 46, 47. 
 
 their voyage any farther; but according to others, they did 
 reach to Egypt, and were seen there, 1 but fled from thence. 
 As they were steering btick to Samos, Polycrates met them 
 with his ships, and engaged battle: the returning Samians 
 having conquered, landed on the isle, and there, engaging in 
 a land-fight, were worsted, whereupon they made sail for 
 Lacedemon. There are, however, some who relate that, in 
 this latter action, they that came from Egypt conquered Poly- 
 crates; but, in my opinion, their statement is inaccurate; for 
 they would have had no necessity of calling for the assistance 
 of the Lacedemonians, if, indeed, they were of themselves 
 sufficient to reduce* Polycrates; acid to this, that neither will 
 reason allow that Polycrates, who had mercenary troops, and 
 bowmen of his own, in such vast quantities, should have been 
 defeated by the returning Samians, who were few in number. 
 Moreover Polycrates had brought together, in the docks, the 
 wives and children of the citizens subject to him, and held 
 them ready to burn, together with the docks, 3 in case the 
 Samians should join with their returning countrymen to betray 
 
 46 him. When the Samians, who had been driven out by Poly- 
 crates, were come to Sparta, they stood before the archons 
 and pronounced a long speech, making most earnest en- 
 treaties: at this first interview, the archons made answer, 
 that they had forgotten the beginning of the speech, and did 
 not comprehend the Tatter part. Afterwards, at a second au- 
 dience, the Samians, bringing a leathern bag, 4 said nothing 
 more than this: " The bag wants flour." The archons replied, 
 that the word " bag" was superfluous ; 5 they determined, 
 
 *' however, to give them assistance. Afterwards the Lace- 
 demonians, having made due preparations, waged war against 
 Samos ; as a return, according to the account of the Samians, 
 
 N 
 
 1 $v\aa<ronevovg admits of two mean- ex corio, qupd milites ferunt. Larcker. 
 
 ings, " observptos" and " in custodia * Trtpitpya^o^ai signifies literally "to 
 
 habitos." Schwcig. Lex. Herod, voc. do something superfluous and useless-." 
 
 <j>v\aaativ. hence this phrase admits of two mean- 
 
 1 Trapi'oTij/a, in the preterite and ings; the first is that given by Schneider 
 
 2nd aorist, signifies, " I am subdued," in his Gr. and Germ. Lexicon ; " that 
 
 " I am compelled to yield :" see iii. they had done something superfluous 
 
 ( 13. In (he middle voice, this verb is with the bag, inasmuch as they shewed 
 
 taken actively, and signifies " I sub- it, while it was sufficient to mention 
 
 due," " I compel to surrender:" ex- it, [mit dem Sacke halten sie etwas 
 
 cept in the 1st future, where it is Ueberfliissiges gethan, dass sie ihn 
 
 taken in a passive sense, as in iii. gezeigt hatten ;."] the second is " that 
 
 155. Larcher. they had done too much, i. e. had 
 
 3 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 5G3 r been too garrulous in using the word 
 or sect. 400. /. QvXaKov ; i, e. it would have been suf- 
 
 4 OvXaicof is properly a " leathern ficient to shew the bag, and say, for 
 sack:" Hesychiusexplainsitby aaxof instance, aXfirwv Miadai" Schweig. 
 ttpnanvoG. It is also explained in Lex. Herod. ; Schneid. Gr. Germ. Lex. 
 Glossis ms. " vas ad ferendum pancm troc.
 
 THALIA. 48, 49. -213 
 
 for a previous favour, because the Samians themselves had 
 before come to the assistance of the Lacedemonians against 
 the Messenians, with a fleet of ships. But, as the Lacedemo- 
 nians represent, they did not undertake the war so much to 
 afford relief to the intreating Samians, as with a design of 
 being avenged of the robbery of the bowl which they had 
 sent to Croesus, and of that of the corselet which Amasis, the 
 king of Egypt, had sent to them as a gift ; for the Samians 
 had taken a corselet the year before they stole the bowl. This 
 corselet was of linen, and adorned with a great number of 
 figures, inwoven with gold and plant wool; 1 but even the 
 separate threads make it an object deserving of admiration; 
 each of which, although fine, contains within itself three hun- 
 dred and sixty twines, all distinctly visible. Such another is 
 that also which Amasis dedicated to Minerva at Lindus. 
 
 The Corinthians also readily contributed towards exciting 48 
 this expedition against Samos. For there had been an offence 
 committed against them likewise by the Samians in the gene- 
 ration previous to this expedition, about the same time of the 
 carrying off of the bowl. 11 Periamler the son of Cypselus des- 
 patched to Alyattes, at Sardis, three hundred sons of the first 
 men among the Corcyreans, to be gelded; the Corinthians, 
 who were conveying the lads, having touched at Samos, the 
 islanders, informed of the real motive of their being taken to 
 Sardis, first instructed the youths to touch the temple of 
 Diana; and then, as they would not allow the suppliants to 
 be pulled from the temple, and the Corinthians refused sub- 
 sistence to the boys, the Samians instituted a festival, which 
 they celebrate in the same manner to this day. During the 
 whole time that the lads remained suppliants, as soon as night 
 fell, they placed within the temple chorusses of boys and girls ; 
 at the same time enacting by law that those of the chorusses 
 should carry with them cakes of sesame and honey, to the 
 end that, by snatching them away, the Corcyrean youths" 
 might have wherewithal to eat. This continued till such time 
 as, at last, 3 the Corinthians, who were appointed guards over 
 the lads, had abandoned them, and departed ; the Samians 
 then conveyed the boys back to Corcyra. Now, if, after the 49 
 death of Periander, friendship had existed between the Co- 
 rinthians and Corcyreans, the former would not, for this rea- 
 son, have contributed to the expedition against Samos ; but 
 from the time that the Corinthians colonized the island of 
 
 ' Cotton, beyond a doubt. 3 If rovro - - - If 8, " eo usque 
 
 2 See Matthiae, Gr.Gramm.p.538, - - - - donee." 
 or sect. 38(5, i.
 
 214- THALIA. 50,51. 
 
 Corcyra, the two people are at difference with one another : 
 so that the Corinthians still recollected the injury they had 
 received at the hands of the Samians. Periander had selected 
 the sons of the first men among the Corcyreans, and sent 
 them to Sardis to be gelded, out of a spirit of retaliation, for 
 the Corcyreans had first begun the committing of flagrant 
 
 50 outrages against himself. 1 For after Periander had put to 
 death his own wife Melissa, 2 the following calamity, in addi- 
 tion to what had before happened, befel him. He had two 
 sons by Melissa, the first seventeen years of age, and the other 
 eighteen : these youths, their maternal grandsire Procles, who 
 was tyrant 3 of Epidaurus, sent for to come and visit him : he 
 treated them with kindness, as was natural, seeing they were 
 the sons of his own daughter; when he sent them back, he 
 said to them, as he was accompanying them : " Do you know, 
 " boys, who killed your mother?" This speech the elder one 
 took no account of; but the younger, whose name was Lyco- 
 phron, was struck with sorrow when he heard it, so that, on 
 his return to Corinth, he would not speak to his father, as 
 being the murderer of his mother, neither would he join with 
 him in conversation, or return any answer to his father when 
 he questioned him. At last, Periander, impelled by anger, 
 
 51 drove him from home. Having thus expelled the youth, he 
 enquired of the elder on what their grandfather had discoursed 
 
 1 By murdering his son : see c. 53, courses, entitled, " Hiernn, sire Ty- 
 in fin. ranniciis :" in this treatise he con- 
 
 2 The death of Melissa happened in stantly terms him rvpavvoc : a cir- 
 cousequence of a kick she received, cumstance which has led many to be- 
 during her pregnancy, from her hus- lieve that the term might be taken in 
 band. a good sense with the Greeks, whereas 
 
 3 Larcher takes this opportunity of in French it is by no means equivocal. 
 explaining the difference he makes It signifies also, in our language, a 
 between Tvpavi-os and paoiXfvg : I legitimate prince, governing a society, 
 do not feel any necessity of apologiz- contrary to its nature, intention, and 
 ing for adding it here. The poets fre- primitive scope. But let us refer to 
 quently confound rvpavvog with fiaffi- Xenophon : " Socrates, Soc. Man. ir. 
 \ti>(; : but the prose writers, I think, c. 6, 12, thought that royalty and 
 make a great difference ; for instance, tyranny were too different kinds of 
 they never call the kings of Persia, goTernment. That where the subjects 
 Lacedemon, and Athens, tyrants ; were governed by their own consent, 
 whereas they give that name to the and conformably to the laws, he re- 
 kings of Syracuse, to Pisistratus, &c. garded as a royalty : but he called a 
 Tyrant, among the Greeks, signifies tyranny that where the subjects were 
 an usurper governing a nation con- governed contrary to their will, and 
 trary to its will, without its approba- in a manner opposite to the laws, but 
 tipn, even though he may follow the agreeable to the caprices of the prince." 
 dictates of justice. Pisistratus, for Lurcher. Omnes autem et habentur 
 instance, was a tyrant, though his go- et dicuntnr Tyranni, qui potestate 
 Ternment was of a mild nature ; Hiero sunt perpetua in ea civitate, quae li- 
 was one likewise, and yet Xenophon bertate usa est. Corn. AY;>. Miltitul. 3. 
 makes an eulogium of him in the Dis-
 
 THALIA. 52. 215 
 
 to them ; the young man related, that he had treated them 
 with kindness, but did not call to his recollection the language 
 Procles had held to them at the time he dismissed them, not 
 having at first taken any account of it. Still Periander de- 
 clared it could not be but that he must have suggested some- 
 thing to them; and pressed him with questions; whereupon, 
 the young man, recollecting himself related also the above 
 speech of Procles. Periander, having reflected on this, and 
 being determined not to shew any indulgence, sent a messen- 
 ger to those people where his banished son lived, forbidding 
 them to admit him in their houses; the youth, thus driven 
 out, as often as he went to another house, was constantly 1 
 driven from that likewise, Periander threatening all such as 
 received him, and commanding them to drive him away. So 
 the youth, bandied about, went from house to house among 
 his companions; who, though in fear, still received him, as 
 being son to Periander. At last Periander made a procla- 52 
 mation, that whoever either admitted him in their houses, or 
 conversed with him, should pay to Apollo a certain deodand, 
 mentioning the amount. In consequence of this proclamation, 
 none, therefore, would either converse with him, or admit him 
 into their houses ; and, indeed, neither would the youth 
 vouchsafe to attempt what was forbidden, but, obstinate in 
 his purpose, would lie down in the porticoes. On the fourth 
 day, Periander, seeing him reduced to dirt 2 and hunger, took 
 pity on him ; and remitting his anger, he drew near to him, 
 and said : " My son, which of these things is preferable, the 
 " state in which thou now art, or tp receive the sovereign 
 " power, and all the advantages I now possess, by being obe- 
 " dient to thy father? Thou, who art my own son, and king 
 " over the wealthy Corinth, hast chosen a vagabond life, op- 
 " posing thyself and shewing anger to one, towards whom 
 " thou shouldst, least of all, act in that manner. For if in 
 " our family 3 there has happened any calamity, from which 
 " thou harbourest suspicion against me, it has fallen on me, 
 " and I feel the greater sorrow for it, since I myself was the 
 " perpetrator. 4 But, seeing how much better it is to excite 
 
 See Malthiae, Gr. Gram. p. 925, iv avrolai. Wesseling and Coray 
 
 or sect . 698, a. Hermann, ad Viger. n. supply irphwam. Schweighaeuser, 
 
 286. after Reiskius, takes it to be equiya- 
 
 2 The Greek expression a\ov<ny<ri lent to Iv }/*Iv, " apud nos, in familia 
 
 means that he had not bathed. Before nostra ;" so likewise in iv. 97. 
 
 the use of linen, frequent bathing was Schtveig. Lex. Herod, voc. avrbc, 3. 
 
 as necessary for health as for cleanli- * There is no necessity of changing 
 
 ness, more particularly in hot climates. rb TT\IVV into r6m[> ir\tvr, according 
 
 to the conjecture of Coray, because
 
 -216 THALIA. 53. 
 
 41 envy than pity, and likewise how prejudicial to cherish 
 " anwer against parents and superiors, do thou return home." 
 Tims' did Periander endeavour to check his son ; but the 
 young man made no other reply to his father than by saying, 
 that he owed himself a deodand to the god, for having con- 
 versed with him. Periander, seeing that the evil of his son 
 was irremediable and insuperable, manned a ship, and sent 
 him to Corcyra out of his sight; for he was master likewise 
 of that island. Periander, having sent away his son, waged 
 war against his father-in-law Procles, regarding him as the 
 chief cause of his present calamities. He took Epidaurus, and 
 53 seized Procles, whose life he preserved. But afterwards, in 
 the course of time, when Periander was growing old, and felt 
 that he was no longer capable of himself to inspect and ma- 
 nage affairs, he sent to Corcyra, inviting Lycophron to the 
 sovereign power; for he did not observe any aptitude for bu- 
 siness in his eldest son, 1 who was evidently to him slow of in- 
 tellect. Lycophron, however, did not even honour the person 
 who brought the message with a reply; whereupon Periander, 
 anxious for the youth, despatched, in the second place, to him 
 his sister, the daughter of Periander himself, thinking the 
 young man would listen most to her. She arrived, and said'. 
 " Wouldst thou, brother, that the sovereign power should 
 " fall into the hands of others, and thy father's property 2 
 " squandered, rather than go and receive it thyself? Return, 
 " and cease to inflict punishment on thyself; obstinacy is but 
 " an inauspicious possession ; seek not to remedy one evil by 
 " another; many prefer what is lenient before what is just; 
 " and many, ere this, by pursuing the claims of their mothers, 
 " have lost those of their fathers. The sovereignty is a slip- 
 " pery holding ; still many are its suitors. Thy father is 
 
 that correlative is commonly under- which Periander seems to wish to 
 stood. See Hoogeeven de Particulis throw over his crime. I make this 
 Graecis, lix. 3. There is no doubt observation in anticipation of au ill- 
 whatever that iZipyaadfjLTjv signifies, natured reproach, which, no doubt, 
 "I have killed:" <r<j>t is a personal some of my friends will not be unwil- 
 pronoun, signifying " ipsum, ipsam." ling to cast against my translation. 
 Periander dares not say to his son, Translat. 
 
 "I have killed thy mother;" he merely ' Construction: OVK ivtwpa yap tv 
 
 says, " I have killed her," wishing, ry irptafivTspy TWV iraidtav (TO ilvai 
 
 perhaps, to diminish the horror of his dvvarbv ra TrprjypaTa iiropav:*) the 
 
 crime. Larcher, and Schweig. Lex. ellipsis being supplied from what goes 
 
 Herod, roc. tpya2e<T0ai. I have said, before. Schweig. 
 
 " since I was the perpetrator ;" not 2 OIKOQ , " paternal possessions, pa- 
 
 because the Latin translations have, trimony:" <r0e, like fiiv, is equivalent 
 
 " ID perpetravi," which I know to be to avrov, avTijv, avro : and, conse- 
 
 incorrect, but because I thought that quently, may here be referred to okov. 
 
 by so doing 1 did not lift up the veil Schweig. Larcher.
 
 THALIA. 5456. 
 
 21' 
 
 " already old, and beyond the vigour of life; give not thy 
 "own advantages away to others." The sister thus addressed 
 him, in the most persuasive language, having been instructed 
 by her father: but the young man, in reply, declared he 
 would never go to Corinth, so long as he understood his father 
 was in existence. The lady, having made her report, Perian- 
 der, in the third place, despatches, a herald, intending himself 
 to go to Corcyra; and ordered his son to return to Corinth, 
 and succeed in the sovereign power. The youth, having ac- 
 ceded to this proposal, Periander made ready to depart for 
 Corcyra, as did his son for Corinth: but the Corcyreans, 
 having an inkling of all these things, put the young man to 
 death, so that Periander might not come over to their coun- 
 try. In retaliation for which, Periander took vengeance on 
 the Corcyreans. 
 
 The Lacedemonians, having arrived with a vast armament, 54. 
 besieged Samos; they approached the wall, and stormed a 
 tower situate on the sea-side, in the suburb of the place; but af- 
 terwards, Poly crates himself coming to its succour with a large 
 body of men, they were repulsed ; meanwhile the auxiliaries, 
 and a good number of the Samians themselves, made a sally 
 from the upper tower standing on the ridge of the hill ; but 
 these, after withstanding for a short time the Lacedemonians, 
 fled back to their quarters ; and the besieging party made 
 great slaughter in the pursuit. -If all the Lacedemonians pre- 55 
 sent had that day behaved like Archias and Lycopas, Samos 
 might have been taken : for those two alone, pursuing the 
 fugitives within the ramparts, and being cut off from any 
 egress, fell in the city of the Samians. I myself have met with 
 another Archias, son of Archias Samius, and the third de- 
 scendant 1 from this Archias^ he was at Pitane, for he belonged 
 to that place. Tin's person honoured the Samians more than 
 all other strangers, and said that the name of Samius was 
 given to his father, because Archias, his father's father, had 
 perished fighting valiantly at Samos ; he stated, that he ho- 
 noured the Samians, because his grandsire had been buried 
 by them at the public charge. The Lacedemonians, having 56 
 been forty days employed in the siege of Samos, and their 
 affairs not having advanced any the farther, 2 departed back to 
 the Peloponnesus; and, as an unfounded 3 report goes, it is 
 
 1 I. e. the grandson of the Archias, 2, of this work. Translat. 
 who was slain at Samos ; in speaking e Construction : ovtkv TC TWV- irpijy- 
 f genealogical degrees, the Greeks pdrwv -rrpoiKOTrriro if rb irpoau," and 
 comprised the two extremes ; thus the as nothing of their affairs was ad- 
 son was the second descendant, the vanced any the farther. 1 ' 
 grandson the third, and the great- 3 See Matthiae, Gr.Gramm. p. 662, 
 grandson the fourth. See i. 91, note or sect. 457, 3. 
 VOL. I. * f
 
 218 THALIA. 5759. 
 
 stated that Polycrates, having caused a great quantity of coins 
 of the country to be struck in lead, and then gilt over, gave it 
 them ; upon the receipt of which, they accordingly took their 
 departure. This was the first expedition into Asia undertaken 
 bv the Dorian Lacedemonians. 
 
 57 "Those of the Samians who had raised war against Polycrates 
 sailed away likewise for Siphnus, as soon as the Lacedemo- 
 nians were about to abandon them ; for they were in want of 
 means : the affairs of the Siphnians flourished in those times ; 
 so that they were the most opulent of the islanders, gold 
 and silver ores being found in their island in such abundance, 
 that out of the tenth-part of the produce, a treasury has 
 been dedicated at Delphi, equal to the most wealthy ; these 
 people used every year to divide the riches produced from the 
 mines among themselves. 1 While they were, therefore, erecting 
 the treasury, they consulted the oracle, whether the prosperity 
 they then enjoyed would endure a long time; 2 when the Pythia 
 pronounced to them the following oracle: "When in Siphnus 
 " the prytaneum shall be white, and the market likewise clad 
 " in white, then will there be need of some prudent man to 
 " watch against a wooden band, 3 and red ambassador." The 
 prytaneum and market-place of the Siphnians were, at the 
 
 58 time the Samians arrived, built of Parian marble. This oracle 
 they were not able to comprehend, either at the time it was 
 given, or when the Samians came; for as soon as the latter 
 had touched at Siphnus, they sent one of their ships, with 
 ambassadors aboard, to the city ; now, in former days, all 
 vessels were painted with red lead; and that was what the 
 
 > Pythia foretold to them, bidding them beware " of a wooden 
 band and red ambassador." The messengers having accord- 
 ingly arrived, asked the Siphnians to give 4 them ten talents; 
 but the Siphnians refusing to do so, they ravaged the 
 country. The Siphnians, informed of this, directly came 
 forward in the defence of their lands, and engaging the enemy, 
 were defeated. Many of them were cut off from "their retreat 
 to the city by the Samians ; who, after this action, exacted 
 
 59 from them one hundred talents. The Samians then pur- 
 chased of the people of Hermione, for a sum of money, the 
 
 1 The Siphuiajis, as Larcher ob. '> Larcher translates lv\n-w rt X6- 
 
 serve*, became, in the sequel of time, x'<>", by " une embuche de bois:" au- 
 
 as miserable as they had been opu- thorizin:; himself on Eurij>ides,Troad. 
 
 lent : afibrding auother instance, that 534, who, speaking of the wooden 
 
 the monopoly of the precious metals, horse before Troy, says, irtvKa iv ou- 
 
 sooner or later, produces the dowufal ptiy Ztarbv \6xov 'Apytiuv - - - VIOL 
 
 of nations. Traiinlut . iutrtav. Larchcr. 
 
 -, Li , t- " wliet her it was possible xpn ffai > to S^e * #</<> not to 
 
 (oid ri ian) that the present advan- lend. See Schweig. Lex. Herod, voc. 
 
 tages should abide with them." X,"<"'> ! !
 
 THALIA. 60, 61. -219 
 
 island of Hydrea, adjoining the Peloponnesus, and committed 
 it to the Troezenians; they themselves founded the city of 
 Cydonia, in Crete; although they did not sail thither with 
 that intent, but for the purpose of expelling the Zacynthians 
 from the island. They remained in the island, and flourished 
 for the space of five years ; so much so, that they erected the 
 temples that are now seen at Cydonia, and also the chapel of 
 Dictyna. In the sixth year, the Acginetae having, with the 
 assistance of the Cretans, vanquished them at sea, reduced 
 them to slavery; and cut off the stems of their vessels, carry- 
 ing the figure of a boar, which they dedicated in the temple of 
 Minerva, at Aegina. This the Aeginetae did out of a grudge 
 they bore to the Samians, who previously, under the reign of 
 Amphicrates, at Samos, had made war against Aegina, and 
 done considerable injury to the inhabitants, although they 
 themselves suffered much in return from them : such was the 
 cause of the enmity. 
 
 I have been the more prolix respecting the Samians, inas- 60 
 much as three of the greatest works of all the Grecians have 
 been performed by them. Thcjirst is an excavation open at 
 both ends, made athwart a mountain one hundred and fifty 
 orgyiae in height; it begins from the lower part, and is in 
 length seven stades ; both in height and breadth it measures 
 eight feet : and from one end to the other another channel, 
 twenty cubits deep and three feet broad, has been dug, by 
 which the water, proceeding from a copious spring, is con- 
 ducted in pipes, and brought into the city ; l the superinten- 
 dant of this excavation was a native of Megara, Eupalinus 
 the son of Naustrophus ; the above is, accordingly, one of the 
 three works. The second is a break-water raised in the sea 
 around the port, being twenty orgyiae in depth ; the length 
 of this pile is more than two stades. The third work, erected 
 by them, is a temple, the largest of all the temples we know 
 of; the first architect of which was Rhoecus son of Phila, a 
 native. For these reasons, I have been somewhat more diffuse 
 respecting the Samians. 
 
 While Cambyses son 6f Cyrus was abiding in Egypt, and 61 
 committing mad pranks, two of the Magi, who were brothers, 
 revolted against him. One of these Cambyses had left as 
 superintendant of his household; this man accordingly raised 
 an insurrection, knowing that the death of Smerdis was kept 
 
 1 This work seems to have been a that on either side was a path within 
 
 large tunnel dug athwart a mountain : the tunnel two feet and a half 
 
 along the middle of which an aque- serving probably, as a passage, U 
 
 duct was made. The tunnel was repair the works in case of need. 
 
 eight feet high, and as many broad ; W cssding. Larcker. 
 the aqueduct was three feet broad, so
 
 THALIA. 6-2, 63. 
 
 having revolved this in his mind, he determined upon making 
 an attempt on the throne. He had a brother, who, 1 have 
 said, joined him in the insurrection, very similar in physi- 
 ognomy to Smerdis the son of Cyrus, whom, though his own 
 brother, Cambyses had put to death; not only was he similar 
 to Smerdis in countenance, but bore also the same name. 
 This person the Magus Patizeithes, having persuaded him he 
 would manage all, seated on the royal throne : and having so 
 done, despatched heralds on all sides, but more particularly 
 into Egypt, warning the army to obey, 3 for the future, not 
 
 62 Cambyses, but Smerdis the son of Cyrus. All the heralds, 
 therefore, made this proclamation, as did also the one sent to 
 Egypt, for having found Cambyses and the army at Agbatana 
 of Syria, he stood forth, and made the proclamation accord- 
 ing to the orders of the Magus. Cambyses, hearing this from 
 the herald, and imagining he spoke the truth, and that he 
 himself had been betrayed by Prexaspes, (thinking that 
 though he had sent the latter to slay Smerdis, he had not 
 done so,) casting his eyes on Prexaspes, said, " Prexaspes, is 
 " it thus thou hast executed the commission I confided to 
 "thee?" The other made answer: "My lord, it is false 
 " that thy brother Smerdis has revolted from thee, or that 
 " any dispute, whether great or small, can arise betweenjhee 
 " and him. For I myself, after acting according to thy com- 
 " mands, buried him with my own hands. If, in sooth, the 
 " dead arise again, take thy account that Astyages, king of 
 " the Medes, will himself rise up against thee ; but if it is 
 " now as heretofore, certainly no innovation will arise against 
 " thee, at least from that quarter. It is my opinion, therefore, 
 " we ought to send after the herald, and endeavour by our 
 " enquiries to find out by whose orders he came hither to 
 
 63 " proclaim that we were to obey king Smerdis." Prexaspes, 
 having thus spoken, as his advice was approved by Cambyses, 
 the herald was immediately sent for, and came; when he ar- 
 rived, Prexaspes put to him the following question: " My good 
 " man, since thou sayest thou hast come as a messenger from 
 " Smerdis the son of Cyrus, tell us now the truth, and thou 
 " shalt go thy ways unpunished: was it Smerdis himself that 
 
 1 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 743, about to mention." TT^OQ ravra relates 
 
 or sect. 607, 3. _ to the death of Smerdis ; rate to what 
 
 2 irpbs ravra fSovXtvcras rate, follows, viz. the resemblance of the 
 
 " haec ille reputans." Schweig. Vers. Magus Smerdis to the Prince Smer- 
 
 Lat. ' Cette mort jointe au* circon- dis. Lurcher. 
 
 stances dont je vais parler, this death, a See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 645, 
 
 totyled with the circumstances I am or sect. 443.
 
 THALIA. 64. 221 
 
 " appeared before thee, and gave thee these orders, or was it 
 "some one of his ministers?" The man replied: " I have 
 " never seen Smerdis the son of Cyrus from the time that 
 " king Cambyses departed on his expedition against Egypt t 
 " it was the same Magus whom Cambyses placed over his 
 " household that gave me those orders, saying, it was Smer- 
 " dis the son of Cyrus who desired the notice to be given to 
 " you." Thus the herald declared all, without deviating from 
 truth. Thereupon Cambyses said : " Prexaspes, like a good 
 " servant, thou hast performed what thou wast ordered, and 
 " so hast escaped all blame : but still, who can this Persian 
 " be, that, usurping the name of Smerdis, hath revolted 
 " against me." The other answered : " Methinks, O king, I 
 " understand the whole of the business. The persons that 
 " have revolted against thee are the Magi Patizeithes, whom 
 " thou didst leave superintendant of the palace, and his bro- 
 " ther Smerdis," Then, as soon as Cambyses heard the 64 
 name of Smerdis, the truth not only of Prexaspes's words, but 
 that of his dream, struck him; when he fancied, in his sleep, 
 some one announced to him that Smerdis was seated on the 
 royal throne, and touched the heavens with his head. Seeing 
 that he had needlessly put to death his brother Smerdis, he 
 bewailed him ; after lamenting him, and eomplaining of his 
 universal misfortune, he threw himself on his horse, intending 
 as speedily as possible to lead his army towards Susa, against 
 the Magus; but as he was leaping on his horse, the fastening 1 
 of the scabbard of his sword fell off; so that the weapon, re- 
 maining bare, pierced him in the thigh. Being thus pierced 
 in the same part where he had himself before struck Apis the 
 god of the Egyptians, Cambyses, thinking he was mortally 
 wounded, 2 enquired what was the name of the town; they 
 told him, Agbatana. Now, an oracle had formerly been pro- 
 nounced to him from the city of Buto, declaring that he 
 would end his days at Agbatana; Cambyses accordingly fan- 
 cied he should die an old man at Agbatana of Media, where 
 all his treasures were deposited ; whereas the oracle evidently 
 meant the Agbatana of Syria. Thus having by his enquiries 
 learnt the name of the place, and, disturbed by the calamity 
 
 i ufanc," a mushroom." This word long as we are so little acquainted 
 
 is metonymically used to signify se- with the shape of the Persian and 
 
 veral things bearing some resemblance Greek swords, we can say nothing cer- 
 
 in shape to a mushroom; it means tain respecting this word. Xarc/ier 
 here the knob at the end of the sheath. ' c o. *aipiy &* *"\ 
 
 Schneid Gr Germ. Lex. Nicander word *\r,yy must be understood from 
 
 Besses himself in the same manner, ftrX,* ; an ellipsis of frequent recur- 
 
 rfw Mi K&W &PW. But as reuce. Larchcr. Bos. Ell.ps.Gr.17
 
 THALIA. 65. 
 
 that threatened him from the Magus, as well as by his wound, 
 he recovered his intellects; and, comprehending the meaning 
 of the oracle, exclaimed: " Here is the fated spot for Cam- 
 " byses the son of Cyrus to die." 
 
 65 Such were the words he then spoke ; but about twenty days 
 after, he sent for the most considerable among the Persians 
 about him, and addressed the following discourse to them : 
 " Persians, I cannot but 1 divulge to you what 1 have hitherto 
 " kept the most secret of all my affairs : when I was in 
 " Egypt, I beheld in my sleep a vision, and would that I had 
 " never seen it ; methought a messenger came to me from 
 " home, and announced that Smerdis was seated on the royal 
 " throne, and touched the skies with his head. Fearing, lest 
 " I should be deprived of the empire by my brother, I acted 
 "with more precipitation than wisdom;* for we all know 
 " that it is not in the nature of man to avert futurity. Fool 
 " that I was ! I sent Prexaspes to Susa, in order to put 
 " Smerdis to death ; and when I had committed that crime, 
 " passed my days in security, never dreaming, that now 
 " Smerdis was taken away, any other man would ever rise 
 " up against me; but, mistaking all that was fated to happen, 
 " I have wickedly become the murderer of my own brother, 
 " and, nevertheless, am despoiled of royalty. For, of a cer- 
 " tainty, the man whom the divinity foreshowed to me in the 
 " vision as about to rebel, was Smerdis the Magus. The 
 " deed has accordingly been committed by me, and do you, 
 " therefore, be persuaded, that Smerdis the son of Cyrus no 
 " longer lives; but that the Magi hold possession of the pa- 
 " lace ; him, I mean, whom I left superintendant of my 
 " household, and his brother Smerdis : he to whom it would 
 " chiefly have belonged to avenge for me the indignities I 
 " have suffered from the Magi, he, I say, has died a nefarious 
 " death by the hands of his own nearest kin. In the second 
 " place, he, being no more, this, of all the things* which, now 
 " at the point of death, I wish you to perform for me, it is 
 " most necessary I lay to your charge. This, therefore, ad- 
 " juring the sovereign gods, do I enjoin to you to you all, 
 
 1 tara\t\a3rjKi fit. Invasit me, id ad reliquura attinet, caeterum." 
 
 est, Impetus invasit animum meum. Larckcr. It is evident that the geni- 
 
 Commode Larchervs; je ne puis m'em- tire, r<av Xonruv, is here governed by 
 
 pecher. Schtceig. Lex. Herod, voc. the superlative avayKaurrarov : the 
 
 KaraXafKiu: sense being : " Secunda loco, reliquo- 
 
 * Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 661, or rum praeceptorum, quite niihi vobis 
 sect. 456. danda supersunt,maxime ppressarium 
 
 * rStv \ourwv is the same as rou hoc est." Schictig. Lex. Herod, voc. 
 \otvov, and signifies, " tandem, quod
 
 THALIA. G6, 67. 223 
 
 " but most particularly to such of you of the blood of the 
 " Achaemeukles as arc here present, never to permit the 
 " chief power to return back to the Medes ; but, should they 
 < have gained it by craft, by craft let it be wrested from them 
 ' by you ; should they have possessed themselves of it bv 
 " force, 1 by force and battle let it be regained. If this you 
 " do, may the earth bring forth her fruits for you, may your 
 ; ' wives and your flocks be fruitful, and you be'free for "ever: 8 
 " but if you do not recover the empire, nor strive to recover 
 " it, I pray the contrary of these may happen to you, and, in 
 " addition to that, the end of every Persian may be such as 
 " has befallen myself." Having thus spoken, Cambyses wept 
 over all his calamities. The Persians, seeing their king 66 
 weep, all rent the garments 3 they had on, and began to utter 
 loud shrieks ; some time after, the bone being attacked with 
 caries, the thigh rapidly putrified, and carried off 4 Cambyses 
 the son of Cyrus, after a reign in all of seven years and *five 
 months, and without any offspring whatever, whether male 
 or female. Great disbelief possessed the Persians who were 
 present, of the Magi having the government in their hands; 
 on the contrary, they felt convinced that Cambyses had said 
 what he had stated respecting the death of Smerdis through 
 envy, in order the whole Persian body might be excited to 
 rise in arms against him : they were accordingly persuaded 
 that Smerdis the son of Cyrus had risen up, and taken pos- 
 session of the throne; for Prexaspes strenuously denied having 
 put Smerdis to death ; since it would not have been safe for 
 him, after the decease of Cambyses, to own that the son of 
 Cyrus had perished by his hand. 
 
 The Magus, accordingly, assuming the name of Smerdis 67 
 son of Cyrus, at the decease of Cambyses, governed in tran- 
 quillity during the seven months that remained for Cambyses 
 to complete a reign of eight years. During which he per- 
 formed various acts of kindness to his subjects, so that when 
 he died, all in Asia, excepting the Persians themselves, re- 
 retted him. For the Maus sent round to all the nations 
 
 n)v (ntpffiwv) 3 KarqpiiicovTO, in the middle voice: 
 
 >iyilJiovii)v, may, perhaps, mean, " if this verb, taken actively, (Gronovius 
 
 they have put an end to the empire of reads KaTi'jptiKov ri) would signify 
 
 the Persians : " I have followed that the Persians tore the garments of 
 
 Schueighaeuser's Latin version. others, and not their own, which 
 
 - Kcti raura uiv TTOUVCI vu'iv ---- would be absurd. TO. rije iffflijroc 
 
 iovffi is TOV uirat'Ta xyovov iXtvOcpoi- ix<'>uiva is equivalent to TU<; iaQiiTu^. 
 
 ci. " Si vous faites ce que je vous See Wesseliug's note to i. 120. 
 
 recommande, et si vous conservez Lurcher. ( f 
 
 votre liberie, If you act according to Supply, to govern tvnvfift, the 
 
 tiiy injunctiuitu, and preserve your It- words /'/ voixror, or ravra ra KOKU. 
 
 may" ,\c. Lurcher. SJiwetg.
 
 224 THALIA. 68,69. 
 
 he ruled over, and proclaimed exemption from levies and 
 tribute for three years ; this proclamation he issued immedi- 
 
 68 ately on his raising himself to the empire. But in the eighth 
 month he was discovered after the following manner. Otanes 
 was the son of Pharnaspes, a man equal 1 in family and in opu- 
 lence to the first of the Persians: this Otanes was the first to 
 suspect the Magus of not being the Smerdis son of Cyrus, but 
 what he really was ; inferring it from this, that he never came 
 -out of the citadel, and never called into his presence any of 
 the men of rank among the Persians. Suspecting him, Otanes 
 acted in this manner. Cambyses had taken a daughter of 
 Otanes, whose name was Phaedima; this lady the Magus now 
 possessed, and cohabited with her, as well as with all the other 
 women of Cambyses. Otanes, therefore, sent to this daughter 
 of his, and enquired with what man she slept, whether with 
 Smerdis the son of Cyrus, or with some other; Phaedima 
 sent back to him saying she did not know ; as she had never 
 seen Smerdis the son of Cyrus, nor knew who it was that fre- 
 quented her bed. Otanes sent a second time, saying, " If 
 " thou dost not thyself know Smerdis the son of Cyrus, 
 " inquire of Atossa, whom she, as well as thou, cohabits with ; 
 " for it is beyond question that she must at any rate be ac- 
 " quainted with her own brother." In answer to this, the 
 daughter sent back: " I can neither converse with Atossa nor 
 " see any other of the women who used to sit 2 together; for, 
 " as soon as ever this man, whoever he may be, obtained pos- 
 " session of the empire, he divided us, placing each in a 
 
 9 " separate apartment." When Otanes heard this, the real 
 state of the case appeared still more evident to him; where- 
 upon he sends a third message to his daughter, saying as 
 follows : " My child, well born as thou art, it becomes thee to 
 " face any danger thy father may command thee to expose 
 " thyself to. For if, in truth, this individual is not Smerdis 
 " the son of Cyrus, but him I suspect, it surely becomes not, 
 " that, possessing the empire of the Persians, and enjoying thy 
 " person, he should escape unpunished, but he must pay the 
 " forfeit of his crime. Do thou, therefore, now, act as follows : 
 " when he lies down by thy side, and thou seest him buried in 
 " sleep, feel his ears; and if he is found to have 3 ears, know 
 
 1 Matthiae makes a remark on this history of queen Esther. Weasel. This 
 
 passage ; but he follows the old read- interpretation is approved by Schweig- 
 
 ing, iiftelttf. Gr. Gramm. p. 422. haeuser, although he gives in his 
 
 4 <Twy*rar>/isvwj', from ffvyicariiffOai, Latin version, " quae mecum hie una 
 
 " to sit together:" in the Harems of habitant." See Schweig. Lex. Herod. 
 
 the Medes and Persians, the women voc. av^KarriaQai. 
 used to sit together spinning and con- 2 Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 831. 
 versing, as we may gather from the
 
 THALIA. 70, 7L 225 
 
 " that thou art united to Snierdis the son of Cyrus ; but if 
 " not, thou art united to Smerdis the Magus." To this 
 Phacdima sent back the following answer : " that she should run 
 " great danger by so doing ; for, should he happen not to have 
 " any ears, and she be discovered feeling for them, she well knew 
 " he would murder her ; nevertheless she would do as her father 
 " desired." The lady received, accordingly, orders to do this 
 from her father, because Cyrus the son of Cambyses, when he 
 was on the throne, had, for some no slight offence, cut off 
 the ears of this Smerdis the Magus. Phaedima the daughter of 
 Otanes, obeying, therefore, in every particular, the commands 
 she had received from her father, when it was her place to go to 
 the Magus, (for among the Persians the women go in turns to 
 the husband,) went into his presence and lay by his side. 
 When the Magus was sound asleep, she felt for his ears, and 
 discovering without any difficulty 1 that the man had none, she 
 sent, as soon as day broke, and communicated the result to her 
 father. 
 
 Otanes, taking Aspathines and Gobryas, who were the first 70 
 men among the Persians, and the fittest persons for him to 
 trust, discovered to them the whole of the business. They had, 
 indeed, themselves suspected that it was so : but when Otanes 
 produced his reasons, they approved ; and resolved that each 
 should associate to himself some one of the Persians whom he 
 could most confide in. Otanes, accordingly, joined to himself J 
 Intaphernes ; Gobryas, Megabizus; and Aspathines, Hydarnes: 
 they being thus six, Darius the son of Hystaspes arrived at 
 Susa, 3 coming from Persia, over which his father was governor. 
 When this person, therefore, was come, the six Persians de- 
 termined upon associating Darius likewise to their number. 
 These, being now seven, met, and, having pledged their faith to 71 
 one another, held council ; when it came to Darius to make 
 known his opinion, he addressed them in the following words : 
 " I had fancied that I myself was the only person convinced 
 " that it was the Magus who was ruling over us, and that 
 " Smerdis the son of Cyrus was dead ; and on that account 
 " alone, came hither in haste, to plan the death of the Magus 
 but since it has so happened that not myself alone, but you 
 also know of it, I am of opinion that we should immediately 
 
 ' Matthiae, Gr. Gramrn. . 646. before. Schweig. l*x . Herod. 
 
 "adscivitsibi;" the Greek word being (Iota, about to be 
 equivalent to irnootraip'ioaeQat, a little SCSA. 
 VOL. I. - G g
 
 226 THALIA. 72. 
 
 " strike the blow, nor differ ; for that were not better." 1 To 
 this Otanes replied : " Son of Hystaspes, thpu art sprung 
 " from a valiant sire, and shewest thyself not inferior to thy 
 " father : do not, however, thus inconsiderately precipitate 
 " our undertaking, but prepare for it with more prudence, 
 " for we ought to be more numerous, ere we make the attempt." 
 To this Darius rejoined : " Gentlemen here present, know, 
 " that if YOU adopt the plan mentioned by Otanes, you will 
 " perish most miserably; for some one, privately covetting 
 " lucre to himself, will report all to the Magus. You ought, 
 " most undoubtedly, to have kept your counsel, and done the 
 " deed yourselves ; but since you have thought fit to commu- 
 " nicate it to many, and have made it known to me, either let 
 " iis do the deed this day, or know that if the present day 
 " passes over you, no one shall have the start 2 in becoming my 
 " accuser, for I myself will denounce you to the Magus." 
 72 To this Otanes replied, seeing the warmth of Darius, " Since,, 
 " thou compellest us to despatch, and will not allow us to de- 
 " lay, do 3 you yourself inform us in what manner we shall 
 " make good our entrance into the palace, and be able to 
 " attack the Magi : for, that guards are stationed, you also 
 " must know, I suppose, if not by experience, at least by 
 " report. In what manner shall we pass by them?" Darius 
 made answer: " Otanes, there are many things that cannot 
 " be explained by words, but by deeds : on the other hand, 
 " there are many things easy to expatiate on in words, while 
 " no brilliant deed results from them. You all know that the 
 " stationed sentries are not difficult to pass by ; for, in the first 
 " place, being such as we are, no one will refuse a passage, part- 
 " ly, no doubt, through fear, and partly through respect for our 
 " persons : in the second place, I myself have a most plausible 
 " pretext for our entering, by saying that I come from Persia, 
 " and wish to communicate some message from my father to the 
 * { king. For where it is necessary to speak a lie, let it be spoken : 
 " since we all tend to the same scope, both such as speak false, 
 " and such as speak true ; the latter at least lie, when, by 
 " persuading what is false, they may reap some gain, the 
 " former speak truth, when they may so profit, and cause 
 "greater confidence to be reposed in ihem; thus following 
 " different paths, 4 we tend to the same point ; and if there 
 " were nothing to be gained, the former, who speak the truth, 
 " [* r g am ] would lie, whereas the latter who lie [for profit] 
 
 The comparative for the positive ; 3 Wi, " age, come." Vig. tiii. 5,9. 
 see Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 662. oil ravra aaKtovriQ, " non eadera 
 
 3 See the learned Bishop of Chester's exercentes." TWVTOV -irtpuxoiuOa," we 
 observation, Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. are anxious for the same, i. e. we have 
 
 the same thing at heart."
 
 THALIA. 73, 74. 227 
 
 would speak the truth.' For such of the guards, therefore, 
 at the gates as permit us to pass unmolested, it will be 
 " better in time to come; but whoever attempts to oppose us, 
 " let him thereby be declared" our foe; and when we have 
 " pushed our way in, let us address ourselves to action." 
 After this, Gobryas spoke : " Gentlemen and friends, can we 
 ** ever have a fairer opportunity of recovering the empire, or, 
 " supposing we are not able to compass that, a fairer oppor- 
 " tunity, at least, of dying; now that we, who are Persians, are 
 " ruled by a Mede, a Magus, and him cropped of his ears ? 
 " Those among you, who were present at the sickness of 
 " Cambyses, must, surely, I suppose, remember the curses he 
 " pronounced, when about to end his life, upon the Persians, 
 " if they did not endeavour to regain the power; those curses 
 " we did not, at the time, hearken to, fancying that Cambyses 
 " spoke through envy. Now, therefore, I vote that we follow 
 " the counsel of Darius, and not disperse from this assembly, 
 " but go straight and attack the Magus." So spoke Gobryas, 
 and all applauded his proposal. 
 
 At the very time they were deliberating on these matters, the 7 
 following event happened in concurrence. The Magi had re- 
 solved, after some deliberation, to conciliate to themselves Prex- 
 aspes, both because he had suffered most unworthy treatment 
 from Cambyses, who had shot and killed his son, and because 
 he alone knew of the murder of Smerdis son of Cyrus, having 
 with his own hand put him to death : add to which, that Prex- 
 "aspes was held in great esteem by the Persians. Having, for 
 the above reasons, called him, the Magi endeavoured to engage 
 him in their interest, binding him, by oaths and imprecations, 3 
 to keep to himself, and discover to no one, the deceit practised 
 by them on the Persians ; promising, at the same time, that 
 they would give him infinite rewards. 1 Prexaspes baring pro- 
 mised to act as the Magi would have persuaded him,- they 
 made another proposal to him, saying- that they would co- 
 vene all the Persians under the walls of the palace, and 
 ordered him to ascend a tower and proclaim that the Persians 
 were ruled by Smerdis the son of Cyrus, and by none other : 
 this they charged him to do, as he was the person that the 
 Persians confided the most in, and had oftentimes published 
 his opinion that Smerdis the son of Cyrus was still alive, 
 
 1 The veneration for truth among " fide data et juramentis aliquem ob- 
 
 the Persians, (see i. 136,) will account stringere :" the simple verb \appavnv 
 
 for Darius using these sophistic argu- beirrg used for the compound KOTO- 
 
 ments. Translat. XappAvuv. Schtveig. Lex. Herod. 
 
 * Matthiae, Gr. Granun. sect. 548, Lit. " that they would give to him 
 
 3. Matthiae follows the old reading, tens of thousands of all manner 
 
 fcrwff0w, which Mr. Gaisford has things/' See Schweig. Lex. H 
 
 very properly changed for rir"{iKi'iVOio. voc. rroc, 4. 
 v riva TTI'OTI Kai uJMNOtin,
 
 228 THALIA. 75 7T. 
 
 75 denying his murder. Prexaspes having declared he was 
 ready to do this likewise, the Magi collected the Persians, and, 
 having made him ascend a tower, bade him harangue the mul- 
 titude. Meanwhile Prexaspes designedly forgot what the Magi 
 had requested of him; and, beginning with Achaemenes, pro- 
 ceeded through the genealogy of Cyrus's family; having come 
 down to that prince, he lastly mentioned all the benefits Cyrus 
 had conferred 1 on the Persians; and, having summed them all- 
 up, lie then divulged the truth, which, he said, he had heretofore 
 kept concealed, as it would not have been safe for him to de- 
 clare what had taken place, but, in the present state of things, 
 necessity obliged him to make it known. He accordingly 
 stated, that, compelled by Cambyses, he had himself slain 
 Smerdis the son of Cyrus, and that the Magi were now in pos- 
 session of the kingdom. After pronouncing many imprecations 
 on the Persians, unless they recovered back the empire, and 
 took vengeance on the Magi, he dashed himself head foremost 
 from the tower down to the ground. 2 Thus, therefore, died 
 Prexaspes, a man who, during his whole life, had been held 
 in estimation. 
 
 76 Meanwhile, the seven Persians, having determined upon 
 immediately attacking the Magi, and not delaying, marched 
 forward, after offering prayers to the gods, knowing nothing 
 of what had taken place with regard to Prexaspes : they had 
 accordingly reached half way, when they were informed of 
 what had occurred with Prexaspes : then, withdrawing from 
 the road, they once more held council among themselves j 
 Otanes 3 advising by all means to delay, and not make the 
 attempt while affairs were in such a ferment ; Darius urging, 
 on the other hand, that they ought to rush forward instantly 
 and perform what they had resolved on, without tarrying. 
 While they were disputing, there appeared seven couples of 
 hawks pursuing two couples of vultures, and attacking them 
 with their talons and bills : 4 the seven seeing this, approved the 
 proposal of Darius, and directly rushed towards the palace, 
 
 77 encouraged by the omen. When they were come to the gates, 
 the same that Darius had presumed happened to them ; for the 
 guards, out of respect to the first men among the Persians, and 
 not suspecting that any thing of the kind would be committed 
 by them, suffered them to pass by, as if they were guided by 
 the divinity; nor did they even put any question to them. 
 When the seven had penetrated to the vestibule, they met the 
 eunuchs whose duty it was to communicate messages ; these 
 
 1 7T7rot>jjcoe, Matthiae r Gr. Gramm. 3 ol a/i<pt rbv 'Oravrjv, i. e. Otanes. 
 
 P- 728 - See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 396, or 
 
 3 Lit. " cast himself(demisit se)head sect. 27 1 , 2. 
 
 foremost to be dashed from the tower * Lit. " pursuing, tearing, and claw- 
 
 to the ground." ing two couples of vultures."
 
 THALIA. 78,79. 229 
 
 enquired of them for what purpose they came ; and at the 
 same time they put the question to them, threatened the sentinels 
 at the gates for having let them pass by : they likewise opposed 
 the seven in their design of penetrating any farther; but the 
 latter, cheering one another, and grasping their daggers, 
 instantly stabbed on the spot their opponents, and rushed 
 forward into the apartment. 1 The two Magi happened at that 78 
 time to be within deliberating on what had been done by Prex- 
 aspes ; so that when they saw the eunuchs terrified and calling 
 for help, they likewise both ran out, and discerning what was 
 going on, had recourse to their valour. The one hastily* 
 seizes a bow, the other arms himself with a javelin, and they 
 there engage : the enemies being at hand, and coming to close 
 quarters, the bow was of no use to him that had taken it ; but 
 the other defended himself with the javelin, wounding Aspa- 
 thines in the thigh, and Intaphernes in the eye : the latter 
 even lost his eye by the wound, although he did not die in con- 
 sequence; while one of the Magi was thus wounding the 
 assailants, the other, seeing his bow was of no use, fled into a 
 closet which joined the apartment, intending to put the doors 
 to ; 3 but two of the seven, Darius and Gobryas, dashed in after 
 him. Gobryas, grappling with the Magus, Darius stood by 
 hesitating, fearing lest, as they were in the dark, he should 
 strike Gobryas; Gobryas observing that he stood inactive, 
 asked why he did not make use of his hands : " For fear of 
 " striking thee," was the answer ; at which Gobryas replied, 
 " Drive thy sword even through us both." Darius obeyed, 
 made a thrust with his dagger, and by chance hit the Magus. 
 
 Having killed the Magi, and cut off their heads, they left 79 
 those of their number that were wounded in the palace, both 
 on account of their being disabled, and for the purpose of 
 guarding the citadel. The five others, bearing 4 the heads of 
 the Magi, ran out, making a loud outcry and clamour, and 
 called to all the rest of the Persians, explaining the matter to 
 them, and exhibiting the heads ; at the same time, they killed 
 every Magus they met in their way. The Persians seeing 
 what had been done by the seven, and the roguery of the 
 Magi, judged that they ought likewise to do the same; grasp- 
 ing, therefore, their scymeters, they massacred the Magi 
 wherever they could find them ; so that, if night had not 
 come on, they would not have left one in existence. This day 
 
 > avSniuva, " the apartment of the stances of this use of yap. I much 
 
 men ;" in distinction of the ywaiwjfri, regret not having till now referred my 
 
 or apartment of the women, the harem, reader to Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 
 
 2 Sometimes the idea of rapidity 950, vii. 
 
 only is contained in tf&vttv ; see Mat- * * X ovc, "having, bearing, ges- 
 
 thiae,Gr.Gramm.p.841,orsect.953,6. tantes." Larcher translates tenant 
 
 We have seen before several in- frla mamf and Beloe, as a matter ot
 
 230 THALIA. 80. 
 
 tlH Persians observe more strictly than any other, celebrating 
 then a great festival, which they call " The slaughter of the 
 " Magi";" on that day it is not allowed to any of the Magi to 
 appear abroad, but all keep themselves in their houses for the 
 whole time. 
 
 80 The tumult having subsided, and five days intervened, they 
 who had conspired against the Magi held council respecting 
 the public affairs ; and discourses were made which, however 
 incredible to some of the Grecians, were in fact pronounced. 
 Otanes was of opinion that the government ought to be placed 
 in the hands of the Persians at large: the following was hH> 
 speech : " My opinion is, that it should no longer be one 
 " individual among us that shall be sole ruler ; for that were 
 " neither good nor agreeable. You have witnessed the inso- 
 " lence of Cambyses, to what a pitch he proceeded ; yotr have 
 " likewise experienced the insolence of the Magi. In truth, 
 " what reason can we have to expect a despotism to be a well- 
 " constituted government, 1 where one person is permitted to do 
 " what he chooses, without rendering account of his actions? 
 " Surely it must divert even the best of men from his wonted 
 " virtues, to be invested with such sway; for insolence is be- 
 " gotten in him by the advantages that encompass him; while 
 " envy is implanted in every man from the birth : now, with 
 " these two vices, a man possesses the whole sum of wickedness ; 
 " since, on the one hand, glutted with insolent pride, he com- 
 " mits crimes many and flagrant; on the other, he commits 
 " many urged by envy. True it is, that the man invested 
 " with supreme power, should at least be destitute of envy, 
 " inasmuch as he possesses all blessings; but the very opposite 
 " to this he is wont to shew towards the citizens : 2 for he K 
 " jealous of the good men he suffers to survive, and is pleased 
 " with the most wicked ; he is ever ready to axlmit calumny, 3 
 " and is the most fantastic of mortals; 4 shew hirn moderate 
 " respect, and he is offended because you do not pay him deep 
 " reverence; on the other hand, does any one pay him deep 
 " reverence, he is offended with him as being an adulator. 
 " And, to mention the most important evils the last, he alters 
 " the laws of our forefathers; offers violence to our women; 
 " puts to death our citizens unjudged. Whereas the govern- 
 " ment of the people, in the first place, bears the fairest of 
 
 course, " having the heads of the 3 Lit. " he is excellent to admit 
 
 Magi in their hands." calumnies." 
 
 1 SeeJVIatthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. C33. 4 Schweighaeuser reads avappoff- 
 
 3 TO & vTrtvarriov^ovTov (the con- TorarovftTravrwj'/'quod veromaxime 
 
 trary of this conduct) EC ro{' Tro\if)rag omnium incongruum est :" nutis ce qu'il 
 
 (towards the citizens) ntyvKi (is wont y a de plus bizarre. Larcher. Mr. 
 
 to occur.) Gaisford reads avafipoaroraTOf with 
 
 Schaefer.
 
 THALIA. 81,82. 231 
 
 names, 'equality of rights :" In the next place, it has none 
 of the evils which the despot produces ; the magistrate ob- 
 tains his office by lot,' he holds it subject to control, and 
 refers all deliberations to the commons. I, therefore, <nve it 
 as my opinion that we dismiss a despotic form of Boveni- 
 " ment, and place the people at the head of affairs, fo?on the 
 many depends all." Megabyztis advised having recourse to 81 
 an oligarchy : 3 his speech was as follows : I assent to what 
 Otanes has said in favour of abolishing despotism ; 4 but 
 " with respect to his proposal of deferring the power to the 
 " people, 5 he has deviated from the best opinion. For nothino- 
 " is more senseless, nothing more insolent than a pernicious" 
 " multitude ; and surely it were most intolerable that, seckino- 
 " to escape the insolence of a despot, men should expose thcm- 
 " selves to that of an uncurbed populace; whatever the despot 
 " does, he knows at least what he is about; whereas it is not 
 " in the power of a mob to know ; and, indeed, how should 
 " tne }' they who have never been instructed, and arc ac- 
 " quainted neither with what is good nor what is right, 7 but 
 " are wont to rush inconsiderately into affairs like some raging 
 ' torrent? Let them, therefore, who intend harm to^the 
 '< Persians, adopt the government of the people; but let us 
 " elect a company of the best citizens, and to them assign the 
 " power ; for we ourselves shall, no doubt, be of the number, 
 " and, it is to be presumed, the counsels of the best will be 
 " the best." Such was the opinion Megabyzus produced. 
 Darius was the third that exposed his sentiments; the follow- 82 
 ing were his words; " In what Megabyzus has said rcspect- 
 
 1 " Liberte et Egalite" was the cry of mum imperiutn tenens - - - - gerit 
 the bloodhounds of the French revolu- magistrates qui sorte obtigerunt." 
 tion, whose only object, fatal experi- Schiceig. Lex. Herod, voc. apxv, 3. 
 ence has shewn, was the ruin of the 3 Constr. Mtya/3ioc iiciXivt iirt- 
 good, and the elevation of the wicked, rpatruv (TO. 7rp/;yjuara) o\iyapx'iy. 
 
 I am sorry that the narrow limits wjiich 4 Lit. " The things that Otanea has 
 
 confine these illustrations will not said, proposing to put an end to royal 
 
 allow me to present my reader with the government, let the same be said by 
 
 excellent notes of Larcher on these three me also." 
 
 chapters of Herodotus ; his remarkg 5 See Matthiae, Gr, Gramm. p. 690, 
 
 are those of a good scholar and a vir- or sect. 478, a. 
 
 tuous man. I can only observe that I 6 axpfliou : this word, which signifies 
 
 hope no Englishman will read this literally " useless," Larcher translates 
 
 portion of history without feeling " pernicious ;" the Latin, " inutilis," 
 
 thankful .that his country is blessed is, he says, taken in the same sense 
 
 with a constitution that knows neither by Horace, Sat. i. 4, 124. 
 
 the insolence of the mob, the oppres- 7 Coray, in a note inserted in Lar- 
 
 sion of the few, nor the tyranny of one. cher's translation, takes olKijiov to be 
 
 Translat. equivalent to irpkirov: the reader is 
 
 2 " Le Magistral s'y elit au sort ; il probably aware that the na\bv and 
 est comptable de son administration, Trpsirovof the*Greeks conveyed ideas 
 et toutes les deliberations s'y font en which cannot be succinctly rendered 
 commun." Larcher. The subject to in English. Translat. 
 
 an^ti is TT\fjQo(; dpx ov H populus sum-
 
 THALIA. 83. 
 
 " ing the multitude, he, in my opinion, has spoken right ; not 
 " so respecting an oligarchy. For, of the three forms pro- 
 " posed, supposing each most perfect in its kind, I mean the 
 " best democracy, oligarchy, and monarch, I affirm the latter * 
 " to be far preferable. Indeed, nothing can be made appear 
 " better than the rule of one individual completely virtuous : 
 " since, following the best counsel, he would govern the people 
 without blame ; thus, likewise, would measures taken against 
 " the ill-affected, be most effectually concealed. Whereas in 
 fl an oligarchy, they that apply their virtue to the common 
 " good being many, private and inveterate feuds are wont 2 to 
 " take rise; for each being desirous of heading the rest, and 
 " making his own ideas to prevail, they conceive fierce hatred 
 " one against the other : hence spring seditions ; from se- 
 " ditions murder; and from murder return is made 3 to 
 *' monarchy; and by this is shewn how much that form of 
 " government is best. Again, suppose the people invested 
 " with the power, it is impossible but that some wickedness 
 " should take its rise among them : now, when once vice enters 
 " the commonwealth, no hostility springs up among the 
 " wicked, but on the contrary firm connections, for the wicked 
 " unite in their endeavours to ruin the commonweal: this 
 " endures till such time as some one individual among the 
 " people stand forth and repress them ; this individual, ac- 
 " cordingly, becomes thereby an object of admiration to the 
 " people ; and, from being an object of admiration, soon rises 
 " to be 4 sole ruler ; from which another argument is drawn, 
 " that monarchy is best. But, to sum up all in one word, 
 ** whence have we obtained our freedom ? Who gave it us ? 
 " Did we receive it from the people, from an oligarchy, or 
 " from a monarch? I hold, therefore, that having been freed 
 " by one man, to one man we should assign the empire; and 
 " moreover that we do not abrogate the good laws of our fore- 
 " fathers, for that were not advisable."* 
 
 S3 These three opinions were accordingly laid before them ; 
 and four out of the seven adhered to the latter. Otanes, who 
 had endeavoured to establish a republic 6 among the Persians, 
 having lost his motion, stood up and spoke as follows : " As- 
 
 rovro, understand XPW5 so lower govern dirkfiri. Schtceig. Lex. Herod. 
 
 down, Kal Iv Tovrip oiele^t ovy iarl voc. dirofiaiviiv. 
 
 rovro doiffrov. * dv &v ttydvi] novvap%0 tiav. The 
 
 8 0t\e in the sense of " solere," particle avd is separated* by tmesis 
 
 of which we have seen previous in- from the verb ttydvij, (Matthiae, Gr. 
 
 stances. Gramm. sect 594, 2 : ) "he is declared 
 
 3 a7T/3), " abire solef." This is one sole ruler." 
 
 of the peculiarities of the aorist, as I * Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 662. 
 
 have before observed. Larcher. Under- The word itrovojto; has, I think, 
 
 stand TO Trp/jy/ia, or rd Trpryy^ara, to this meaning here, and in v. 37.
 
 THALIA. 84, 85. 233 
 
 " sociates,' it is now evident that, at any rate, one of us must 
 " be appointed king, whether elected by lot, or that we leave 
 " the Persian people to choose whom they like, 2 or by any 
 " other mode : I will not, therefore, contend against you, for 
 " I wish neither to rule, nor to be ruled. I will give up my 
 " right to the throne on the following condition, that I shall 
 " not be subject to the government of any of you, neither my- 
 " self nor my posterity, for ever." Having thus spoken, and 
 the other six agreed to the conditions, this person, accord- 
 ingly, did not contend with them, but withdrew. 3 And to this 
 day that family alone continues free among the Persians, and 
 is subject to the government only inasmuch as they like, at the 
 same time they do not contravene the laws of the Persians. 
 The rest of the seven now deliberated upon the most expedient 84 
 mode of nominating a king: they resolved that, on whom- 
 ever 4 of the seven the kingdom might fall, he should give 
 yearly to Otanes, and the posterity of Otanes, for ever, a 
 Medean garment, as a mark of distinction, and all the gifts 
 which are held in greatest honour among the Persians ; they 
 determined upon the presentation of such gifts to him, be- 
 cause he was the first that advised the deed, and called them 
 together : this distinction was accordingly granted to Otanes; 
 with regard to themselves in common, they resolved, that 
 each of the seven should have the privilege of entering the pa- 
 lace when he chose, without being announced unless the king 
 happened to be in company with one of his wives; that the 
 king should not be allowed to marry excepting from the 
 families of the conspirators. With respect to the sovereignty, 
 they made the following resolution, that he whose horse 
 should neigh the first in the suburb when they were mounted, 
 at sun-rise, should have the empire. 
 
 Darius had a groom, a clever fellow, whose name was 85 
 Oebares: to this man, when they had broken up, Darius 
 spoke as follows : " Oebares, we have resolved to act in the 
 " following manner respecting the sovereignty : he whose 
 " horse shall neigh the first at sun-rise, when we are mounted, 
 "shall have the empire: now, therefore, if thou knowest of 
 
 > craaMrai. If we reflect that of i. 60. Lurcher. ij^yapSr,. See 
 
 Otanes would not have given to him- Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 950.. 
 self and associates the odious epithet * Constr. : r, (^v) J*H" 
 
 of seditious, it is clear we must seek T< ni?wv 7r\7j0 K. r. \. in the gem 
 
 some other signification for this word, absolut. 
 
 present. The same meaning, perhaps, the seven. 
 applies to ffr<nwri,at the beginning 
 VOL. I. H t
 
 234 THALIA. 8688. 
 
 " any means, contrive that I, and no one else, may obtain 
 " that dignity." To which Oebares made answer : " If, in- 
 " deed, my lord, it depends upon that only whether thou art 
 " to be king or not, fear not on that account, but be of good 
 " heart; for none but thyself shall be king; 1 I have such a 
 secret." 2 Darius said : " If, in truth, thou hast some such 
 " secret, see that thou put it into practice, and delay not ; 
 " since to-morrow the contest between us is to take place." 
 Oebares, having heard these words, acted thus : as soon as it 
 was night, he took one of the mares, which Darius's horse 
 was particularly attached to, into the suburb, where he staked 
 her, and then brought Darius's horse: and after leading the 
 stallion several times round 3 the mare, gradually drawing 
 
 86 nearer to her, suffered him at last to cover. As soon as day 
 broke, the six, according 4 to their agreement, assembled on 
 horseback ; riding through the suburb, when they were ar- 
 rived at the spot where the mare was tied up the preceding 
 evening, Darius's horse started forward and neighed ; at the 
 same time that the horse did so, a flash of lightning, accom- 
 panied with thunder, burst from the clear heavens: these 
 things supervening to Darius as if by some preconcerted plan, 
 pointed him out as king; 5 whereupon the others, dismount- 
 ing from their horses, paid homage to Darius as their sove- 
 
 87 reign. The above is the account that some give of the con- 
 trivance of Oebares ; but others give the following, for the 
 circumstance is related in both ways by the Persians ; that he 
 touched the parts of that mare with his hand, which he kept 
 covered under his girdle; 6 and when at sun-rise the horses 
 were about to start, he drew forth his hand, and approached 
 it to the nostrils of Darius's stallion, who, at the smell, began 
 to snort and neigh. 
 
 88 Thus, accordingly, Darius the son of Hystaspes was nomi- 
 nated king: the Arabians excepted, all in Asia were subject 
 to him, Cyrus having first reduced them, and subsequently 
 Cambyses again. But the Arabians were never reduced to 
 servitude by the Persians; on the contrary, they were esteemed 
 friends and allies, having granted Cambyses a passage into 
 
 1 Lit. " No one else shall be king IK avvQirov rtv yivofuva (as if hap- 
 in preference to thee." pening according to some settled plan) 
 
 9 roiavra ^unfiaKa. #ap/uacov is a inXiwfft piv (consummated him, and, 
 
 diddle term, taken sometimes in a as it were, consecrated him king.) 
 good and sometimes in a bad sense. 6 " In his anaxyrides." 'llie anaxy- 
 
 Lnrcher. rides were a sort of full trousers, 
 
 3 The Greek adds ayxov, near: ob- reaching down to the ancles. Lurcher. 
 serve, that the dative ry tWy is go- This word has occurred before, i. 71, 
 verned by Trjpcrjyt, and not by ajxv. from which \ve may gather, that this 
 
 4 Kara, Ion. for Ka6a. Lurcher. covering was made of skin ; hence 
 * iTnytvvpiva ravra r<f Acrptty the Greek expression for them was 
 
 (these things befalling Danus) WO-TTJIJ OvXatcog. Translat.
 
 THALIA. 89. 
 
 Egypt, lor had not the Arabians chosen, the Persians could 
 never have made any inroad into Egypt. Darius contracted 
 the highest marriages among the Persians, 1 he took the two 
 daughters of Cyrus, Atossa and Artystone; the former having 
 been united to her brother Cambyses, and afterwards to the 
 Magus; the latter, a virgin. He married also the daughter 
 of Smerdis son of Cyrus, whose name was Parmys ; he like- 
 wise took the daughter of Otanes, the same that discovered 
 the Magus ; and his power was established on all sides. 2 He 
 then, in the first place, caused a stone monument to be made, 
 and set it up; on which was a figure, 3 a man on horseback; 
 on this he placed the following inscription : " Darius son of 
 " Hystaspes, by the instinct 4 of his horse, (mentioning his 
 " name,) and the skill of Oebares, his groom, obtained the 
 " sovereignty of the Persians." Having done this in Persia, 1 
 he next divided his dominions into twenty principalities, 
 which they call satrapies: when he had made this division, 
 and appointed governors, he fixed the tribute that was to 
 come to him from the different nations, connecting with some 
 the neighbouring tribes, whose names were omitted in the 
 list of the satrapies, 5 to others joining more remote nations. 
 
 1 Tfifiovg TI rot'c irpwrovq i 
 Hiptryai 6 AaptTof : " Ce fut avec des 
 femmes Perses que Darius contracta 
 ses premiers mariages, Darius entered 
 into marriage first with some Persian 
 women." JLarcher. Darius was bound 
 not to marry out of the families of the 
 seven (84 ;) he could not, therefore, 
 have married any but Persian women ; 
 1 have for this reason preferred the 
 translation of Schweighaeuser, " Ux- 
 ores duxit nobilissimas inter Persas." 
 Translat. 
 
 2 Lit. " And all parts were filled 
 with his power." 
 
 3 TVTTOV. When speaking of stone- 
 works, Herodotus, I think, means by 
 TVTTOQ an embossed ornament, what 
 we now call basso relievo, ii. 138. I 
 cannot, therefore, assent to the Rev. 
 Mr. Beloe r s translation, " his first 
 work was the erection of an eques- 
 trian statue :" Lempriere gives " a 
 stone statue of himself seated on 
 horseback :" had not both those gen- 
 tlemen placed " translated from the 
 Greek" in their title pages, one might 
 suspect that they had copied Larcher, 
 " il commenc.a par faire eriger sa sta- 
 tue equestre." Translat. 
 
 4 I have thought proper to use 
 two words to express the apiry of 
 the original, cirtvte, which relates 
 
 both to the horse and to the groom. 
 Viger, C. iii. 3, 6, has observed, that, 
 among other acceptations of this term, 
 it is frequently taken for the goodness 
 peculiar to any thing, as dpr)' yijc, 
 at the beginning of the first book of 
 Thucydides. Translat. 
 
 5 Lit. " And omitting, passing over, 
 those neighbouring tribes," i. e. pass- 
 ing over their names in the list of sa- 
 trapies. Larcher translates, " and for 
 this purpose he joined to one nation 
 the surrounding tribes ; and sometimes 
 omitting those who were in the neigh- 
 bourhood, he placed in one and the 
 same department tribes remote from 
 one another :" this translation is de- 
 servedly disapproved by Schweig- 
 haeuser. An unknown GRADUATE ov 
 THE UNIVERSITY, who has divided the 
 translation of Littlebury into chapters, 
 and in some places made alterations 
 in the text, gives the following ver- 
 sion : " For this purpose he joined to 
 certain nations the neighbouring peo- 
 ple, and then passed by these neigh- 
 bouring people, and assigned to them 
 other people, which were more re- 
 mote ;" a riddle, which, I think, 
 would baffle the divining powers of 
 Oedipus himself, were he to rise from 
 the dead. Trans/at.
 
 23G THALIA. 90, 91. 
 
 The principalities, and the yearly payment of tribute, he ar- 
 ranged in the following manner: to such as brought silver, it was 
 commanded to pay according to the Babylonian talent ; such 
 as furnished gold, according to the Euboeic : the Babylonian 
 talent is equal to seventy Euboeic mines. Under 1 the reign 
 of Cyrus, and even under that of Cambyses likewise, there 
 was no specific regulation with regard to tribute, but the peo- 
 ple furnished free gifts : so that on account of this establish- 
 ment of tribute, and other similar innovations, the Persians 
 are wont to say that Darius was a trader ; Cambyses, a mas- 
 ter; and Cyrus, a father: the first, because he trafficked in 
 every thing ; the second, because he was harsh and arrogant ; 
 the fast, because he was mild, and studious of their welfare. 
 
 90 From the lonians, accordingly, the Magnetae of Asia, the 
 Aeolians, Carians, Lycians, Milyans, and Pamphylians, pro- 
 ceeded a revenue of forty talents of silver, for that one tribute 
 was imposed on them in common: this, therefore, was the first 
 department. 2 From the Mysians, Lydians, Lasonians, Caba- 
 lians, Hygenneans, fifty talents : this was the second depart- 
 ment. From the Hellespontians, on the right side, as you 
 navigate in that direction, 3 from the Phrygians, the Thracians 
 of Asia, the Paphlagonians, Mariandynians, and Syrians, 4 
 the revenue was three hundred and sixty talents : this w;as 
 the third department. From the Cilicians, three hundred 
 and sixty white horses, one every day, and five hundred ta- 
 lents of silver; one hundred and forty of which were expended 
 on the cavalry stationed to guard the territory of Cilicia, the 
 other three hundred and sixty went to Darius : this was the 
 
 91 fourth department. From the city of Poseideium, which 
 " Amphilochus the son of Amphiaraus founded on the bounda- 
 ries of the Cilicians and Syri, beginning, 5 I say, from that 
 city, and extending down to Egypt, (excepting the territory 
 of the Arabians, for those parts were not taxed,) the revenue 
 produced by all that tract was five hundred and thirty ta- 
 lents; in this division was contained the whole of Phoenicia, 
 Syria of Palestine, and Cyprus : and this was the fifth depart- 
 ment. From Egypt, the Libyans in the vicinity of Egypt, 
 and from Cyrene and Barca, (for those two places were 
 
 1 See note 1 to r. 8. Matthiae, Gr. 3 Herodotus wrote at Halicarnas- 
 
 Gramm. p. 950. sus, or in Ionia. Larcher. 
 
 For the geographical situation of 4 I. e. the Leucosyrians, or Cappa- 
 the tribes and nations composing these docians. Larcher. 
 satrapies, the reader is referred to the * ao^a^ievov is an impersonal parti- 
 Geographlcal Index to Herodotus: those ciple,' as Seov, "cum deceat," i%bv r 
 who have the good fortune to possess " cum sit permissum," irapbv, " cum 
 be work of Major Rennell, will find adsit facultas," tv&xo/ifvor, " cam li- 
 me subject handled in a most masterly eri possit," &c. Larcher. 
 manner, p. 234 to &>3. Trnnslat,
 
 THALIA. 9-2, 93. 237 
 
 joined to the Egyptian department,) proceeded a revenue of 
 seven hundred talents, besides the money coming from the 
 lake of Moeris, produced from the fish ; besides that money, 
 I say, and the corn they furnished, seven hundred talents en- 
 tered the royal treasury: for, over and above their tribute, 1 
 they harvested corn to the amount of one hundred and 
 twenty thousand measures, for the Persians garrisoned in the 
 white castle at Memphis, and their auxiliaries: 8 this was the 
 sixth department. The Sattagydae and Gandarians, Dadicians 
 and Aparytae, being ranked in one and the same department, 
 furnished one hundred and seventy talents : this was the se- 
 venth department. From Susa, and the rest of the Cissian 
 territory, proceeded a revenue of three hundred: this was the 
 eighth department. From Babylon, and the rest of Assyria, 99- 
 he had an income of one thousand talents of silver, and five 
 hundred castrated youths : this was the ninth department. 
 From Agbatana, and the rest of Media, from the Paricanians 
 and Orthocorybantians, four hundred and fifty talents : this 
 was the tenth department. The Caspians and Pausicae, the 
 Pantimalhians and Daritae, who contributed together, paid 
 two hundred talents: this was the eleventh department. From 
 the Bactriani, extending to the Aegli, the tribute amounted 
 to three hundred and sixty talents : this was the twelfth 
 department. From Pactyica and the Armenians, and the 93 
 neighbouring nations as far as the Euxine sea, four hundred 
 talents: this was the thirteenth department. From the Sa- 
 gartians, Saranges, Thamanaeans, Utians, and Mycians, and 
 the people inhabiting the islands in the Erythrean sea, where 
 the king places all banished persons; from all these, I say, 
 proceeded a tribute of six hundred talents : and this was the 
 
 1 irpoc yap, i. e. Trpoe T<j> IK rrje propriety, " metiri militibus frumen- 
 Motpiog Xi'/JVTJe -yivofisvy dpyvpj'y Kai turn tali aut tali mensura, tali quanti- 
 Trpoc role tvTaicoffiois raXavroif. tate," so in Greek, which, instead of 
 
 2 With the word /tifpidf , the geni- the ablative of the Latin, uses the da- 
 tive Spaxptiv is understood when tive, the number of measures diutri- 
 speaking of coins, and fitSifivajv when buted to the soldiers might be ex- 
 speaking of corn : the only circum- pressed in the dative. Those who do 
 stance, therefore, that militates against not approve of this reasoning, are at 
 the translation I have given above, is liberty to adopt the following transla- 
 the dative fj.vpi.dai, where one would tion : " For, over and above, they 
 have expected an accusative to be harvested corn for one hundred and 
 governed by KarafjiiTpiovffi, but, as twenty thousand Persians, with their 
 Schweighaeuser observes, Lex. Herod, auxiliaries dwelling in the white cas- 
 voc. itvpiae, the verb KaTaptTpiovffi tie at Memphis :" those who adopt 
 placed alone, and particularly when this translation must have very mag- 
 mention has previously been made of nificent fdeas of the extent of Mem- 
 corn, as in this case, is equivalent to phis, since the white castle alor 
 Karantrftiovffi airov. Now, as in La- must ha\e been full ten times th 
 
 tin, one might say, without any im- of Oxford. Translat.
 
 -J33 
 
 THALIA. 9496. 
 
 fourteenth department. The Sacae and Caspian* paid two- 
 hundred and fifty talents : this was the fifteenth department. 
 The Parthians, Chorasmians, Sogdians, and Areans, three 
 
 94 hundred talents : this was the sixteenth department. The 
 Paricanians, and Ethiopians of Asia, paid four hundred ta- 
 lents : this was the seventeenth department. The Matieni, 
 Saspires, and Alarodians, furnished two hundred talents : 
 this was the eighteenth department. On the Moschians, Ti- 
 barenians, Macrones, Mossynoeci, and Mardians, he imposed 
 three hundred talents : and this was the nineteenth depart- 
 ment. The people of India are by far the most numerous of 
 all nations we know of, and they paid more than any of the 
 others, 1 furnishing three hundred and sixty talents of gold 
 
 95 dust : this was the twentieth department. Reducing, there- 
 fore, the Babylonian talent to the Euboeic, the silver 2 amounts 
 to nine thousand five hundred and forty talents: and, taking 
 the gold as equal to thirteen times its weight in silver, the 
 gold-dust is found to amount to four thousand six hundred 
 and eighty Euboeic talents. Adding all these together, the 
 sum, therefore, constituting the yearly tribute paid to Darius, 
 was fourteen thousand five hundred and sixty talents, 3 omit- 
 
 96 ting the odd numbers. 4 The above revenue came to Darius 
 
 as 70 to 60, (see c. 89,) make 
 
 9030 E. talents. 
 
 The Gold from India 4680 
 
 Re venue from the lake 240 
 
 1 iroo Travras Tovg d\\ovf. " Us 
 payoient autant d'impots que tons les 
 autres ensemble, they paid as many 
 taxes a* all the rest put together." 
 Lurcher. Schweighaeuser disapproves 
 of this mode of translating the passage. 
 " Contra quam (or, supra quani) reli- 
 qui omnes." Schweig. Lex. Herod. 
 
 3 Lit. " The Babylonian silver (i.-e. 
 the silver paid according to the Ba- 
 bylonian standard) being reduced into 
 the Euboeic talent, amounts to," &c. 
 
 3 As is generally the case where 
 numbers are mentioned in ancient au- 
 thors, this passage offers great diffi- 
 culty ; there is no doubt that some 
 mistake must have been committed 
 either in this chapter or one of the 
 foregoing. 
 
 According to Herodotus's calcula- 
 tion, as the text now stands in c. 95, 
 the sum ought to be 
 
 Silver . . 9540 Euboeic talents. 
 
 Gold . . 4680 
 
 13950 
 
 It is clear there must be an error 
 somewhere : Larcher, without suffi- 
 cient authority, reads in c. 95, instead 
 of 9540, the number 9880, which does 
 away with the difficulty. 
 
 Silver . . 9880 Euboeic talents. 
 
 Gold . . 4680 
 
 14220 
 Instead of which we have 14560. 
 
 Making our calculations from the 
 list of the satrapies, we have 7740 
 Babylonian talents, which, as the 
 Babylonian talent was to the Euboeic 
 
 14560 
 
 Larcher's reason for making this alte- 
 ration is, that the Sancroft Manuscript 
 has in the margin OWTT, which stand 
 for 9880; but Mr. Gaisford informs 
 us, that this marginal note proceeds 
 from the hand of some corrector; it 
 can, therefore, be considered of no 
 authority. See Schweighaeuser's note. 
 Tranxlitt'. 
 
 4 76 SITI TOVTMV tXaaffov airttif. 
 Rather obscurely expressed, " omit- 
 ting what is less than (or in) these." 
 What is meant is sufficiently clear, 
 namely, that he omits the lesser num- 
 ber of unit?, wanting to complete the 
 true sum.
 
 THALIA. 97, 9ft. <2w 
 
 from Asia, and a small part of Libya; in the process of time, 
 however, a further income proceeded to him from the islands, 
 and the inhabitants of Europe, as far as Thessaly. This in- 
 come the king hoards up in the following manner : he melts 
 it down, and then pours it into earthen pans; and when the 
 vase is filled, takes away the mould from around the metal. 
 When he is in want of money, he coins as much as lie may 
 at the time be in need of. 
 
 Such accordingly were the governments and the tributes 97 
 imposed; the Persian territory is the only part of the king- 
 dom not mentioned by me as paying taxes; for the Persians 
 inhabit their country without furnishing any tribute. These 
 were not taxed to any tribute, but they furnished, however, 
 free gifts. The Ethiopians that border on Egypt, subjected 
 by Cambyses in his expedition against the Macrobian Ethio- 
 pians, and those who dwell near the holy city of Nysa, and 
 celebrate festivals to Bacchus; (these Ethiopians, and their 
 next neighbours, use the same sort of corn 1 as the Calantiae 
 Indians, and inhabit under-ground houses;) both these, I 
 say, furnished in conjunction, and continue so to do, down to 
 my time, two choenices of gold that has not gone through 
 fire, 2 two hundred sticks of ebony, five" young Ethiopians, and 
 twenty large elephant tusks. The Colchians agreed to furnish 
 a gift, as did likewise the neighbouring nations, as far as 
 mount Caucasus : for to that mountain the empire of the 
 Persians extends ; while the countries to the north of Cauca- 
 sus are independent of the Persians: these people, therefore, 
 paid, down to my time, every fifth year, the gift which they 
 had agreed to furnish, namely, one hundred boys and one 
 hundred virgins. The Arabians likewise gave yearly one 
 thousand talents of frankincense. Such accordingly were the 
 gifts these tribes brought to the king, over and above the tri- 
 bute we have mentioned as 3 paid by the other nations. 
 
 The Indians procure ui the following manner" that vast 98 
 quantity of gold out of which they furnish the before-men- 
 tioned gold-dust to the king. The country extending from 
 
 1 airippaTi, a seed of which Hero- was, probably, gold-dust, 
 dotus makes mention, c. 100. Valck- 3 Major Rennell makes the aggre- 
 naer reads <T;ftan, in which he is fol- gate of the Persian king's revenue 
 lowed by Larcher and Beloe, " they amount to about 3,650,000, or some- 
 have the same rites of sepulture." what more than three millions and a 
 Some give to <r;rtp/m a signification, half of our money, 
 remarkable for its filthiness and inac- * rpoirifi ToiySt. This operation is 
 curacy; to express that idea, Hero- described in c. 102: the four mter- 
 dotus uses 0opi) or yovr,. Trmalat. vening chapters containing some o 
 
 I. e. Gold, such as it was found servations respecting the different 
 
 in the mine, or collected in the streams: tribes of Indians. Translat. 
 being measured by the choenix, it
 
 2-tO THALIA. 99101, 
 
 the Indian territory towards the rising sun is a sandy tract : 
 for of all the nations in Asia I know of, or of whom any 
 thing certain is reported, the Indians are the first, taking 
 fronf the east ; for eastward of them the land is desert, by 
 reason of the sands. There are various tribes of Indians, 
 differing in language : some of which are nomades, others 
 not. Some among them inhabit the fens of their river, and 
 live on raw fish, which they catch going out in reed boats; 
 each of which is formed out of one joint of a reed ; these lat- 
 ter Indians wear garments made of rush, 'which, after reaping 
 down in the stream and beating, they plait in the manner of 
 99 matting, and wear as a habergeon. Others of the Indians 
 dwelling east of these are nomades, and feed on raw flesh ; 
 they are called Padaei. This tribe is said to have the follow- 
 ing usages : whenever one of the community, whether man or 
 woman, falls sick, the nearest male kin and acquaintances of 
 the man put him to death, declaring that if oppressed by dis- 
 ease, he would fall off in flesh ; 2 he may deny that he is sick ; 
 still they refuse to credit him, and putting him to death, feast 
 on his body : if it is a woman that is taken ill, in a like man- 
 ner the women most attached to her do the same as the men. 
 Such as reach to old age they accordingly sacrifice and feed 
 on ; but few among them reach so far; 3 for as, before then, 
 100 all catch some disease, they put them to death. Among some 
 other of the Indians a quite different practice holds : they 
 kill nothing that has life, neither do they sow, nor are they 
 accustomed to have houses ; but they live on herbage : these 
 have likewise a grain, 4 about the size of millet, enclosed in a 
 cod, which springs up naturally in the ground ; this they col- 
 lect, and boiling it in the shell, eat. If any one of them fall 
 ill, he retires and lies down in the desert, no one paying any 
 attention to him either after his death or during his illness. 
 All these Indians whom I have enumerated converse openly 
 with their women like brutes : and are in complexion all the 
 same, nearly similar to the Ethiopians. The genial fluid 5 is 
 with these men, not white, as in all other people, but black, 
 
 1 The <t>\iu of the Attics, or <(>\ov rei rationem :") i. e. not many reach 
 
 of the lonians, was a sort of rush : so far as to be put to death by thek 
 
 the Arundo ampelodesmon. Schneid. friends on account of old age. 
 
 Gr. Germ. Lex. Schweig. Lex. Herod, voc. Xoyof, ii. 
 
 " Carnem ipsis corruptum iri," 3, 2. 
 
 the flesh which they themselves intend 4 Supply <y7r%ta after iari. 
 
 to eat would become corrupt, lose its Schweig. Lex. Herod. 
 
 fla 3 V Ur j- L ? rcher ; * TV* a/mvrat e rag yvvalKas : 
 
 ^ t & TOVTOV \6yov ov TTO\\OI nvtg this clause presents no difficulty ; the 
 
 avTtiv airiKviovTai. " But few of them reader will, therefore, easily supply a 
 
 reach to this state of things (in hujus translation.
 
 "THALIA. 102104. -241 
 
 like their skin; the .Ethiopians have the same peculiarity. 
 These Indians are at a distance from the Persians, and inha- 
 bit to the southward ; they were never subject to Darius. 
 
 But there are other Indians inhabiting north of the fore- 102 
 going, and on the bounds of the town of Caspatyrus and the 
 Pactyician territory, who use nearly the same customs as the 
 Bactrians. These are the most warlike of the Indians, and 
 are they that are sent to procure the gold. For there is in 
 that quarter a region desert by reason of the sands ; now in 
 this sandy desert are produced ants, of a size less than dogs, 
 but greater than foxes, as may be seen by those kept 1 at the 
 court of the king of Persia, which have been caught and 
 brought from that country. These ants, accordingly, by 
 burrowing under ground in the same manner as the ants of 
 our country, which they greatly resemble in shape, throw up 
 the sand; and the sand thus thrown up is full of gold. In 
 search of this sand, therefore, the Indians are despatched into 
 the desert, each harnessing together three camels, a male one* 
 to pull on the off and near sides, and a female in the middle; 
 this latter the Indian himself mounts, taking care to harness 
 her as soon as possible after she has foaled. Their camels are 
 not inferior in swiftness to horses ; and, moreover, are far 
 better able to bear burthens. With regard to the shape of 103 
 the camel, I shall not describe it to the Grecians, as they are 
 acquainted therewith ; but shall mention one of its peculiari- 
 ties that is not generally known. The camel has in his hinder 
 legs four thighs and four knees ; and his member runs be- 
 tween the hinder legs towards the tail. The Indians accord- 104 
 ingly having harnessed their .beasts in the above manner, pro- 
 ceed in search of the gold, taking care to arrange so as to 
 take it away when the heat is most sultry : as the ants disap- 
 pear under ground on account of the heat. Now, with these 
 people the sun is hottest in the morning ; and not at noon, 
 as elsewhere: for from the moment of his rising 3 till such 
 time as market breaks up, he burns much more than at mid- 
 day in Greece, to such a degree, indeed, that the report goes, 
 that during those hours the inhabitants are said to be 
 drenched with sweat : 4 but when the day is nearly half 
 
 1 Lit. " for there are some of them," ditional horse to a gig ; and is tcchni- 
 
 &c. I have endeavoured to express cally called an out-rigger. Translat. 
 
 the force of the yap by the words, 3 ujrfpreXXeev of <he sun, is equiva- 
 
 " as may be seen." Ie nt > > n Herodotus, to di/arsXAtiv. 
 
 8 fftipnrfioooc, applied to anydraught Schweig. Lex. Herod. 
 
 animal, signifies one that is harnessed * As the Latin word sudor is mam-, 
 
 by the side of the yoke, as is done festly the same with the Greek Wwp, 
 
 sometimes in this country with an ad- confined by the usage of the Latins to 
 
 VOL. I. J -i
 
 24-2 
 
 THALIA. 105, 106. 
 
 spent, the sun warms the Indians in the same proportion 
 - nearly as other nations ; and when he declines from the 
 meridian, he acts upon them as in the morning on other 
 countries ; and from that time, as he descends, he becomes 
 less fierce, until at the period of setting he is extremely cool. 
 
 10 5 When the Indians are come to this place with their lea- 
 thern sacks, they fill these with the sand, and retire as spee- 
 dily as may be; for the ants, aware of the interruption, (as the 
 Persians represent) by the smell pursue them ; and the animal 
 is said to be so superior to all other creatures in fleetness, 
 that if the Indians did not get some way a-head while the 
 ants are gathering together, not one of them would escape : 
 so that sometimes even the male camels (as they are inferior 
 in speed to the females,) are let go, each separately as he 
 flags; 1 but the females, remembering the young ones they 
 have left, do not slacken their pace. In this manner, there- 
 fore, according to the account of the Persians, do the Indians 
 collect the greatest part of the gold ; there is, however, an- 
 other sort, less abundant, which is dug up in the country. 
 
 106 The most excellent productions 2 have been, in some man- 
 ner, allotted to the extreme parts of the habited world, as 
 
 a less extensive signification;' so He- 
 rodotus, no doubt, has taken the' 
 Greek word v5wp in the sense of 
 sudor, iii. 104. Schweig. Lex. Herod. 
 " Pendant ce terns-la ils se tiennent 
 dans 1'eau, During that lime they keep 
 themselves in water.'' Larcher. 
 
 1 This is an exceedingly difficult 
 passage ; my idea of the matter is, 
 that the Indian took three camels with 
 him in quest of gold, one of which 
 was a female ; in case of the ants 
 gaining upon the equipage, he let go 
 the males at sundry times, and, aban- 
 doning them to the fury of their pur- 
 suers, trusted his life to the superior 
 fleetness of the female, on which he 
 himself was mounted. When not so 
 hotly pursued, the Indian was, pro- 
 bably, able to return, not only with 
 the female, but with one, if not both, 
 of the males. This explanation is 
 certainly plausible, but unfortunately 
 does not quite square with the words 
 of the text ; as it is, however, the best 
 I can devise, I have adopted it in my 
 translation, taking, after Wesseling, 
 7rapaAj;<T0ai in the sense of loosening, 
 and t7rf\KonivovQ, after Schweighaeu- 
 ser, in the sense of tarrying, flogging. 
 Coray's translation, given by Larcher 
 in his note on this intricate passage. 
 
 is this : " The male camels would se- 
 parate (Trafja\via9ai)from the females, 
 i. e. remain behind, if they were not 
 pulled along (e.Tri\KO(i,ti>av(;) together, 
 and by the side of them, i. e. the fe- 
 males :" but I think any one who 
 considers the subject, will allow that 
 one female could not have sufficient 
 strength to accelerate the pace of the 
 two side camels ; the effect would 
 rather be to slacken her speed to an 
 equality with that of the males. 
 Trtmslat. 
 
 * Herodotus, according to his man- 
 ner, which is now, no doubt, pretty 
 familiar to the reader, makes a di- 
 gression on the various productions of 
 the extreme lands of the world then 
 known : the history is resumed at c. 
 118. I need not observe, that almost 
 all lie says in the following chapters 
 is now known to be fabulous ; but the 
 reader must remember, that natural 
 history is a science founded on expe- 
 rience alone : no wonder, therefore, 
 that a generation more than two thou- 
 sand years subsequent to Herodotus, 
 should be better acquainted with the 
 secrets of nature than the contempora^ 
 ries of our historian. Even the works 
 of the great natural philosophers of 
 our own day, if I may use the expres-
 
 THALIA. 107, 108. 
 
 Greece is blessed with a temperature of climate by tar the 
 most agreeable.' For, in the first place, 2 the land of India is 
 the last towards the east of all habited countries, as I have 
 just said : and in that, the living quadrupeds, 3 and the fowls 
 of the air, are much larger than in all other places, excepting, 
 however, the horses ; and, in that respect, they are surpassed 
 by the horses of Media, called the Nisaean : there is, more- 
 over, in that region, abundance of gold, some of which is dug 
 up, some is brought down by the streams, and some is taken 
 in the manner I have described. The wild trees also in that 
 region bear, instead of fruit, a wool, exceeding in beauty and 
 value that shorn from sheep ; and the Indians use garments 
 made from those trees. Again, towards the south, the last of 107 
 inhabited countries in Arabia, and in that alone of all re- 
 gions, grows the frankincense, myrrh, cassia, cinnamon, and 
 ladanum ; all of which, myrrh excepted, the Arabians pro- 
 cure with great difliculty. Thus they collect frankincense by 
 burning gum styrax, which the Phoenicians import to the 
 Grecians ; by burning this, they obtain that aromatic ; for 
 there are winged serpents, of diminutive bulk and various 
 shape, that guard the incense-bearing trees, hovering in great 
 numbers around each plant ; these are the same serpents that 
 make inroads into Egypt, and can be driven from the trees in 
 no other manner than by the smoke of styrax. -The Arabians 108 
 even say, that the whole land would be filled with these ser- 
 pents, did there not happen to them what I know happens to 
 vipers. Indeed, one may say that Divine Providence is, as 
 might be expected, truly wise, for it has ordained that all ani- 
 mals of a timorous nature, and fit for food, should be prolific, 
 lest by consumption the species should become extinct; whereas 
 it has ordained that such as are of a rapacious and hurtful na- 
 ture should breed seldom and few. Thus, on the one hand, as the 
 hare is pursued by beast, bird, and man, so is it fruitful, being 
 the only one of all animals that superfetates ; some of the 
 young in her womb are covered with hair, others are still 
 bare ; some are but just formed in the matrix, while others 
 are conceived. 4 On the other hand, the lioness, being the 
 
 sion, are not free from blunders ; for 2 TOVTO fiiv yap Tlpof S' 
 
 instance, the immortal Buffon asserts, av ^cra^/3p/j;e, c. 10T. 
 
 that cows shed their horns once a 3 Tovn> (lev TOVTO Si, \pv- 
 
 year, a most extraordinary mistake, o-oe aTrXero'c K. r. X. 
 
 which was copied by Dr. Goldsmith. 4 What Herodotus says of the hare 
 
 Tran&lat. is exactly true. Lurcher. Superfe- 
 
 1 Lit. " in the same manner as tation does not occur either in the 
 
 Greece has received in allotment sea- rabbit, hare, or cat : I have been at 
 
 sons by far the most agreeably set- some trouble to ascertain the fact. 
 
 tied." Translat.
 
 244 THALIA. 109111. 
 
 strongest and most ferocious of animals, bears one, and but 
 once in her life, for in bringing forth she casts out her ma- 
 trix, together with her offspring; the reason of which is this: 
 when the whelp begins to move in the inside of the womb, 
 being armed with fangs much sharper than all other animals, 
 he tears the envelope ; as he increases, he lacerates it still 
 more, so that when the time of her delivery is at hand, there 
 is hardly one single part of the womb remaining uninjured. 
 
 109 In like manner, if vipers and the winged serpents of Arabia 
 were to multiply according to their natural power, there 
 would be no living for mankind ; ' now, when these reptiles 
 couple together, at the moment the male is on the point of 
 impregnating the female, she seizes him by the neck, and, 
 after conceiving, will not relax her hold till she has devoured 
 him; in this manner* the male accordingly dies ; but the fe- 
 male makes the following amends to the male ; the young, 
 while yet within the womb, avenge their sire by gnawing the 
 matrix, and devouring her inside, so make to themselves an 
 egress. The rest of serpents, not being injurious to man, 2 
 bring forth eggs, and hatch a vast number of young. Vipers 
 are found all over the world; but the winged serpents are 
 found only in Arabia, and no where else ; for that reason they 
 appear to be in great numbers. 
 
 110 In the above manner, therefore, do the Arabians collect 
 their 3 frankincense: the cassia they procure thus: having 
 covered the whole of the body and face, excepting the eyes 
 alone, with hides of oxen and other skins, they proceed in 
 quest of the cassia. The plant grows in a shallow lake, 
 around and in which abide a- kind of winged animals, very 
 like to bats; they make a horrid noise," and are very strong. 
 These animals they accordingly keep from their eyes, and so 
 
 111 gather the cassia. The cinnamon they collect in a manner 
 still more astonishing than the foregoing; for they cannot say 
 where it grows, or what country produces it; excepting that 
 some affirm, and what they say is probably true, that it grows 
 in those parts where Bacchus was educated. They declare, 
 that those sticks, which we, taking the term from the Phoeni- 
 cians, call cinnamon, are brought by certain large fowls, who 
 take them to their nests, built of mud, along steep cliffs, 
 where there is no possibility of man's ascending : the Ara- 
 bians, in consequence, adopt the following artifice to get at 
 
 1 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 644, ' ' TOVTOV, " de quo verba facere 
 or sect. 443, l. coeperam." Schiceig. Vers. Lat. 
 
 2 Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 459, or rlrpiyt, from r^tiv, stridere. 
 sect. 22, A. i- The subject is drjpia
 
 THALIA. 112, 113. 245 
 
 the sticks : they cut into very large joints the bodies of dead 
 oxen, asses, and other draught cattle, which they carry to 
 those spots, and placing them near the nests, remove to some 
 distance. Meanwhile, the birds fly down, and carry up the 
 pieces of carrion to their nests, which, not being able to bear 
 the weight, break and fall to the earth. The Arabians then 
 run up, and so collect the cinnamon, 1 which, being thus pro- 
 cured by them, is exported to other countries The ledanum, 112 
 which the Arabians call ladanum, is collected in a manner 
 yet more marvellous than this, For though found in a most 
 stinking place, it is most odoriferous; since it is found stick- 
 ing like lime to the beards of he-goats that browse in the 
 woods. 2 This perfume is used in several ointments ; and is 
 that principally which the Arabians burn. So much for these 113 
 aromatics. For the rest a kind of heavenly perfume breathes 
 from the land of Arabia. That country possesses likewise 
 two sorts of sheep worthy of admiration, neither of which is 
 found elsewhere. One species has long tails, not less than 
 three cubits; and were they suffered to drag them behind, 
 they would get ulcerated by the friction- of the tails on the 
 ground ; but every shepherd is so far acquainted with car- 
 pentry, as to be able to make truckles, which they tie under 
 the tails, binding that of each animal to a -separate truckle, 
 
 1 The reader will please to observe odour was very grateful, and in taste 
 
 that by cinnamon is not understood it might answer as a rough substitute 
 
 that which we generally use now-a- for the common cannella, or cinnamon, 
 
 days; both the icaao; and the Kivvd- Translal. 
 
 HW/JLOV were, (as is proved by Larcher, 2 c'nrb T\\C, v\ijc, " from the shrubs." 
 
 although Herodotus seems not to have The brevity of the Greek would not 
 
 been aware of it,) the produce of one be intelligible in English. The leda- 
 
 and the same plant; the cassia was non is a production of the ledum, a 
 
 the dry hollow bark of the tree, (the species of cistus ; it is a sort of gummy 
 
 real cinnamon of our shops ;) from its exudation, collected now-a-days in 
 
 shape it received the names of taffeta the Levant, by rubbing the branches 
 
 ffvinyZ, ffvpiyyiov, cannella cassia, and with a piece of leather, to which the 
 
 in 'French cannelle, all which names viscous matter sticks : it is afterwards 
 
 signify a reed or pipe. The cinnumo- scraped off, rolled into balls, and 
 
 mum, on the other hand, was the dried. I have seen goats browsing on 
 
 branch, together with the bark : this the leaves in the interior parts of the 
 
 latter is now no longer an object of island of Ceos, and have no doubt 
 
 exportation, probably because enough that what Herodotus states respect- 
 
 of the more delicate produce, that ing the ancient mode of collecting this 
 
 called cassia by the ancients, is af- drug may be true. The ledum is cul- 
 
 forded to supply a market, the de- tivated in our gardens uuder the name 
 
 mands of which cannot be nearly so of the gum cistus, (cistus ladamferus, 
 
 great as in former days, when per- Linn. ;) the viscidity of the foliage 
 
 fumes and spices were much more not so great as in the plants that grow 
 
 used than at present. I have seen in on the coast of Asia Minor, although 
 
 the possession of a friend of mine, it is sufficient to produce a very dwa- 
 
 who is in the East India service, a greeable clamminess on the fingers of 
 
 piece of the cinnamon wood; the those that handle it. Translat.
 
 THALIA. 114117. 
 
 The other species have broad tails, some even one cubit in 
 114. breadth. Towards the south-west 1 extends Ethiopia, the last 
 of inhabited countries in that direction : it produces a great 
 quantity of gold, enormous elephants, all sorts of wild trees, 
 ebony, fc and the tallest, most handsome, and longest-lived 
 men. 
 
 115 Such are the extreme nations in Asia and Libya. With 
 respect to those dwelling on the western verge of Europe, I 
 can give no well-founded account ; as I cannot, for my part, 
 persuade myself that there is a river, called Eridanus by the 
 barbarians, which falls into the sea on the north, and from 
 whence, as the report goes, amber comes ; neither do I know 
 any thing of the Cassiterides 2 islands, from which tin is 
 brought to us. Indeed, in the first place, as far as concerns 
 the Eridanus, the very name itself shows that it is of Greek 
 origin, and not barbarian, but invented by some poet ; in the 
 second place, though I directed my inquiries to the subject, I 
 have not been able to hear from any eye-witness whether all 
 beyond Europe is sea; still tin and amber certainly come to 
 
 116 us from the extremity of Europe. Towards the north of 
 Europe there is unquestionably by far the greatest abundance 
 of gold ; but how it is procured I can neither say for certain ; 
 it is, indeed, related, that the Arimaspi, certain men with but 
 one eye, steal it away 3 from the griffins; but I do not give 
 credit to the existence of people with but one eye, and in all 
 other respects endowed with a nature similar to other men. 
 We may conclude, therefore, that the extremities of the 
 world, which encircle and embrace all other countries within 
 themselves, appear to possess those commodities which are 
 held by us to be the most beautiful and rare. 
 
 117 There is in Asia a plain, enclosed on every side by a 
 mountain, which has five openings : this plain, in former 
 times, belonged to the Chorasmians, 4 being situated on the 
 frontiers of the Chorasmians themselves, the Hyrcanians, the 
 Parthians, the Sai*rangians, and theThamanians; but since the 
 Persians have possession of the empire, it belongs to the king. 
 Out of this encircling mountain accordingly flows a large 
 river, its name the Aces: this river, heretofore, dividing itself 
 
 Construction : airoK\ivofiti'T)g /it- Herodotus, toe. CASSITERIDES. 
 
 irpbs SvvovTa TjXiov, the li- 3 vTrapTra^tiv, subripere. The pre- 
 
 teral meaning of which I take to be : position is separated from the verb by 
 
 " where the southern tract of heaven tmesis, of which we have already 
 
 declines towards the setting sun, i. e. seen several instances, 
 
 the SS W. See Matthiae, Or. Gramm. p. 5 16, 
 
 2 The Scilly Islands, if not England or sect. 37 1 . 
 itsalf. St> Geographical Index t<>
 
 THALIA. 118. <j 4 . 7 
 
 into five channels, was wont to water the lands of the fore- 
 mentioned nations, flowing into each country by a distinct 
 gorge : but since they have been under the Persian king they 
 have suffered the following hardship. The king built up the 
 gorges of the mountain, placing sluices at each. The passage 
 for the water being thus blocked up, the plain within the 
 mountain is become a lake, as the river sends forth its stream, 
 but has no where any outlet. The above nations, in conse- 
 quence, which theretofore were accustomed to make use of 
 the water, having it no longer in their power to use it, suffer 
 great hardship : for though in winter it rains with them as 
 with other nations, 1 yet in summer, as they sow panicum and 
 sesame, they had recourse to the water of the river. So that 
 now, when the water is not furnished to them, they proceed, 
 together with their wives, into Persia, and standing at the 
 king's gate, utter loud cries of distress ; thereupon the king 
 commands to be opened the sluices leading into the territories 
 of those that are most in want ; and when their land is per- 
 fectly soaked with water, these sluices are shut, and he com- 
 mands others to be opened leading to the territories of such 
 of the rest as are most in need. And, as I have heard, he 
 exacts a large sum, over and above the tribute, before he 
 opens them. 
 
 Intaphernes, one of the seven conspirators against the 
 Magus, having committed the following act of arrogance, was 
 put to death, 2 immediately after the deposition of the usurper. 
 This nobleman wished to enter the palace, and have an audi- 
 ence from the king on business ; for, as I have before ob- 
 served, it was the privilege of those who had conspired against 
 the Magus to go into the king without being announced by 
 an usher, excepting at such times as the king happened to be 
 in conversation with one of his wives. Intaphernes, in con- 
 sequence, imagined there was no necessity of any one's an- 
 nouncing him, but would enter, seeing that he was one of the 
 seven ; the porter, however, and the lord in waiting, 3 would 
 not suffer him to pass, alleging that the king was in the 
 company of one of his wives; but Intaphernes, conceiving 
 that they spoke false, acted in this manner: he drew his 
 cimeter, and cutting off their ears and noses, fastened them 
 
 1 vn o<t>i 6 fooe : lit. " the god (Ju- was one of the most important and 
 
 piter) rains to them ;" a usual mode honourable offices among the Per- 
 
 of expression, ri yap 6 'Live voitl ; sians ; the duty of this person was t 
 
 what sort of weather have v/e ?" receive petitions, and introduce per- 
 
 Aristoph. Av. 1501. Lurcher. sons to the royal presence. This note 
 
 * KfiTtXafie 'IvTuQkpvia airnQavtlv. will serve to rectify the inaccuracy of 
 
 See note 1, p. 174, of 'this work. my translation. 
 
 3 yyfX(//<7>oooc. This, says Larcher,
 
 218 THALIA. 119, 120. 
 
 to the bridle of his horse, which he tied round their necks, 
 
 119 and so let them go. These persons presented themselves be- 
 fore the king, and stated the cause for which they had suf- 
 fered this ill treatment : Darius, however, fearing lest the six 
 might be accomplices in this deed of violence, summoned 
 each of them separately into his presence, and sounded them 
 whether they approved of what had been done. Having as- 
 certained that it was hot with their consent that Intaphernes 
 had so acted, he seized him, together with his children and 
 all his servants ; having many reasons to suspect that he in- 
 tended to raise a sedition with his kinsmen. Having seized 
 them, he put them into chains, with the intention of having 
 them executed. 1 Meanwhile the wife of Intaphernes came to 
 the king's gate, and wept and bewailed; 2 continuing to act in 
 this manner, she induced Darius to take compassion on her; 
 he, therefore, sent a messenger, saying as follows: " Lady, 
 " king Darius gives to thee one of the prisoners, thy relations, 
 " to set at liberty, whichsoever of the number thou mayst 
 " select." After some deliberation, she returned the following 
 answer : " If, then, the king grants me the life of one, I 
 " choose before all my brother." The king, being informed 
 of this, and surprised at the speech, sent and asked : " Lady, 
 " the king wishes to know from thee by what motive, passing 
 " over husband and children, thou selectest thy brother to 
 " survive; though he is less nearly connected with thee than 
 " thy children, and not so dear 3 as thy husband?" She made 
 answer in the following words : " Sire, if the divinity vouch- 
 " safes, I may get another husband, and other children, 
 " though I lose these; but as my father and mother are no 
 *' longer living, I can by no chance obtain another brother; 
 " induced by this motive, I made my request." Darius con- 
 ceived that the lady spoke to the purpose, and being pleased 
 with her, gave to her not only the one she had asked for, but 
 also the eldest of her children ; all the rest he put to death : 
 and thus one of the seven, in the manner I have described, 
 was cut off within a short time. 
 
 120 Nearly about the time of Cambyses's illness, the following 
 event took place: Oroetes, a native of Persia, had been ap- 
 pointed by Cyrus viceroy of Sardis ; this individual devised a 
 very wicked action ; for although he had received no injury, 
 nor suffered any insulting language from Polycrates of Samos, 
 
 1 Construction : ttfijfft (er^ac) r^v express repetition. See Matthiae, Gr. 
 
 iifl Qavary (scil. Siaiv.) SeeSchweig. Gramm. p. 924, or sect. 598, a. 
 Not. on i. 109. Kf^a(nff/j,tvoQ, " acceptus, gratus, 
 
 * The particle av is here ued to jucundus." Schweig. Lex. Herod.
 
 THALIA. 121, 122. 349 
 
 nor had even seen him before, he resolved to seize and destroy 
 him ; something like the following, according to the statement 
 of most people, being his motive. Oroetes, being seated at 
 the king's gate 1 with another Persian, his name Mitrobates, 
 governor of the department to which Dascyleium* belongs, 
 those two persons proceeded from conversation to mutual 
 wrangling; the quarrel falling on valoijr, Mitrobates is re- 
 presented as having said to Oroetes, reproachfully : " Art 
 " thou to be reckoned in the number of men, thou who hast 
 " not yet reduced to the king's obedience the isle of Samos, 
 " lying close to thy department, although it is so easy to sub- 
 " due : an island which one of thfe natives, having risen up 
 " with fifteen armed men, gained possession of, and still rules 
 " over?" They accordingly declare, that, when he had heard 
 this, being mortified at the reproach, he was anxious not so 
 much to avenge himself of the person who had spoken those 
 words, as to destroy entirely Polycrates, on whose account 
 he had been insulted. But there are other persons, fewer in 121 
 number, who assert that Oroetes sent a herald to Samos, to 
 make some request or other, for what that was is not stated; 
 Polycrates, they say, happened to be reclining in the man's 
 apartment, and Anacreon of Teos was in his company ; and, 
 by some means or other, (whether he designedly wished to 
 shew his contempt of the aifairs of Oroetes, or that it so hap- 
 pened by chance,) when the herald of Oroetes approached to 
 deliver his message, Polycrates, who happened to have his face 
 towards the wall, neither turned round nor made any answer. 3 
 The above are accordingly the two reasons assigned for the 122 
 death of Polycrates ; and every one is at liberty to give credit 
 to which of them he chooses. Oroetes, therefore, who was 
 established at Magnesia, a city placed on the river Maeander, 
 being acquainted with Polycrates's disposition, sent to Samos 
 Myrsus the son of Gyges, a native of Lydia, as the bearer of 
 
 1 The great lords waited at the 'Opoina ic Sayaov K//pwca, ortv <$>} 
 
 gates of the kings of Persia. This xpn^rog fojjffojurov (ow yap uv Btj 
 
 practice, established by Cyrus, lasted rovroyf \sytrat :) [Xeyoixrt] * rov 
 
 as long as the monarchy itself; and IToXwcparta rv^v Karamiptvov tv 
 
 even to the present day, in Turkey, avSotwvi, iraptivai Si 01 *< AvaKps- 
 
 the court is called the Ottoman Porte, ovra rbv Tifiov icai K-WC, (r T - 
 
 or Gate. Larcher. voinc ai>rbv (i. e. IloXvicp<ma) /carij- 
 
 2 vol iov rov lv AaffKV\ii V , i. e. the \oyiovra rd Oipoireai vpr^ara, tn 
 province round the city of Dascyleium, cai avvrv\ir\ TIQ roiavrn tirtyevt 
 that of which Dascyleium was the ca- r6v re ftp (respecting which, see p. 
 pital , Bithy nia. Tratulat. 10, note 3, of this volume) K~ rov 
 
 3 The construction is rather intri- 'Opairtw irapeXDovra teUyfcMw, KO 
 cate : the infinitives depend on bi Si rbv IIoX. (rv x iiv yap [Xtyovcri avrd 
 IX&roowc XsyoTm. Wess. Construe- ^wrpa^wv poc rov ro. X pv) 
 tion : ol Be IXdworts \iyavn, *W<u /ifiwrrpa^vai, ovrt 
 
 VOL. I. K k
 
 250 THALIA. 123. 
 
 a message. For 1 Polycrates is the first of the Greeks that we 
 know of who conceived the design of obtaining the empire of 
 the sea, except Minos of Cnossus, or, perhaps, some other 
 before him who ruled the sea; it is certain, however, that 
 Polycrates is the first belonging to the race of men, so called, 2 
 who formed great hopes of reducing to his power Ionia and 
 the islands. 3 Oroetes, knowing that such were his views, sent 
 an embassy, saying as follows: " OROETES TO POLYCRATES 
 *' SPEAKS THUS. I understand that thou revolvest great de- 
 " signs, but that thy means are not commensurate to thy 
 " views: now, by acting in the following manner, thou wilt 
 " raise thyself and save me; for king Cambyses intends my 
 K death, which is reported to me as an undoubted fact ; do 
 " thou, therefore, take me now from hence, together with my 
 " riches, part of which thou shalt hold, and permit me to 
 " keep the rest. With the help of riches, thou wilt obtain 
 " the command of all Greece. If thou wilt not credit me in 
 " what I say respecting my wealth, send some person in whom 
 " thou mostly confident, and to him I will shew my treasures" 
 123 When Pofyerates heard this, he was highly pleased, and 
 assented ; and, as he was much attached to money, he first 
 despatched Maeandrius the son of Maeandrius y one of the 
 citizens, who was his secretary, to reconnoitre : the same in- 
 dividual, who, not long after these events, dedicated in the 
 temple of Juno all the furniture of the audience chamber 4 of 
 Polycrates, which* is worthy of observation. Oroetes, informed 
 that the surveyor was expected, acted thus : having filled 
 eight coffers with stones, excepting a very small space round 
 the brims, he spread gold over the surface of the stones; and 
 having fastened the boxes with bands, held them ready: 4 
 
 1 This yap introduces an explana- likewise to signify, in the houses of 
 tion of rov Uo^vKodrtoQ rbv voov ; the Romans, a walk between two 
 Polycrates's ambition being to be lord contiguous quadrangles of the build- 
 over the sea, and to extend his em- ing. 1 have used the word audience- 
 pire. chamber, in order to avoid a periphra- 
 
 2 avOpwTnjij; ytvtri, the times of sis; for the civilized languages of the 
 men, i. e. those to which historical present day have no terms indicative 
 and trae records reach, in opposition of that seclusion of the fair sex, which 
 to fivOiKij, the fabulous times. Scali- marks barbarism in the man, and want 
 ger, quoted by Larcher. of virtue in the woman. Translat. 
 
 Lit. " Polycrates is the first that 4 Before the invention of locks, it 
 
 had great hopes that he should rule was the custom in ancient times to 
 
 over Ionia and the islands." secure the doors, chests, 6:c. with 
 
 * dvcptuv, a word of which we knots. Some of these knots were so 
 
 kave met instances once and again ; difficult, that no one who was not in 
 
 k is equivalent to avep&v or dj/cpw- the secret could unfasten them. 
 
 viriQ, in opposition to ywaiKtlov or .Every body has heard of the Gordian 
 
 yyvaocwrine, the former the apart- knot: and Homer frequently alludes 
 
 sient of the men, the latter that of the to the practice. Odyss. viii. 447. 
 
 women < The woitd nvCpiJw was used Larclier.
 
 THALIA. 12412^. 251 
 
 Maeandrius came, and having seen, made his report to 
 Polycrates. Polycrates, although the divines, as well as his 124 
 'friends, used many arguments to dissuade him, prepared 
 for his departure : and even after his daughter had beheld 
 the following vision ; she fancied her father was aloft in 
 the air, washed by the storm, 1 and anointed by the sun : 
 having had this dream, she used all her endeavours to 
 hinder Polycrates from going to Oroetes, nay, even at the 
 moment he was embarking aboard his fifty-oared yacht, she 
 pursued him with ominous language, whereupon Polycrates 
 threatened her that if he returned safe, she should pass a long 
 time in maidenhood ; the young woman prayed it might so 
 come to pass, as she would prefer remaining a long time un- 
 wedded to being deprived of her father. Polycrates, thus 125 
 spurning every advice, sailed for the residence of Oroetes, 
 taking with him many of his company, and, among others, 
 Democedes the son of Calliphon, a native of Crotona, by pro- 
 fession a physician, and the most skilful in his art of those of 
 his day. 2 On his arrival at Magnesia, Polycrates perished 
 miserably, in a manner unworthy of his rank and of his mind; 
 for, if you except the tyrants of Syracuse, not one of the rest 
 of the Grecian tyrants is worthy to be put in comparison, for 
 magnificence, with Polycrates. Oroetes, having put him to 
 death in a manner too horrid to describe, gibbetted his body:' 
 such of his followers as were Samians he dismissed, bidding 
 them be thankful to him for their freedom ; such of the atten- 
 dants as were strangers and slaves he retained as prisoners. 
 Meanwhile, Polycrates, being hung up, fulfilled all the cir- 
 cumstances of his daughter's vision, for he was washed by the 
 storm whenever it rained, and was anointed by the sun, 
 which made the juices of his carcass to exude. In this manner 
 accordingly the great run of Polycrates' s good fortune had an 
 end, as Amasis the king of Egypt had foreboded to him. 4 
 
 Not long after, Polycrates was avenged on Oroetes,* For 126 
 since the death of Cambyses, and the reign of the Magi, 
 Oroetes, abiding at Sardis, would give no assistance to the 
 Persians, who had been deprived of the empire by the Medes: 
 
 ' Lit. by Jove." See note 1, page Before .that the unfortunate Poly craves 
 
 247. So in the next chapter : " he was was flayed alive. The words tmpa ling 
 
 washed by Jove whenever he rained." and breaks on the wheel, although 
 
 Lit. "and who exercised his art understood by many to express par 
 
 . 
 
 the best of those in his time." cular manners "< 
 
 3 d, e <rra*D, exposed his body apply only to the expoution of the 
 
 on a stake or 'crow, i. e. gibbet." This carcass after death. Trmslat. 
 
 press any particular mode of execu- lycrates pursued 
 tion; it is probable, from Tvliat (roes
 
 252 THALIA. 127, 128. 
 
 but in the confusion of affairs, put to death the governor, 
 Mitrobates of Dascyleium, the same who had reproached him 
 on the score of Polycrates ; he likewise massacred Crassaspes 
 the son of Mitrobates, both men of rank among the Persians. 
 He committed also various other deeds of arrogance, and a 
 courier 1 having come to him from Darius, and he not being 
 pleased with the message delivered, killed him on his return, 
 having stationed assassins to watch for him on the road; and, 
 after murdering him, did away with the body, and the horse 
 
 127 the courier rode on. As soon as Darius gained possession of 
 the empire, he felt desirous of punishing Oroetes, not only for 
 all the deeds of injustice he had perpetrated, but particularly 
 for the murder of Mitrobates and his son : he found, however, 
 that it would not be expedient to send openly his troops 
 against Oroetes, seeing that his own affairs were yet unsettled, 
 and he had but lately come to the throne; he had likewise 
 been informed, that Oroetes had considerable forces ; his 
 guards consisted of one thousand Persians, and he ruled over 
 the Phrygian, Lydian, and Ionian department. Wherefore, 
 Darius, taking these things into consideration, contrived the 
 following plan: he called together the most respectable of the 
 Persians, and addressed them in the following words: " Men 
 " of Persia, which one among you will undertake to perform 
 " for me this action by art, and not by force and numbers ? 
 " For where there is need of art, force is of no avail. Which 
 " among you, I say, will either bring Oroetes alive into my 
 " presence, or put him to death ? He has never in any man- 
 " ner assisted the Persians, but, on the contrary, has wrought 
 " great mischief to them. On the one hand, he has murdered 
 " two of us, I mean Mitrobates and his son ; on the other, he 
 " puts to death those that summon him into my presence, and 
 " are despatched by me, exhibiting an arrogance that is insup- 
 " portable. Ere, therefore, he work any greater mischief to the 
 
 128 " Persians,he must be prevented by death atourhands." Such 
 was the request Darius made; upon which thirty men offered 
 themselves to him, each wishing to perform the deed alone : 
 Darius put an end to their contention 2 by bidding them cast 
 lots : they threw, and the lot fell on Bagaeus the son of Ar- 
 tontes; fortune having selected him, Bagaeus acted as follows: 
 he wrote various letters, with reference to different subjects, 
 and impressed them with the signet of Darius ; he then went 
 
 , a courier, or tartar, thing of a similar expression occurs 
 belonging to the Persian service of the in vii. 9, where Portus explains Kara- 
 ayyapri'iov, concerning which, see viii. Xa/</3av> SiaQopde, by foaXvitv Sia- 
 
 tyonac. Ae. Port. Lex. Ion. 
 3 KurtXapfiavi icii^ovra^. Some-
 
 THALIA. 1-29, 130. -253 
 
 with those letters to Sardis; where, at his arrival, havincr 
 come into the presence of Oroetes, he opened 1 the letters one 
 by one, and gave them to the royal scribe to read ; for all the 
 governors have in attendance secretaries appointed by the 
 king. Bagaeus gave those letters with the intention of sound- 
 ing the guards whether they would listen to an insurrection 
 against Oroetes; seeing they paid great veneration to the letters, 
 and still greater to what they contained, he delivered another, 
 in which were these words : " Men of Persia, Darius forbids 
 " you to guard 2 the person of Oroetes." When they heard 
 this, they cast aside their javelins before him ; and Bagaeus, 
 seeing them, in this instance, obedient to the orders of the letter, 
 taking courage, gave, lastly, a letter to the secretary, in which 
 was written : " King Darius commands the Persians at Sar- 
 " dis to put Oroetes to death." No sooner had the guards 
 heard the words, than they drew their cimeters, and instantly 
 struck him down. Thus, therefore, did the furies, avengers 
 of Polycrates of Samos, overtake the Persian Oroetes. 
 
 The property of Oroetes having been transported to Susa, 129 
 and already arrived, it came to pass no long time after, that 
 king Darius, leaping from his horse in the chase, wrenched his 
 foot : the sprain was very violent, for his ancle bone was dis- 
 located. The prince, who previously considered himself as 
 having in his attendance the Egyptians esteemed the first in 
 the medical art, had recourse to them ; but they, by twisting 
 the foot, and applying force, increased the evil ; so that for 
 seven days and seven nights, Darius remained without sleep, 
 through his hurt. On the eighth day, accordingly, Darius 
 being in great pain, some one who had before heard at Sardis 
 of the skill of Democedes of Croton, communicated it to the 
 king, who gave orders that they should bring him as quickly 
 as possible into his presence. The attendants having found 
 him among the slaves of Oroetes, where he lay by some means 
 or other neglected, brought him forth, dragging his fetters, 
 and clad in rags. Democedes, standing in the presence, 130 
 Darius asked him whether he knew the art of medicine; he 
 denied it, fearing lest, if he discovered himself, he should be 
 
 1 irepuupetv signifies to take away milar usage, which will account for 
 the wrapper of any thing ; in this the expression here used by Herodo- 
 sense we have previously seen Po- tus, which signifies, literally, " having 
 lycrates, iii. 41, iripiatptopivos TI)V taken off the wrapper of each sepa- 
 a<j>pi)-y~t8a, " taking off the signet rately." Translat. 
 which encompassed his finger." The 2 The superfluous negative, which 
 letters sent by Turkish gentlemen are is, no doubt, too familiar to the reader 
 always wrapped in silk bafrs or cases, to require any comment. See Mat- 
 sealed with their signet ; the ancient thiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 801, or sect.533, 
 Persians most probably had some si- obx. 3.
 
 THALIA. 130. 
 
 for ever excluded from Greece. Darius saw very clearly that 
 he was dissembling, and was perfectly acquainted with medi- 
 cine; 1 he, therefore, bade those who had brought him, pro- 
 duce the whips and spurs : Democedes, thereupon, discovered 
 himself, saying that l>e was not perfectly acquainted with the 
 art, though he had acquired some superficial knowledge of it, 
 by frequenting the company of a physician. Afterwards, the 
 king, having placed himself 2 under his care, by following the 
 Greek practice, and making lenitives succeed the violent means 
 before adopted, 3 he procured the prince repose, and in a short 
 time restored him to health, although the patient had ima- 
 gined he should never be able to stand erect on the foot. 
 Darius, in consequence, presented him afterwards with two 
 pairs of golden gyves: Democedes asked the king whether he 
 intentionally doubled his woes because he had cured him : 
 Darius, pleased with this speech, sent him to his wives ; and 
 the eunuchs who conducted him, said to the women, that he 
 was the person who had restored life to the king; whereupon 
 each of them, dipping a cup into p, chest of gold, 4 so enriched 
 
 1 The sense is the same as if there 
 was KartfyavT) rt r<ji Acrptty Tt\vaZ,f.tv, 
 Kai Trtp tTTirfTayitvoQ, " It appeared to 
 Darius that he dissembled being a 
 physician, though he was so in fact." 
 Lurcher. 
 
 a iireTpityt ; understand iavrbv, or 
 TO Trpay^a. Sdiiceig. 
 
 3 I take -ijTTia as relating to the 
 treatment of Democedes, and ia-xvpa 
 to that of the Egyptians, as being the 
 first signification that would be given 
 to the passage by a non-medical reader. 
 Coray understands both ij-rrta and 
 iV^wpd of the treatment adopted by 
 Democedes : " the injury," says he, 
 " was a luxation of the foot, that had 
 been unskilfully treated by the Egyp- 
 tian physicians : the first operation 
 Democedes had to perform must have 
 been, therefore, to luxate again the 
 joint. Immediately after that ope- 
 ration, fitTU TO. iff^vpa, in order to 
 calm the pain, he administered to his 
 patient some narcotic, ijirta, as, for 
 instance, opium, to make him sleep. 
 This practice is still followed in all 
 violent surgical operations." The trans- 
 lation, according to this illustrious 
 editor of Strabo, must be, therefore, 
 " and, by administering some narcotic 
 after the operation, procured," &c. I 
 have no opportunity of consulting any 
 medical friend respecting this interpre- 
 
 iation; but I must inform my readers 
 that Coray is no less celebrated for 
 his skill in medicine than for his pro- 
 found knowledge of the Greek, both 
 ancient and modern. Translat. 
 
 4 vTTOTVTTTOvaa ?i avrkdiv i.KaaTT] 
 <lxa\y ig row ^pvaov rffv 9i]icr)v. A 
 most difficult passage ; for the different 
 emendations proposed by various scho- 
 lars the notes of Schweighaeuser may 
 be consulted. Construction : tKamt] 
 avriwv, each of them, vrrorvTrTOVira 
 (fa.aXjj, dipping tinder with a sauier, (so 
 ii. 130, KOVT< viroTViTTOvrtQ t \ifjivrjv) 
 so, TTJV OfjKriv rov xpvaov, into the chest 
 or repository of gold, &c. We have 
 likewise, vi. 119, viroTvij/ag yav\tf 
 avT\in, " shaking under with a bucket 
 draws from the tcell." I have followed 
 the reading of Mr. Gaisford, proposed 
 by Porson : Schweighaeuser gives 
 
 VTTOTVTTTOVOO. Sf (lUTSlOV IKaffTI] 0(Xy, 
 TOO %plKTOO ffVV 6f]Ky tCdJOitTO At]fJ.O- 
 
 KriSia ovTbi cij TI ca\l/i\it Stapty, K. T. X. 
 The translation of which must be, 
 however, lame : " each of them dip- 
 ping in with a saucer, presented to 
 Democedes such an abundant gift of 
 gold together with the vase," &c. 
 Leaving the reader to search fur 
 further information on this passage 
 from the various commentators, I 
 shall proceed to give Larcher's il- 
 lustration of the meaning of <t>ta\t).- -
 
 THALIA. 131133. 255 
 
 Democedes with their abundant gifts, that a servant who fol- 
 lowed him, his name Sciton, by picking U p the staters which 
 fell from the saucers, collected a considerable treasure of gold. 
 
 This Dernocedes became connected with Polycrates, after 131 
 quitting Croton, in the following manner: at Croton he was 
 harassed by a father of a harsh and passionate turn ; being 
 unable to bear with him, he abandoned him and went to 
 Egina: having settled in that island, he, in the first year of his 
 residence, surpassed the most skilful physicians, although he 
 was without instruments, 1 and unprovided with any of the re- 
 quisites to exercise the profession. In the second year, the in- 
 habitants of Egina rewarded him at the public cost with a 
 pension of one talent; in the third year, the Athenians pre- 
 sented him with a pension of one hundred mines; but in the 
 fourth year, Polycrates gave him two talents ; so that he pro- 
 ceeded to Samos. And, from the time of this man, the 
 Crotonian physicians have been held in great estimation ; 2 for 
 there was a time when the Crotonians were considered in 
 Greece as the first physicians ; and the Cyrenians the second 
 in rank ; and, at the same period, the Argives had the reputa- 
 tion of being the first of the Grecians in the art of music. 
 Democedes, having then cured Darius at Susa, was put in 13 
 possession of a large house, and had a place at the king's table; 
 and, indeed, excepting the one circumstance of being allowed 
 to return into Greece, all other advantages accompanied his 
 situation. In the first place, therefore, he obtained, by pe- 
 titioning the king, the release of the Egyptian physicians that 
 had previously attended the prince, and, in consequence of their 
 being defeated by a Grecian physician, were to have been 
 gibbetted : in the second place, he obtained the freedom of a 
 soothsayer of Elis, who had followed Polycrates, and lay 
 neglected among the slaves : in short, the interest of Demo~ 
 cedes with the king was very great. 
 
 A short time after this event, another of the following nature 133 
 
 Translat. The word <}>ia\rj belongs was poured out into a cup^ which was 
 
 to the office of the cup-bearers. In called tKiria^a. 3rd. The ficirwfia was 
 
 order to have a correct idea of what it presented to the guests on a QtaXri : 
 
 means, it is necessary to be acquainted this latter, therefore, was a saucer or 
 
 with what regards this service. 1st. A plate. I mean a flat broad vessel, on 
 
 certain quantity of wine and water, in which the cup was presented. . 
 
 proportion to the strength of the wine, Xen. Cyrop. i. 3, 8. Larcher. 
 or according to the taste of the drink- ' Surgery was not, in former times, 
 
 ers, was poured into large vases, separated from medicine. 
 These vases, from the mixture of the 2 C'est a lui que les medecms < 
 
 two liquors, were called craters. Crotone doivent la plus grande partie 
 
 2nd. The mixture was dipped out of de leur reputation. To km the t 
 
 these craters with a cyathus (Kvafloc) a tonian doctors are indebted for the gre, 
 
 sort of deep pitcher, and the drink cut part of their reputation. Lareher.
 
 256 THALIA. 134 
 
 came to pass. Atos^a the daughter of Cyrus, anil wife of 
 Darius had a tumour arising in her breast, which, having 
 burst, spread further. So long, accordingly, as the swelling 
 remained small, the lady, out of modesty, concealed it, men- 
 tioning the circumstance to no one. But, when she saw herself 
 in danger, she sent for Democedes and shewed it him : the 
 physician declaring he would restore her to health, made her 
 bind herself by oath " to 1 perform for him in return whatever 
 " he might ask of her ;" it being understood he should not ask 
 134. for any thing that might lead to disgrace. Democedes having 
 after this prescribed for the lady, and restored her to health, 
 Atossa, therefore, according to his instructions, addressed the 
 following discourse to Darius as she lay in his bed. " Sire, 
 " possessed as thou art of such power, tliou sittest down without 
 " adding either territory or power to the Persians ; yet would 
 " it become a person who is both young and master of great 
 " wealth, to display some exploit, so that the Persians might 
 " know they are ruled by a man. There are two reasons 
 " which should urge thee to act in this manner: first, that the 
 " Persians might be convinced their chief is a man of spirit; 
 " second, that they might be engaged in war, lest, by remain- 
 " ing in idleness, they hatch conspiracies against thee. Do 
 " thou, therefore, perform some brilliant deed, now that thou 
 " art young in years; for, as the body grows, so grows the 
 " mind ; whereas, as the body becomes infirm by age, so does 
 " the mind become infirm, and hesitates at every action." 
 This she spoke according to the instructions she had received: 
 Darius replied in these words: " Lady, thou hast mentioned 
 " the very things which I am thinking of doing; for I have 
 " determined to throw a bridge from this continent to the 
 " other, 8 and lead an army against Scythia; and this will be 
 " completed within a short time." Atossa resumed: "Lookyou, 
 " then, my lord, forbear to march against the Scythians in the 
 " first instance ; 3 for they will be thine whenever thou choosest; 
 " but, for my sake lead thy troops against Greece : indeed, 
 " from the accounts I have received, I long to have among my 
 " slaves women from Lacedemon, and Argos, and Attica, and 
 " Corinth. Thou hast, moreover, the man of all others the 
 " best qualified to give thee every' information respecting 
 " Greece, and to guide thy steps ; him, I mean, who cured 
 " thy foot." Darius replied : " Lady, since thou art of opinion 
 " it is better to make our first essay against the Greeks, me- 
 
 1 fi pii; used Tonically in forms of 3 Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 407, or 
 swearing, for ^v. sect. 281, 2. 
 
 8 That is to say, from Asia to Eu- 
 rope ; see iv. 8.
 
 THALIA. 135, 136. 2;,7 
 
 w thinks it were advisable to send previously to their country 
 ' certain Persians to reconnoitre, together with the man thou 
 * sayest. Those persons, after observing nil, and making due 
 " enquiries, will report to me; and then, being provided with 
 " the proper information, I will turn my arms against them." 
 Thus lie spoke, and no sooner said than done; for as soon 1S."> 
 ns day shone forth, he called to his presence fifteen principal 
 men among the Persians, and commanded them to recon- 
 noitre, in company with Democedes, the maritime parts of 
 Greece; enjoining them, at the same time, not to suller De- 
 mocedes to escape from them, but by all means to bring him 
 back. Having given these orders to the above persons, he 
 next called to his presence Democedes himself, and entreated 
 him, after he should have led the way, and shewn to the Persians 
 the whole of Greece, to come back : at the same time, he bade 
 him collect all his moveables, and carry them as a present to 
 his father and'brothers, promising to give him abundance of 
 others in their place : he likewise promised to furnish him 
 with a merchant ship, to convey the gifts, which he would load 
 with all kinds of treasure, and which should accompany him 
 on his voyage. These promises Darius made to him, in my 
 opinion, 1 without any fraudulent intention. All these gifts 
 Democedes did accept, but not without some shew of resist- 
 ance, 2 as he feared Darius might be making trial of him : J he 
 declared that he would leave -his own effects in the country, 
 so that he might find them on his return ; the merchant ship 
 which Darius offered him, for the purpose of conveying the 
 presents to his brothers, he said he would take. Darius 
 having given these orders to Deraocedes also, despatched the 
 party to the coast. 
 
 Going down, therefore, to Phoenicia, and to the city of 136 
 Sidon, in that country, they forthwith loaded two triremes, 
 as well as a large round vessel, with all kinds of treasure : 
 having made all preparations, they set sail for Greece; and, 
 touching at the different ports, reconnoitred all its maritime 
 parts, and raised a plan ;' at length, after examining the 
 greater portion of Greece, and the most celebrated spots, they 
 reached Tarantum of Italy. In this place, Aristophilides, king 
 of the Tarantines, out of kindness to Dernocedes,* took away 
 
 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 823, says, " et leverent le plan :" the pas- 
 
 or sect. 543. sape, however, may be translated 
 
 fiTriTpkx^v'signifiestosdzegrecdihj. and ^ wrote down a description of 
 
 Larcher. Construction: iB&KiTo iravra them." 
 
 ra Si&oiuva, ov n lKt.Spau.uv avrois. 3 B p^rwvns rrjs Ar^oK^fOf, the 
 
 Schweig. Lex. Herod. genitive must apply to Aristophilides. 
 
 cd for 'lo, of, of him. Goray makes it refer to Democedes. 
 
 I have followed Larchrr, who giving to faffrtafC q"' 1 * 
 VOL. 1. L 1
 
 258 THALIA. 137, 138. 
 
 the rudders of the Medean ships; and, moreover, retained the 
 Persians themselves as being spies. In the mean time, while 
 they were suffering such treatment, Democedes proceeded to 
 Croton ; and when he was arrived at his home, Aristophilides 
 liberated the Persians, and restored to them what he had 
 
 137 taken from their vessels. The Persians then set sail in pursuit 
 of Democedes, and came to Croton : finding the fugitive 
 busied in the market-place, they seized his person : some of 
 the Crotonians, from their dread of the Persian power, were 
 prepared to give him up ;' but the others rescued him, and 
 with their clubs fell on the Persians, who exclaimed, " Men 
 >Sr of Croton, look to what you are doing ; you have rescued a 
 " runaway slave belonging to the king. How can you expect 
 if king Darius will suffer himself to be thus insulted ? 2 And, 
 " if you take Democedes from us, that what you do will have 
 " good issue ? Will not this city be the first we shall attack ? 
 " The first we shall endeavour to enslave?" They could not, 
 however, persuade the Crotonians by such language ; but, 
 being deprived both of Democedes and the ship of burthen 
 they had brought with them, they set sail on their return to 
 Asia, and, as they were now without a guide, did not seek to 
 visit Greece again, or carry on any farther their researches re- 
 specting the country. As they were on the point of taking their 
 departure, Democedes, however, charged them with the follow- 
 ing commission; bidding them say to Darius, "that Democedes 
 " was affianced to Milo's daughter ;" for the name of Milo, 
 the wrestler, was well known to the king ; and, indeed, as I 
 imagine, Demoeedes, by the payment of a good sum of money, 
 hastened this marriage, for the purpose that Darius might be 
 convinced he was a man of consideration even in his own coun- 
 
 1 38 try. The Persians having departed from Croton, were cast 
 with their ships on the coast of lapygia ; and there being made 
 slaves of, Gillus, a fugitive from Tarantum, ransomed them, and 
 took them to king Darius. The king was willing to give him 
 in return for them whatever he might desire: Gillus, having 
 previously explained his misfortunes, begged to be returned 
 to Tarantum ; but, lest he should alarm Greece, if, on his ac- 
 count, a mighty fleet were to sail into Italy, he declared " the 
 *' Cnidians would be sufficient to conduct him back:" fancy- 
 ing that his return would be procured most effectually by 
 them, inasmuch as they were on terms of friendship with the 
 
 meaning, w by the artifice of Demo- 3 KO> f3a<Ti\rj'i 
 
 eedes :" his proofs in support of this pii>/3pi(T0ai ; Lit. " quomodo sufficere 
 
 meaning are too long for insertion in poterit regi tali contumelia adfici ?' 
 
 this work. See Larcher, iii. 399. I. e. How can he be content to be in- 
 
 > Construction : ot piv kroiftoi faav suited in this manner ' 
 +(>9iiva( (avrov rolg ttt
 
 THALIA. 139, UO. 
 
 Tarantines. Darius promised him, and acted accordingly ; 
 for he despatched a messenger toCnidos, and commanded the 
 inhabitants to convey Gillus back to Tarantum. The Cnidians 
 obeyed Darius : they could not, however, persuade the Ta- 
 rantines, and, on the other hand, were not sufficiently power- 
 ful to adopt forcible measures. Jn this manner, therefore, did 
 the above events take place : these were the first Persians that 
 ever came from Asia into Greece; and they were sent- as spies 
 for the purpose above-mentioned. 
 
 Subsequently to these events, king Darius took Samos: of 139 
 all the places, whether Grecian or barbarian, this was the first 
 he seized, from the following cause. During the expedition 
 of Cambyses son of -Cyrus against Egypt, a great number of 
 Grecians visited Egypt ; some, as may be supposed, for the 
 purposes of trade; others in order to take a part in the war; 
 and some few also for the purpose of seeing the country only. 
 Among these last was Syloson son of Ajax, the brother of 
 Polycrates, and a fugitive from Samos : the following piece .of 
 good luck befel this Syloson ; having wrapped himself up in a 
 red mantle, he was walking in the market-place of Memphis : 
 Darius, who was at that time one of the body-guard of -Cam- 
 byses, and not in any great consideration, saw him, and, feel- 
 ing a desire of having the cloak, went up to him, and offered 
 to bargain for it. 1 Syloson, seeing that Darius was vehe- 
 mently desirous of the cloak, as if by divine impulse, said, "I 
 " do not intend selling this garment at any price ; neverthfr- 
 " less, I will make a present of it, if thou choose so to accept 
 it." 2 Darius praised his answer, and accepted the mantle. 
 Syloson, accordingly, imagined that he had lost his garment 1' 
 by his own good nature ; but when, in the course of time, 
 Cambyses was dead, and the seven had risen up against the 
 Magus, and Darius was the person among those seven who had 
 obtained the empire, Syloson was informed that the sceptre had 
 fallen into the hands of the very man to whom, some time back, 
 he had, at his request, given the mantle, when in Egypt. Sy- 
 loson, accordingly, went uptoSusa, and, seating himself in the 
 portal of the king's residence, declared he had been a benefactor 
 to Darius. The porter, hearing this, reported it to the king, 
 ,who, in astonishment, said to himself, 3 " W ho, can this G re- 
 
 > On the force of the imperfect, see nino "J^? Wud <*' e ' P alliu ^^ efi
 
 260 THALIA. 141, 14-2. 
 
 " cian benefactor be, to whom I am indebted tor some favour, 1 
 " newly seated as I am on the throne? Hardly has any, I 
 " may 'say none, 2 of that nation come into my presence. I 
 " know not that I owe any thing to a Grecian : nevertheless, 
 " bring him in, that I may know for what purpose he says 
 " this." The keeper of the gate introduced Syloson; and when 
 he stood in the presence, the interpreters enquired of him who 
 he was, and what he had done to call himself a benefactor of 
 the king: Syloson, accordingly, mentioned all that had taken 
 place with respect to the mantle, and that it was he who had 
 given it to the king. To this Darius made answer : " Most 
 " generous of men, art thou he who, when I possessed 
 " no power, presented me with a gift, small though it was ? 
 " Still was the benefit as great as if I were now to receive 
 " from any quarter aught of value. In recompense I will 
 " give thee gold and silver in abundance; so shalt thou never 
 " have to repent of having shewn favour to Darius the son of 
 " Hystaspes." Syloson, in reply, said : " Give me not, sire, 
 " gold or silver ; but rescue and give me my country Samos ; 
 " which a slave of ours holds, now that my brother Polycrates 
 " has suffered death at the hands of Oroetes : give me my 
 
 HI " country, without slaughter or servitude." When Darius 
 heard this, he despatched an army with Otanes, one of the 
 seven, at their head ; giving him orders to effect for him what- 
 ever Syloson might request. Otanes went down to the coasr, 
 where he embarked 3 his troops. 
 
 142 The government of Samos was in the hands of Maeanclrius 
 son of Maeandrius, who had received the management of 
 affairs, in trust from Polycrates. This person had wished to 
 behave as the most just of men, but did not succeed in his pur- 
 pose. For, when the death of Polycrates was announced to 
 him, he tided in the following manner : in the first place, he 
 erected an altar of Jove the Liberator, and traced the pre- 
 cinct 4 around it, which now stands in the suburb. When 
 tiiis wis completed, he, in the next place, convened an 
 assembly of the citizens, to whom he addressed this speech: 
 " To me, as you also know, the sceptre and whole power of 
 " Polycrates were entrusted, and now it is with me, whether 
 " I will rule over you. But that which I reprobate in my 
 " neighbour, I will myself, as far as I am concerned, forbear'; 
 " for neither Polycrates, nor any other who acts in the same 
 
 1 We have before met with this s <m\Xw is said of the sea as well 
 
 verb, rpqcttftcflriEfet; respecting which as of the land. Eurip. Iphig. in Aul. 
 
 see p. 28, note 2, of this volume. 661 ; Aeschyl. Pers. 175. Larcher. 
 
 1 j rig Jj ovStis- See Matthias, See p. 127, note 2, of this volume. 
 Or. G-ramm. p. 70Sj-or sect. 187, 7.
 
 THALIA. 14314.0. -261 
 
 " manner, ever had my approbation in lording over men hi* 
 " equals. Polycrates, however, has fulfilled his lot ; and I 
 ' now give up the sovereign power, and present you with 
 4 liberty and equality. I think it, however, but right that the 
 following recompense should be given me ; namely, that six 
 " talents out of the wealth of Polycrates be set apart for me: 
 ' I likewise demand for myself, and my posterity for ever, the 
 " priesthood of Jove the Liberator, whose temple I have found- 
 " ed, and [in whose name 1 ] I give you your freedom." Such 
 was the demand Maeandrius made of the Samians ; when one of 
 their number, standing up, exclaimed: " Of a truth, you at 
 "any rate ought not to rule over us, wicked as you have shewn 
 " yourself, and a pest to the country ; much rather ought you 
 " to render* an account of the money you have handled." 
 Thus spoke one who was much respected among his citizens, 143 
 Telesarchus by name. And Maeandrius, taking into con- 
 sideration that if he let go the power, some other would be 
 raised to the tyranny in his place, no longer thought of giving it 
 up ; but having gone up to the citadel, he sent for each indi- 
 vidual ; and, under pretence of giving an account of the 
 money, he seized and cast them in chains. They were accord- 
 ingly kept prisoners ; and, some time after, Maeandrius was 
 seized with a disorder; meanwhile, Maeandrius's brother, 
 whose name was Lycaretus, presuming he was about to die, 
 put to death all the prisoners, in order he might the more 
 easily get possession of the government of Samos ; for, as it 
 appears, they did not choose to be free [on the conditions 
 proposed them by Lycaretus. 3 ] 
 
 Accordingly, vvh'en the Persians arrived at Samos, bringing H4 
 Syloson, no one raised his hands against them, but both the 
 partizans of Maeandrius, and Maeandrius himself, declared 
 they were ready to capitulate and depart out of the island. 
 Otanes having accepted the conditions, and the treaty bein^' 
 concluded, the principal of the Persians having ordered stools 
 to be placed opposite to the citadel, sat down. Maeandrius, 145 
 the tyrant, had a brother not quite in his right senses, 4 whose 
 name was Charilaus; this person having committed some 
 fault or other, was kept chained in an under-ground dungeon ; 
 at this time, accordingly, having heard of what was going on, 
 and peeping out from his dungeon, when he saw the Persians 
 
 1 1 have followed the example of Version of Schweig. Larcher follows 
 Schweig. Vers. Lat. in supply ing these the conjecture of Pauw ; l^ovkiaro 
 words. flvai dviXtvOfpoi, "for it is evident 
 
 2 Construction: d\\d /ua\Xoj>[ti ffii they would not remain without freedom." 
 aioc] OKWC \6yov owfftic, K. r. X. 4 iiTro/Wjoyortpoc. See Matthiae, 
 
 3 The words between the brack- Gr. Granim. p. 661, or sect. 457, i. 
 ets are supplied from the Latin
 
 THALIA. H6, 147- 
 
 quietly seated, he cried aloud, and declared 1 that he wished to 
 have an interview with Maeandrius ; the latter hearing of 
 this, commanded them to unbind him, and bring him before 
 him. As soon as he was brought forth, he began to abuse 
 and rail at his brother, and endeavoured to persuade him to 
 fall upon the Persians, addressing him in the following words: 
 " Most vile of men ! hast thou then bound in chains, and con- 
 " demned to an under-ground prison me, thine own brother, 
 " who has done nought deserving of bondage ; and yet, when 
 "thou seest the Persians about to cast thee away, and to 
 " make thee an exile, darest not to seek vengeance, even 
 " when they might so easily be overwhelmed? If, forsooth, 
 " thou fearest them, give to me thy mercenaries, and I will 
 " make them pay for their invasion of our country : 2 as for 
 
 14-6 " thee, I am ready to expel thee the island." Thus spoke 
 Charilaus. Maeandrius approved his proposal, not, I imagine, 
 because he had reached such a state of madness as to fancy 
 that his own forces could overcome those of the king, but 
 rather because he would have envied Syloson, had the latter, 
 without any labour, gained possession of the city unwasted : 
 he wished, therefore, by irritating the Persians, to invalidate, 
 as much as possible, the state of Samos, and so deliver it up ; 
 well knowing, that if the Persians suffered any loss, they 
 would be the more bitterly enraged against the Samians : 
 .he likewise knew of a safe egress for himself out of the island 
 whenever he chose, for he had had a secret passage made for 
 himself under ground, leading from the citadel to the sea side. 
 Maeandrius himself, accordingly, sailed away from Samos ; 
 meanwhile, Charilaus having armed all the auxiliaries, and 
 thrown open the gates, led them out against the Persians, 
 who suspected nothing of the kind, and, in fact, fancied all 
 was settled. The auxiliaries falling on, slaughtered those 
 principal men among the Persians for whom the seats had 
 been brought. 3 But, while they were so doing, the rest of the 
 Persian army rallied, and the auxiliaries being repulsed, were 
 
 14,7 backed up in the citadel. Otanes, the general, seeing the 
 great injury the Persians suffered, willingly forgot the com- 
 mands which Darius had given him when he despatched him, 
 namely, neither to kill nor to enslave any of the Samians, but 
 
 1 t(j>t) \sywv. See Schweig. Lex. says, a luxury known even among the 
 
 Herod. Xiytiv, 2. Matth. Gr. Gramm. Athenians, to be followed by a servant 
 
 p. 948, or sect. 613, and the Bishop of carrying a seat, which he presented 
 
 Chester's observation, Matthiae, Gr. to his master whenever he wished to 
 
 -Gramm. p. 1. sit down. " Those among the Per- 
 
 * rijg ivOdSe dfficoc. Matthiae, Gr. sians who were the most respected, 
 
 Gramm. p. 489, or sect. 345, a. and had seat-bearers in their train, 1 ' 
 
 3 fy>po0opv/tsvoe is taken by Co- &c. Coray, quoted bv Larchar. 
 ray in the middle voice. It was, lie
 
 THALIA, 148 150. 
 
 '263 
 
 to restore the island unhurt to Syloson. He commanded 
 his troops to put to death without distinction whomever 
 they could lay hands on, whether man or boy : then one party 
 of the troops beseiged the acropolis, while the others put to 
 death all that fell in their way, both within and without the 
 sanctuaries, indiscriminately, Maeandrius having fled from 148 
 Samos, steered for Lacedemon. On his arrival in that country, 
 having carried up the effects with which he had quitted 
 Samos, he acted in the following manner: he used to spread 
 out the vases of gold and silver, when his attendants began to 
 scour them out : he himself at those times would enter into con- 
 versation witli Cleomenes son of Anaxandrides, and king of 
 Sparta, and take him to his residence : Cleomenes seeing the 
 plate, was seized with surprise and astonishment ; whereupon 
 Maeandrius would bid him take with him as much as he 
 chose. 1 Maeandrius repeated his offer twice and thrice, but 
 Cleomenes proved himself the most equitable of men ; for not 
 only he did not think it right to accept himself the present, 
 but, perceiving that if Maeandrius made presents to others 
 among the citizens he might obtain assistance, he went to the 
 Ephori, and declared it would be to the advantage of Sparta 
 that the Samian stranger should be expelled the Peloponnesus, 
 lest he should persuade either himself or some other of the 
 Spartans to be corrupted. The Ephori having heard this, 
 sent a herald to command Maeandrius to depart. The Per- 149 
 sians having taken Samos as in a net,' delivered it over to Sy- 
 loson, depopulated as it was. Some time after, however, the 
 leader of the troops, Otanes, repeopled it, in consequence of a 
 dream, and of a disorder which attacked him in the private 
 parts. 
 
 When the naval armament was departed for Samos, the 150 
 Babylonians detached themselves, having previously made 
 vast preparations : for, during the whole of the time the 
 Magus was on the throne, and the seven were conspiring 
 against him ; during the whole of that time, I say, and amid 
 the turbulence of affairs, they prepared themselves for a siege ; 
 this they did at first in secret; but when they openly threw off 
 their allegiance, they acted as follows. They took their 
 mothers, and each selected one woman, sjich as he chose, 
 from among those of his household; all the rest of their 
 females they collected in one place, and strangled ; the one 
 that was selected by each individual was preserved tor the pur- 
 pose of making his bread, the others they strangled in order 
 
 ' 6 & hv riv voovov roirov a Cf. vii. 64, where Herodotus ex- 
 
 & av iiciXtve. 'See Matthiae, Gi. plains this mode of capture. 
 Gramm. p. 924, or sect. 598, a.
 
 264 THALIA. 131154. 
 
 151 they might not consume their stores. Darius, when he heard 
 of this, assembled all his forces, and led them against the in- 
 surgents; having brought his army against Babylon, he be- 
 sieged the city, although the inhabitants heeded not the 
 blockade : nay, the Babylonians ascended to the breast-works 
 of the wall, where they danced and railed at Darius and his 
 host ; one among them also uttered these words : " Persians, 
 " wherefore do you sit down here; why not go your ways? 
 " Then only will you take us when mules shall breed." This 
 sentence one of the Babylonians pronounced, in the idea that 
 
 152 a mule could never produce young. One year and seven 
 months having already gone by, Darius and his whole army 
 were wearied, being unable to take the city of Babylon ; al- 
 though Darius adopted all kinds of stratagems and manoeu- 
 vres against them : still he was unable thus to master them, 
 although, among the other artifices he made trial of, he at- 
 tempted the same stratagem by which Cyrus had once taken 
 them; 1 the Babylonians, however, were vigilantly on their 
 guard, so that Darius found himself incapable of getting pos- 
 session of their city. 
 
 153 Meanwhile, it being now the twentieth month, the follow- 
 ing prodigy befel Zopyrus the son of Megabyzus, that Mega- 
 byzus I mean who was one of the seven that overthrew the 
 Magus: one of his sumpter mules produced young. This 
 circumstance being reported to Zopyrus, and Zopyrus having 
 in consequence of his disbelief of the story, seen himself the 
 colt, forbade his servants to mention to any one what had 
 taken place, and then revolved the prodigy in his own mind. 
 Conformable to the speech of the Babylonian, who at the 
 first said, that "when mules, barren 2 as they are, should 
 " bear young, then would the city be taken ;" conformable 
 to this omen, I say, Zopyrus concluded that the time of the 
 capture of Babylon was now at hand ; for he thought that 
 person must have spoken from divine impulse, and the mule 
 have brought forth young to point out himself as the instru- 
 
 154, ment. 3 Having determined within himself that it was fated 
 Babylon should now be taken, he presented himself before 
 Darius, and asked him whether he held it to be of very great 
 consequence to take Babylon ; being informed that he consi- 
 dered it of very great importance, he, in the next place, re- 
 volved in his own mind how he should manage to take the 
 place himself, so that the deed might be his alone; for, among 
 
 1 See i. 151. See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 912. 
 
 8 I have endeavoured to express 3 Lit. " and that the mule hd 
 
 the force of the partkle Trip, which is foaled to himself." 
 by no means an expletive. Larcher.
 
 THALIA. 15.5. 265 
 
 tbe Persians, noble exploits are held in esteem, and lead to 
 the first honours. 1 He accordingly reflected that he could not 
 gain possession of it by any other means than by mutilating his 
 person, and deserting to the enemy. Taking, in this case, but 
 little account of that, he mutilated his .person in a dreadful 
 manner; for, cutting off his nose and his ears, and shearing 
 his hair around in a disgraceful manner, and having scourged 
 his body, he went before Darius. Darius was greatly vexed 155 
 when he beheld a man of so high a rank thus mutilated ; he 
 leaped down from his throne, and, uttering an exclamation, 
 asked him " who it was that had mutilated him, and for 
 " what reason ?" Zopyrus replied : " There is no man, thy- 
 " self excepted, who has such power as to treat me in this 
 " manner. It is no alien, sire, but I myself wiio have done 
 " this ; for I cannot brook that the Assyrians should make 
 " sport of the Persians." Darius resumed: " Most miserable 
 " of mortals, thou givest the fairest name to the foulest deed, 
 " by saying that thou hast irremediably maimed thyself, by 
 " reason of the besieged. How will it come to pass, simple 
 " man, that from thy injuring thy person the enemy will 
 " surrender the sooner? Why, unless estranged in intellect, 
 " shouldst thou have eo wounded thyself?" Zopyrus An- 
 swered : " Had I communicated to thee what I was about to 
 " do, thou wouldst not have allowed me. Wherefore, after 
 " taking counsel of myself alone, I have acted. Immediately, 
 " if thou do not fail on thy part, we shall become masters of 
 " Babylon. For I, in my present plight, will desert over to 
 " the city., and will declare to the inhabitants that I have suf- 
 "fered this treatment at thy hands; and I conceive that if I 
 " persuade them of this, I shall be placed at the head of the 
 " forces. Do thou, on the other hand, in the tenth day, 
 " reckoning from that when I shall enter tbe .citadel, place 
 " near the gate called of Semiramis one thousand out of that 
 " part of thy army, the loss of which will be of no account. 
 " Again, on the seventh day, reckoning from the tenth, place for 
 " me two thousand more, near the gate called of Ninive. After 
 " the seventeenth day, suffer 2 twenty days to intervene, and 
 " then place four thousand more, leading them to the gate 
 " called of the Chaldees. Let neither the former parties, nor 
 "rfhese latter, have any weapons of defence, saving their dag- 
 
 ' l s ri irpfou wMioc rt/iOvrat, See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm.p. 466, or 
 
 " Honorantur et ad insignem magni- sect. 318. 
 
 tudinis gradum evehuntur," i. e. n- See Matthiae Gr. gWlMg* 
 
 HJferasVrri abrovs (rov^ dyafloep- or sect. 644: see likewise the I 
 
 vW) ie rb *p6 /uyW di^av. of Chester's remark in the same work^, 
 
 p. xlviii. 
 
 VVOL. j. AI ra
 
 THALIA. 1.3G, 17. 
 
 " gers; these let them retain. After the twentieth day, straight 
 " command the whole army to encompass and attack the city, 
 " and place the Persians near the Bel ides and Cissian gates. 
 " For, as I presume, when I shall have displayed great deeds 
 " of valour, the Babylonians will not only confide the rest to 
 " me, but will even trust me with the keys' of the gates. Then 
 " must it be the care of the Persians and mine to behave 
 " handsomely." 
 
 156 Having given these injunctions, he proceeded towards the 
 city gate, turning himself round, and looking back ever and 
 anon, as if he had been in fact a deserter. The persons sta- 
 tioned in that quarter having descried him from the towers, 
 came down; and opening- one of the gates 2 a little, enquired 
 who he was, and with what request he was come. He de- 
 clared to them that he was Zopyrus, and had deserted to 
 their side. When the sentinels at the gates heard this 
 account, they brought him before the senate of the 
 Babylonians. Introduced before them, Zopyrus began to 
 implore their mercy, stating that he suffered at the hands of 
 Darius the treatment lie had inflicted on himself; and that 
 he had been thus handled because he had counselled the king 
 to withdraw his forces, since there appeared no means of 
 capturing the place." " And now," said he, (for these were 
 his words,) ? < I have come over, bringing to you, O Babylo- 
 " mans, a very great advantage; to Darius, his army, and 
 "the Persians, the greatest hurt; for, after thus mutilating 
 " my person, he shall not go unpunished, as I know all the 
 
 157 M course of his projects." So he spoke, and the Babylonians, 
 beholding the most respectable of the Persians deprived of 
 his nose and ears, and covered with blood and stripes, not 
 doubting but he spoke the truth, and that he was come to 
 join their side, were prepared to confide to him whatever he 
 might ask of them ; he requested some troops. When Zo- 
 pyrus had obtained his request from the Babylonians, he 
 acted just as he had arranged with Darius; having, there- 
 
 This word signifies say, one of the folding doors of which 
 
 a sort of hook used to pull out the the gate (7rv\ai) was composed. The- 
 
 /SoAavoc, a smsill round piece of iron gates of the ancient towns consisted. 
 
 driven t ; roiieh the jamb'age of the of two foMing doors, each fixed to a 
 
 c;ate, and the extremity of the fiox^og round bar, turning within sockets 
 
 or cross-bar, to keep it in its proper hewn in the sill and lintel : these 
 
 situation: in case of opening the gates, folding doors were fastened byacross- 
 
 the /3ft\)'ypa was indispensable to beam, the ends of which ran into 
 
 release the fastening of the bar, so cavities made in the jambages. Such, 
 
 that it might be shot back. I have at least, were the gates of Mycenae, 
 
 adopted the English word key for the stupendous ruins of which I saw 
 
 want of a better term. Translat. some years since. Translat. 
 2 -t} i' iTtptiv TTvXiiv. That is to
 
 THALIA. 158160. 267 
 
 fore, on the tenth day, led the army of the Babylonians forth 
 and surrounding the thousand men, (the first party which he 
 Lad enjoined Darius to place,) cut them off. The Babylonians, 
 seeing that Zopyrus performed actions consistent with his 
 words, and, filled with joy, accordingly, were ready to obey him 
 in every thing. Zopyrus, suffering the stipulated days to 
 pass by, once more placed himself at the head of the choicest 
 troops of the Babylonians, led them forth, and slaughtered 
 the two thousand of Darius's soldiers; the Babylonian's being 
 witnesses to this achievement likewise, the mouths of all were 
 filled with the praises of Zopyrus. He, having again let the 
 arranged number of days elapse, led the Babylonians forth to 
 the determined spot; and encircling the four thousand, put 
 them to death. Having achieved this exploit also, Zopyrus 
 was now every thing 1 with the Babylonians, and was ap- 
 pointed by them leader of their forces, and commander of 
 the place. Darius having, according to the agreement, 158 
 marched his troops around the wall, Zopyrus then made all 
 his craft manifest. For while the Babylonians, having as- 
 cended to the battlements, were endeavouring to repel the 
 besieging forces, Zopyrus, having thrown open the Cissian 
 and Belides gates, admitted the Persians into the place. 
 Such of the Babylonians as saw what had been done, fled to 
 the temple of Jupiter Belus ; those who did not see it, re- 
 mained each at his post, till at last they also found that they 
 had been betrayed.' 
 
 Thus, therefore, was Babylon captured the second time. 159 
 And Darius, when he had mastered the Babylonians, in the 
 first place, levelled the wall around, and wrenched off all the 
 gates; for none of these things had been done by Cyrus at 
 the first capture of Babylon. In the next place, Darius im- 
 paled about three thousand of the head men of the place, but 
 gave the city to be inhabited by the rest of the Babylonians. 
 In order that the Babylonians might have women, so as to 
 continue the race, Darius made the following provision ; for, 
 as I have shewn at the beginning, the Babylonians, with a 
 view of sparing their provisions, had strangled their own 
 women. He commanded the neighbouring nations to send 
 women to Babylon, taxing each to a certain number, so 
 that the total number of females amounted to fifty thousand; 
 and from those women are sprung the present Babylonians. 
 None of the Persians ever surpassed Zopyrus in noble 160 
 achievements, according to'Darius's judgment, 3 excepting 
 
 ' See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm.p.G35, fWroc, singular, Matthiae, p. 437, 
 or sect. 438. or sect. 301, a. 
 
 9 Matthiae, Gc Gramm. p. 829, or 3 irapa Aantty *(ury. SeeM itthiae, 
 sect. * 548, z.'mivov, plural, with Gr. Gramm. p. 544, or sect. 380.
 
 268 THALIA. 160. 
 
 Cyrus alone ; for to this latter none of the Persians ever w as 
 so presumptuous as to compare himself. It is also reported, 
 that Darius frequently would make this observation, that he 
 would rather that Zopyrus should be unmaimed, than that 
 twenty other Babylons should be added to his empire. And, 
 indeed, he presented him every year with those gifts that are 
 most held in honour among the Persians; he gave him like- 
 wise Babylon to govern so long as he lived, and added to it 
 many other things. Of this Zopyrus was son Megabyzus, 
 who commanded in Egypt against the Athenians and their 
 allies; and from this Megabyzus was born Zopyrus, who- 
 deserted from the Persians over to the Athenians,
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 > 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 MELPOMENE. 
 
 AFTER the capture of Babylon, Darius undertook another ' l 
 expedition, which was against the Scythians. For, as Asia 
 was flourishing in men, and a considerable revenue was 
 coming in, that prince felt a desire of being revenged on the 
 Scythians, who had been the first to begin hostilities, by in- 
 vading the territory of the Medes, and vanquishing in battle 
 such as opposed them. And, indeed, as I have before said, 
 the Scythians held, for the space of eight and twenty 2 years, 
 the empire of the Upper Asia; for, in their pursuit of the 
 Cimmerians, they burst into Asia, and deprived of the empire 
 the Medes, 3 who, previously to the coming of the Scythians, 
 were the rulers over Asia. The Scythians, having been absent 
 eight and twenty years from their country, had, on their 
 return home, after so long a time, a task to perform not less 
 laborious than their invasion of Media; 4 as they found an 
 army of no small number ready to oppose them, for the wives 
 of the Scythians, seeing their husbands remained so long 
 absent, had sought the company of their slaves. The Scythi- 2 
 ans deprive all their slaves of their eye-sight, on account* of 
 the milk which they use for drink, procuring it in the follow- 
 ing manner: they take some bone pipes, very much like 
 
 1 Lit. " an expedition of Darius Understand irovov after MrfiKov : thus 
 
 again took place against the Scythi- the battle of Marathon is called irovoc, 
 
 ans." If we follow the old reading, vi. 114. 
 
 avrov instead of av roD, the meaning * livim v. I might have translated, 
 
 will be that Darius marched in person with Larcher, " for the purpose of 
 
 against the Scythians. See Schweig. employing them in procuring the 
 
 Not. milk," &c. ; but, as I am ready to con- 
 
 3 See Matthiae.Gr.Gramm.p.174, fess I do not rightly understand all 
 
 or sect. 141 this account of the blind slaves, I 
 
 3 See i. 103 105. Wess. See like- have preferred a verbal translation, 
 wise c. 12, of this Book. lest I should put words into the mou' 
 
 4 u Scythas excepit labor non of Herodotus which he never th 
 
 minor," etc. Schweig. Lex. Herod. of speaking. Trartslat.
 
 270 MELPOMENE. 3. 
 
 flutes; these they insert in the genital parts of the mares, and 
 blow with their mouths; while some are blowing, others 
 milk. They say that they perform this operation for the 
 following purpose ; that the veins of the mare may be swollen 
 by the inflation, and the dug depressed. When they have 
 squeezed out the milk, they pour it into hollow wooden 
 vessels, and, placing their blind slaves in a circle around the 
 tubs, make them agitate the milk; that portion of it that 
 swims on the surface, 1 they skim off, regarding it as the more 
 delicate; that which is underneath, they esteem of less value. 
 For these purposes, the Scythians blind whomever they take 
 prisoner; as they are not husbandmen, but nomades, [i. e. 
 3 pastors. 3 ] From these their slaves, and the wives of the 
 Scythians, a youthful race had, accordingly, grown up; who, 
 when informed of their origin, marched forth to oppose the 
 Scythians themselves, on their return from the land of the 
 Medes: and, in the first place, they cut oft' their country, 
 throwing up, for that purpose, a broad trench, stretching 
 from the mountains of Tauris 3 to the palus Maeotis, which is 
 a lake of vast extent : in the next place, when the Scythians 
 attempted to make an entrance, they pitched their camp op- 
 posite to them, and prepared to give battle. An engagement 
 having ensued more than once, and the Scythians being unable 
 to gain any advantage in the fight, one among the latter spoke 
 as follows: "Scythians, what are we doing? By fighting 
 " with our slaves, if we ourselves fall, we diminish our num- 
 " bers, and, on the other hand, if we slaughter them we shall 
 
 1 On this passage Larcher has the p, in distinction of the ro/jai^tf . The 
 
 following note. This is the cream, meaning of the historian must be, 
 
 It is very astonishing that neither the therefore, that none bin the nomad or 
 
 Greeks nor the Latius had any word pastoral tribes among the Scythians, 
 
 in their language to express this idea, have this cruel practice with their 
 
 Fortunatus, who flourished in the sixth slaves. See Valck. and Schweig. As 
 
 century, has made use of the word these nomades led a roaming and va- 
 
 cre, derived from cremor, which the gabond life, the most effectual mode 
 
 Latins use to express the thick slime to prevent their slaves from escaping 
 
 that swims on water in which any was to blind them, and this probably 
 
 pulse has been soaked. Lurcher. I is the meaning of the conjunction yap. 
 
 do not think that shaking the tubs Translat. 
 
 would have been the readiest way to 3 in riav Taupucwy ovpiwv. These 
 
 obtain cream, which, as every one mountains must not be confounded 
 
 knows, is procured by suffering the with the mount Taurus of Asia. See 
 
 milk to settle for some time. TO t-xiv- the Geographical Index to llerudotua. 
 
 rapevov avrov appears to me to allude See, respecting this trench, the note 
 
 to the curd or butter, which always on c. 28, p. 281. If we were to read 
 
 swims in the churn; and rb v-riaTa- IK T&V Tatowv oiv-wi', " from the cou- 
 
 ptvov, to the whey or butter-milk. fines of the Tauri," the position of 
 
 Translnt. this trench would he much more easily 
 
 There were Scythians whom He- understood. Truns!>tt. 
 rodotus especially designates pim;-
 
 MELPOMENE. 4, ;,. 271 
 
 " have hereafter fewer to rule over. My opinion, therefore, 
 is, that we lay aside our javelins and our bows ; and, each 
 < taking his horsewhip, rush upon them : for so long as they 
 " have seen us with our arms, they have fancied themselves 
 " equal to us, and sprung from equal parentage : but, when 
 " they see us with whips instead of arms, they will learn they 
 " are our slaves, and, convinced of that, will not abide our ap- 
 " proach." When the Scythians heard this, they acted ac- 4 
 cording to the suggestion ; and their opponents, amazed at 
 the action, thought no longer of fighting, but took to their 
 heels. Thus did the Scythians possess themselves of the em- 
 pire of Asia, and being driven back again by the Medes, re- 
 turned in the manner 1 have described to their own country; 
 and, on this account, Darius wishing to be avenged, levied 
 an army against them. 
 
 ACCORDING to the account of the Scythians, 1 theirs is the o 
 latest ot all nations : the following was, they say, its origin. 
 The first man born in their land, which at the time was a 
 desert, bore the name of Targitaus. The parents of this 
 Targitaus, as they say, although I do not give credit to their 
 statement, 2 were Jupiter and a daughter of the river Borys- 
 thenes: they affirm, therefore, that Targitaus sprung from 
 some such origin, and that he had three sons, to wit, Leipoxais, 
 Arpoxais, and Colaxais, the youngest. Under the reign of 
 these latter, there fell in the land of Scythia some objects of 
 gold, proceeding 3 from the heavens ; namely, a plough, a yoke, 
 a sagaris, 4 and a cup : the eldest being the first that espied 
 them, ran up, intending to take them; but, as soon as he 
 came up, the gold took fire : the eldest having withdrawn, 
 the second drew near, when the same thing happened once 
 more to the gold; 5 thus the gold, bursting into flames, com- 
 pelled the two first brothers to fall back; 6 but, when the third 
 and youngest came up, it was extinguished, and he brought it 
 
 1 'Qc Si Sier0rtt Xeyowffi - - - - ilvui 3 tytpvfitva. Consult Matthiae, Or. 
 
 K. r. \. See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. Gramm. p. 853, and the Bishop of 
 
 p. 813, or sect. 538, 2. In the time of Chester's note, p. xlviii, of the same 
 
 Herodotus there were four opinions work. 
 
 respect ing the origin of the Scythians. * A double-edged battle-axe; the 
 
 1st. That of the Scythians themselves, franclick of our northern forefathers. 
 
 mentioned in c. 5. 2nd. That of the Translat. 
 
 Greeks on the Euxine, which begins 5 Lit. " and it (i. e. the gold) did 
 
 c. 8, and continues to the end of c. 10. again the same. " 
 
 3rd. That common to the Greeks and 6 airuffaaQai, a se repellere, repu- 
 
 Barbarians, and adopted by Hero- diare. Schweig. Lex. Herod. Itake 
 
 dotus. This opinion is mentioned c. 1 1 Kai6fMVW rbv Xpvaov, as Uie subject 
 and 
 Pi-oconnes
 
 275 MELPOMENE. 6, 7. 
 
 to his own residence ; whereupon the elder brothers, convinced 
 by this miracle, 1 resigned the whole of the empire to the 
 
 6 youngest. From Leipoxais, accordingly, sprung, as they re- 
 late, those Scythians that are called the tribe of the Auchatae; 
 from the second brother Arpoxais, those that are called the 
 Catiari and Traspies; and, from the youngest of the number, 
 the kings,* who are called Paralatae; all the tribes, however, 
 bear the name of Scoloti, from the surname of the king, though 
 
 7 the Greeks call them Scythae. Such, therefore, is the ac- 
 count the Scythians give of their origins they likewise state 
 the whole number of years, from the time of their origin and 
 their first king, Targitaus, to the invasion of their country by 
 Darius, to be one thousand, and no more.* The sacred gold 
 above-mentioned the kings preserve with the greatest care, 
 and every year they approach it, propitiating with great 
 sacrifices. 4 Should the individual having the gold, sleep in 
 the open air during the festival, he could not, according to the 
 statement of the Scythians, pass the year over; and, for that 
 reason, they present him with as much land as he can encom- 
 pass in one day on horseback. 5 They have also a tradition 
 that Colaxais, seeing the territory was extensive, erected for 
 his sons three kingdoms ; one of which he made the largest, 
 being that in which the gold is kept. In respect to the lands 
 situate above, and to the north of the highest inhabitants of 
 
 1 irpbs ravra (in consequence of this in vi. 69, ind ri/ud+TJjm 
 
 event: see Matthiae's remark on the Wesseling is of opinion that fitrkp-^ov- 
 
 meaningof Ttpoq ravra, Gr. Gramm.p. rai ava irav troc, signifies that " the 
 
 912, or sect.591,/3. ) rof'c irptafivT'tpavQ kings bring every year this gold, each 
 
 afit\<j>ioi)(; ffv-ffvovras (assenting to into his own individual states." I 
 
 its being fated that the younger brother think he is right, and this is the sense 
 
 should reign,) irapacovvat, K. r. X. 1 have followed. Larcher. My trans- 
 
 Schweighaeuser, however, gives in lation follows that of Schweighaeuser, 
 
 his Latin version, "qua re intellecta;" who, I think, overthrows the argu- 
 
 a similar signification is attributed to ments of Wesseling. Translat. 
 
 Trpog TO.VTO. <7t>yy. by all the trans- * The whole of this is unintelligible 
 
 lators, English and French. Translat. to me ; reason cannot but allow that 
 
 2 The reading TOVQ /SamXijetf, is if so great a quantity of land was 
 surely not the right. If we read rov given to the sentinel for remaining 
 /SacrtXijof, the translation will be, awake only one day, as Larcher ex- 
 " from the youngest of them, who was plains it, the task was by no means 
 king, those that are called Paralatae." commensurate to the reward. I see 
 If wefollow the conjecture of Schweig. that one of the manuscripts gives we 
 and Wesseling, roiig /3a<rtXjiorc, the av instead of oaa: if we adopt this 
 meaning will be, that " from the reading, might not the sense be " and 
 youngest sprung the Royal Scythians," for that reason they give it (i. e. the 
 of whom mention is hereafter made, sacred gold) to him that he may ride 
 Translat. about wkh it on horseback during one 
 
 3 The text adds, " but go many." day r" Every body will allow that 
 
 4 Had Herodotus meant only that the guard would not be so inclined to 
 the Scythians offered great sacrifices drowsiness while on horseback. 
 to this gold, he would merely have Translai. 
 
 said, Quoiyvt /.tfyaXytrt ^ierfoi(O)>rai, so
 
 MELPOMENE. 8, 9. 373 
 
 their country, 1 the Scythians assert that it is impossible either 
 to discern them or to cross into them, by reason of the feathers 5 
 that tall on all sides; for they declare that the land and air 
 are til 11 of feathers, which preclude the sight. 
 
 Such is the account the Scythians give^of 3 themselves, and 8 
 of -the country above them : but those of the Greeks that in- 
 habit the Pontus, 4 state as follows: that Hercules, when 
 driving away the herds 5 of Geryon, came to this land, at that 
 time desert, which the Scythians now occupy; .Geryon, they 
 say, dwelt beyond the Mediterranean, 6 inhabiting an island 
 which the Greeks call Erytheia, near Gades, on the other side 
 of the pillars of Hercules, on the Ocean: this Ocean, they 
 assert, encompasses the whole of the world, beginning from the 
 4-ising sun, but this they do not prove by facts. From thence 
 Hercules, say they, came to the country now known' by the 
 name of Scythia -, and, being 7 overtaken by a storm and severe 
 frost, he drew over himself the lion's skin and fell asleep ; 
 meanwhile his mares, which he had unharnessed from his cha- 
 riot, and were grazing about, disappeared by some super- 
 human means. They go on to state, that when Hercules 9 
 awoke, he made search for his steeds ; and running over all the 
 -parts of the country, at last he came to that quarter called 
 Hylaea ; there he found in a cavern a certain monster, 8 of twjo 
 
 1 Join Trpoc fiopijv avfjiov T&V turtp- fore, require that we should umlo.r- 
 
 .O'IKWV. Wess. I have followed Lar- stand by the Greeks of the Pontus, 
 
 cher : " Qnant aux regions situees au those on the Euxine, and not the 
 
 nord et au dessus des derniers habitans Greeks of Greece. DelaNauze. This 
 
 ,de ce pays, les Scythes," Sec. note, Larcher tells us, is taken from a 
 
 a Herodotus explains what is meant letter addressed to Bellanger, who 
 
 by these feathers, that is to say, they understood the words 'EX\i)vu>v & ot 
 
 are nothing more than flakes of snow, rbv Tlavrov oiKeovn e, at the beginning 
 
 c. 31. of this chapter, of the Greeks on the 
 
 3 vires in the sense of 7Tpi, see Mediterranean. In the present in- 
 Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 895. stance it would appear, from the men- 
 
 4 See the note on the word irovrog, tion of the proximity ef Gades, that 
 lower down. tw TOV Uovrov must signify without 
 
 * The lonians make use of the femi- the sea, that is to say, without the 
 nine with the name of the animal, to Mediterranean. If the reader choose 
 express a herd, or congregation of to adopt the reading <caro:j//vjj>, 
 animals : >; ITTTTOC, cavalry ; j OVOQ, a according to Schweighaeuser's con- 
 herd of asses. Lurcher. jecture, the translation will be: " Ge- 
 
 6 Herodotus, and most of the an- ryon, they say, inhabited an island 
 
 cients, understood by TTOJTOC, the sea which the Greeks call Erytheia, situ- 
 
 in general ; nor must that word be ate ((caroiK///iev>jj/)-without the sea, 
 
 taken to signify the Pontus Euxinus, (i. e. the Mediterranean,) near Gades, 
 
 .unless circumstances affix to it that on the Ocean, beyond the pillars of 
 
 sense, that is to say, when Herodotus Hercules." Respecting the sifrnrfi- 
 
 is speaking of the countries in the cation here given to KarotKTifUvr}v, the 
 
 neighbourhood of the Euxine. In this reader is referred to p. 180, note 3, of 
 
 case he is speaking of the Scythians this work. Transit*. 
 
 and of their country situate on the - 7 See Matth.Gr. Gramm. p. 950, vO. 
 
 Euxine. The circumstances, there- B rtva'Ex^vai', viper. 
 
 VOL. jr.. N n
 
 MKLPOMKNT. 10. 
 
 natures, being halt'a virgin ; that, from the girdle upwards, she 
 was of a woman's form, 'but, below, of a serpent's. Although 
 struck with astonishment at the sight, he enquired of her 
 whether she had seen any where his horses straying; she made 
 answer that she herself had them, but would not restore them 
 to him until he had enjoyed her person. Hercules accepted 
 the condition, but his lover deferred returning the horses, 
 from a desire of cohabiting with him as long as possible ; 
 Hercules, 1 on the other hand, was anxious to receive them, 
 and take his departure: at last she gave them back, saying, 
 " I have preserved for thee these mares, which had come 
 " hither ; and thou likewise hast repaid thy benefactress, for 
 " I have conceived by thee three sons. Do thou tell me what 
 " I am to do with them when they are grown up ; whether I 
 " shall establish them in this place, as I alone possess the em- 
 " pire of this country, or shall send them to thee?" Such, 
 accordingly, they represent to have been the question she put, 
 to which he made answer : " When thou shall behold thy sons 
 " grown to man's estate, thou wilt not err if thou act as follows. 
 " Him of them that thou seest thus bend the bow, and in this 
 " manner brace himself with this girdle, him, I say, do thou 
 " appoint to dwell in this region ; but send away from the land 
 " him who fails in the works which I enjoin. By so doing, 
 " thou wilt thyself be gladdened, and fulfil my commands." 
 10 Hercules having, accordingly, bent one of his bows, tor at 
 that time he carried two, and first shewn 2 how to fasten the 
 girdle, resigned to her both the bow and girdle, the latter of 
 which had a golden cup at the clasp ; 3 and, after giving them 
 to her, he took his departure. The female, when her sons had 
 reached manhood, first 4 gave them names; to the eldest 
 Agathyrsus, to the next Gelonus, to the youngest Scytha ; 
 then, hearing in mind the command of Hercules, she acted 
 according to his injunctions. Two of the young men, namely 
 Agathyrsus and Gelonus, not being accordingly able to com- 
 pass the proposed task, departed 5 from the country, being 
 
 1 Matthiae, Gr. Granim. p. 413, or 4 rovro fikv (\iyovat avrf)v) <n*>i 
 
 sect. 286. oi'vofiara Giodai - - - -ovro Ct Troiijvai. 
 
 * irpoStucvvtiv signifies to shew first On the one hand - - - - on the other 
 
 by one's own example how any thing hand. 
 
 is to be done; I have supplied^ few 5 It can hardly be necessary to ad- 
 words on the authority of what goes vertise the reader that all these in- 
 before^rov n'tv av bpqQ r<f ^warijpi finitives depend on 'EXXrjvwv <"e cV TI,V 
 Kara rai ^wvvr^tvov. Tranilut. UovTof oi'dovrtc (Xsyovo-t,) at the be- 
 *itr' uKpr)Q TTJS <7iy//3o\jJ: the trans- ginning of c. 8. The observation, how- 
 tation I have given is from conjecture ; ever, is of some importance, as I have 
 I am not aware of any good interpre- shewn p. 1-12, note 1, of this work. 
 tation yet produced of these words. Tninslat. 
 Traii.itat.
 
 MELPOMENE. 11. 27* 
 
 banished by their mother ; while the youngest of them, Scytha, 
 having performed the works, remained in the land. And 
 from this Scytha son of Hercules have sprung the kings of 
 the Scythians ever since; and from the cup, the Scythians, 
 down to the present day, take the practice of still wearing cups 
 from their girdles ; this, 1 therefore, the mother did in favour of 
 Scytha only. Such is the relation given by the Grecians inha- 
 biting Pontus. 
 
 There is another account given, which I myself am the 11 
 most inclined to assent to : it is as follows. 2 The Scythian no- 
 inades, who dwelt in Asia, being harassed with war by the Mas- 
 sagctae, crossed 3 the river Araxes, and came over to the land 
 of Cimmeria ; for the region which the Scythians now occupy is 
 said to have belonged formerly to the Cimmerians. When the 
 Scythians were coming on, the Cimmerians, under the idea 
 that 4 the invading army was numerous, held counsel ; opinions 
 were accordingly divided, both being strongly urged, although 
 that of the kings was the more valorous ; for the sentiment of 
 the people was, that it was expedient to depart from the 
 country, and not to hazard a battle with superior numbers; 8 
 that of the kin^s was to fight for the country with the invaders. 
 The people would not, however, be persuaded by the kings, 
 neither, on the other hand, would the kings be brought over by 
 the people; the former, therefore, determined upon departing 
 and resigning the country to the invaders without a blow; 
 while the kings resolved upon not joining the people in flight, 
 but to die, and be deposited in their own territories: 
 considering how many blessings they had hitherto enjoyed, 
 and how many calamities would probably befal them if 
 they fled from their native land. Having come to this de- 
 termination, they divided into two parties of equal number, 
 and fought one another; 6 all the kings having thus fallen by 
 
 i TO Srj, relating, I believe, to Kara- \AomaOai, /rfijtt nvivvivtiv 7r P 6c TroX- 
 
 niivai-iv TV vwoy. Schweighaeuser \ovg. . 
 
 dearly shews that povvov is an ad- lun. erstand the meamngof He o- 
 
 verb J dotus to be, the kings themselves di- 
 
 ' jywv <Lce. See Matthiae, Gr. vided into two parties, and procure< 
 
 Gramm sect 604 " death by fighting aga.ust one another. 
 
 n^ySiSSw. Matthiae, Gr. I therefore take a as refemng only 
 
 Cramm. p. 857, or sect. 559, c. to TOUT. j3a*\*vai. I am awa re 
 
 o^rsr^ 
 
 'lo^oi:' Most csmmentatorsre- ^^^S 
 
 gard *hiP *1 and ^ lvov ( e '^ aS in that Ca ,^\ HP,, 
 atautologT But Schweighaeuser is party would have been 
 
 of opinion that the common formula, merous than that . ,1 t 
 
 be : (Xiyo^O rfr rov Sf,jw fv&^v to suppose the contrary. 
 Qipiiv, wr t'tn TO^y/'a ttontvov airak-
 
 MELPOMENE. 12 f*. 
 
 their own hands, the Cimmerian people entombed them near' 
 the river Tyras, where their sepulchre is still to be seen ; and 
 so, after burying their princes, they withdrew out of the land, 
 and the Scythians coming in, took possession of the country, 
 
 12 which was left desert. And, to the present day, there are in 
 Scythia " Cimmerian" forts ; there is, likewise, a "Cimme- 
 rian" Porthmia; 1 there is, also, a quarter called "Cimmeria," 
 and a bosphorus called the " Cimmerian." There is no doubt 
 but that the Cimmerians fled 2 from the Scythians into Asia, 
 and colonized the peninsula, where now stands the Grecian? 
 town of Sinope : it is also an undoubted fact that the Scy- 
 thians, in the pursuit of them, missed their way, and so fell 
 into the country of the Medes. For the Cimmerians, in their 
 flight, kept uniformly along the sea shore, whereas the Scythi- 
 ans followed, having the range of Caucasus to the right, till 
 at last, turning inland from their route, they fell upon Media* 
 This other account is given in common, both by Greeks and 
 barbarians. 
 
 13 Aristeas the son of Caustrobius, a native of Proconnesus,- 
 states, in an epic poem, that, inspired by Phoebus, he went to 
 the Issedones ; and that, above the Issedones, dwell the Ari- 
 maspt, men who have but one eye ; beyond whom are the 
 Gryphons, guards of the gold ; and, above these latter, th* 
 Hyperboreans, stretching to the shore. He states, that all these 
 nations, the Hyperboreans excepted, are, accordingly, ever at 
 war with their neighbours, 3 beginning with the Arimaspi ; 
 and that the Issedones have been driven from their original 
 territory by the Arimaspi; the Scythians, by the Issedones; 
 and that the Cimmerians, who originally inhabited the shores 
 of the southern sea, 4 being harassed by the Scythians, aban- 
 doned their country. So that neither does this author agree 
 
 14 with the Scythians respecting their country. I have 5 already 
 mentioned of what country Aristeas was, who described these 
 thins in his verses : I shall now state an account which I re- 
 
 is here a proper name : the south in respect of the Arimaspi, 
 
 k was the name of a town from whence &c. The words KarrfKoi'Taq iiri 6a- 
 
 the Cimmerian Bosphorus was crossed. Xa<r<rav, allude, perhaps, to some sea 
 
 There are many places in this country which probably Arisleas represented 
 
 called, by a similar reason, Hithe. as bounding the northern extremity of 
 
 Translat. Europe : the existence of this sea was, 
 
 8 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 831. as we shall see hereafter, doubted by 
 
 * at roiffi IT. iiriTidtaOat, " font our Historian. Translat. 
 cpntinuellement la guerre & leurs voi- * The description of Scythia is re- 
 
 sins." Lurcher. I should have pre- sumedinc.16. The two intervening 
 
 ferred taking -alii in the sense of uni- chapters are a digression, respecting 
 
 formly, making the meaning to be : Aristeas, a celebrated poet, of whose 
 
 "all these nations, the Arimaspi be- works only twelve verses are now 
 
 ginning,sHccessively fell on their neigh- extant, six of which are preserved in 
 
 bours." Translat. Longinus, the others in Tzetzes. Se- 
 
 4 iiri ry voriy BaXdaify ; this must Larcher, iii. 422, 5. 
 Se the Euxine. which- w*s really to
 
 MELPOMENE. 15,16'. 277 
 
 tfeived respecting him at Proeonnesus and Cyzicus. They 
 affirm that Aristeas, who was inferior in birth to none of the 
 inhabitants, entered the shop of a fuller at Proeonnesus, and 
 there died : the fuller, accordingly, shut up his shop and went 
 to carry the tidings to the kinsmen of the deceased. The 
 report having already spread about the place that Aristeas was 
 dead, an inhabitant of Cyzicus, coming from the town of 
 Artace, contradicted those who stated the occurrence, affirm- 
 ing that he had met with Aristeas, who was going towards 
 Cyzicus, and entered into conversation with him; and he ob- 
 stinately adhered to his assertion. Meanwhile the relatives of 
 the deceased repaired to the fuller's house, provided with 
 every thing requisite, in the intention of taking away the 
 body: but when they opened the chamber, there was no 
 Aristeas to be seen, whether dead or alive. In the seventh 
 year subsequent to this event, they pretend that the poet ap- 
 peared in person at Proconnesus,- and composed the verses 
 that are now called the Arimaspea, by the Grecians, and, after 
 completing them, disappeared a second time. Such is the* 
 account given at those places. The following I know to have 
 happened to those of Metapontium in Italy, three hundred 
 and forty years after the second disappearance of Aristeas, as I 
 find by comparing the statements made at Proeonnesus and 
 Metapontium. The Metapontians declare, that Aristeas him- 
 self appeared to them in their country and commanded them 
 to rear an altar to Apollo, and near it to erect a statue, with 
 the name of Aristeas of Proeonnesus ; for, said he, theirs was 
 the only country of the Italiotes 1 that Apollo had visited;- 
 and he, 2 who was now Aristeas^ had followed him, being at 
 the time he accompanied the god under the shape of a crow. 
 Having so spoken, he disappeared. The Metapontians go on 
 to state, that they sent to Delphi, and enquired of the god, 
 " what human ghost it was ?" when the Pythia commanded them 
 to obey the ghost, saying, that if they obeyed, success would 
 befal them : 3 having received this answer, they acted according 
 to the command. And, to the present day, there is a statue 
 bearing the name of Aristeas, near the image of Apollo, around 
 which laurels stand : the image is fixed in the market-place. 
 Such, therefore, are the reports said of Aristeas. 4 
 
 With respect to what lies above the region, which our history 
 now proceeds to describe, no one knows any thing certain '. 
 
 1 There is the same difference be- established themselves in Italy and 
 
 tween the 'iraXuurai and the 'IraXol, Sicily. Lurcher. 
 
 as between the ZuctXiwrrft and the ' See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm.p. 807. 
 
 2iXo. The 'lra\ol and the 2i/a\ol Matthiae, Gr. Gran.m. p 062. 
 
 were th'e ancient inhabitants of Italy 4 Lit. " Let so much be said, ac- 
 
 and Sicily ; the 'IraXtJ>rai and the cordingly, about Aristeas. 
 rti were the Greeks who had
 
 278 MELPOMENE. 17 '20. 
 
 for I never could hear of any person who declared himself to 
 know any thing of them, as an eye witness : and, indeed, 
 even Aristeas, of whom I have made mention a little before 
 this, does not pretend, in his epic poem, to have reached any 
 farther than the Issedones; but what he says concerning the 
 higher parts, is from hearsay, as he declares that it is the 
 Issedones who state those things. Nevertheless, all that I 
 have been able to collect for certain, by pursuing my enquiries 
 
 17 as far as possible, 1 shall be mentioned. Reckoning from the 
 staple of the Borysthenitae, for that town is very nearly in the 
 middle of the shore appertaining to Scythia, the first inha- 
 bitants are the Callipidae, who are Grecian Scythians ; above 
 these lies another nation, called the Alazones : these latter, as 
 well as the Callipidae, in other respects follow the customs of 
 the Scythians; they, however, sow, and use for i bod, corn, ss 
 likewise, onions, garlic, lentils, and millet. Above the Ala- 
 zones, dwell the Scythian Husbandmen, who do not cultivate 
 corn for their own eating, but for exportation : above these 
 latter, dwell the Neuri. North of the Neuri, as far as we know 
 of, the land is desert of men. 2 Such are the nations that lie 
 
 18 along the river Hypanis, west of the Borysthenes. After 
 crossing 3 the Borysthenes, the first countrv you meet w'th up- 
 wards from the sea is Hylaea ; above which reside the Scythian 
 Cultivators, called Borysthenitae by the Greeks settled on the 
 river Hypanis; they, however, give themselves the name of 
 Olbiopolitae : these Scythian Cultivators occupy, accordingly, 
 a tract eastward for three days' journey, extending to a river 
 which bears the name of Panticapes, and northward, for eleven 
 days' voyage, up the Borysthenes. The country above these 
 is, for a long distance, desert ; beyond the desert dwell the 
 Androphagi, a separate nation, and in no respect Scythian: 
 beyond these latter is a country truly desert, 4 and no nation of 
 
 19 men solar as we know of. East of these Scythian Cultivators, 
 after you have crossed the river Panticapes, the country begins 
 to be occupied by the Scythian nomades, who neither sow nor 
 plough; the whole of this tract is without trees, if you except 
 Hylaea. These nomades occupy eastward, for fourteen days' 
 
 20 journey, a country stretching to the river Gerrhus. On the 
 other side of the Gerrhus lastly is the tract called the Royal 
 Territory, and the most valorous and numerous tribe of the 
 Scythians, who regard the rest of the Scythians as their slaves. 
 These latter extend southward to Taurica ; eastward to the 
 
 1 Lit. " But what we have been able TTWJ/. , See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. 
 
 to come at accurately by hearsay, as p. 635. 
 
 far as possible, all shall be mentioned." 3 ciapdvrt, see Matth. Gr. Gramm. 
 
 _ 3 Construction : (Kara) TO 7rpoc/3opjj/ p. 545, or sect. 3i)0, b. 
 Kvtfiov Nf upo)i', (f yf/) tojj/jor itvQnw- 4 Understand \t!>oa with
 
 MKLPOMKNK. -21^-2.1. >:<, 
 
 trench, which, as I have observed, 1 was thrown up by the pro- 
 geny of the blind slaves, and to the staple on the lake Maeotis 
 called Cremni: a part of this nation likewise extends to the river 
 Tanais. The country to the north of the Royal Scythians is 
 inhabited by the Melanchlaeni, a separate people, and not 
 Scythian. Beyond the Melanchlaeni are fens, and, as far as 
 we know, the country is destitute of inhabitants. 
 
 After you have crossed the Tanais, the country no longer o\ 
 belongs to the Scythians, but the first territory belongs to the " 
 Sauromatae : these, commencing from the bottom of the Pains 
 Maeotis, occupy, for the space of fifteen days' journey north- 
 ward, a tract wholly destitute of trees, whether wild or culti- 
 vated. Above these dwell the Budini, who possess the second 
 territory ; they occupy a land in every part abounding in all 
 kinds of wood. Above, to the north of the Budini, Ties first 
 a desert, extending seven days' march; after the desert, in- 0-2 
 dining more east, are the Thyssagetae, a distinct race, and " 
 numerous; these people live by the chase.* Contiguous to 
 these latter, and dwelling in the same tract, is a tribe bearing 
 the name of lyrcae, and they also obtain their living by the 
 chase, which they practise in this manner: the hunter climbs 
 into a tree, where he conceals himself, 3 (for trees arc abundant 
 throughout the land,) each has a dog in waiting, and a horse 
 trained, to crouch on his belly, so that he may appear the less 
 prominent; when the hunter perceives from the tree any 
 game, he shoots his arrow, and then, mounting his horse, pur- 
 sues, and the hound keeps close. Above these, still inclining 
 to the east, 1 dwell another tribe of the Scythians, who have 
 seceded from the Royal Scythians, and so come to settle in 
 this quarter. As far as the territory of these latter Scythians, 93 
 accordingly, the whole of the country I have described is level, 
 and the soil deep. But beyond it is stony and rugged : after 
 passing over a considerable portion of land of this rugged na- 
 ture, you come to a nation of men inhabiting the root of 
 certain lofty mountains ; these people are said to be all bald 
 from the birth, both males and females alike, and to have flat 
 noses and long beards; 5 they speak a distinct language, but use 
 the Scythian costume; they likewise live on the fruit of cer- 
 tain trees. The name of the tree from which they obtain 
 
 1 This is the meaning of the particle * I do not see very clearly the prr- 
 
 Srj. The trench of the sons of the cise force of the article TO in this 
 
 blind slaves appears, from this pas- instance. With regard to the g-eneral 
 
 sage, to have been situate somewhere expression of airoKXivovn in the da- 
 
 between the Tauric Chersonesus, and the, see Matthiae,Gr. Granite. p. 544, 
 
 the mouth of the Tauais. Trumlat. or sect. 390, It. 
 
 * a, 'efiotic, " on game." Malth. 5 Or, chins, if the reader chooses : 
 
 Or. Gramm. p. 878. see Selncei^. Lev. Heroil. vor. r ,-w. 
 
 - 1 Understand 6 oypii't before \ox<f-
 
 -280 MEL POM EXE. 24, 25. 
 
 their food is Pontic ; it is in size nearly equal to the fig, and 
 bears a fruit of the bulk of a bean, and with a stone inside. 
 When this fruit is ripe, they strain it through cloths, and there 
 flows from it a thick and black substance, the name of which is 
 aschy ; this they lick .up, and drink when mixed with milk. 
 The thickest of the pulp they collect into balls, which they 
 use as food ; for they have no great store of cattle, 1 as there 
 are few eligible pastures in that quarter. Each family esta- 
 blishes itself under some tree, which, in the winter time, they 
 cover with white felt ; a but in summer they use no such cover- 
 ing. Nobody insults these people; indeed they are regarded 
 as sacred; neither do they possess any weapon of war. They* 
 arbitrate for their neighbours, and whosoever takes refuge in 
 their territory, none dares to harm him. The name of this 
 race is Argippaei. 
 
 24 As far, therefore, as this bald race, the information we 
 have respecting the country and the nations on this side is 
 abundant; 4 for not only have several of the Scythians been 
 so far, from whom it is no difficult matter to obtain informa- 
 tion, but also some of the Greeks belonging to the staple of 
 the Borysthenes, and to the other factories on the Euxine, 
 Such of the Scythians as go up to the -country of the Argip- 
 paei carry on trade through the medium of seven interpreters 
 
 25 and seven languages. Up to the land of the Argippaei the 
 country is accordingly known-; but concerning the parts 
 .above that nation of bald men, nobody can state any thing 
 certain : for high and rugged mountains cut off all communi- 
 cation, and these no one passes over. But those bald people say, 
 although J myself give no credit to the report, that a race of 
 men with goats' feet dwell on the mountains; and that if you 
 .ascend 5 beyond these latter, you will meet with men who 
 sleep six months in the year; this likewise I by no means 6 
 assent to. The country, however, eastward of this bald na- 
 tion, is accurately known, it being inhabited by the Issedones; 
 but concerning the parts that are to the north, whether of the 
 bald men or of the Issedones, nothing is known except what 
 
 1 7rp6/3ar signifies not only sheep, ' TOVTO fiiv - - - - rovro tt, on the 
 
 but likewise all kinds of cattle, in one hand - - - - on the other. 
 Herodotus, iravra TO. TtrpairoSa 4 Trtpufravtia TJJQ ^upiJQ voXXi] tffn, 
 
 licdXovv ot TraXaiot irpofiara. Schol. lit. " the knowledge of (i. e. our ac- 
 
 Hom. II. xiv. 124. quainlance with) the country is great ;" 
 
 3 Tri'Xy ffrtyvt^ XevKif. This was not that is to say, the country is suftici- 
 
 a woven stuff, but wool squeezed and ently known. 
 
 stuck together, in short, felt. The 5 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramni.-p.544. 
 
 word aTtyvo,firmus, joined to Tn'Xoe, or sect. 390, b, for the rule by which 
 
 appears to me decisive ; and I think viripfBavn is in the dative, 
 we must understand here a felt-tent. 9 T}V apxriv. See Hermann, ad 
 
 Lereher. Tiger. Not. 67.
 
 MELPOMENE. 26-28. 281 
 
 these latter represent. 1 The Issedones are represented as 26 
 having the following institutions. When the father of any 
 individual dies, all the kinsmen bring him cattle. These 
 animals they first slaughter, and cut up the meat; they then 
 cut up the deceased parent of him who receives them : and 
 mixing together all the flesh, they spread a banquet. The 
 head of the corpse, however, they divest of the hair, and hav- 
 ing cleaned it out, plate it with gold; 2 and ever after use it as 
 an honourable ornament 3 in the great yearly sacrifices they 
 celebrate. This the son performs in honour of his sire as the 
 Greeks celebrate the anniversary of 'their fathers' death. These 
 people likewise are, moreover, described as equitable; and the 
 women are said to have equal authority with the n;en. 4 
 
 With regard to the countries above these, the Issedones 27 
 themselves state, that the men with but one eye, and the Gry- 
 phons, guardians of the gold, are found; the Scythians, taking 
 the report from the Issedones, give the same account; and we 
 others have adopted the report from the Scythians, and give 
 to this people the Scythian name of Arimaspi; for the Scythi- 
 ans say " arima" for one, and " spu" for eye. In the whole 28 
 of the country above described, the winter is so severe, that 
 for eight months of the year an intolerable 5 frost reigns there, 
 and during that time if you pour water on the ground, you 
 produce no mud, although you do so by kindling a fire. The 
 sea is bound with the frost, as well as the whole of the Cim- 
 merian bosphorus : and the Scythians inhabiting within the 
 trench 6 carry on war 7 upon the ice, and drive their waggons 
 
 1 The following is Larcher's trans- Gramm. p. 647, or sect. -145, b. 
 lation, which the reader is at liberty 6 Herodotus means, no doubt, the 
 
 to adopt: " But what is above, to- trench dug by the sons of the blind 
 
 wards the north, is known neither to slaves mentioned in c. 3. Most geo- 
 
 the Argippaei nor the Issedones, who graphers place this trench on the 
 
 give no farther account than what I isthmus that joins the Chersonesus to 
 
 have stated from them mais celui the continent ; if their position is 
 
 qui est au-dessus, du cote du Nord, right, Herodotus must allude in this 
 
 n'est connu ni des Argippeens ni des place to the Scythians of the Cherso- 
 
 Issedons, qui n'en disent que ce que nesus, which signification Larcher has 
 
 j'ai rapporte d'apres eux." Larcher. adopted in his translation. I shall 
 
 3 It is pretended that there is a dif- prove hereafter that it is by no means 
 
 ference between Kardxpvffos and iiri- clear that there were any Scythians 
 
 Xfivffos,the former signifying gilt, and at all established in the Chersonesus. 
 
 the latter, plated with gold. I have, therefore, preferred a literal 
 
 3 Hesychius explains yo\/za by translation. I see that in a small vo- 
 
 TTCLV t y < ric aydXXerat. Larcher lume of maps, &c. lately published to 
 
 translates it, in this instance, by illustrate Herodotus, the trench of the 
 
 comme d'un rose pnkieur, and Schweig- sons of the blind slaves, a very impor- 
 
 haeuser by pro sacro vase, but, says tant position in the ancient geography 
 
 the latter in his Lex. Herod, satins of Scythia, is placed at the bottom of 
 
 fuerat ponere pro ornamento quo glori- the Falus Maeotis, near the mouth of 
 
 antur. the Tanais : I am not, however, aware 
 
 * The text adds: " these accord- by what authority the conjecture of 
 ingly are likewise known." Major Kennell is neglected. Translat. 
 
 * a<popnTos oloc. See Matthiae, Or. 7 Instead of ffrpanvovrai, it 
 VOL. r. oo
 
 284 MELPOMENE. 2931. 
 
 across into the country of the Sincli. Thus the winter endures 
 for eight successive months; 1 and even during the remaining 
 four the climate is cold in that region. This winter season is 
 different in its nature from what belongs to all other countries; 
 during its continuance, the rain that falls in the rainy months* 
 is not worth mention, whereas during summer it never gives 
 off' raining. At the season that thunder is frequent elsewhere, it 
 never occurs there, but is violent in summer; should thunder 
 happen in the winter, it is the custom to regard it as a pro- 
 digy : an earthquake also, whether it happen in winter or in 
 summer, is regarded in Scythia as a prodigy. The horses 
 sustain this severe winter, although asses and mules are not 
 able at all to bear it ; yet in other countries horses exposed 
 
 29 to the frost perish, while asses and mules resist. And, in my 
 opinion, it is from the same cause that the unarmed race of 
 oxen seen in that region have no horns. My opinion is cor- 
 roborated also by a verse of Homer, in the Odyssey, 3 which 
 says; " Ami Libya, where lambs are quickly armed with 
 " horns:" properly implying that in hot countries the horns 
 come to them quickly ; whereas in severe climates either the 
 horns of cattle do not spring at all, or if they spring, grow to 
 
 30 no si/e I cannot but admire, by-the-bye, (for, from the be- 
 ginning, my history has proposed to itself srich researches,) 
 that in the whole country of Elis mules cannot be produced, al- 
 though the climate is not cold, nor is there any other apparent 
 cause. The Eleans themselves say, that it is in consequence of 
 some curse that mules are not produced in their territory. But 
 when the season of heat comes upon their mares, they drive 
 them into the neighbouring territories, and on the land of 
 others take asses to them, till such time as the marcs have 
 
 31 conceived, when they drive them back again. In respect to 
 the feathers wherewith the Scythians affirm the air to be 
 filled, and by reason of which it is not possible either to see 
 or to pass over the farther parts of the continent, my opinion 
 is this : above that country snow falls continually, less, 4 how- 
 ever, as might be supposed, in summer than in winter; now, 
 any one that lias seen snow falling thick, and close to himself, 
 must understand what I say. The snow does, in fact, bear 
 great resemblance to feathers: and by reason of the winter, 
 
 been proposed to read ffrpayytvovrai, \6yov aiov ovttv, it rains nothing 
 
 " they sojourn." We have seen deserving mention, (or, if the reader 
 
 booths, waggons, and even a printing choose, nothing to signify.) Schneider, 
 
 office, in full activity on the frost- however, takes n)v upaitjv in tlie 
 
 bound Thames. sense of, zn the spring. See Schnei- 
 
 1 fiartXin id>v. See Matthiae, Gr. der's Greek and German Lexicon. 
 
 Gramm. p. 83<J. s Lib. iv. vers. 85. 
 
 3 iv r<f (i. e. iv < scil. x</*w*'<,) in 4 iXavcrovi. See Matthiae, Gr. 
 
 the winter, ri}v ptv a>paii)v, at the Gramm. p. 572, or sect. 404 . 
 vsual time (in other countries,) OVK vti
 
 MELPOMENE. 3-2,33. 263 
 
 which is such as I have described, the parts of the continent 
 to the north of that country are uninhabited. I think, 
 therefore, that the Scythians and the surrounding nations 
 compare the snow to leathers. 1 Such, therefore, is the ac- 
 count given of those most distant parts. 
 
 Concerning the Hyperboreans, neither the Scythians, nor 32 
 any other of the nations inhabiting that quarter, give any ac- 
 count, excepting, perhaps, the Issedones; but, in my opinion, 
 not even do these latter report any thing; for, in'that case, 
 the Scythians would have the same account, as they have with 
 respect to the race of one-eyed men. Mention is, however, 
 made of the Hyperboreans by Ilesiod, and also by Homer in 
 his Epigoni, if, at least, Homer did, in fact, compose those 
 verses. The inhabitants of Dclas state by far the most parti- 33 
 culars respecting that people; they assert, that certain offer- 
 ings, wrapped in barley-straw, were brought from the Hyper- 
 boreans, and conveyed to the Scythians; that receiving them 
 from the Scythians, the various nations successively trans- 
 mitted them, each to their neighbours, till they reached the 
 furthest point of their progress to the west, which was on the 
 Adriatic: from thence those offerings being forwarded to the 
 south, the Dodoneans were the first Greek nation that re- 
 ceived them. From these latter they descended down to the 
 Maliac gulf, and passed over to Euboea ; thus one city trans- 
 mitted them to another as far as Carystus; from whence the 
 Carystians, passing by the island of Andros,* conveyed them 
 to Tenos; and those of Tenos transmitted them to Delos. 
 In this manner they represent those offerings to have reached 
 Delos. They state, that in the first instance the Hyperbo- 
 reans despatched two damsels to carry the sacred gifts, who 
 are called 3 by the Delians, Hyperoche and Laodice; and that 
 for their safety, the Hyperboreans despatched, at the same 
 time with those young girls, five of the chief men of their 
 citizens as companions, who are now called Perpherees, and 
 receive great honours at Delos. As the individuals that had 
 been thus sent by the Hyperboreans never came back, that 
 nation regarding it as a shocking thing never to witness 4 the 
 
 1 Lit. " I think, therefore, the Scy- pvariovq yup (M-fovtn) tlrai rove <co- 
 thians and the neighbouring people \a^ovrac, k fijvov, for they say it irat 
 call the snow feathers, by compari- the Carystians that conveyed them to 
 son (a\-a?oi'rar, comparing.") - - - - Tcnox. 
 
 Who sendeth his snow like wool. 3 ili'at, redundant, see p. 110, note 
 
 Psalm, clxvii. 5, quoted by Lnrcher. 1, of this work. Consult, likewise, 
 
 2 Lit. rb F curb Tavrt/e (rfc Kapva- Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 593, or sect. 
 rov TToXiot-,) I'M their progress from this 41-1, 1, a. 
 
 place, (i. 'e. from Carystu*,) iK\tirflv 4 " That it should happen to them 
 
 (XryovffiY AvFpov, they say they(i. e. always not to," &c. K<tra\. See 'p. 
 
 the offerings,) passed hy Androf, that rs 174, note 1. 
 to say, did not touch at Andros ; Ka-
 
 384 MELPOMENE. 34,35. 
 
 return of those they despatched, accordingly carried to their 
 boundaries the sacred gifts wrapped in barley-straw, earnestly 
 enjoining 1 their next neighbours to forward them from thence 
 to the next tribe; and, being thus forwarded, the gifts, as 
 they affirm, reached Delos. And, indeed, I myself have ob- 
 served the following thing performed, which greatly resembles 
 what has been stated respecting these sacred gifts ; the women 
 of Thrace and Paeonia, when they celebrate the festival of 
 Diana the Queen, do not perform the sacred ceremonies* 
 without wheaten straw ; this practice, as I have said, I know 
 
 34 those women observe. In honour* of these virgins from the 
 Hyperboreans, who died at Delos, both the young women 
 and men of the island cut their hair ; the former, previously 
 to their marriage, cut off a ringlet, which they twist around 
 a distaff and place on their tomb ; (for the tomb is within 
 side of Diana's precinct/ on the right, as you enter; on it an 
 olive has sprung forth;) the young men among the Delians, 
 on the other hand, twist a lock of their hair round some herb, 
 and likewise place it on the tomb. Such accordingly are the 
 honours those virgins receive at the hands of the inhabitants of 
 
 35 Delos. These same islanders have another account, that Arge 
 and Opis, two virgins, having travelled from the Hyperboreans 
 through the same nations, came to Delos even before Hyperoche 
 and Laodice; these latter, they say, came for the purpose of 
 bringing to Lucina the tribute which they had agreed on in 
 return for a speedy delivery; 5 whereas Arge and Opis came 
 at the same time as the gods themselves, 6 and other honours 
 are paid to these by them; as their women make collections 7 
 in the name of these virgins, and celebrate their names in a 
 hymn composed for them by Olen the Lycian ; and the 
 islanders, as well as the lonians, taking the practice from 
 
 1 I read rove TrXnoioxwpove in the sented as virgins. Larcher translates? 
 accusative. Construction : tTriaicriTr- without his usual accuracy : " these 
 fi>/ Kt\ti<oi'rac, they were earnest in brought to Ilithya the tribute they 
 enjoining, rovg 7rXrj<rtoxwpowc, their were commissioned to offer for the 
 next neighbours, irpoiriinriiv o<pia(i e. speedy and happy delivery of the 
 TO. Jpd) to forward them, to send them, women of their country celles-ci ap- 
 forward, dirb ibtvr&v, from themselves portoient a Ilithye le tribut qu'elles 
 &c. Translate etoient chargees d'offrir pour le prompt 
 
 2 Ovuv TO. ipa signifies to sacrifice et heureux accouchement des femmes 
 the victims. The accusat. are govern- de leur pays." av-l, see Matthiae, 
 ed by oUa. Gr. Granim. p. 877. 
 
 3 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 542. Apollo and Diana. Larcher. 
 
 4 'Aprtpiffiov can have no other 7 dyiictfiv signifies to collect contri- 
 signification, since it must be evident buttons, as in i. 62. In Catholic coun- 
 to all that an olive-tree could not tries the practice of collecting money, 
 grow within the temple itself. Lar- in the name of some saint, at mass, is 
 cA r - still followed ; to this Wesseling al- 
 
 * I suppose that according to this ' ludes in his note on the word. 
 
 second account of the Delians, Hype- Translat. 
 roche and Laodice wer not repre-
 
 MELPOMENE. 36,37. 285 
 
 them, celebrate in hymns Arge and Opis, invoking their 
 names, and collecting for them : (this same Glen, who came 
 out ot Lycia, framed also the other ancient hymns that are 
 sung at Delos;) the Delians state likewise, that the ashes of 
 the thighs of the victims consumed on the altar are all scat- 
 tered 1 on the tomb of Arge and Opis; their tomb lies behind 
 Diana's precinct, facing the east, close to the festive hall of the 
 Ceians. But enough of the Hyperboreans; for I shall not 30 
 busy myself with the tale of Abaris, who, it is pretended, was 
 an Hyperborean; or take into consideration whether an arrow 
 carried him all over the world without his eatiog. If there are 
 any Hyperboreans, there must also be Hypernotians. 3 I can 
 but smile when I see so many persons who have given maps* 
 of the circumference of the earth, without any rational autho- 
 rity to guide them: figuring the ocean as flowing all round the 
 earth, which they represent round, as if drawn with a com- 
 pass; 4 and make also Asia equal to Europe; for I will explain 
 in few words the size of both, and what is their real shape. 5 
 [Asia 6 ] is inhabited, Jirst, by the Persians, who extend to 37 
 
 1 dvaiffifiovaQai tTnf3a\\opivr}v," are 
 expended by being thrown upon,"&c. 
 The adjective all, 1 think, conveys 
 the idea with sufficient distinctness. 
 Translat. 
 
 2 inrtppoptoi signifies those dwell- 
 ing under the extreme northern tract 
 of the heavens ; vtrtpvorioi, those un- 
 der the extreme southern tract. The 
 reasoning of Herodutus.which amounts 
 to a denial of the existence of Hyper- 
 boreans, is therefore pretty nearly the 
 same as though we should say : If 
 Captain Parry finds the north pole 
 inhabited, we may conclude the south 
 pole to be so likewise. Translat. 
 
 3 Otherwise, " who have described 
 in words the periphery of the earth." 
 The reader will collect from v. 4<), 
 that brass maps were not unfrequent 
 in the time of Herodotus. Translat. 
 
 4 we, airb TOOVOV. See Matthiae, 
 Or. Gramm. p. 878. The ropvot; was 
 certainly nothing more than a carpen- 
 ter's compass, as Schneider has taken 
 great pains to pros e in a most acute 
 and erudite article on the word roptvo) 
 in his Gr. and Germ. Lex. 
 
 5 This leads our historian to a very 
 curious and interesting digression on 
 the world as then known. The con- 
 tinent of Africa was known to be 
 bounded all round by the sa ; the 
 southern coasts of Asia had been vi- 
 sited ; but the western and northern 
 
 tracts of Europe remained undisco- 
 vered, as well as the eastern parts of 
 Asia and Europe. Translitt. 
 
 6 Schweighaeuser is of opinion that 
 Herodotus wrote 'Aaiijv, or 'Afftjjc rt> 
 fikffav Hipacti oixiovai. In this des- 
 cription he supposes a straight line to 
 be drawn, as it were, from the Ery- 
 threan sea, that is to say, from the 
 gulf of Persia to the Euxine or Black 
 sea; along this line dwelt four na- 
 tions, occupying the whole country 
 between the two seas ; these nations 
 were, reckoning from the south, the 
 Persians, Medes, Saspires, and Col- 
 chians, which latter extended to the 
 Phasis, the admitted boundary of 
 Asia and Europe. He now proceeds 
 to describe the continent westward of 
 this imaginary line : from the line 
 two vast tracts of land jut towards 
 the west; the first, that is to say, the 
 northern one, in the shape of a rough 
 quadrangle, the north side of which 
 runs along the Euxine, Propontis, and 
 Hellespont, to cape Sigeum ; the west- 
 ern down the Aegean ; and the south- 
 ern from cape Triopium along the 
 Myryandric gulf : the second, that is 
 to say, the southern tract, in the shape 
 of a rough triangle, the western side 
 of which runs along the coast of 
 Phoenicia and Syria, cuts athwart the 
 isthmus that joins Africa to Europe, 
 and continues along the Red sea,
 
 286 MELPOMENE. 3310. 
 
 the shores of the southern sea, called the Erythrean : above, 
 towards the north wind, dwell the Medes ; above the Medes, 
 the Sispeires ; above the Saspeires, the Colchians, who extend 
 to the northern sea, into which the river Phasis discharges 
 its waters The above four nations occupy the country from 
 
 38 sea to sea. From thence, towards the west, two different 
 tracts stretch from the continent 1 into the sea ; these I shall 
 describe : on one side, the first of these tracts, commencing 
 in the north from the river Phasis, stretches out into the sea 
 along the Euxine and Hellespont, as far as Sigenm of Troas: 
 southward this same tract commences at the Myriandric gulf, 
 contiguous to Phoenicia, and stretches out into the sea as far 
 as cape Triopium: in this tract dwell thirty nations of men ; 
 and such, accordingly, is the first of the tracts I have men- 
 
 39 tioned. The second tract, commencing from Persia, stretches 
 as far as and along the Erythrean sea ; it is occupied, first, 
 by the Persians ; next to these, by the Assyrians ; and next 
 to them, by the Arabians. It terminates, not virtually, but 
 in common parlance, 2 at the Arabian gulf, into which Darius 
 brought the canal from the Nile. 3 From Persia to Phoenicia 
 til e country is wide and vast; but from Phoenicia this tract 
 extends on this sea 4 along Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, where 
 it terminates; it contains only three nations. These are the 
 
 40 regions of Asia situate to the west of the Persians. With 
 respect to the parts that lie towards the east and rising sun 
 beyond the Persians, the Medes, the Saspeires, and the Col- 
 chians, the Erythrean sea stretches along them on one side; 
 but on the north the Caspian and the river Araxes flowing 
 eastward of that sea. 5 As far as India, Asia is inhabited; but 
 
 while the southern side is washed by aboutit mais seulement en vertu d'une 
 
 the Erythrean. Having thus described loi it terminates but onhj in virtue of 
 
 the continent westward of the four a laic. 1 ' 
 
 nations, he proceeds to those east- 3 See ii. 158. 
 
 ward, the names of which he does not 4 That is to say, the Mediterranean, 
 mention, contenting himself with sta- s ptati/ TrpoQ ij'&\iot> avifx ov ~ a - 
 tin, that on the north they are bound- There is no doubt whatever that He- 
 ed by the Caspian sea and the Araxes, rodotus has made a most woful mis* 
 and on the south by the Erythrean ; take in representing the Araxes as hav- 
 and that all beyond the Indians is de- ing its head in the Matienian mountains, 
 sert and unknown. Transl-.tt. i.202. Schweighaeuser(i. 20-2, not. 15,) 
 
 1 air awrijf, i. e. Am'ijc. It is a has, however, saved the credit of the 
 
 pity that the collators have not found historian in this instance by proving 
 
 sufficient authority for cnr' avrirjc, op- that the above words apply rather to 
 
 posite. aKT>) signifies a tract stretch- the general situation of the river in 
 
 ing aloug the sea; the context shews respect to the Caspian, than to the 
 
 clearly that peninsula, taken in its direction of its course, that is to say, 
 
 usual acceptation, would not be a that they signify that the Araxes is to 
 
 proper interpretation. Translat. the east of the Caspian, which is the 
 
 2 I have followed Schweighaeuser's fact, and not that the river flows to- 
 
 interpretation, Lex. Herod. "roc. VO/JGC, wards the east, which is the opposite 
 
 1. Larclier's translation is, "die of the truth. Tren*l<ii.
 
 MELPOMENF, 41,42. ^7 
 
 bc-yond that country, the land towards the cast is already de- 
 sert, and no one can give any information respecting it. Such 
 and so great is Asia. 
 
 Libya belongs to this latter tract; 1 for Libya commences just 41 
 where Egypt terminates. At the commencement of Eypt 
 this tract is narrow; for from this sea to the |ir.ythrean are 
 one hundred thousand orgyiae; which are about equivalent 
 to one thousand stades ; but from this isthmus the tract be- 
 comes very wide, and takes the name of Libya. I am sur- 42 
 prised, therefore, at the persons who have made the division, 
 and fixed the boundaries of Asia, Libya, and Europe, for the 
 difference between them is very considerable. Indeed, in 
 length, Europe stretches along both the others ; and as to its 
 breadth, I cannot see how we can form any idea of its real 
 extent. 2 For Libya is clearly 3 surrounded by the sea, except 
 so much of it as borders on Asia; this, Neco king of the 
 Egyptians was the first we know of to demonstrate. That 
 prince, having ceased his excavations for the cnnaj. leading 
 out of the Nile into the Arabian galf, despatched certain na- 
 tives of Phoenicia on shipboard, with orders to sail back 
 through the pillars of Hercules even into the north sea, 4 and 
 so make good their return into Egypt. The Phoenicians, of 
 consequence, having departed out of the Erythrean sea, pro- 
 ceeded on their voyage in the southern sea: when it was au- 
 tumn, they would 5 push ashore, and sowing the land, what- 
 
 1 The meaning is, that Libya is an north, Europe was not yet defined, 
 immense peninsula, jutting from the (see c. 45 ;) whereas Necos's expedi- 
 second O.KT)} at the isthmus of Suez, tion had determined that of Africa, 
 The breadth of this neck of land is and Scylaxes that of Asia. The Rev. 
 one thousand stades from this sea, Mr. Beloe translates the words tiptoe 
 i. e. the Mediterranean, to the Ery- fk rrpi, &c. " Europe, for instance, in 
 threan sea, i. e. the Red sea. It ap- length much exceeds the other two, 
 pears, from different passages, that Init is of far inferior breadth.'" Indeed 
 Herodotus applied the name of Ery- the errors of the different translators 
 threan to all the sea south and south- in the geographical parts of Herodo- 
 east of the isthmus of Suez, compre- tus are innumerable : and one cannot 
 hendingthe Red sea, the Persian gulf, help feeling indignant that such self- 
 (of the existence of which, however, sufficient, but blind guides, should 
 Herodotus seems to have been igno- have sometimes led astray the genius 
 rant) and the Indian ocean. Tramlat. of Major Rennell. Translat. 
 
 2 Or, what would, perhaps, be a 8 See Matthiae, Gr. Granim. p 830, 
 better translation : " In respect to or sect. 548, 5. 
 
 breadth, it does not appear possible 4 The Mediterranean, 
 
 to make a comparison :" the meaning 6 &v, with the imperfect of the in- 
 
 of Herodotus is, that Europe extends dicative, to express the repetition of 
 
 in length, that is to say, from west to the action ; I think the auxiliary 
 
 east, the whole of Africa and Asia ; would conveys the same idea in Eng- 
 
 Europe being supposed, according to lish. The Phoenicians being two 
 
 the geography of our author, to ex- whole years on their voyage, probably 
 
 tend eastward into unknown tracts performed the operations of sowing 
 
 beyond the Caspian as far as Asia and reaping twice. See Matthiae, 
 
 did : but in respect to breadth, that Gr. Gramrn. p. 924, or sect. 598, . 
 
 is to say, the dimension from south to Trandat.
 
 288 MELPOMENE. 43. 
 
 ever might be the part of Libya they had reached, await 
 the harvest time: having reaped their corn, they used to 
 continue their voyage: thus, after the lapse of two years, 
 having in the third doubled the pillars of Hercules, they 
 came back into Egypt ; and stated, what is not credible to 
 me, but may be so, perhaps, to some, that in their circumna- 
 vigation of Libya, 1 they had the sun on the right. Thus was 
 43 Libya first known to be surrounded by the sea. 8 Subse- 
 quently to these, the Carthaginians affirm, that they likewise 
 have ascertained that Libya is surrounded by the sea. 3 As 
 Sataspes the son of Teaspis, of the Achaemenidae tribe, 
 did not at any rate sail all round Libya, although he was 
 sent on that expedition ; on the contrary, being terrified 
 both at the length of the voyage, and the desert state of the 
 country, he returned back, without accomplishing the task 
 imposed on him by his mother. For this individual had vio- 
 lated the virgin daughter of Zopyrus the son of Megabyzus; 
 and when for that offence he was about to be impaled 4 by 
 king Xerxes, the mother of Sataspes, who was sister to Darius, 
 obtained his pardon, under a promise that she would impose 
 on him a greater punishment than that; 5 as she would compel 
 him to sail round Libya, until by circumnavigating it he 
 should come back to the Arabian gulf. Xerxes, having as- 
 sented thereto, Sataspes proceeded to Egypt, and taking a 
 ship and mariners from that nation, made sail for the pillars 
 of Hercules ; having passed through which, and doubled that 
 promontory of Libya, the name of which is Soloeis, he conti- 
 nued his course towards the south : but after crossing a vast 
 extent of sea in many months, seeing that the greater part of 
 the voyage still remained to be performed, 6 he tacked about, 
 and sailed back to Egypt. On his arrival from that country 
 into the presence of king Xerxes, he asserted that, having 
 
 1 That is to say, when they had is to be supplied from the last words 
 
 crossed the equator. of the foregoing chapter. SeeSchweig- 
 
 3 ovT(t) fiiv avTi) iyvuffOt} TO irptirov, haeuser's note. Larcher translates, 
 lit. " thus it (i. e. Libya) was for the " Les Carthaginois racontent que de- 
 first time known." Herodotus does puis ce temps, Sataspes, fils de, &c. 
 not mean that the interior of Africa the Carthaginians relate, that since tlien, 
 was made known, but only that it Sataspes, the son of" &c. There can 
 was discovered that this quarter of be no need of shewing the superiority 
 the globe was surrounded by the sea, of Schweighaeuser's punctuation and 
 except on the side where it confines interpretation. Translat. 
 on Asia. The fact is, we must supply 4 See p. 251, note 3, of this work, 
 from the beginning of this chapter: * imlvov relates to dvaaico\OTr, and 
 irfpippvTog tovrra, TT\r)v offov avrfit; to Xerxes: see Matthiae, Gr. Gramni. 
 irpbg Tt)v 'Aairfv ovpi'n. Larcher. p. 651, or sect. 448. 
 
 3 piTa ct, subsequently to the cir- 6 Construction : iirel (6 Sara<T7ri;e,) 
 
 cumnavigation of these Phoenicians, aitl icei TOV TT\(VVOG (rrjg bSov.) See 
 
 Kapx'Koi'iot tiffi 01 Xsyovrtg, the Car- Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 430, or sect, 
 
 thaginiaus affirm, [that they know Li- 296. 
 bya is surrounded by the sea.J This
 
 MELPOMENE. 44,45. 289 
 
 reached to a very great distance, he had sailed by the country 
 of certain .diminutive men, who used garments made from the 
 palm-tree ; who, when the crew pushed the vessels to land, 
 iied towards the mountains, abandoning their towns; that he 
 .and his men entered those towns, but committed no injury, 
 taking only a few sheep from them. The reason of his not 
 completing the circumnavigation of Libya he stated to be 
 this : that his vessel could no longer go forwards, but was 
 impeded. Xerxes, convinced that he did not speak the truth, 
 caused him to be impalecj, according to the first sentence, 1 be- 
 cause he had not completed the task imposed on him. An 
 eunuch belonging to this Sataspes, as soon as he heard his 
 master was dead, fled over into Samos, bringing with him 
 vast property, which a certain native of Samos detained ; I 
 know his name, but willingly forbear to mention it, 
 
 The greater part of Asia was discovered by Darius: this 44 
 sovereign being desirous of knowing into what sea the In- 
 dus (which is the only stream besides one 2 that produces 
 crocodiles,) discharges its waters, despatched on shipboard 
 various individuals, in whom he could trust to report 
 truth, but more particularly Scylax of Caryanda. These 
 persons taking their departure from the city of Caspatyrus, 
 and the province of Pactyica, sailed down the stream towards 
 the east and rising sun to the sea; then sailing on the sea in 
 a westerly direction, they reached in the thirtieth month the 
 same spot 3 from which the king of the Egyptians despatched 
 the Phoenicians, whom I have before mentioned, to sail 
 round Libya. After these persons had performed the circum- 
 navigation, Darius subjected to himself the Indians, and 
 made use of that sea. Thus, if you except those parts of Asia 
 stretching towards the east, it is likewise found in other re- 
 spects to be similar to Libya. 4 But with regard to Europe, 45 
 it is certain no one knows 5 whether it is surrounded 
 with the sea, either to the east or the north; whereas in 
 length it is known to extend along both the others. Neither 
 can I divine for what reason 6 three several names are attri- 
 buted to the continent, which is but one, and those names 
 derived from women ; or wherefore the Egyptian river of the 
 Nile and the Colchian Phasis should be taken for the boun- 
 
 1 Lit. " executing the former sea- much better sense, ra a\Xa avivptrrai 
 
 tence." fy""* '"P W^V T V Ai/3v?, the 
 
 4 I. e. the Nile : see Matthiae, Gr. rest of Asia is explored, alike with 
 
 Gratntn. p. 675 and 677. Libya, which adjoins it. 
 
 3 Patumos, unquestionably. 5 See Viger. p. 66. 
 
 < Trapixonlvn, affording." The 6 W ortv. See Matth.ac, Greek 
 
 jeading proposed by Schweighaeuser, Granim. p. 898. 
 in his note on this passage, gives a 
 VOL. J. P P
 
 290 MELPOMENE. 46. 
 
 darics of those three parts : (some, however, give, instead -of 
 the Phasis, the Maeotian river Tanais, and the Cimmerian 
 Porthmia, 1 as the boundaries of Asia and Europe;} neither 
 have I been able to find what were the names of those who 
 made this division, or for what reason they imposed such 
 cognomens.* Libya, indeed, is said by many of the Greeks 
 to have its name from Libya, an aboriginal woman ; and 
 Asia to have derived its appellation from* the wife of Pro- 
 metheus. But the Lydians also claim this latter name, as- 
 serting that Asia is not called after Asia the wife of Prome- 
 theus, but after Asius the son of Cotys, and grandson of 
 Manes ; from whom the Asias tribe of Sardis also derive their 
 appellation. But in respect to Europe, neither is it known 
 by any one whether it is encompassed by the sea, nor does it 
 appear from whence it borrowed that name, or who it was 
 that gave it: unless, indeed, we allow that this region re- 
 ceived its appellation from Europa of Tyre, being, in conse- 
 quence, previously without any name, as were the other two. 
 It is, however, certain, that this woman belonged to Asia, 
 and never came into the region which is now called by the 
 Greeks, Europe; but only* passed from Phoenicia into Crete, 
 from whence she crossed over into Lycia. But enough has 
 been said on this subject ; as I shall use the names that custom 
 has sanctioned for these parts of the earth. 5 
 4-6 The PontusEuxinus, where Darius was preparing to make his 
 campaign, is, of all regions, that which exhibits the most ignorant 
 nations; the Scythian, however, exccpted. For if we except 
 the Scythian nation and Anacharsis, there is no tribe this 
 side 6 the Pontus that we can commemorate as remarkable for 
 wisdom, nor have we ever known of any one erudite man 
 produced there. One thing of the greatest importance in 
 human affairs has been contrived by the Scythian race in the 
 wisest manner of all the nations we know'; in all other re- 
 
 1 Seethe note on this word, p. 276. side, thr.t is to say, between himself 
 
 2 Larcher observes, that lOivro is and something else. This was not, 
 not, in this instance, taken in the re- therefore, written in Asia Minor, at 
 ciprocal sense usual in the middle Halicarnassus, Samos, &c. For in 
 voice. Larcher. that situation the Scythians, &c. 
 
 3 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm p. 898. would not have been between himself 
 * Schweig. Lex Herod, voc. oaov ; and the Euxine. He must have writ- 
 
 Viger.p. 102, and Hermann's note, 91. ten it at Thurium, in the heel of Italy; 
 
 5 ro'iffi ydp p0}ct$<uiip<H (odttapoih) the Scythians, being on the hither side 
 avrwv (j. e. rwv nipiiav rjjc yfjc.) %(]- of the Euxine, in respect to the inha- 
 vofiiOa. Larcher " ire shall abide in bitants of that town. This passage is, 
 this respect by the received opiniim consequently, one of those added by- 
 nous nous en tiendrons la-dessus aux our historian after he had settled in 
 opinions revues." Italy. Larcher. See Wesselingii 
 
 8 Herodotus never uses tvroc but Praef. p. v. of Mr. Gaisford's edition 
 
 .in speaking of what is on the hither of Herodotus.
 
 MELPOMENE. 47,48. 291 
 
 spects, however, I do not admire their institutions. This most 
 important object is so well contrived by them, that no one who 
 invades them can ever make his escape, or, unless they choose 
 to be found, can engage them ; and when we consider that 
 they have no forts or towns constructed, but drag their houses 
 with them, all being horsemen and archers, and livino-, no t 
 by the cultivation of the earth, but on their cattle, and that 
 their dwellings are in their waggons, how could such a people 
 
 be otherwise than invincible, and impossible to engage? 
 
 This mode of life has been devised by them, by reason that 4-7 
 their country is adapted to it, and their rivers serve them as a 
 defence; for their territory, which is level, abounds in pasture, 
 and is well watered : various rivers roll their waters through 
 it, not much inferior in number to the canals of Egypt : such 
 ot these as are most celebrated, and navigable from the sea, I 
 shall mention. They are the Ister, which has five mouths; 
 after which, the Tyras, the Hypanis, the Borysthenes, the 
 Panticapes, the Hypacyris, the Gerrhus, and the Tanais. 1 
 The course of these rivers is as follows. 
 
 The Ister, which is the largest of the rivers we are ac- 48 
 quainted with, flows always in an equal stream, summer and 
 winter. It is the first river to the west that flows across the 
 Scythian territory, and is the largest by reason of various 
 other streams discharging into it their waters. The following 
 contribute to its stream; 2 five large ones, 3 which flow across 
 Scythia, namely, that which the Scythians call Porata, and 
 the Greeks, Pyretos ; the Tiarantus is another, and the Ara- 
 ms, the Naparis, and the Ordessus. The first-mentioned of 
 these streams is large, and, flowing eastward, 4 mingles its 
 
 1 Scythia is, therefore, compre- proceeds to enumerate those rivers. 
 
 hended between the Danube (Ister) Schweig. 
 
 and the Don (Tanais.) It comprises, * After reading Mr. Gaisford's ob- 
 
 accordingly, IJkrain, the Nogais Tar- servation, I have not hesitated to 
 
 tars, the Don Cossacks, &c. Lurcher, adopt /yaXot instead of plv oi. If 
 
 8 Kara. roiovSf 7rouvvTt. I this latter reading be followed, the 
 
 have followed Schweighaeuser's La- first /it*', where the author says, oiu 
 
 tin version, though by no means satis- piv y TIJQ 2. may be regarded as 
 
 factory. Schweighaeuser proposes a having for its respondent thq Si in t 
 
 punctuation, which gives a very good Si Ac'/iow, and the second fiiv in icivrt 
 
 sense, and squares pretty well with piv ot plovrec, as being answered by 
 
 the rules of grammar: KOTO. Toiovdi the t in tic te ' AyaQvpnov. See 
 
 /ityiTTOf ytyovf 7rora/<wi' icat XXwv Schweighaeuser's note on c. 49. 
 if avrbv tKtttuvruiv, dal Si o'iSt ol 4 There is no river now-a-days an- 
 
 fiiyav avrbv nouvrrts. In which TTO- swering to the position of the Pyretus 
 
 Tapwv Km aXXwv t'f avrbv iictidovrwv that flows towards the east; the Py- 
 
 is equivalent to irorauoi uiv KM aXXoi retus is probably the modern Pruth; 
 
 t'c avrbv i K fi6afft. " It is the largest see Geographical Index to Herodotus, 
 
 on this account: there are various voc. Porata. I think, therefore, than 
 
 rivers that roll their waters into its the words TT^OC jjuj piuv are to be 
 
 stream, but the following are they taken in the sense explained m p. 286, 
 
 that make it large." Herodotus then u. 5, that is to say, that th?y do
 
 292 MELPOMENE. 49, 50. 
 
 waters \rith the Isler ; the second mentioned, that is to 
 say, the Tiarantus, being more to the west, is not so 
 wide; 1 the three last, namely, the Arams, the Naparis, and 
 the Ordessus, whose streams are situated between these twoj 
 fall likewise into the Ister. The above are the Scythian 
 streams, which, springing up in the country itself, add their 
 
 49 waters to the Ister. The Maris also, a river flowing from 
 the country of the Agathyrsi, mingles with the Ister : from 
 the tops of Haemus, three other large streams, flowing in a 
 northerly direction, descend into the Ister; they are the At- 
 las, the Auras, and the Tibisisr the Athrys, the Noes, and 
 the Artanes, which flow athwart Thrace and the territories of 
 the Thraeian Crobyzi, discharge themselves into the Ister: 
 into the same river falls the Scius, a stream which, flowing 
 from Paeonia and Rhodope, divides Haemus in the middle; 
 the river Angrus, flowing in a northerly direction out of Illy- 
 ria, discharges itself in the Triballic plains, and into the 
 Brongus, which latter contributes his waters to the Ister, so 
 that the Ister receives both those large rivers : from the coun- 
 try above the Ombrici, the river Carpisj and another stream, 
 the Alpis, both flowing northward, discharge their waters 
 into the Ister. For the Ister flows athwart the whole of Eu- 
 rope, commencing at the country of the Celts, 2 the last peo- 
 ple, except the Cynetae, that inhabit Europe towards the 
 west ; the Ister, accordingly, after crossing the whole of Eu- 
 
 5 rope, waters one side of Scythia. It is by reason of the above- 
 mentioned rivers, and many others contributing their waters, 
 that the Ister becomes the greatest of all rivers ; for if we 
 were to compare the individual waters of the two rivers, the 
 Nile would excel in quantity ; since in the latter there is no 
 river nor any spring, that, by discharging itself into the 
 stream, contributes to the abundance of the waters. Some- 
 thing of the following must, in my opinion, be the cause that 
 the Ister flows in an equal stream uniformly summer and win- 
 ter. During winter, it remains of its usual size, at least in- 
 creases, but little more than is its usual nature ; because in 
 those countries it rains but very little during the winter, all 
 being covered with snow ; whereas in summer the vast quan- 
 tity of snow that fell during the winter, melting, pours down 
 on all sides into the Ister : this snow, therefore, falling into 
 the river, together with the copious and frequent storms of 
 rain, (for there it rains in summer,) contribute to swell the 
 stream ; so that in the same proportion as in summer the sun 
 
 Signify, " flowing towards the east" ' Supply after l\aa<ruv, avciKoivov- 
 
 but rather that the river lies east, its rat r< "lar^y TO v$(ap. 
 
 stream flowing south. Translat. See ii. 34, p. 113, of this work.
 
 MELPOMENE. 5153. 292 
 
 attracts to himself more water than in winter, 1 so are the 
 streams that mingle with the Ister more copious in summer 
 than in winter : from the opposition of these circumstances- 
 proceeds a balance, so that the Ister must always be the same. 
 
 The Ister, accordingly, is one of the rivers of Scythia; next 51 
 to this is the Tyras, which proceeds from the north, com- 
 mencing its course out of a vast lake, which confines the ter- 
 ritory of the Scythians, and that of the Neuri : upon the 
 mouth of .this are established some Grecians, called the Tyri- 
 tae. The third river, the Hypanis, has its head in Scythia, 52 
 and flows from out of a vast lake, around which wild 'white 
 horses graze; this lake is properly termed the " mother of 
 the Hypanis :" the Hypanis, accordingly, taking its rise in 
 this lake, flows for five days' voyage with a slender stream, 
 but its waters are sweet ; from thence down to the sea, for four 
 days' voyage, its waters are exceedingly bitter; 1 as a spring 
 falls into it, and that spring, though of no great size, is so 
 bitter, that it communicates the taste 3 to the Hypanis, which 
 rs of respectable dimensions for a secondary river. This 
 spring is on the confines between the country of the Scythian 
 husbandmen and that of the Alazones; its name, as well as 
 that of the place from whence it flows, is, in the Scythian lan- 
 guage, Exampaeus; and, in our language, the Sacred Ways: 
 the streams of the Tyras and the Hypanis flow at no great 
 distance 4 from one another as long as they continue in the 
 country of the Alazones; beyond which each makes an elbow 
 leaving a considerable space between their courses. 
 
 The fourth river is the Borysthencs : next to the Ister it is 59 
 the most considerable of all these streams, and the most fertile, 
 in my opinion, not only of the Scythian rivers, but of all 
 others, the Egyptian Nile excepted ; for to this latter no other 
 river can bear comparison, though the Borysthenes is the 
 most fertile of all the rest, as it affords most excellent and 
 beautiful pastures for cattle, and very exquisite fish in abund- 
 ance; it is likewise very sweet to the palate, as it flows clear, 
 although in the neighbourhood of muddy streams: 5 very ex- 
 cellent crops are reared on its banks ; and the grass, in the 
 places which are not arable, grows to a great height ; salt 
 crystalizes of itself in great abundance at the mouth of this- n- 
 
 > This attraction of the sun has al- be sufficiently intelligible. _ ij {iiyaQti, 
 
 ready been mentioned by Herodotus, &c. in which the relative 17 is put 
 
 ii 25. XffTt, see Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. 
 
 3 aivwQ is an lonisra for <r0ofy><5, p. 692. 
 valde. Lurcher. 4 avv<iyov<n ra r^ara contrahunt 
 
 3 Kl( > V a V signifies to mingle as wine Ihnites, exiguo mtervallo distantes 
 
 in a crater, Kipv? ^r^a olvov, iv. fluunt. Schvag. Lex. J- 
 66. A literal translation wou4d not 5 Supply TTOJ-^O.C after 0o\ ff >o
 
 294 MELPOMENE. 5457. 
 
 ver; it likewise furnishes, for pickling, large porpoises without 
 bones, which are called antacaei, 1 together with many other 
 commodities deserving of admiration. As far, therefore, as 
 the territory of the Gerrhi, up to which is a voyage of forty 
 days, this river is known to flow from the north ; what nations 
 it passes through above this, no one can say : it is known, 
 however, that it runs through a desert into the territory of the 
 Scythian cultivators; for that tribe of the Scythians occupy 
 its banks for the space of ten days' navigation : this and the 
 Nile are the only rivers of which I cannot describe the sources; 
 neither do I think any of the Grecians can. When the 
 stream of the Borysthenes draws near to the sea, the Hypanis 
 mingles with it, discharging its waters into the same marsh; 
 the space of land between these two rivers, resembling the ros- 
 trum of a ship, 2 is called the promontory of Hippolaus ; there 
 is a temple of Ceres erected upon it ; beyond the temple, and 
 on the Hypanis, dwell the Borysthenitae : such are the parti- 
 culars I had to give respecting these rivers. 
 54, Next is a fifth river, 3 the name of which is the Panticapes ; 
 this one also flows from the north, and out of a marsh ; the 
 country between this latter stream and the Borysthenes, is oc- 
 cupied by the Scythian cultivators; the Panticapes discharges 
 its waters into Hylaea, and, after crossing that region, weds 
 
 55 itself to the Borysthenes. The sixth river is the Hypacyris, 
 which proceeds from a lake, and, flowing through the middle 
 of the Scythian nomades, disembogues near the city of Car- 
 cinitis, skirting on the right Hylaea, and the part called the 
 
 56 Race of Achilles. The seventh river, the Gerrhus, diverges 
 out of the Borysthenes, in that quarter which is the furthest 
 limit of our knowledge of the Borysthenes ; from that place, 
 accordingly, it becomes a distinct stream, and has the same 
 name as the country itself, namely, Gerrhus ; it flows towards 
 the sea, serving as a boundary between the territory of the 
 nomades and that of the Royal Scythians, and discharges 
 
 57 itself into the Hypacyris. The eighth and last is the Tanais; 
 
 1 This is undoubtedly the sturgeon assumed at its termination the shape 
 
 of the Danube, a large fish, whose of the spur or rostrum with which we 
 
 spawn, together with that of some all know the ships of the ancients 
 
 other fish, forms, when salted and were armed at the prow, 
 
 pressed down, the celebrated caviari. 3 /lira ci rewrote irtfiirrbc irorafto 
 
 avcxavQa does not signify exactly aXXof, rtf ovvopa Ha.v7iKa.irqs : an- 
 
 ' without bones,' but without those other fifth river. It is in this manner 
 
 bones jutting out on either side of that the ancient Attic writers express 
 
 the spine, as is the case with most themselves, reroproc dXXoc .... vi> 
 
 fish ; the eel therefore is avaica.vQo. j3oy Trapia-aTat, Aes. Sept. c. Theb. 
 
 Translat.^ 488. As the lonians were originally 
 
 * ibv tpfioXov Trjs x^P'/C, lit. "a Athenians, they had preserved several 
 
 ship's spur of the land ;" the meaning of the ancient Attic forms. Lurcher. 
 is sufficiently e\ident that the land
 
 MELPOMENE. 58 GO. L>y-, 
 
 it takes its rise in a vast lake up the country, and disembogues 
 itself in a yet larger lake called the Maeotis, which divides 
 the Royal Scythians from the Sauromatae. Into this river 
 of the Tanais flows another called the Hyrgis. The above, 58 
 therefore, are the most remarkable of the streams with which 
 the territory of the Scythians is provided. The grass that 
 springs up in that region is, of all the pasturage we are 
 acquainted with, that which produces the greatest quantity of 
 gall 'in the cattle; that the fact is such may be inferred by 
 opening the carcasses of the beasts. 
 
 Thus the Scythians are abundantly provided with the 59 
 greatest conveniences of life :' they have, moreover, the fol- 
 lowing customs. They worship the following gods alone; 
 chiefly Vesta, then Jupiter and the Earth, which latter they 
 regard as the spouse of Jupiter; next to these Apollo, Venus 
 coelestis, Hercules and Mars. The above deities all the 
 Scythians pay worship to : but the, so called, Royal Scythians 
 offer sacrifice also to Neptune. In the language of the 
 Scythians, Vesta is termed Tabiti ; Jupiter, most properly, in 
 my opinion, is called Papaeus; 3 the Earth, Apia; Apollo, 
 Oetosyrus; Venus coelestis, Artimpasa ; Neptune, Thami- 
 masadas. They are not accustomed to rear either images, 
 altars, or temples, excepting in honour of Mars, to whom 
 they are wont to erect them. The same mode of sacrifice is 60 
 used by them all indistinctly with every kind of victims ;' it is 
 
 1 tTri^oXwrari;. This word Aem. Scythae," &c. Schweig. In my rough 
 Portus translates ainarissima y and draught of the present work, I had 
 thinks that Herodotus alludes to a considered the first sentence of this 
 species of wormwood, growing in chapter, as a repetition in other words 
 great abundance in Scythia, with of rif Ik 2KvQuc<f yivei lv fiiv TO \ii- 
 which, according to Pliny, the cattle JHTTOV T&V av9piiiiriiifiv irpiiynanav 
 of the country were fattened. Ovid. ffoQurara iravruiv i&vpr}Tai, K. r. X. 
 de Ponto.3 Tristia per vacuos hor- of c. 46, which introduced the digres- 
 rent absynthia campos, Conveniens- sion on the rivers of Scythia. I had, 
 que suo messis amara loco est. The therefore, translated : " The mostim- 
 next following words of the author, portant objects, therefore,(i.e defence 
 Portus is df opinion, signify nothing from an invading foe) are thus easily 
 more than that one may convince one's obtained by them." Translut. 
 self that the cattle live on wormwood 3 The fact is that Herodotus sup- 
 by opening their carcasses, [for no gall posed this word to signify among the 
 will be found.] Ae. Port Lex. Ion. Scythians, father, which is likely 
 Larcher translates " la plus succu- enough to have been the case, for we 
 lente." I have followed Schweig- know that in all languages air, ira, 
 haeuser, whose translation is the same ircnra., are the first syllables that 
 as that of Schneider, " Gras, das viel children pronounce, and that they use 
 Galle macht." Schn. Gr. Germ. Lex. them to designate their parents. 
 
 3 " The Scythians have then in Larcher. 
 
 abundance the most necessary things * iravra TO. Ipa. Three different 
 
 for life." " Les Scythes ont done en interpretations are given of these 
 
 abandonee les chases les plus necessaires words. 1st. " In all their sacred 
 
 a la tie." Larcher. " Istis igitur places ;" although the Scythians did 
 
 maximis commodis quum abundent not erect any temples, it can scarcely
 
 296 MELPOMENE. 61, 62. 
 
 conducted in this manner : the victim having his fore feet 
 tied, stands erect; while the sacrificer, placed behind the 
 animal, catching hold of the end of the cord, throws him 
 down, and, as the victim falls, invokes the deity to whom he 
 is offering sacrifice; and, having placed a halter around the 
 neck of the animal, and passing a stick through the rope, 
 twists it, and so strangles the victim, without kindling fire, 
 performing any preparatory ceremonies, 1 or making any li- 
 bation. Having strangled and fiead the victim, he applies 
 
 61 himself to the cooking of it. The Scythian region being 
 xcqedingly * destitute of wood, they have the following con- 
 trivance for cooking the flesh. After they have skinned the 
 victim, they strip the bones of the flesh ; and throw it into 
 the caldrons of the country, if they happen to have any; 
 these caldrons are very like the Lesbian craters, only thai 
 they are much larger. Having put -the flesh into those cal- 
 drons, they proceed to cook, kindling underneath a fire with 
 the bones of the victims. Should they not happen to have a 
 caldron at hand, they place all the flesh in the belly of the 
 victim, under which they set fire to the bones, which burn 
 well ; the bellies easily contain all the flesh, when stripped 
 from the bones; thus even an ox may be made to cook himself 
 as well as all the other victims. When the meat is done, he 
 .that has offered the sacrifice offers the firstlings of the flesh 
 and entrails by casting them before him. They offer all sorts 
 of cattle, but chiefly horses. 
 
 *62 Such, therefore, are the animals, and such the manner in 
 which they sacrifice to the other gods ; but to Mars they use 
 the following rites. In the different provinces they have a tem- 
 ple of the following nature erected to this deity in each of 
 
 be doubted but that they had some ' These ceremonies among the 
 
 open spots set apart for their religious Greeks consisted, 1st. In sprinkling 
 
 solemnities. This is the translation of the victim with lustral water. 2ndly. 
 
 Larcher. 2nd. " In all their sacred In throwing on its forehead some 
 
 ceremonies." This is the interpre- whole barley mixed with salt. (The 
 
 tation given by Wesseling and fol- Latins used flour and, salt, which 
 
 lowed by Schweighaeuser in his Latin they called mola salsa.) Srdly.. In 
 
 version.^ 3rd. " With every kind of cutting off some hair from the brow 
 
 victims." We knowlhat.0i>ivra Ipd of the victim, and casting it into the 
 
 means to immolate victims, conse- fire. The Greeks designated these 
 
 qaently if the preceding Bva.'m be taken ceremonies by the word Kq.Tcipxt(rOcu, 
 
 in that specific sense, Ipd must signify which is the proper term. See Lar- 
 
 victims : this interpretation is corro- cher's note. The reader will do well 
 
 borated by the words at the end of to attend to the difference between 
 
 the 61st chapter, where Herodotus jcarapxffffleu and dirapxtffOai, at the 
 
 informs us that the Scythians sacri- end of the next chapter. ScAtceif. 
 
 fice all kinds of cattle, but chiefly Not. 
 horses. SeeSchiceig. Lex. Herod, voc. 2 See note 2, page 293. 
 
 J/9U1/, 3.
 
 MELPOMENE. 63, 64. 297 
 
 the fields of assembly. 1 Bundles of brushwood are heaped 
 together to the length and breadth of three stades, but in 
 height less : 2 on the top of this is made a quadrangular plat- 
 form ; three of the sides are abrupt, on the fourth is the ascent. 
 Every year they add to the top one hundred and fifty loads 
 of brushwood ; as the mass is constantly sinking by reason of 
 the weather. On the top of this pile, accordingly, an old iron 
 cimeter is placed by each tribe, which serves as an image of 
 Mars: and to that cimeter they present yearly sacrifices of cattle 
 and horses ; and, indeed, oifer more victims to these cimeters 
 than to, the rest of the gods. Of the prisoners they may take of 
 their enemies, they sacrifice one man out of every hundred, 
 but not in the same manner as they do cattle; the ceremonies 
 are different, for, after making a libation of wine on the heads, 
 they slaughter these human victims over a bowl; and then, 
 carrying it up to the top of the pile of brushwood, they pour 
 the blood over the cimeter ; the blood accordingly they carry 
 to the top, while at the bottom, close to the sacred spot, they 
 perform the following ceremonies : they cut off the right arms, 
 together with the hands of the slaughtered men, and throw 
 them aloft in the air ; and, after completing the sacrifice 3 of the 
 rest of the victims, go their ways. The arm lies wherever it 
 may happen to have fallen, and the body remains apart. 
 These, therefore, are the rites of sacrifice established .among 63 
 them : but they never use swine, nor will they by any means 
 breed them in their country. 
 
 The following are their usages in matters relating to war. 64 
 The first man that a Scythian sends' down, he drinks of his 
 blood ; and of as many as he may slay in battle, he carries the 
 heads to the king; for, by producing a head, he is entitled to 
 a share in the booty they may have taken, but not so if he 
 does not produce one. The head he skins in this manner : lie 
 
 fi'iov signifies the senate, the could not be found for the necessary 
 
 place where the magistrates assemble, purpose of cooking, must strike every 
 
 As the Scythians had no houses, these one as improbable. Schweighaeuser 
 
 places with them were no doubt in suspects that Herodotus wrote v^of 
 
 the open air, the fields of Mars of our SI vradiov tkaoaov. ^ Perhaps the on- 
 
 ancestors. Besides, a pile three stades ginal reading was ityoe Sk urov, tli 
 
 long, and as many broad, could hardly latter ward being taken in the sense 
 
 be contained within any building. I I have explained in p. 158, no e 8, ol 
 
 have consequently expressed in my this work. Translat. 
 translation that they were fields of 3 a^^avnq. If this word com. 
 
 assembly. Larcher. from 7rl PT e t v, it is taken in a very 
 
 inl/oc SKXa<r<rov. Themeaningof extraordinary meaning. See. 
 
 this is, somewhat less in height ; the not. and Coray's remarks in Larcher s 
 
 jexistence of such piles in a country translation, vol. in. 485. 
 where wood was so scarce, that it 
 
 VOL. j.
 
 298 MELPOMENE. 65, 66. 
 
 makes a circular incision near the ears, and then, taking hold 
 of it, shakes off the scalp from the head ; he then scrapes off' the 
 flesh ' from the scalp with an ox's rib, and rubs it in his hands ; 
 having thus softened it, he uses it as a napkin, suspends it to 
 the bridle of the horse he rides, and esteems it an honourable 
 trophy ; for he who has the greatest number of these skin nap- 
 kins is judged the most valourous man. Many of them make 
 mantles to wear over their persons out of these skins by sewing 
 them together like shepherds' cloaks ; 2 many of them, likewise, 
 take off* the skin of the right hands of their slain enemies, to- 
 gether with the nails, and make therewith coverings for their 
 quivers. The human skin is thick and shining, and, if taken 
 from a white man, 3 of all hides the most dazzling, perhaps, by its 
 whiteness. Several of the Scythians skin whole human car- 
 casses, and, after stretching the hides out on pieces of wood/ 
 
 65 carry them about on their horses. Such are their usages* ^\ ^; ith 
 the heads themselves, not of all, but only of their greatest ene- 
 mies, they do as follows : each individual saws off' the whole 
 portion below the eye-brows, and then cleans out the skull : 
 should he happen to be poor, he merely stretches a bit of raw 
 ox skin on the outside, and so makes use of it ; should he 
 happen to be rich, he not only stretches the untatined ox skin 
 on the outside, but likewise coats the interior with gold, and 
 so uses it for a cup. This the Scythian does even to the 
 skulls of his own relations, if any difference happen among 
 them, and he gain his cause in presence of the king: 5 and 
 when strangers come to him, of whom he has any account, 
 he brings forth those skulls, and then narrates, " how the pos- 
 '* sessors, though his own kinsmen, were adverse to him, 6 and 
 " he overcame them :" this they mention as a deed of valour. 
 
 66 Once in every year, the governor, each in his own province, 
 mingles 7 a bowl of wine, out of which drink all the Scythians 
 by whom some of the enemy have been slain ; such as have 
 performed no such exploit, taste not of this wine, but sit igno- 
 
 1 See note i. p. 492, of Mr. Gais- on a wooden frame to dry ; and, when 
 
 ford's edition of Herodotus, borrowed dry, were used as saddle cloths for 
 
 from Wesseling. the horses. Translat. 
 
 - These shepherds' cloaks were & t]v tTTiicpaTrjay avrov, si vicit il- 
 
 mfde of skins sewed together, and lum, ira$a rif /SaenXfi, apud regem, 
 
 were probably not unlike the capote i. e. judicio regis, lite a rege judicata. 
 
 of the Albanian peasants in the pre- Schweig. Lex. Herod. This is the same 
 
 sent day. Translat.^ interpretation as that of Larcher : 
 
 3 Supply f\v dpa y \iVKovav9pwirov Schweighaeuser gives in his Latin 
 6tppa. Schweig. Lex. Herod. Pre- version : " atque regis judicio alter 
 yiously to Schweighaeuser the read- alteri in potestatem est traditus." 
 ing was yv dpa <Txf6i>, K. T. X. Lit. " excited war against him." 
 
 4 I understand Herodotus to mean 7 See note 4, p. 254, of this volume, 
 that these skins were stretched out
 
 MELPOMENE. 6769. 299 
 
 mihiously aloof; and this is the greatest disgrace among them. 
 Such among them as may have killed a very great Dumber of 
 foes, have each two cups, 1 out of which they drink at the same 
 time. 
 
 There are many seers among the Scythians; these divine in 6t 
 the following manner by means of several willow wands. They 
 bring with them large bundles of wands, which they lay on the 
 ground, and then unrol them; and, placing every rod sepa- 
 rate, foretel; while they are pronouncing their predictions, 
 they gather back the wands, and make them again into a 
 bundle ; this is their paternal mode of vaticination. But the 
 Enarees, those effeminate men, 2 assert that Venus has en- 
 dowed them with the power of prophecy ; these, therefore, - 
 divine by means of the bark of the linden tree : they first split 
 the bark in three, and, having twisted it around their own 
 fingers, then unrol it, and meanwhile prophecy. When the ga 
 king of the Scythians is ill, he sends for the three most cele- 
 brated men among the seers, who divine in the manner I have 
 just described ; the answer these persons generally give is chiefly 
 that so and so, 3 mentioning the name of some one of their fellow- 
 citizens, has sworn falsely by the royal hearth ; for it is a 
 custom prevalent with the Scythians, when they wish to take 
 a most solemn oath, to swear by the royal hearth ; immedi- 
 ately the person, whom they may have declared to have taken 
 the false oath, is seized and brought forward; when he is 
 eome, the seers tax him, saying, that by the art of divination, 
 it is certain he must have sworn falsely by the royal 
 hearth, and that, for that reason, the king is sick ; the other 
 denies, declaring that he has not perjured himself, and wails : 
 in consequence of his denial, the king sends for twice tUe 
 number of other seers ; and, if these also, by consulting'their 
 art, convict him of perjury, the first seers instantly sever his 
 head, and divide his property among themselves. If, on the 
 other hand, the seers that are called in absolve the accused, 
 others are introduced, once and again ; 4 should the majority, 
 accordingly, absolve the man, it is decreed that the first seers 
 themselves shall die. They, accordingly, put to death these 69s 
 latter in the following manner : they first fill a waggon with 
 brushwood, to which they harness some oxen; they then shackle 
 the seers, ami bind their hands behind them, and, fixing a gag in 
 
 1 ffuvSvo Kv\iKae is generally trans- 2 He alludes to i. 105. 
 lated, " two cups joined together." 3 Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 701, or 
 
 Schweighaeuse* follows the general in- sect. 484, 6. 
 terpretation in his Latin version, but * a\\oi - - -^- Kai fia\a &\\oi, a\ 
 
 corrects it in his notes to " Una pocula iterumque afii. Schtceig. 
 singuli habentes."
 
 300 MELPOMENE. 70, 71. 
 
 their mouths, stick them up in the middle of the brushwood j" 
 they then set fire to the whole, and, frightening, drive on the 
 oxen; several of those beasts share the same fate with the 
 seers, but many, after being scorched, make their escape, 
 when the pole 1 of the carriage is consumed. In the above- 
 mentioned manner they burn to death their seers for other 
 offences as well, calling them false prophets. Of such persons 
 as the king puts to death, he does not suffer the sons to sur- 
 vive; but kills all the male progeny, without punishing the 
 
 70 females. When the Scythians make a covenant with any one, 
 they use these ceremonies. They first pour wine into a large 
 earthen jug, with which they mingle some of the blood of the 
 covenanters, pricking the body with a point, or making a 
 slight incision with a knife ; they next dip in the bowl a 
 cimeter, some arrows, a battle-axe, and javelin ; when they 
 have performed these ceremonies, they offer up many prayers, 
 after which the contracting parties themselves drink up the 
 contents^ assisted by the most dignified of their followers. 
 
 71 The sepulchres of the kings are in the territory of the 
 Gerrhi, in the spot up to which the Borysthenes is navigable. 
 In this quarter, whenever their king dies, they make a large 
 four-cornered excavation in the earth ; when they have made 
 this ready, they take the corpse, 2 (the body having been pre- 
 viously covered with wax, the belly opened, cleansed out, 
 filled with pounded cyperus,aromatics, parsley and fennel 3 seed, 
 and again sewed up,) and carry it in a waggon to some other 
 tribe: those who receive the body thus brought, act in the 
 same manner as the Royal Scythians ; that is to say, they cut 
 off a portion of their ears, shear their hair around, make an 
 incision round their arms, lacerate their foreheads and noses, 
 and drive arrows through their left hands. From thence 
 they convey the royal corpse to some other tribe under their 
 government, while those to whom they first came follow. 
 When thus carrying the corpse they have visited all the tribes, 
 they have reached the country of the last of the nations of their 
 
 1 The pu/joc was a pole fastened to x lrT ^ ffa ^, * r. X. See Matthiae, Gr. 
 
 the front of the carriage ; at the ex- Gramm. p. 614. 
 
 tremity of it a bar (the tvyoc) was 3 Schneider takes ai^ow to beequi- 
 
 fixed crosswise ; to this bar the horns valent to avij9ov, dill or fennel. 
 
 of the oxen were fastened. This sim- Others take it to signify anis, the 
 
 pie mode of harnessing kine is still in proper teem for which is avinov. The 
 
 use abroad, and is found to answer seeds of both plants are highly aro- 
 
 every purpose. Translat. matic, so that the difference can be 
 
 3 Construction: a va\anfiavovai. TOV of very little importance. Schneider r 
 
 ffKpov, KaraKiKijpwutvov /.iiv (jcara) Gricchisch Deutsches Worterbuch,- 
 
 vb fffj^ta, (t^oira) dt ri\v vqci'lr -dvaa* roc. avi)fjov.
 
 MELPOMENE. 72. 3or 
 
 empire, namely, that of the Gerrhi, and the place of sepulchre. 
 Now, after they have deposited the body within the tomb, on 
 a bed of heath, they stick javelins on either side of and close ' 
 to the corpse, and, placing wooden bars on the top of these, 
 roof the whole in with willow :' in the wide space of the fosse 
 that remains they bury one of the concubines, whom they first 
 strangle, the cup-bearer, the cook, the groom, one of the ser- 
 vants, and the messenger, together with some horses, the 
 firstlings of all things, and some golden beakers; indeed, they 
 never use either silver or brass. When they have done this, 
 they all set about raising a great burrow, vying with one an- 
 other, and endeavouring to make it as large as possible. 
 After the revolution of ohe year, they perform the other fol- 72 
 lowing rites : they take the most useful of the remaining ser- 
 vants of the deceased, (these are Scythian born, for those attend 
 the king whom he commands so to do, neither have they any 
 purchased slaves :) of these servants, accordingly H ,they first 
 strangle fifty, together with fifty of the finest horses ; they then 
 take out the inside, and v having cleansed the cavity, fill it with 
 chaff and sow it up again. They then stick in an inverse po- 
 sition one half of the felly* of a wheel on two posts, and the 
 other half of the felly on two others : and in this manner make 
 several stands of the same kind : after driving a stout wooden 
 bar lengthwise through the horses up to the neck, they place 
 them on the fellies ; one of which supports the shoulders, 
 while the hinder one keeps up the belly near the thighs, the 
 legs remaining suspended in the air on either side ; they fur- ' 
 nish these horses with a bit and bridle, the latter of which they 
 stretch in front of them, and fasten up to a peg. 3 Each of the 
 fifty youths tlfey have strangled, they place on a horse, mount- 
 ing him in the following manner: they drive through each 
 body along the spine up to the neck, a wooden bar; the 
 lower end of this bar sticks out, and that part they fasten into 
 a cavity 4 in the other wooden pole, that is driven through the 
 
 1 p ti//i. The same lexicographer whom ranged in order to keep the head and 
 
 I have just quoted is of opinion that neck in their proper position : since, 
 
 this word should be translated, with otherwise, those parts would iave 
 
 ree ds. fallen down from want of support. 
 
 2 .The ItyiQ is the exterior wooden This remark may appear trifling, but 
 
 periphery of "the wheel, what we call I am induced to make it from seeing 
 
 the felly that the text has not been sufficiently 
 
 3 IK ir'aaaaXuv Stovoi. The reader attended to in delineating a figure, il- 
 must attend to the construction of lustrative of this part of Herodotus, 
 c-ieiv with k, in which case it means which has lately made its appear- 
 to fasten and suspend from. The waff- ance. Translat. 
 raXoc to which the bridle was fasten- If we adopt Mr. Gaisford s punc- 
 ed, was, therefore, higher than the tuation, I do not see very clearly what 
 horse's head ; it wa probably so ar- is to become of the parfricl
 
 30* MELPOMENE. 7375. 
 
 horse. When they have stationed this kind of horsemen m a ; 
 circle, looking towards 1 the burrow, they retire. 
 
 73 In the above manner they inter their kings : with respect 
 to the other Scythians, when they die, the nearest relations 
 convey the bodies, lying in waggons, to their friends ; each of 
 whom receives and feasts the followers, spreading before the 
 dead bodies a portion of all the food, the same as before the 
 others. In this manner the relations convey the body about 
 for forty days, after which they entomb it. When the Scythi- 
 ans have performed the ceremony of burial, they purify them- 
 selves in this manner - they first scour their heads, and thorough- 
 ly wash them :* and then, with respect to their bodies, act as 
 follows : they stick up three poles inclining to a point, around 
 which they stretch woollen felts, 3 and, having pulled these to- 
 gether as close as may be, they cast red-hot stones into a vase* 
 
 74 placed between the poles, and under the blankets. Hemp is 
 produced in the country of the Scythians ; it is very similar to 
 flax, except in size and thickness, in which respects the hemp 
 greatly exceeds the flax. This plant springs up both of itself 
 and when sown ; and the Thracians make from it garments- 
 resembling much those of linen; nor, indeed, would one that 
 is not much conversant with the article, be able to distinguish; 
 whether they are made of hemp or flax ; and any one who 
 had never seen hemp would take the garment to be of linen, 
 
 75 The Scythians taking, accordingly, some of the seed of the 
 hemp plant, creep under the blankets and scatter it on the 
 red-hot stones : the seed thus scattered smokes, and produces 
 such a vapour as no Grecian stove can exceed : the Scythians,, 
 delighted with the effect, utter loud howlings. This stands them 
 instead of a bath ; for they never by any chance wash their 
 bodies in water. 5 Their women pound upon a hard stone, pour- 
 would, therefore, preserve the comma 3 See note 2, p. 280. 
 
 after TOVTOV, and with Schweighaeuser 4 This vase was used to burn hemp 
 
 give the following construction : kviav seed, as Herodotus informs us in c. 75,, 
 
 fteXaffhxri %v\ov opObvirapa TT)V aicai'- the intervening chapter being a de- 
 
 6av fitxP 1 T0 *> rpaxri\ov iicaffTov ve- scription of the hemp plant. 
 
 Kpov, KUTiaOtv t (in the sense of yap, * There is no doubt that this was- 
 
 quum, see Matthiae, Or. Gramm. p, done by the Scythians in order to- 
 
 95Q,)vTrepixti(fiipo)TovKv\ov TOVTOV, procure that state of drunkenness to 
 
 re (in the sense of TOVTO, i. e. TOVTO TO which all savage nations are so much- 
 
 ptpoe TOV u\ov) TOjyvuoixri ec Toppov inclined : the historian mistook the 
 
 TOV tTtpov %v\ov, K. T. \. Translat. object. The hasisha al fokara, which 
 
 1 I have endeavoured to express the consists of the leaves and seeds of the 
 
 force of iirl in the verb iinaT^ffavTtq. hemp plant, are much used in the east 
 
 9 1 do not see the necessity of add- as a substitute for opium, and deplo- 
 
 ing the words " with a kind of soap," rable objects are frequently seen in 
 
 more here than in ii. 37, SiafffiwvTtG the towns of Turkey burthened with 
 
 (ra iroTTjpia} or in iii. 148, i%icrfiuv TO. diseases produced by the use of that 
 
 irorripia. plant. I copy from Sacy's Chresto-
 
 MELPOMENE. 70. 
 
 303 
 
 ng on, at the same time, water, pieces of Cyprus, cedar and 
 frankincense tree; and, when pounded, spread the mixture, 
 which is thick, 1 over their faces and the whole of their bodies 
 Oy tins means a good scent is communicated to them, and 
 likewise, when they take off the poultice on the following day' 
 they are clean and shining. 
 
 These people, likewise, have the greatest aversion for 76 
 foreign usages, in fact, one tribe abhors the customs of an- 
 other, and most particularly those of the Grecians, 2 as Ana- 
 charsis's example has shewn, and again, subsequently, that of 
 bcyles. For 3 Anacharsis, after visiting a great part of the 
 world, and exhibiting 4 many proofs of his wisdom, was return- 
 ing to the seats of the Scythians, up the Hellespont, when he 
 touched at, Cyzicus, and finding 5 the inhabitants celebrating 
 in a magnificent manner the festival in honour of the mother 
 of the gods; thereupon Anacharsis made a vow to the mother 
 of the gods, that "should he arrive back to his home safe and in 
 " health, he would sacrifice and establish a vigil in her honour, 
 " after the same manner as he saw those of Cyzicus were 
 " doing:" on his arrival into .Scythia, having hidden himself 
 
 mathie Arabe, ii. 155, the following 
 ordinance, published to the French 
 army soon after the opening of the 
 Egyptian campaign. 
 
 " 1. The Use of a strong liquor manu- 
 factured by some Mussulmen from a 
 certain strong herb called hasish, as 
 also the practice of smoking hemp 
 seed, are prohibited throughout Egypt. 
 Those that are in the habit of drinking 
 the above liquor, and smoking the 
 aforesaid seeds, lose their senses, and 
 fall into violent delirium, which often 
 leads them to commit all kinds of 
 excesses. 
 
 "2. The distillation of the hasish 
 is prohibited throughout Egypt : the 
 doors of the coffee houses, public or 
 private dwellings, in which it may be 
 retailed, shall be walled up, and the 
 proprietors shall be condemned to 
 three months' prison. 
 
 " 3. All the bundles of hasisk 
 that may be brought to the custom 
 houses shall be confiscated and pub- 
 licly burnt." 
 
 I am sorry to see that the smoking 
 of the hasish, that is to say, of a sort 
 of paste (called chillum) made by the 
 Turks from hemp seed and opium, is 
 becoming fashionable in this country, 
 particularly among young men. This 
 will account for the insertion of a 
 
 note which is rather inconsistent with 
 the plan of illustration that I have 
 hitherto followed. Translat. 
 
 J See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 608, 
 or sect. 423, 5. 
 
 2 The construction of this passage 
 presents several difficulties. 1st. The 
 use of ijKiara, where we should have 
 suspected the writer would have used 
 [idXiffTa. 2nd. The meaning of the 
 parenthetical clause,/u/ n ye dXXijXwj/. 
 Werfer and Schweighaeuser account 
 for the use of tJKiora by regarding 
 (ptvyuvasone of those verbs mentioned 
 by Matthiae, p. 801, which take the 
 infinitive with pi) ; this being granted, 
 one can easily see why the historian 
 says xpd<r0fM Qtvyovai 'E\\t)viicolai 
 ijKtffra, when, according to the struc- 
 ture of most languages, /idXicrra might 
 bethoughtmore proper. With regard to 
 the second difficulty, it remains hither- 
 to unconquered ; if we read fif] rot 
 yt 5>v aXXwr, the construction be- 
 comes comparatively easy. I have 
 followed the interpretation of Larcher 
 and Schweighaeuser, although by no 
 means satisfactory. Transhit. 
 
 3 TOVTO plv, which is answered by 
 TroXXotfft Si KUftra erfffi, K. T. X. at the 
 beginning of c. 78. Schtceig. 
 
 4 KO.T avrf/v, i. e. yijv, ibi. 
 
 * yap. SeeMatt.Gr.Graimu.p.950.
 
 304- MELPOMENE. 77, 78. 
 
 in the region called Hylaea, (this part of the country is situate 
 near the Race of Achilles, and is completely covered with all 
 kinds of trees,) Anacharsis, having, I say, hidden himself in 
 this region, celebrated the whole festival in honour of the 
 goddess, having cymbals, and suspending from his person 
 statues. One of the Scythians seeing him act in this manner, 
 intimated the circumstance to the king Saulius ; the latter 
 having come up in person, and seeing Anacharsis performing 
 the ceremonies, hurled an arrow and killed him. And, at the 
 present day, if any one inquires respecting Anacharsis, the 
 Scythians deny they know him, by reason of his having 
 migrated into Greece, and adopted foreign customs. But, as 
 I heard from Ti nines,- the guardian of Ariapithes, he was 1 uncle 
 by the father's side to Idanthyrsus, king of the Scythians, and 
 son of Gnurus, grandson of Lycus, and great grandson of 
 Spargapithes; if, therefore, Anacharsis was of that family, it 
 is evident * he must have been slain by his own brother ;- for 
 
 77 Idanthyrsus was son of Saulius. I have, however, heard 
 another account, which is given by the Peloponnesians, stating 
 that Anacharsis, having been despatched by the king of the 
 Scythians, became a disciple of the Greeks ; and, on his return 
 back, declared to the prince who had sent him, that all the 
 Grecians applied to all kinds of knowledge except the Lace- 
 demonians ; and that they only had the faculty of giving and 
 accepting counsel with prudence. But this account is given 
 by the Greeks alone, being feigned without authority; this 
 man, therefore, met with his death in the manner described 
 above; so that he thus suffered from using foreign customs 
 and communicating with the Greeks. 
 
 78 Very many years after, Scyles the son of Ariapithes shared 
 nearly the same fate as this Anacharsis. Among the other 
 children of Ariapithes, king of the Scythians, was Scyles : this 
 latter was born of a woman from the town of Istria, 3 not of a 
 native ; his mother taught him herself the Greek tongue and 
 letters. Some time after, Ariapithes was treacherously slain 
 by Spargapithes, king of the Agathyrsi ; and Scyles succeeded 
 to the empire, and married his father's wife Opoea ; this Opoea 
 was a native, and by her Ariapithes had had a son, Orient 
 Though ruling over the Scythians, Scyles delighted not in the 
 Scythian mode of life, but was much more inclined to the 
 usages of the Grecians, in consequence of the education he had 
 received. He was wont to act in the following manner : 
 
 1 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm.p. 813, 3 A city of the Milesians, near the 
 
 or sect. 538, 2. mouth of the Danube. See Geog. 
 
 * t<rrw, " let him know he was Index to Herodotus, 
 killed by his. own brother."
 
 MELPOMENE. 79. 305 
 
 whenever lie brought his army of Scythians near the city of 
 the Borysthemtae, (these Borysthenae themselves state that 
 they are of Milesian extraction,) whenever, I say, Scylas came 
 to them, he would leave his army in the suburb, and as soon 
 as he had entered within the place, he would have the gates 
 closed, and then, casting aside his Scythian garb, assume a 
 Grecian dress : in this array he would l walk about the market 
 place, unaccompanied by guards or any other person ; mean- 
 while they kept watch at the gates, lest any of the Scythians 
 should behold him wearing that dress : he adopted in various 
 particulars the Grecian mode of life, and performed cere- 
 monies in honour of the gods, according to the institutions of 
 the Greeks. After he had spent a month or more, he would 
 again assume the Scythian costume, and so depart. This he 
 was frequently wont to do; he even built himself a house at 
 Borysthenes, and placed therein a wife of the country. 3 But 79 
 as it was fated he should perish, his death happened on the 
 following occasion. He was desirous of being admitted to the 
 mysteries of Bacchus ; as he was on the point of being initiated 
 in the sacred ceremonies, 3 a mighty prodigy took place. Scylas 
 had in the city of the Borysthenitae a residence, consisting of 
 a large house and magnificent range of buildings, (of which I 
 have also made mention just now;) around this edifice stood 
 sphinxes and griffons of white marble ; this residence the deity 
 struck with his shafts, and the whole was burnt to the ground. 
 Scylas, notwithstanding the event, completed the ceremonies 
 of initiation. It must be observed, that the Scythians re- 
 proach the Grecians with their Bacchic extravagancies ; as 
 they assert it is unlikely any god should be found that compels 
 men to commit deeds of madness. When Scylas was initiated 
 in the Bacchic mysteries, some one of the Borysthenitae 
 went over 4 to the Scythians, saying: " You jeer us, 5 Scythi- 
 " ans, because we celebrate bacchanals, and the divinity takes 
 " possession of us: what will you say now that the deity has 
 " possessed himself even of your own king; who now joins the 
 
 ' &v, to express the repetition of the * I read with Schweighaeuser and 
 
 action, Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 924, Schneider SitSpriffnvat, the meaning 
 
 or sect..598, a. ' of which can be more easily guessed 
 
 3 Kai yvvaiica tyrjfit tg avra. This than that of SuirpfiffTivof, particularly 
 
 last word refers to oiicia, " uxorem as Hesychius gives fyairrK, fvgi- 
 
 duxit in istas aedes." Lurcher. tivus, a deserter, a runaway slave, as 
 
 3 aytffOai TI lg xpac signifies to the explanation of Spharrie, Schneider, 
 
 undertake, to commence upon any Gr. Germ. Lex. voc. 
 
 unertae, o commence upon any . . . . 
 
 thing. Schweig. Lex. Herod. Larcher Herodotus uses the expression ad^on 
 
 translates " et qu'on alloit lui mettre KvtpdiroSa, iv. 142. Schweig. 
 
 les choses sacrees eutre les mains." * See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 555, 
 
 I do not think that r\er) is ever or sect. 394, a. 06*. 2. 
 
 taken in the aense of sacred things. 
 
 VOL, r. R r
 
 306 MELPOMENE. 80, 81. 
 
 " bacchanal, and is transported by the god ? If you credit me 
 " not, follow me, and I will point him out to you." The chief 
 men among the Scythians followed this individual, who, lead- 
 ing the way, secretly placed them on the top of a tower; 
 when Scylas passed by with the band of bacchanalians, and the 
 Scythians beheld him join the revels, they regarded it as a very 
 wbful calamity ; they, therefore, withdrew out of the town, 
 and made known to the whole army what they had seen. 
 
 80 When, after this event, Scylas returned home, the Scythians 
 revolted from him, placing at their head his brother Octama- 
 sades, born of the daughter of Tereus. Scylas seeing what 
 was going on against him, and the cause of it, sought refuge 
 in Thrace ; Octamasades, informed of this, led his army 
 against Thrace; when he had reached as far as the banks of 
 the Ister, the Thracians marched out to oppose him ; as they 
 were on the point of joining battle, 1 Sitalces sent to Octama- 
 sades the following message: " Wherefore should you and I 
 " try one another's strength ? You are the son of my sister, 
 " and have my brother; do you deliver him over to me, and I 
 " will resign to you your brother Scylas ; and do not either you 
 " or I hazard the fate of battle." 2 This message Sitalces sent 
 him by means of a herald ; for Octamasades had near his 
 person a fugitive brother of Sitalces : Octamasades assented 
 to this agreement, and delivering up to Sitalces his own ma- 
 ternal uncle, got possession of his brother Scylas : as soon as 
 Sitalces had got possession .of his brother, he marched his 
 army back ; and Octamasades struck off the head of Scylas 
 on the spot. Thus scrupulously do the Scythians observe 
 their institutions, and such the punishment they inflict on 
 those that affect foreign rites. 
 
 81 I have not been able to obtain any accurate intelligence re- 
 specting the populousness of the Scythians, but have heard 
 opposite statements of the number ; as, for instance, from 
 some that they are exceedingly numerous, and, from others, 
 that they are very few, for such a nation as the Scythians : 3 
 the following, however, they exposed to my personal obser- 
 vation. Between the river Borysthenes and the Hypanis, lies a 
 
 1 Understand iut\r\v after avvafyuv. uq yvriaiwQ, or w yvt]diovq) SicuSae 
 
 z Lit. " do not you or I bring our ilvai. The meaning of Herodotus is, 
 
 forces into danger." <rrparij/ being that according to some accounts, the 
 
 equivalent to irtpl trrpartijc. number was represented too small 
 
 3 oc S/cuflcif ilvai. This Larcher (understand icai Kap-a oXiyovc) for a 
 
 translates " a ne compter que les nation which all allow to be very nu- 
 
 veritables Scythes" " if we reckon merous. Schweig. Lex. Herod, roc. 
 
 only the true Scythians;'" but if that wf, iv. See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. 
 
 had been th meaning of Herodotus, p. 823, or sect. 543. 
 
 he would have said, we o\>9fwc, (or
 
 MELPOiMENE. 8284. 307 
 
 country, its name Exampaeus ; of which I have made mention 
 a little before this, when I observed that there arises therein a 
 bitter source, the water flowing from which renders the Hy- 
 panis undrinkable.' In that place lies a brazen vase, six times 
 the size of the bowl at the mouth of the Pontus, dedicated by 
 Pausanias the son of Cleombrotus; he who has not perchance 
 seen this brazen vase, may take the following description : the 
 vase in Scythia holds with ease six hundred amphorae; die 
 thickness of the metal is six fingers. , This vase the natives, 
 accordingly, represent to have been made from arrow-heads ; 
 for their king, whose name was Ariantas, being desirous of 
 ascertaining what was the number of the Scythians, 2 com- 
 manded all of them to bring each the head of an arrow; 
 whoever did not bring one he threatened him with death ; a 
 vast quantity of arrow-heads was, of consequence, brought, 
 and the king determined upon making some memorial with 
 them to leave behind him; wherefore he caused this vase to be 
 made from them, and consecrated at the Exampaeus. Such 
 is what I have heard respecting the number of the Scythians. 
 This country possesses nothing to excite our astonishment 82 
 if we except 3 its streams, which are by far the largest and 
 most numerous ; I will, however, mention one thing deserving 
 of admiration, that it presents, in addition to its rivers and 
 vast plains: the people shew, near the river Tyras, impressed 
 on a rock, the step of Hercules, which is similar to a man's 
 track, but is two cubits in size. Such is the account I had 
 to give ; I now return to the history which I was about to 
 narrate 4 at the beginning. 
 
 Darius having commenced his warlike preparations to in- 33 
 vade the Scythians, and sending messengers with commands 
 to some to contribute troops for the land service, to others to 
 fit out ships, and, lastly, to some to throw a bridge athwart the 
 ThracianBosphorus; Artabauus the son of Hystaspes,whowas 
 brother to Darius, entreated him by no means to lead an expedi- 
 tion against the Scythians, setting forth as a reason the poverty of 
 the Scythians. But, seeing that, despite of his salutary counsel, 
 he could not persuade the king, he desisted : and Darius, when 
 all his preparations had been duly made, marched his army 
 from Susa. At that time, one of the Persians, Oebazus, who 84 
 had three sons, and all in the army, besought Darius to leave 
 him one: the prince replied, that as he was his friend, and 
 
 1 See c 52 fit n\i~i9oc ruv Zicveiuv, ni\ivtiv fttv 
 
 Constr.: '(kvXfytvov yap (ftiyov) (sc. Aptavrdv) i Travrac, . r. \. 
 
 rov ffftTepov jjatrixfcr, rtf ofoopa (&t- * Construction : X "P<C n on ( X "> 
 
 yov) ilvai 'Apiavrav, (/3ovXojUvov) Trora/iovc, K. r. A r- rQmm 
 
 roSrov (a pleonastic structure, fre- tf. See Matthiae, Gr. Cramm. 
 
 quent in the older authors.) tiltvai p. 298, or sect. 211, >
 
 308 MELPOMENE. 85, 86. 
 
 made so moderate a request, he would leave all his sons. 
 Oebazus was accordingly filled with joy, fancying that he had 
 obtained the discharge of his three sons from the campaign : 
 but Darius gave orders to his attendants to put to death all 
 the sons of Oebazus; and the youths having been executed, 
 were left on the spot. 
 
 85 Darius having marched out of Susa, when he had reached 
 to Calchedon on the Bosphorus, where the bridge had been 
 thrown across, went aboard a ship, and sailed up towards the 
 Cyanean rocks, which the Grecians represent to have been in 
 olden times moveable. Seated in the sacred precinct, he 
 beheld the Pontus, a sight truly magnificent; for of all seas 
 this is the most wonderful. Its length is eleven thousand one 
 hundred stades ; its breadth, in its widest part, is three thou- 
 sand three hundred. The embouchure of this sea is four 
 stades broad; the neck which 1 constitutes the length of this 
 embouchure, called the Bosphorus, on which the bridge was 
 made, is one hundred and twenty stades. This BSspho- 
 rus stretches to the Propontis : and the Propontis, which 
 is five hundred stades in breadth, and fourteen hundred in 
 length, discharges its waters into the Hellespont, a strait, 
 seven stades broad in its narrowest part, and four hundred in 
 length. The Hellespont rolls its waters into the broad sea 
 
 86 which we call the Aegean. These measures were taken in the 
 following manner; in the season of the long days a vessel will 
 make generally about seventy thousand orgyiaeway; inthenicrht 
 sixty thousand. 2 Now, reckoning from the embouchure of the 
 Euxme to the Phasis, (and that is the direction in which the 
 Pontus extends most in length) it is a voyage of nine days and 
 eight nights; these make up one million one hundred and ten 
 thousand orygiae; 3 and from these orgyiae proceed eleven 
 thousand one hundred stades. From Sindica to Themiscyre, 
 on the river Thermodon, (and in that direction the Pontus is 
 broadest,) is a voyage of three days and one night, and these 
 make up thirty-three thousand orgyiae, or three thousand 
 three hundred stades. The Pontus, the Bosphorus, and the 
 
 The article ro relates to/^-ocrov circumstances always retard navi<m- 
 
 tfro/wroc, the words o aitf* being, as tion in the dark, the days and nights 
 
 it were, in parentheses. must have been, it would seem, pretty 
 
 3 ^a K pr,^pir,,th a t season of the year nearly equal. Translat 
 
 SJh *i '^a^kjSerthanthe 3 iWa W i^ tff Ka l ixarov 60- 
 
 night*. SchweigLex Herod. If the 7 v^ V : these words Larcher under- 
 
 umbers are right m this chapter, it stands to signify 110,100 orgyiae, he 
 
 ?L alp wed that the h.storian therefore proposes to read La Ka i 
 
 S , T 1D I V6ry lo Se ^oa^puk^ym^butSchweig- 
 manner, the difference between the haeuser proves satisfactorily that both 
 
 ^ aDd ,,! hat , by n ^ ht ' readings are equivalent, and signify 
 one seventh, and, as many 1,110,000 6rygiae
 
 MELPOMENE. 8789. 309 
 
 Hellespont, have been measured in this manner by myself 
 and the result was such as I have said. The Pontus 1 exhibits 
 likewise a lake which discharges its waters into it' and is not 
 much inferior in size; this lake is called Maeotis, and likewise 
 " the mother of the Pontus." 
 
 Darius, having taken a view of the Euxine, sailed back to 87 
 the bridge, the architect of which was Mandrocles of Samoa: 
 after contemplating likewise the Bosphorus, he erected on its 
 shores two pillars of white stone, carving on them inscrip- 
 tions, on the one in the Assyrian language, and on the other 
 in tbe Greek, which gave an account of all the nations 2 he 
 had in his army; and his army consisted of all the nations he 
 ruled over. The total of these in tens of thousands, without 
 reckoning the fleet, was seventy, the horse included : the 
 ships amounted to six hundred. These pillars the Byzantines, 
 subsequently to these events, conveyed to their city," and em- 
 ployed them for an altar to Diana Orthosia, with the excep- 
 tion of one block; which was left near the temple of Bacchus 
 at Byzantium, and is covered with Assyrian letters. The spot 
 of the Bosphorus where king Darius joined the two continents 
 by a bridge, must, as I conjecture, have been half way be- 
 tween Byzantium and the temple at the mouth of the Euxine. 
 Darius, after this, being delighted with the bridge,* pre- 88 
 sented the architect Mandrocles of Samos with ten of every 
 thing: 4 out of which, Mandrocles, having caused to be 
 painted a picture, representing the bridge athwart the Bos- 
 phorus, king Darius seated on an elevated throne, and his 
 army passing over, dedicated it as a firstling in the temple of 
 Juno, adding the following inscription : " Mandrocles, who 
 " threw the bridge across fishy Bosphorus, dedicated this 
 " memorial to Juno; having compassed to himself a crown, 
 " to the Samians glory, by perfecting the work to the mind 
 " of Darius." This was, therefore, the memorial of the man 
 who made the bridge. 
 
 Darius, having rewarded Mandrocles, passed over into 89 
 Europe; but he had previously given orders to thelonians to 
 sail into the Euxine as far as the river Ister ; and when they 
 trad reached the Ister, to throw a bridge across the stream, 
 
 1 6 IlovToz OVTOQ ; this Pontus,pro- derstood. The bridge over the Bos- 
 bably to distinguish it from the neigh- phorus was of boats. 
 
 bouring Hellespont. Schweig. 4 The Greek is ictpfjyaTo iraai 
 
 2 ypdnfiara must be taken in the $e/ca, he made him a present of ten 
 sense of inscriptions, and iQvia con- things of every kind ; that is to say, 
 strued in apposition with ypan^ara. he gave him ten of all the kinds of 
 
 3 oxiStog signifies " temporary ;" things his present consisted of. Lar- 
 when ffxtSii) is used to express a cher. We have met with irac in a si- 
 bridge, the vrord yifvpa must be un> milar sense, i. 50, iii. 18.
 
 310 MELPOMENE. 9093. 
 
 and there await for him ; for the lonians, Aeolians, and Hel- 
 lespontines, were at the head of the naval armament. The 
 fleet, accordingly, having sailed by the Cyanean rocks, steered 
 direct for the Ister ; and having advanced up the stream two 
 days' sail from the sea, threw a bridge across that part 1 of the 
 river where the mouths of the Ister diverge. Meanwhile, 
 Darius, after passing over the Bosphorus on the bridge, ad- 
 vanced through Thrace; and when he arrived at the sources 
 
 90 of the river T earns, encamped for three days. The Tearus 
 is said by the surrounding inhabitants to be the best of 
 streams, in various respects conducive to the cure of disor- 
 ders, but more particularly that it heals the scab in man and 
 horse. Its springs are thirty-eight in number, gushing out 
 of one and the same rock ; some of which are cold, others 
 hot. The distance to these sources is equal from the city of 
 Heraeum, near Perinthus, and from that of Apollonia on the 
 Euxine, each being two days' journey. The Tearus disem- 
 bogues itself into the river Contadesdus; the Contadesdus 
 into the Agrianes ; and the Agrianes into the Hebrus ; which 
 
 91 latter falls into the sea by the town of Aenos. When Darius, 
 therefore, had reached this river, having pitched his camp, 
 and being delighted with the stream, he erected a pillar there 
 likewise, carving on it an inscription, the purport of which 
 was : " The heads of Tearus afford the best and most beauti- 
 " ful waters of all streams ; and the best and most beautiful 
 " of all men, Darius son of Hystaspes, king of the Persians, 
 " and of the whole continent, came to these sources as he was 
 " leading his army against the Scythians." Such accordingly 
 
 92 was the inscription placed here. Marching from hence, Da- 
 rius came to another river, the name of which is the Artis- 
 cus; it flows through the country of the Odryses: accordingly, 
 when he was come to the banks of this river, he acted as fol- 
 lows : having pointed out a particular spot to his army, he 
 gave orders that every man should, as he passed by the de- 
 signated place, cast one stone ; when the army had completed 
 his commands, leaving in this place large heaps of stones, he 
 led his troops forward. 
 
 93 Previously to his arrival on the banks of the Ister, the first 
 people he subdued were the Getae, who call themselves immor- 
 
 signifies, literally, a neck; the body, and the interior sea as the 
 
 hence metaphorically it is applied to head, united by the strait or neck. In 
 
 an isthmus, the continent being re- this passage the word is used to ex- 
 
 garded as the body, and the peninsula press that part of the river where the 
 
 as the head, united by the isthmus or different embouchures branch out like 
 
 neck ; so again it is applied to a so many heads from the main body of 
 
 strait, the main sea being regarded as the stream. See Schu-eig. Lex. Herod.
 
 MELPOMENE. 94, 95. 311 
 
 tal; for thcThracians that inhabit Salmydessus, and those dwell- 
 ing above the cities of Apollonia and Mesambria,whoare named 
 the Scyrmiadae and Nipsaei, gave themselves up to Darius 
 without fighting ; but the Getae, after an obstinate defence, 
 were quickly reduced to slavery; they are the most valiant 
 and equitable of the Thracians. These people pretend to be 94 
 immortal in the following manner: they believe that they 
 never die, but that he who departs this life goes to the genius 
 Zalmoxis; some among them believe that this god is the 
 same with Gebeleizis. Every five years they pitch upon one 
 of their number by lot, whom they despatch as a messenger 
 to this Zalmoxis, commissioning him with what they at the 
 time want : the manner in which they send the messenger 
 is this. Some of them, placed in a line, hold three javelins; 
 while others, laying hold on the hands and feet of the indivi- 
 dual that is to be despatched to Zalmoxis, after swinging him 
 for some time, toss him aloft, so as he may fall on the points 
 of the javelins. If, accordingly, the man is transfixed, and 
 dies, the god is thought to be propitious to them ; if he does 
 not die, they blame the messenger himself, declaring that he 
 must be a wicked man ; after reproaching him, they send an- 
 other, giving him their commissions while he is yet alive. 
 These same Thracians, in case of thunder and lightning, hurl 
 their shafts upwards against heaven, and threaten the god, for 
 they do not believe there is any divinity but their own. As 95 
 I have been informed by the Grecians resident on the Euxine 
 and Hellespont, this Zalmoxis, who was a human being, was 
 a slave at Samos, and in the service of Pythagoras the son of 
 Mnesarchus; afterwards, having obtained his freedom, he 
 amassed great wealth, with which he returned into his own 
 country. Seeing the wretched and gross manner of living 
 among the Thracians, this Zalmoxis, as they narrate, who 
 was acquainted with the Ionian usages, and had better man- 
 ners than those in use among his countrymen, 1 inasmuch as 
 he had been connected with the Grecians, and with Pythago- 
 ras, one of the most profound 2 of the Greek philosophers, 
 erected a hall, in which he was wont to receive and feast the 
 first men among his fellow-citizens, instructing them mean- 
 while, that neither he himself, nor his companions, nor their 
 posterity for ever, would die, but go to some place where they 
 
 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 653, rtje, ptiwis, and which is very com- 
 
 or sect. 449 c. mn in the Greek and Latin authors. 
 
 * The Greek is, ov rtf aoQivMTdry Larcher. See Matthiae, Gr. Gramra. 
 
 oofiary, not the iveakest philosopher. p. 669, or sect. 463. 
 An example of the figure called Xtro-
 
 .-512 MELPOMENE. 96, 97. 
 
 would live to all eternity, in possession of every blessing. At 
 the same time 'he was acting in the manner just described, 
 and giving those instruction, he caused to be made an under- 
 ground chamber ; and-when that was brought to an end, 2 he 
 disappeared from among the Scythians. Going down into the 
 under-ground chamber, he there remained for three years; 
 meanwhile his countrymen lamented and bewailed him as be- 
 ing dead ; but in the fourth year he made his appearance 
 among the Thracians; and so what Zalmoxis had told them 
 
 96 was made credible. Such he is said to have done. With 
 respect to this Zalmoxis, and the under-ground chamber, I 
 do not refuse all belief to what is narrated, neither, on the 
 other hand, do I attach over much credit to it ; for I think 
 this Zalmoxis must have existed many years previously to 
 Pythagoras. Whether Zalmoxis was some man, or that he 
 is some national deity of the Getae, I take my leave of him. 
 The people, however, who observe the ceremony I have des- 
 cribed, being subjugated by the Persians, followed in the 
 train of the army. 
 
 97 When Darius, with his land forces, had reached the bor- 
 ders of the Danube, and all had passed over at the place 
 above-mentioned, he commanded the lonians to unmoor 
 the bridge, 3 and follow him with the crews of the ships on 
 land. But as the lonians were about to break the bridge, 
 and to do as he commanded, Goes the son of Erxandrus, who 
 was the general of the Mitylenians, addressed Darius in thre 
 following words, having previously asked whether it would 
 be agreeable to the prince to receive counsel from one who 
 
 N wished to point out something : " Sire, as 4 thou art about to 
 " lead thine army into a country whereof no part, it is well 
 <{ known, is cultivated, nor is there any inhabited city, do 
 " thou suffer now this bridge to remain where it is, leaving 
 ft as guards over it them who have made it. And if, meet- 
 " ing with the Scythians, we succeed according to our de- 
 " sires, a return is at hand for us ; and again, even should 
 " we not be able to meet with them, still will a safe retreat 
 " be open to us : for I by no means fear our being worsted 
 
 1 lv $ ' - tv TOVT<{>, dum in- s \vffavrac T^V ff\f^ir\v (yi<f>vpav) 
 
 terim. Schweighaeusr, in his Latin " having unfastened the temporary 
 
 version, takes these words as relating bridge." The bridge was made of 
 
 to avtipiwvt, but retracts his opinion boats. 
 
 in the Lex. Herod. 4 yap, used in the sense of which 
 
 2 TtavrikkwQ tfyf, equivalent to we have already" seen so many in- 
 
 iravnXf q r]v. See Matthiae, Gr. stances, Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 950. 
 Gramm. p. 933, or sect. 604.
 
 MELPOMENE. 98, y.9. sis 
 
 " in battle by the Scythians ; but rather, that not being able 
 *' to meet with them, we may suffer in our wanderings. 
 " Haply some one may say that I speak thus for my own 
 " sake, that I may remain ; but I suggest, my lord, that opi- 
 " nion which seems to me the most advantageous ; and, be it 
 " as it may, I myself will follow, nor will I be left behind." 1 
 Darius was mightily pleased with the advice, and answered 
 him thus : " My Lesbian host, when I am returned safe back 
 " to my home, fail not to appear before me, so that I may 
 " repay thee by my good services for thy good counsel." 
 Having so said, and made sixty knots in a strop, he convened 93 
 the tyrants of the lonians to council, and addressed them in 
 the following words : ''Men of Ionia, 2 1 retract the resolution 
 " which I first made known to you with respect to the 
 " bridge; keep this strop, and do as follows : as soon as you 
 " see I have departed against the Scythians, commencing 
 " from that time, unfasten one knot every day; and if, during 
 " that time, I do not appear, and as many days as there are 
 " knots are gone by, do you sail back to your own country;' 
 " but till that time, for such, on second thoughts, is my de- 
 " termination, do you guard the bridge with all care and vi- 
 " gilance; by so doing, you will much gratify me." Darius, 
 having so spoken, hastened his march forwards. 
 
 The part of Thrace that extends to the sea lies before the 99 
 Scythian territory ; * where the country bends inwards to 
 form a bay 5 Scythia succeeds, and into that latter territory 
 the Ister rolls its waters, directing its embouchure towards 
 the south-east. Reckoning from the Ister, I now proceed to 
 give a sketch of the dimensions of the Scythian territory 
 along the shore : 6 from the Ister commences Old Scythia, 7 ly- 
 ing towards the south, as far as the city called Carcinites; from 
 
 1 av \u<j>9einv. See Matthiae, Gr. tchcre the gulf of Thrace terminates." 
 Gramm. p. 756, or sect. 514, 3. Schweighaeuser explains it, " ubi si- 
 
 2 Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 6'20, or nus ducitur hujus regionis, (i. e. ubi 
 sect. 430, 7. in sinnm circumducitur haec regio,) 
 
 3 Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 672. or ibi Thraciam excipit Scythia." 
 
 sect. 466 i. 6 I proceed to describe the part of 
 
 4 This 'sentence admits of two con- Scythia with regard to measure. lc 
 structions; first, ; ep?/iKjj (KCITO) TO ii'eTprjffiv, Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 
 lg OdXaaffav TrpoKarai rijs SicvOucTJc 886. 
 
 yr/e, that part of Thrace that goes * a.^air\ ^KvBiKrj, that is to gay, 
 
 down to the sea lies before Scythia. Old Scythia, the territory occupied 
 
 Second, rj Qpr}i K r) TrpoKttrai rije SKV- by the Scythians previously to their 
 
 OiKiJe vijc ( K ard) TO is 6a\affffav, expulsion of the Cimmerians, and the 
 
 Thrace lies before that part of Scythia extension of their frontiers eastward, 
 
 that extends to the sea. Schweig. Placing one's self at the 
 
 5 KoXirov Sk ayonivov K. T.\. The north extremity of Scythia, and turn- 
 meaning of this is by no means clear, ing one's face towards the Chersone- 
 Larcher translates, " a 1'endroit ou stis Taurica, or Crimea, Scythis w.jU 
 finit le golfe d Thrace, at fhe spot li to the soutib. Larcher, 
 
 VOL. I. S S
 
 314 MELPOMENE. 100,101. 
 
 this latter place, the country leading down to the sea, which 
 is mountainous, and stretches out into the Pontus, is occupied 
 by the Tauric tribe as tar as the Chersonesus Trachea ; * 
 which last extends to the eastern sea; 2 tor two portions of the 
 confines of Scythia go down to the sea, one to that of the 
 south, and the other to that of the east, as is the case with 
 Attica ; and the Tauri occupy a portion of Scythia pretty 
 nearly, as if some other nation, and not the Athenian, inha- 
 bited the Simian promontory, where its cape projects farthest 
 into the sea, from the Thoric district to that of Anaphlystus; 
 this, I say, comparing small things with great; such is the 
 Tauric region, For the satisfaction of those that have not 
 sailed around those parts of Attica, I will explain by another 
 example; it is, then, as if in lapygia, another nation, and not 
 the lapyges, beginning at port Brundusium, should divide 
 the country as far as Tarentum, and occupy the promontory; 
 I mention those two only, though I could name many other 
 
 100 places to which Taurica might be compared. 3 From Taurica 
 the Scythians occupy the country above the Tauri, and the 
 parts to the eastern sea, which lie westward of the Cimmerian 
 Bosphorus and the Pal us Maeotis, as far as the river Tanais, 
 which discharges itself into an arm of that lake. So that from 
 the Ister, in the parts running inland, Scythia is enclosed 
 first by the Agathyrsi, next by the Neuri ; after these, by the 
 
 101 Androphagi; and lastly, by the Melanchlacni. Scythia, being 
 nearly four-cornered, two of its parts, stretching to the sea, 4 is 
 equal in the dimension running upland, and that extending 
 along the sea: for from the Ister to the Borysthenes is a ten 
 days' journey; from the Borysthenes to the Palus Maeotis is 
 likewise ten days'; and from the sea upland to the Melan- 
 chlaeni, situate above the Scythians, is twenty days' journey. 
 
 1 Herodotus is not here speaking being either included or excluded. 
 
 of a peninsula, but of a Greek city Translat. 
 
 which bore 'lie name of Chersonesus 3 Larcher is of opinion that Hero- 
 Trachea. Stephanus Byzant. says so dotus means by the eastern sea that 
 expressly, and even quotes this pas- portion of the Euxine east, in relation 
 sage of our historian. Lurcher. It to Scythia, beginning at the Ister. 
 must, however, be observed, with Others are of opinion that he meant 
 Schweighaenser, that KUTTIKIIV can the Palus Maeotis. 
 be predicated only of n country, and 3 This is equivalent toYvo it Xrywi' 
 that the city of Chersonesus stood on rat'Tn, 7ro\\a d\\n \i--yio Trapo/iota, 
 the western part of the peninsula ; oif toine -f} TavptK-f]. Scluceiff. 
 whereas Herodotus says of the Cher- 4 TMV f-vo jwtpewv Karqirovrav f'c; 
 sonesus Trachea, that f'c 8a\mf>ar Ca\arrcrar ; this Larcher translates, 
 rr/i' Trpoc fnri)\i('orr))' eivipov Kftrrjicfi. " et deux de ses cotes (a mistake of 
 The reader must likewise remember, the press, probably, foi* colts,} s'eten- 
 that fiix9 L expresses a boundary of f^nt le long de la mer." J'eloe has 
 time, place, or number, that boundary given a similar translation, without, I 
 
 think, sufficient authority. Trrtnilnj.
 
 MELPOMENE. 101. 
 
 One day's journey I compute at two hundred stades;, so that 
 the extent of Scythia crossways is four thousand stades; and 
 upways leading inland the same number of stades; such is 
 this country with regard to its extent. 1 
 
 1 The description, or, rather, rough 
 outline given by Herodotus in these 
 three chapters, presents very great 
 difficulties. The translators and com- 
 mentators seem to take for granted 
 that the historian considered Scythia 
 as having two sides, each of twenty 
 days' length, on the sea, the south 
 side stretching along the Euxine, and 
 the east along the Pal us Maeotis, 
 which Herodotus, say they, regarded 
 as forming a right angle with the 
 
 Androplagi 
 
 Euxine at the isthmus of the Cherso- 
 nesus (Crimea:) now it is ascertained 
 that the coasts of the Euxine and 
 Palus Maeotis, far from forming any 
 thing like a right angle, run pretty 
 nearly in one and the same direction, 
 that is to say, from south south-west 
 to north north-east. I think, however, 
 that the historian may be cleared of 
 the charge of ignorance in this in- 
 stance, as in many others. 
 
 I suppose that Herodotus, when he 
 -wrote this description, imagined him- 
 self standing somewhere near the 
 mouth of the Borysthenes ; the Eux- 
 ine, stretching before him to the Thra- 
 cian Bosphorus, he would naturally 
 call the southern sea; the Palus Mae- 
 otis, stretching on his left hand, he 
 would as naturally call the eastern 
 sea. Having described the bounda- 
 ries of Scythia, in the direction of the 
 sea from the Ister to the Tanais, and 
 given his reader an idea of the terri- 
 tory occupied by the Tauri, he enu- 
 merates the inland boundaries. He 
 then tells us that Scythia forms a 
 square, of which two parts go down 
 to the sea, one to the Euxine, another 
 to the Palus Maeotis ; these two 
 parts of the quadrangle are marked 
 
 in the wood-cut a&, be : the direc- 
 tion irapu ri]v QaXaaffav, I take to be 
 etc; he certainly cannot mean literally, 
 the way along the coast, for Herodo- 
 tus having, at any rate, been to Ex- 
 ampaeus, (see c. 81) must surely have 
 been aware of the indentures of the 
 shore : airb rov''lorpov must mean, I 
 think, from the extreme point of the 
 Ister within the territory of the Scy- 
 thians, that is to say, the place where 
 the Ister first touches the country of 
 Scythia ; from thence, the shortest 
 way, to some part of the Borysthenes, 
 say the point b, was ten days' jour- 
 ney : in the same line, leaving to the 
 right the Tauri, to the Palus Maeotis 
 (including that part of the shore oc- 
 cupied at the eastern extremity of the 
 lake by the Scythians,) was another
 
 316 MELPOMENE. 102 10 j. 
 
 102 THE Scythians, taking into consideration that they were 
 not strong enough alone to repel Darius's army in a drawn 
 battle, despatched ambassadors to the neighbouring people; 
 the kings of whom consequently met and held council, seeing 
 that the invading army was numerous. The kings that as- 
 sembled were the following; those respectively of the Tauri, 
 the Agathyrsi, Neuri, Androphagi, Melanchlaeni, Geloni, 
 
 103 Budini, and Sauromatae. The Tauri, one of these nations, 
 use the following institutions. They offer up to Iphigenia' 
 those that are wrecked, and such of the Grecians as they can 
 lay hands on, being driven on their shores; the sacrifice is 
 performed thus; having completed the preparatory ceremo- 
 nies, 2 they strike the victim on the head with a club : and 
 then, according to the account of some, they hurl the body 
 from the cliff, (for the temple stands on a precipice,) and ex- 
 pose the head on a pole; others, however, agreeing in what 
 is said respecting the head, deny that the body is rolled down 
 the cliff, but assert that it is buried under ground. The ge- 
 nius to whom they offer sacrifice is, as the Tauri themselves 
 assert, Iphigenia the daughter of Agamemnon. To such of 
 their enemies as fall into their hands, they do as follows ; 
 having cut off the head, the Taurian takes it to his own house; 
 and then sticking it on a long pole, raises it very high above 
 the house, and even higher than the chimney; these they stick 
 up, according to their own representation, as guards over the 
 whole household. These people live by plunder and war. 
 
 104- The Agathyrsi are the most effeminate* of men, and generally 
 wear golden ornaments ; they frequent their females in com- 
 mon, to the end that they may be all relations, and belonging 
 all to one family, neither jealousy nor hatred should arise 
 among them ; in their other institutions they nearly resemble 
 
 105 the Thracians. The Neuri have the same usages as the 
 Scythians. One generation previous to the expedition of 
 Darius, they were compelled 4 to abandon the whole of their 
 
 ten days' journey, making the dimen- bogues into the Palus Maeotis. 
 
 sion of Scythia ( pa TI)V OaXafffrav, Translat. 
 
 or rd tTTiKapffia,) marked in the cut ' ry ITapflevy. This virgin, as we 
 ac, twenty days' journey. From the are informed at the end of the chap- 
 shore to the north boundaries, or, as ter, was Iphigenia the daughter of 
 Herodotus expresses it, from the sea Agamemnon. 
 
 to the Melanchlaeni, in the direction 3 k-arcrp2;a/t>ot. See p. 290, note 1. 
 
 (ra opflia) c/, for instance, was likewise 3 This epithet does not, one would 
 
 twenty days' journey. I conclude, think, apply to a nation that acted 
 
 therefore, that in the Scythian paral- with go much readiness and vigour, 
 
 lelogram, three sides were inland, and when the Scythians applied to them 
 
 the fourth ran north north-east from for assistance. 
 
 the spot where the Ister enters Scy- 4 See p. 174, note 1. 
 tfaia to that whre the Tanais disem-
 
 MELPOMENE. I06-10(). 317 
 
 territory, by reason of a vast quantify of serpents ; a great 
 number of which their own soil produced, although the 
 greater portion attacked them from the deserts higher up, 
 until being overcome, the inhabitants, abandoning their own 
 country, withdrew to that of the Budini. It would appear 
 that these men are 1 magicians; for it is said 2 by the Scythians 
 and Greeks established in Scythia, that once in every year 
 each of the Neuri becomes a wolf for a few days, and then 
 returns again to his first shape; the Scythians cannot make 
 me believe these tales; they, nevertheless, assert them, ac- 
 companying their assertions with oaths. The Androphagi 106 
 have the most savage custom of all nations ; neither distri- 
 buting justice, nor having any laws : they are nomades, and 
 wear garments similar to the Scythians; they have a distinct 
 language, 3 and are the only man-eaters of all these tribes. 
 The Melanchlaeni all wear black garments, from whence they 107 
 take their appellation ; they observe the Scythian usages. 
 The Budini, who are a large and numerous people, are all 108 
 over of a deep sea-green and red colour. 4 There is a wooden 
 city built in their land, the name of which is Gelonus ; the 
 dimensions of the wall on each side are thirty stades; it is 
 lofty, and all constructed of wood ; their houses and sacred 
 buildings are likewise of wood ; for there are in that place 
 temples erected to the Grecian gods, provided after the Gre- 
 cian fashion with images and altars and wooden naves ; the 
 inhabitants likewise celebrate triennial festivals to Bacchus, 
 and perform bacchanalians. The Geloni are, in fact, origi- 
 nally Grecians; and having been driven from the staples, 
 came to settle among the Budini ; they also have a language 
 partly Scythian and partly Greek. The Budini do not use 109 
 the same dialect with the Geloni, nor is their mode of living 
 the same ; for the Budini, being aborigines, are nomades, and 
 the only ones of those in that quarter that devour lice ; 
 whereas the Geloni cultivate the soil, eat corn, and possess 
 gardens ; nor are they at all similar to the Budini, whether 
 in countenance or in colour. The Budini are, nevertheless, 
 improperly called Geloni by the Greeks. Their country is 
 wholly covered with all kinds of trees; and in the most woody 
 part of the forest lies a large and spacious lake, around which 
 
 iv dvai. This expres- 3 See Matthiae,Gr.Gramm. p. 947, 
 
 sion is very common in Plato and or sect. 012, iii. 
 
 Xenophon. KivSvvivu ffofos TIQ iivai, 4 This is understood by some to be 
 
 " It appears he- is a philosopher." the natural colour of the eyes, hajr, 
 
 Plat, in Eutyph. quoted by Larcher. and skin ; by others it is taken to al- 
 
 See Viger, p. 358. lude to the substances with which 
 
 8 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 812, they smeared their bodies. 
 or sect. 538, i.
 
 318 MELPOMENE. 110112. 
 
 are marshes and reeds: in this lake otters and beavers are 
 caught, and another sort of animal with a four-cornered head, 
 the skins of which are sewed on as a flounce to their garments; 
 and whose testicles are useful in the cure of hysteric diseases. 
 
 110 The following account is given respecting the Sauromatae. 
 When the Grecians had fought against the Amazons, (the 
 Scythians call the Amazons, Oeorpata; a name which signi- 
 fies, in our language, Man-slayers; for the Scythians call a 
 man Oeor, and to kill, Pata,) then, as the report goes, the 
 Grecians, having beaten them in the battle of the Thermo- 
 don, sailed away, having aboard of three vessels as many of 
 the Amazons as they could take prisoners ; when at sea, the 
 Amazons fell on the men, and cut them to pieces: they knew 
 nothing, however, of navigation, and could use neither the 
 rudder, the sails, nor the oars ; but after putting the men to 
 death, were borne away at the will of wind and tide ; and 
 reached Cremni on the Palus Maeotis : now Cremni belongs 
 to the territory of the free Scythians ; these descending from 
 their ships, the Amazons advanced into the inhabited land ; 
 and seized the first stud of horses they fell in with, and mount- 
 ing on their backs, pillaged the property of the Scythians. 
 
 111 The Scythians were at a loss to account for the occurrence, 
 as they knew neither the language, the garb, nor the nation, 
 but were in amazement from whence they could have come ; 
 taking them to be men of one and the same stature, 1 they pre- 
 pared accordingly to give them battle; after the fight, the Scy- 
 thians got possession of the dead bodies, and so ascertained that 
 they were women. Having held council, they consequently re- 
 solved by no means to kill any more of those females, but to 
 send to them their own young men, in equal numbers to that 
 of the women: they determined that these young men should 
 encamp near the Amazons, and do whatever they did ; and 
 if the women pursued them, they were not to fight, but re- 
 tire, and when they stopped, the youths were to go and en- 
 camp near them: such was the resolution of the Scythians, 
 
 112 who wished to procure children by those women. The 
 youths that had been despatched acted according to their 
 orders : and the Amazons, when they found out that the 
 youths had not come with any intention of injuring them, 3 
 suffered them to remain undisturbed. They drew their camps 
 nearer and nearer every day ; the young men, as well as 
 
 1 That is to say, I think, " taking riority of their stature. Larcher and 
 
 them to belong to a race of men of a Coray prove satisfactorily that rj\iKta 
 
 diminutive stature:" if the Amazons signifies stature. Translat. 
 had been mixed with men, they might 2 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 900. 
 
 have guessed their sex from the inie- or sect. 585, /5, second paragraph.
 
 MELPOMENE. 113, 114. 319 
 
 the Amazons, bad nothing besides their arms and horses; 
 but procured their living- by plunder and chase like the Ama- 
 zons. The Amazons were wont to act in the following man- 113 
 ner every noon ; they would go in a scattered manner, in 
 parties of one or two, separate from one another, for the pur- 
 pose of easing the wants of nature; the Scythians, when they 
 saw this, did the same ; and one among them drew near to 
 one of the Amazons, who were thus alone ; nor did she resist 
 his approach ; on the contrary, she permitted the youth to 
 enjoy her person. She could not speak, as they did not un- 
 derstand one another's language; but she made signs with 
 her hands that he should return the next day to the same 
 spot, and bring a companion with him, giving him to under- 
 stand, in the same manner, that there would be two Amazons, 
 as she herself would bring another. The youth, having gone 
 his ways, mentioned the circumstance to the. rest; and on the 
 following day he not only went himself to the place, but like- 
 wise took another with him, and found the Amazon waiting 
 for him, with another 1 companion. The rest of the young 
 men, understanding this, coupled themselves 2 with the rest of 
 the Amazons. Afterwards, uniting both camps, they dwelt 114- 
 together, each keeping possession of the woman with whom 
 he had connected himself at the first. The men were unable 
 to acquire the language of the women, but the women learnt 
 that, of the men. When they could understand one another, 
 the men addressed the Amazons thus: "We have parents 
 " and property ; let us, therefore, no longer follow this mode 
 " of lite, but, returning to our people, live with them. You 
 " we will have for our wives, and none others." To this the 
 Amazons replied : " We could never live with your women ; 
 " for our usages and theirs are not the same; we shoot the 
 " bow, hurl the javelin, and mount the horse, nor do we at- 
 " tend to womanly labours ; whereas your women do none of 
 " the things we have enumerated, but apply to female works, 
 " abiding in their waggons, going neither to the chase nor 
 " elsewhere; hence we could never agree with them. But if 
 " you choose to have us for wives, and to shew yourselves 
 "just, go to your parents, receive your share of the patri- 
 " mony, and then come back, and let us live by ourselves." 
 The young men followed the advice, and acted accordingly ; 
 and when, after receiving what fell to their share of the 
 
 ' SeeMatthiae.Gr.Gramm.p. 681, tomed to the shepherd's hand, and 
 
 or sect 472 12 was tame, KTt'Xoo came to be used ad- 
 
 kr.Xwffavr'o, lit. " tamed to them- jectively, to signify any tame animal. 
 
 selves." This word comes from ri\oc, Hence the verb KrtXovv. Lnrchtr. 
 !\ ram. As that animal wa ncciia-
 
 320 .MELPOMENE. 116118. 
 
 patrimony, 1 they were returned back to the Amazons, the 
 women addressed them in the following words : " We are 
 " terrified and alarmed 2 at the idea of being obliged to abide 
 " in this land, having both deprived you of your parents, and 
 " much ravaged your territories. But, since you vouchsafe 
 "to have us for wives, join us in acting as follows: let us 
 " withdraw from this country, and go and dwell on the other 
 116 " side of the Tanais." This counsel also the young men 
 adopted ; wherefore, crossing the Tanais, they advanced to- 
 wards the rising sun three days' march from the river, and 
 three days' distance likewise from the Palus Maeotis to the 
 north : having arrived in the country where they now dwell, 
 they there established themselves. Hence it is that the women 
 of the Sauromatae follow their ancient practice, going out on 
 horseback to the chase both in the company of their husbands 
 and apart from them, joining in war, and wearing the same 
 
 117 garb as the men. The Sauromatae use the Scythian lan- 
 guage, although they have corrupted it 3 from a very early 
 period, inasmuch as the Amazons did not acquire it perfectly. 
 Their institutions in respect to marriage are as follow : no 
 virgin is married till such time as she may have slain an 
 
 - enemy ; so that some among them die of old age, without 
 being married, not being able to fulfil the condition. 
 
 118 The ambassadors of the Scythians having, therefore, 4 come 
 to the assembled sovereigns of the above-mentioned nations, 
 informed them that the king of Persia, now that all the parrs 
 of the other continent were subject to him, had thrown a 
 bridge athwart the strait of the Bosphorus, and passed over 
 into Europe; and that, having passed over and subdued the 
 Thracians, he was now throwing a bridge over the river Ister, 
 in the intention of reducing all those parts likewise to his 
 empire. " Do not you, therefore, by any means stand aloof, 
 " and suffer us to be destroyed ; but let us unanimously 
 " march to oppose the invader. Should you refuse to act in 
 " this manner, oppressed, as we shall be, we must cither for- 
 " sake our country, or, abiding, must capitulate ; indeed, 
 " what else can we do,* if you refuse to lend us help? Still 
 
 1 r&v KTrmarvv TO iirifiaXXov. 4 The historian nrw resumes the 
 
 Understand /wpoc. thread of the history which he had 
 
 % 06/3oc is a sudden fright, otof the interrupted at c. 103,. to give a slight 
 
 permanent dread of some future evil, description of the nations adjoining 
 
 See Amm. in the Append, to Scap. the Scythians. 
 
 Lex. s ri yap vaQwiifv. See Matthiae, 
 
 3 ffoXom'Sovrfc. ai'ry, lit. "speak- Gr. Gramra. p. 759, or sect. 515, j. 
 ing it corruptly, making solecisms in 
 it."
 
 MELPOMENE. 119, 120. 321 
 
 " with von it will not fare the better thence; for the Persian 
 marches not less against you than against us ; nor will he, 
 " having subjected us, be content to let you escape. Of this 
 " we will mention to you one great proof: had the Persian 
 " led his forces against us alone, for the purpose of being 
 " avenged of the ancient thraldom, it would have become 
 " him to have refrained from attacking all other nations, and 
 " so march into our territories ; thus might he have proved 
 " to all that his expedition was directed against the Scythians, 
 " and none others : whereas no sooner had he passed over 
 " into this continent, than he began uniformly to subject all 
 " he fell in with : and, among others, holds in subjection the 
 *' Thracians, and even our nearest neighbours,, the Getae." 
 The Scythians, having made this representation, the different 119 
 kings who had cbme from those nations held council ; their 
 opinions were divided ; the respective sovereigns of the Ge- 
 ]oni, the Budini, and the Sauromatae, unanimously promised 
 to give assistance to the Scythians ; while those of the Aga- 
 thyrsi, Neuri, Androphagi, and those of the Melanchlaeni 
 and Tauri, returned the following answer to the Scythians : 
 " Had not you been the first to commit deeds of injustice 
 " against the Persians, and to begin war, you would have 
 " been regarded by us, in making the request you now make, 
 "as asking only what is just, and we, attending to your l 
 " prayer, would act with you. 1 But now you have invaded 
 " the land of those people without our consent, and held the 
 " Persians in bondage so long as the divinity permitted you; 
 " and they, now that the same divinity stirs them, are about 
 " to pay you like for like. We did not at that time injure 
 <{ these meu, neither will we now attempt to be the first ag- 
 " gressors. Nevertheless, should their army invade our ter- 
 " ritories, and commence hostilities, we will not yield ; but, 
 *' until we see that, we will abide in our own states ; for it is 
 " our opinion the Persians do not come to attack us, but 
 " those who were the original causes of hostility." 
 
 The Scythians, understanding this from the report of their 120 
 ambassadors, determined upon not hazarding open battle, 
 since those nations would not join them in the war ; but, re- 
 treating, and driving away their cattle, to fill in the wells and 
 springs they passed by, and to destroy the herbage on the 
 land, dividing themselves into two bodies. One portion of 
 
 ' TUVTO av vpTiv tTrpr/ffffo/wv., lit. corrects the Latin versioH which he 
 " we would do the same as you." had given. 
 Schweighaeuser, in the Lex. Herod. 
 
 VOL. J, T t
 
 MELPOMENE. 121123. 
 
 the Scythians, 1 over which Scopasis commanded, was to be 
 joined to the Sauromatae, and to march, retiring straight to- 
 wards the. river Tanais, along the Palus Maeoti>, in case the 
 king of Persia should take that direction ; and when the Per- 
 sian led his forces back, to come up in his rear. One portion 
 of the Royal Scythians 2 was thus stationed on the road I have 
 mentioned : the other two portions of the Royal Scythians, 
 the great one commanded by Idanthyrsns, and the third com- 
 manded by Taxacis, collected into one body, and joined to the 
 Budini and Geloni, were to keep one day's march a-head of the 
 Persians, and retreating likewise, act according tc what should 
 be determined on in council. They were, accordingly, in the 
 first place, to withdraw the forces straight on the lands of 
 those who had refused their assistance to oppose the invaders, 
 so as to implicate them likewise in the war, to the end that, 
 though they would not of themselves take a portion in the 
 war against the Persians, they might be compelled so to do 
 even against their will. When they had so done, they were 
 to wheel back on their own country, and give battle to the 
 
 121 enemy, if it should be so determined in council. The Scy- 
 thians, having thus deliberated, marched against the army of 
 Darius, sending forward as a vanguard the besl of their 
 horse; the waggons in which their children and women lived, 
 as well as all their cattle, (reserving only so much as was 
 necessary for their own food,) they sent away, with orders 
 that they should proceed uniformly in a northern direction. 
 These were accordingly removed to a distance. 
 
 122 " The vanguard of the Scythians having discovered the Persians, 
 who had advanced about three days' march beyond the Ister, 
 and being themselves one day's march a-head, pitched their 
 camp, and destroyed the produce of the earth. As soon as the 
 Persians saw the Scythian horse make their appearance, they 
 followed the track of the party, which uniformly retreated. And 
 afterwards (for they were now directing their march against the 
 first portion of the Royal Scythians, 3 ) the Persians continued 
 the pursuit towards the east and the river Tanais ; the Scy- 
 thians, having crossed the stream, the Persians did the same 
 in pursuit, and passing athwart the country of the Sauroma- 
 
 123 tae, came to that of the Budini. During the whole time that 
 
 ilav rwv /{otpauv. This does one commanded by Scopasis, one by 
 
 not relate to one of the bodies into Idanthyrsus, and one by Taxacis. 
 
 which the whole forces of the Scythi- Translut. 
 
 ans were divided, but to one portion 2 rjc (3a<ri\t]ii), regni, id cst, Regi- 
 
 of the Royal Scythians: that tribe, it orum Scytharum. Sehirdg. 
 appears, consisted of three portions, * That commanded by Scopasis.
 
 MELPOMENE. 124, 1*5. 323 
 
 the Persians were inarching through the land of the Scythians 
 and the Sauromatae, they found nothing to pillage, the soil 
 being barren ; when they entered the country of the Budini, 
 they fell in with the wooden city, which had been forsaken by 
 the Budini, and was emptied of all its contents; this they 
 burnt, and having so done, continued the pursuit, still follow- 
 ing the track of the retreating Scythians, until, having crossed 
 the territories of the Budini, they reached the desert. This 
 desert is not inhabited by any human beings ; it lies above 
 the territory of the Budini, and is seven days' journey in ex- 
 tent. Beyond this desert dwell the Thyssagetae, from whose 
 country four large rivers, flowing athwart the Maeotians, roll 
 their streams into the Palus Maeotis ; the names of these 
 rivers are the Lycus, the Oarus, the Tanais, the Syrgis. 
 When Darius was, accordingly, come to the desert, he ceased 124 
 the pursuit, and halted his army on the banks of the 
 Oarus; this done, he erected eight large forts, at equal dis- 
 tances from one another, namely, about sixty stades; of these, 
 the ruins were preserved till my time. While Darius was 
 busied in this, the retreating Scythians, marching round by 
 the upper parts, returned back into Scythia ; the Scythians, 
 having disappeared, and no longer shewing themselves, Da- 
 rius, consequently, left the forts half finished ; and he himself, 
 wheeling to the right about, marched towards the west; fan- 
 cying that the Scythians whom he had been pursuing consti- 
 tuted the whole nation, and that they had fled westward. 
 
 Marching his troops with great rapidity, when he came 125 
 into the Scythian territory he fell in with the other two por- 
 tions of the Scythians ; these he pursued, while they retreated, 
 keeping one day's march a-head. As Darius did not relax in 
 the pursuit, the Scythians, according to their original plan, 
 retreated in the direction of those who had refused to join in 
 the war ; and, in the first place, proceeded to the territory of 
 the Melanchlaeni. When by their inroad the Scythians and 
 Persians had spread terror over all those parts, the Scythians 
 next led the way into the country of the Andropha^i ; and 
 having filled these with dismay, proceeded to the land of the 
 Neuri : having thrown these latter also into confusion, the 
 Scythians continued their retreat towards the territory of the 
 Ajrathyrsi. But the Agathyrsi, seeing their neighbours thrown 
 into confusion, and driven away by the Scythians, sent to 
 these latter, ere they made any inroad on their lands, a he- 
 rald, forbidding- the Scythians to cross their boundaries; fore- 
 warning them that if they persisted in breaking through their 
 boundaries, they would defend them, bemg determined to 
 repel all invaders. The Mekmchlaeni, Androphagi, and
 
 324 MELPOMENE. 12G, 127, 
 
 Neuri, at the invasion of the Scythians andPersians, did noC 
 recur to their valour, but, unmindful of their threats, fled ter- 
 rified towards the desert in a northerly direction. Meanwhile 
 the Scythians, being warned from entering by the Agathyrsi, 
 did not make the attempt ;' but proceeded from the territory 
 of Neuris to their own, still pursued by the Persians. 
 
 126 This mode of war having continued a long time, and there 
 being no probability of its ceasing, Darius despatched a horse- 
 man to Idanthyrsus, king of the Scythians, with the following 
 message : " Dastardly man, wherefore dost thou continue to 
 " retreat, when thou hast the choice of doing 2 either of these 
 " two things ? If thou fanciest thyself equal to withstand my 
 " forces, halt, and, ceasing to retreat, fight. 3 If thou art con- 
 " vinced of being the weaker, continue no longer to retire, 
 " but, bringing to thy lord earth and water, come and confer 
 
 127 " with him." To this the king of the Scythians, Idanthyr- 
 sus, returned the following answer f . " Persian, with me mat- 
 " ters stand thus ; never have I fled before any man from 
 " fear, whether heretofore, or even now before thee. I have 
 " done nothing new now more than I am wont to do even in 
 " peace. Why I do not immediately give battle I will ex- 
 " plain to thee: we have neither cities nor fruitful fields, the 
 " fear of seeing which seized and ravaged should induce us 
 " to hasten to engage battle with you. Still, if you must, at 
 " all events, quickly come to that issue, we have the sepulchres 
 " of our ancestors, come on, discover those, and make trial 
 " of overthrowing them, and then shall you know whether we 
 " will fight with you for our tombs or not. Till then, unless 
 " some good reason urge us so to do, we will not join battle 
 " with thee; such is what I have to say in respect to fighting: 
 " as to lords, I acknowledge none but Jove my forefather, 
 " and Vesta, queen of the Scythians. Instead of the gifts of 
 " earth and water, I will send thee others, such as it is meet 
 " thou shouldst receive; in reply to thy assertion of being my 
 " master, I bid thee weep." (This is a Scythian form of 
 speech. 4 ) The herald, accordingly, departed, carrying back 
 this answer to Darius. 
 
 1 Construction : ol ck "ZtvOai ovtcin of the first volume of Matthiae's Gr. 
 
 airiKvkovro c rot'c 'AyaGvpaovg dim- Gramm. 
 
 Travrag. 4 TOVTO Ian ,rj airb 'S.KvOiuv pjjertc: 
 
 3 toi', from <m. See Matthiae, that is to say, a form of speech used 
 
 Gr. Gramm. p. 862, or sect. 564. by the Scythians, and from them co- 
 
 3 /ia^<T0at, the infinitive for impe- pied by the Grecians. See Schweig. 
 
 rative. See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. Not. Consult likewise Matthiae, Gr. 
 
 824, or sect. 544. See likewise the Gramm. p. 404 r or sect. 279. 
 Bishop of Chester's remark, p. xlviii.
 
 MELPOMENE. 128-130. 
 
 The kings of the Scythians, hearing the word slavery, were 
 filled with indignation : they, accordingly, despatched that 
 portion which was united with the Sauromatae, and over 
 which Scopasis had the command, with orders to seek an in- 
 terview with the lonians who were stationed as guards on the 
 bridge over the Ister : the remainder of the Scythians who 
 were left behind 1 determined upon no longer forcing the Per- 
 sians to roam about, but to fall upon them whenever they 
 were foraging; 2 observing, therefore, when the soldiers of 
 Darius went out to forage, they put their plan into execution; 
 and the horse of the Scythians invariably routed that of the 
 Persians ; the Persian horsemen in their retreat fell back on 
 the infantry, who supported them ; so that the Scythians, 
 after driving back the cavalry, were obliged to retreat them- 
 selves, through dread of the foot soldiers. The Scythians made 
 likewise similar onsets at night. I shall mention one most 129 
 extraordinary circumstance, which was favourable to the Per- 
 sians, and injurious to the Scythians, in their attacks on Da- 
 rius's camp; this was the braying of the asses, and the sight 
 of the mules ; for, as I have already shewn, the Scythian 
 tract produces neither asses nor mules ; nor is there, any 
 where in Scythia, an ass or mule to be met with, by reason of 
 the cold. Hence, when the asses brayed, they spread terror 
 among the Scythian horse ; several times, when they were 
 charging the Persians, in mid-way, as soon as the horses 
 heard the noise of the asses, they would turti right about, ter- 
 rified, and, startled, would prick up their ears ; never having 
 before heard such a sound, or beheld such a figure. This 
 waSj accordingly, some slight advantage to the Persians in 
 the war.* 
 
 The Scythians, whenever they saw the Persians bustling in 130 
 their camp as if about to depart f acted in the following manner, 
 in order they might remain a longer time on the Scythian ter- 
 ritory, and "by so tarrying, might be harassed, being in want 
 of all things. They would leave some of their flocks 5 with the 
 
 **" 
 
 1 That is to say, the main body of the Persians gained some small ad- 
 fhe army commanded by Idanthyrsus vantage in the war." Schtceig. Lex. 
 and Taxacis. Herod, voc. Qiptiv, 6. 
 
 2 I have followed Schweighaeuser's 4 I have supplied the words in ita- 
 explanation ; see his note. Larcher lies from Schweig. Vers. Lat. [veluti 
 translates " toutes les fois qu'ils pren- reditnm parantes.] 
 
 draient leurs repas whenever they 5 The intention of the Scythians 
 
 should be at their meals." was to make the Persians prolong 
 
 3 Construction : (oi ntpffai) tyipovro their stay in Scythia. Had they kept 
 ravra ITTI vfUKpov n rov jroXI/zot-, their flocks completely without the 
 taking QipivQcH in the sense of sibi reach of the invaders, the Persians, 
 ferre, to gain, to receive : " By this not finding any thing whatever in the
 
 326 MELPOMENE. 131133. 
 
 shepherds, and withdraw themselves; then the Persians would 
 come up and seize the sheep, and exult in what they had 
 
 131 done. This having taken place repeatedly, Darius found 
 himself at last reduced to extreme difficulties; and the kings 
 of the Scythians, hearing of this, sent a herald with gifts to 
 Darius, a bird, a mouse, a frog, and five arrows. The Per- 
 sians enquired of the bearer what was the meaning of the 
 persons who presented those gifts ; but he declared that his 
 orders were only to give the presents, and then to depart as 
 speedily as might be; nevertheless he bade the Persians them- 
 selves, if they were wise, to find out what the gifts meant : 
 
 132 on hearing which, the Persians held council. It was, ac- 
 cordingly,, the opinion of Darius, that the Scythians gave 
 themselves, together with earth and water, up to him ; draw- 
 ing his inference in the following manner : that the mouse 
 lives in the earth, and uses the same food as man ;' while the 
 frog dwells in the water; the bird was very like the horse; 
 and they had sent the arrows, as if giving up their valour. 
 This was the opinion given by Darius; to which was opposed 
 that of Gobryas, one of the seven men who overthrew the 
 Magus, inferring that the gifts meant : " Unless, O Persians, 
 you become birds, and fly towards the sky; or become mice, 
 "and bury yourselves in the earth; or become frogs, and 
 " plunge into the lakes, transfixed by these arrows, you will 
 " never return home." In the above manner the Persians 
 interpreted the gifts. 
 
 133 That portion 2 of the Royal Scythians which had been first 
 stationed on guard along the Pal us Maeotis, was then des- 
 patched to the Ister to seek an interview with the lonians, 
 having come to the bridge, they spoke in the following words ; 
 " Men of Ionia, we have come, bringing you freedom, if, at 
 " least, you will listen to us. For we have been informed 
 " that Darius charged you to guard the bridge only for sixty 
 " days, and if he did not make his appearance during that 
 
 country, would have immediately re- advantage was" no effectual relief to 
 
 treated, to avoid perishing by hunger, the famine that raged in the Persian 
 
 The Scythians, consequently, had re- camp, but made them conceive hopes 
 
 course to this stratagem: they aban- of soon enjoying abundance." This 
 
 doned a small part of their flocks; for hope induced them to prolong their 
 
 the genitive, TWV irpofidrMv TWV a<pt- stay, and the more that was prolonged 
 
 rspwv, is a genitive of partition, (Mat- the more their misery was increased, 
 
 thiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 501, b.~) The according to the desire of the Scylhi- 
 
 Persians, exalted by this success, ans. Larchcr. 
 
 tTryn^ifvoi ry Tmroir)fiivti), expected ' Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 538, or 
 
 still greater, and hoped to find at last sect. 386, i. 
 
 the place where the Scythians had 2 ; <* S. pa /(oTpa, the body corn- 
 secreted all their flocks. This slight manded by Scopasis.
 
 MELPOMENE. 134, 135. 327 
 
 N 
 
 46 time, you were to return to your homes. Now, therefore, 
 {< it you act in the following manner, you will be without 
 1 blame both on his part and on ours ; abide here the stipu- , 
 i s lated days, and then depart." The lonians, having pro- 
 miscd to do so, the Scythians hastened back with all speed. 
 
 After the gilts had been brought to Darius, the Scythians, 134 
 on foot and horse, who had been left behind, 1 drew up in 
 array, as if/ about to engage; their line being formed, a hare 
 started up between the two armies, which was ho sooner seen 
 by the Scythian soldiers, than each began to pursue it. The 
 Scythians, being thrown into confusion, and shouting, Darius 
 inquired the cause of the tumult in the hostile army ; being 
 informed that they were pursuing a hare, he said to those 
 whom he was in the habit of addressing : " These people 
 " hold us in great contempt ; and now, methinks, Gobryas 
 " must have spoken truly respecting the gifts of the Scythians. 
 " As my opinion, therefore, is the same with his on these 
 " matters, 2 we stand in need of some good counsel, to ensure 
 " a safe retreat back." Whereupon Gobryas spoke : " Sire, I 
 " was sufficiently acquainted by report with the poverty of 
 " these men ; and now that I have come into their country, 
 " I am still more convinced of it, seeing that they jeer us. 
 " My present opinion, therefore, is, that, as soon as night 
 " comes on, we kindle fires, in ,the same manner that we have 
 " heretofore been in the practice of doing, and then deceiving 
 " by some pretext the soldiers that are least capable of bearing 
 " hardships, and staking down the asses, we depart ere the 
 " Scythians inarch towards the Ister, in order to break the 
 "bridge, or the lonians themselves adopt. any resolution 
 " likely to complete our destruction." Soon after night fell, 135 
 and Darius acted according to this advice ; he staked down 
 all the asses, and left on that spot in the camp the sick, and 
 those whose loss would be of the least consequence; he aban- 
 doned the asses, and the weak members of his army, in the 
 following design ; the asses, that they might make a noise ; 
 while the men were left by reason of their feebleness, under the 
 following pretence, namely, that Darius, with the flower of 
 his army, might fall on the Scythians, and meanwhile the in- 
 valids might guard the camp. Darius, having assigned this 
 pretext to the men he was about to abandon, and having 
 kindled fires, hastened with all speed to the Ister. The asses, 
 being reft of eompany, brayed accordingly with greater force ; 
 
 1 That is to say, the two bodies 2 Lit. " As therefore matters appear 
 tinder the command of Idanthyrsus to me also to stand thus." 
 and Taxacis.
 
 3-23 MELPOMENE. 136, 137. 
 
 and the Scythians, hearing the noise of those animals, re- 
 mained perfectly convinced that the Persians were still in 
 
 136 their position. When day broke, the men that had been 
 abandoned, discovering that they were betrayed by Darius, 
 stretched forth their hands to the Scythians, and spoke to 
 them in language befitting their situation. As soon as the 
 Scythians heard this, the two portions of their forces uniting 
 with the third, 1 and the Sauromatae, Budini, and Geloni, fol- 
 lowed after the Persians straight towards the Ister. But as a 
 good part of the Persian army consisted of foot, and was un- 
 acquainted with the ways, there being no beaten tracks; 
 while the Scythian forces consisted of horse, and knew the 
 short cuts, the two armies missed one another, and the Scy- 
 thians reached the bridge long before the Persians. Being 
 informed that the Persians were not yet come up, they thus 
 addressed the lonians who were aboard their ships: " Men 
 " of Ionia, the number of days appointed to you is passed; 2 
 " and by tarrying any longer you are acting improperly: but 
 " since you have staid hitherto through fear, do you now 
 " break the pass, and return home with all speed, joyous and 
 " free, returning thanks to the gods and the Scythians. With 
 " regard to him that was heretofore your master, we will 
 " handle him in such a manner that he shall never more levy 
 " war against any nation." 
 
 137 The lonians held council on these matters. It was the 
 opinion of Miltiades the Athenian, who was commander and 
 tyrant of the inhabitants of the Hellespontine Chersonesus, 
 that they should follow the advice of the Scythians, and re- 
 store freedom to Ionia : to which was opposed that of His- 
 tiaeus of Miletus, who said : ' ' That now, thanks to Darius, 
 *' every one among them was tyrant over his country; whereas 
 " if the power of Darius were destroyed, neither would he 
 " himself be capable of asserting his sway over the Milesians, 
 " nor any of the others 3 over their respective governments; 
 " since every one of the cities would prefer a democracy to a 
 " tyranny." When Histiaeus exposed this opinion, they all 
 immediately came over to that side, although they had previ- 
 
 1 Lit. " The two portions of the 3 One might have expected ovrt 
 
 Scythians and the one :" that is to aXXog ovSelf ovcapiLv, instead of 
 
 say, the bodies commanded by Sco- which, the author has given ovrt a\- 
 
 pasis, Idanthyrsus, and Taxacis, had \ov ovciva oWa/iwv, as if the prece- 
 
 wnited into one army. ding words had been ovrt airov olov 
 
 - al -t'i(iipai vfj.lv TOV apiOfiov dioi- re tlvat, governed by i\ yt. See Wfts, 
 
 xqvrcu, by ennallage for 6 r&v i/i/ikp^v Not. 
 apiBfiog fioixqrat. Schweig. Lex. 
 Herod.
 
 MELPOMENE. 138, 139. 329 
 
 ously approved the counsel of Miltiades. The individuals 138 
 who sat in council, 1 held in any esteem by the king, were 
 these : the tyrants of the Hellespont, namely, Daphnis of 
 Abydos, Hippoclus of Lampsacus, Herophantus of Parium, 
 Metrodorus .of Proconnesus, Aristagoras of Cyzicus, and 
 Ariston of Byzantium. Those from Ionia were, Strattis of 
 Chios, Aeaces of Samos, Laodamas of Phocaea, and Histiaeus 
 of Miletus, whose opinion was opposed to that of Miltiades : 
 of the Aeolians, there was only one considerable person, 
 namely, Aristagoras of Cyma. 2 
 
 These persons, therefore, having approved the sentiments 139 
 of Histiaeus, resolved likewise on the following mode of acting 
 and answering : 3 they were to break the bridge in the direc- 
 tions of the Scythians, about the length of a bow shot, so that, 
 although they did nothing, they might appear to act accord- 
 ing to their suggestion, and likewise that the Scythians might 
 not attempt any forcible measures, with the intention of cross- 
 ing the Ister by means of the bridge; they were likewise to 
 return an answer, while breaking down the part of the bridge 
 which touched the Scythian territory, that they were ready to 
 perform whatever might be agreeable to the Scythians. 
 These were the resolutions they passed, in addition to adopt- 
 ing the opinion of Histiaeus. After which, Histiaeus, in the 
 name of all, returned an answer in these words : " Men of 
 " Scythia, you have brought 4 us good advice, and press us in 
 " season. You have shewn a good intention towards us, and 
 " we in return will carefully attend to your suggestion. 5 For, 
 " as you see, we are breaking down the bridge, and shall ex- 
 " ert all our efforts to be free. While we are separating the 
 " bridge, it were fit that you should proceed in search of the 
 " Persians ; and when you have found them, take such ven- 
 " geance over them as is meet both for yourselves and for us." 
 
 1 ol ?ia0|0ovree rt TI)V ^fyov, who s Lit. " To add the following works 
 voted, dia^ipnv is here taken for </>& and words besides that, irpbe ravry, 
 (>tiv, the preposition adding nothing i. e. vpoQ r$ 'IffTiaiov yvufiy. 
 
 to the signification of the simple verb. 4 Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 852, or 
 
 Lurcher. sect. 557. 
 
 2 All these petty princes had given 5 TO. rt air' i/wv fifuf xpi;Sff 
 shackles to their country, and were oSovrai, xal rd an r}/ztan/ tg v^tag 
 upheld in their usurpations merely by iiriTtfkug innjpmtrat. Your ac- 
 the means of the Persians, who had tions, conduct, quae a vobis proficiscun- 
 good reasons to prefer a despotic tur, are directed to our advantage, ea 
 form of government to a democracy. benigne nobis admimstrantur, reguntur, 
 It was, therefore, neither generosity and our actions, quae a nobis projias- 
 on their part, nor commiseration for cuntur, carefully lend assistance 
 the misfortunes of the Persians, that you." 
 
 dictated their resolution, but rather 
 ambition. Larcher . 
 
 VOL. I.
 
 330 MELPOMENE. 140143. 
 
 140 The Scythians, once more fancying the lonians spoke truth, 
 wheeled back in search of the Persians, but they likewise missed 
 their whole line of march: of this the Scythians themselves were 
 the cause, having destroyed in that quarter all the pasturage 
 for the horses, and rilled in the sources; for had they not so 
 done, they might easily, if they had chosen, have fallen in 
 with the Persians. Whereas they were now deceived by that 
 very counsel which they had adopted as being the most com- 
 mendable. The Scythians, therefore, proceeded in search of 
 their foes across that part of their country where there was 
 forage and water for their horses, imagining the Persians also 
 would take their retreat across the same track : but the latter 
 proceeded, following the first track; 1 and by this means found 
 at length, though with difficulty, the place of passage. As 
 they arrived there in the night, and found the bridge broken, 3 
 they were thrown into the greatest consternation, lest the lo- 
 
 141 nians had forsaken them. There was in the suite of Darius 
 an Egyptian, the most sonorous in voice of all men. Having, 
 accordingly, placed this individual on the bank of the Ister, 
 Darius bade him hail Histiaeus of Miletus : the man acted ac- 
 cordingly. Histiaeus heard the first summons, and, bringing 
 forward all the ships to pass the army, joined the bridge. 
 
 14-2 Thus, therefore, did the Persians make their escape; and 
 the Scythians in the pursuit missed them a second time. 
 Hence the Scythians, on the one hand, esteem the lonians, 
 when considered in the light of free subjects, as the most 
 base and dastardly of men ; but, on the other hand, declare, 
 that if they are to speak of them as servants, they are the most 
 faithful of slaves, and the most affectionate to their masters. 
 Such are the reproaches made by the Scythians against the 
 lonians. 
 
 14-3 Darius having marched across Thrace, came to Sestos, in 
 the Chersonesus, from whence he himself passed over on ship- 
 board into Asia, leaving, as commander in Europe, a Persian, 
 Megabazus. This person Darius had formerly much honoured 
 by the following words, which he pronounced in the presence 
 of the Persians. Darius being about to eat some pome- 
 granates, his brother Artabanus asked him, as soon as he had 
 
 1 That is to say, they retreated by the simple verb rvy\avnv which every 
 
 the same way they had commenced body knows takes the genitive. 
 
 their invasion of Scythia. Schweighfteuser regarding such an 
 
 * See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 533, enallage as a poetical licence, not 
 
 or sect. 382, 4. Obs. This grammarian used by prose writers, proposes to 
 
 accounts for the use of the genitive take \t\vntvrjg rfjs ytQvpTjg as a geni- 
 
 yt^vpjje, instead of the dative, usually tive absolute, and understand Ttf 
 
 governed by ivrvyxavtiv, by sup- Kepi? after ivTv\6vrig. 
 posing that the compound is put for
 
 MELPOMENE. 144. 
 
 331 
 
 opened the first, what he should like to have in as great 
 abundance as there were seeds in the pomegranate; whereupon 
 Darius said, " that he would rather have as many Megaba- 
 " zuses than have all Greece subject to him." Thus did he 
 honour him in the presence of the Persians : and, at this time, 
 he left him, as commander-in-chief, with eighty thousand of 
 his troops. This Megabazus, by making the following ob- 144- 
 servation, left an eternal memorial of himself among the 
 Hellespontines. Being at Byzantium, he was informed that 
 the Chalchedonians had founded their town, where it now 
 stands, seventeen years before the Byzantines had founded 
 theirs ; whereupon, he declared the Chalchedonians must, at 
 that time, have been blind ; for they never would, when there 
 was so much better a site at hand to found a city, have chosen 
 the worse, 1 unless they had been blind. This Megabazus, 
 accordingly, being left as commander-in-chief, in the territory 
 of the Hellespontines, subjected all that were not favourable 
 to the Medes. Such, accordingly, were his actions. 2 
 
 1 Megabazus alluded probably to 
 the disadvantages of the situation for 
 trade, the current flowing out of the 
 Bosphorus into the Propontis render- 
 ing it extremely difficult of access to 
 ships of any burthen. Otherwise a 
 more magnificent situation for a city 
 than that of Chalcedon, opposite to 
 Constantinople, could hardly be found 
 in the world. Translat, 
 
 3 A recapitulation of the principal 
 events in this unsuccessful expedition 
 of the great king, may be of some use 
 to the reader. Darius builds a bridge 
 of boats across the Bosphorus, some- 
 where between Byzantium (Constan- 
 tinople) and the mouth of the Euxine, 
 (Black Sea:) he marches his army 
 into Europe, and despatches the ves- 
 sels which had composed his floating 
 bridge up the Bosphorus and Enxine, 
 to the Ister (Danube ;) meanwhile the 
 Persian army advances by land to- 
 wards the Ister, reducing the different 
 tribes they meet with to the dominion 
 of the Medes. A floating bridge is 
 thrown by the lonians across the 
 Ister, and Darius passes into Scythia. 
 During the approach of the invaders, 
 the Scythians had made preparations 
 for their defence : their main body is 
 stationed somewhere in the north of 
 their territory, and their cattle, wo- 
 men, and moveables, are sent still 
 further northward ; a detachment 
 marches down to the Ister. The Per- 
 sians, descrying this detachment, 
 fancy they have before them the whole 
 
 of the Scythian army, and pursue 
 them vigorously ; the Scythians, how- 
 ever, retire, destroying every thing on 
 their passage along the shores of the 
 Euxine and Palus Maeotis ; the pur- 
 sued, as well as their pursuers, cross 
 the Tanais, and, after marching through 
 the country of the Sauromatae and 
 Budini, come to a desert, where the 
 Scythians, wheeling round the higher 
 parts of the country, return into 
 Scythia and join themselves to the 
 main body ; Darius, who (although 
 the historian does not mention the 
 circumstance,) probably supposed that 
 the Scythians had taken their flight to 
 the eastward, builds several forts on 
 the river Oarus, with the intention, it 
 may be conceived, of hindering the 
 inhabitants from returning to their 
 territory : informed of his mistake, he 
 turns to the right about, and, for the 
 first time, descries the main body of 
 the Scythians, who, in order to harass 
 the Persians by qontinual marches 
 and want, retreat before them from 
 one frontier country to another. Darius 
 being at last reduced to total want, 
 abandons a part of his army, and with 
 the rest marches back towards the 
 Ister. The Scythians send a detach- 
 ment to urge the lonians to break the 
 bridge across the Danube, and like- 
 wise to cut on" the retreat of the Per- 
 sians ; in both these objects the Scythi- 
 ans fail, and the Persians thereby are 
 enabled to make their escape. Translat*
 
 332 MELPOMENE. 145, 146. 
 
 AT this same time another mighty expedition was under- 
 taken against Libya, the pretext for which I shall mention, 
 after previously entering into the following details. The 
 grandchildren of the crew of the Argo, having been driven 
 out of Lemnos by the Pelasgi, wfio had ravished the Athenian 
 women from Brauron, 1 sailed away for Lacedemon. Having 
 encamped on mount Taygetus, they kindled a fire, which the 
 Lacedemonians perceiving, sent a messenger to enquire who 
 they were and from whence they came. To the questions of 
 the messenger they made answer, that " they were Minyae, 
 " and the sons of the heroes that had embarked aboard the 
 " Argo, who, having touched at Lemnos, had begotten them." 
 The Lacedemonians receiving this account of the race of the 
 Minyae, sent a second time, and enquired with what design 
 they had come into the country and kindled fire : the others 
 stated, that, having been expelled by the Pelasgi, they had 
 come to their fathers, for.it was just that it should be so ; and 
 they intreated to dwell with them, sharing in the honours of 
 the commonwealth, 2 and receiving a portion of the land. 
 The Lacedemonians thought fit to receive the Minyae on the 
 conditions they themselves proposed; and what mostly in- 
 duced them to act in this manner, was the share the Tyndari- 
 dae had taken in the voyage aboard the Argo. Having, 
 consequently, received the Minyae, they gave them a share of 
 the land, and distributed them,among the different tribes ; the 
 men among the Minyae immediately contracted marriages, 
 and gave to others the women they had brought with them 
 146 from Lemnos. After the lapse of no long time, the Minyae 
 began to grow insolent, claiming a share in the royal power,* 
 and acting otherwise in an unlawful manner. The Lacede- 
 monians, in consequence, came to a determination of putting 
 them to death ; and, seizing them, cast them into prison. The 
 Lacedemonians put to death such as they execute at night, 
 and never by day. 4 Now, when they were about to destroy 
 them, the wives of the Minyae, who were citizens, and daugh- 
 ters of the chief men among the Spartans, craved permission 
 to go into the prison, and to have an interview each with her 
 own husband. The Lacedemonians gave them permission, not 
 suspecting that any artifice would be wrought by them. But 
 these women having entered, acted in the following manner. 
 They gave all the clothes they had on to their husbands, and 
 took themselves that of the men : and the Minyae, putting on 
 
 1 See vi. 188. 4 The Attics use pitf ijtienav instead 
 
 * See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm.p. 504, of iv rifiipa. Schol. Aristoph. quoted 
 
 or seel. 359, 06*. 1. Consult, like- by Larcher : see also Matthiae, Gr. 
 
 wise, p. 807, or sect. 535. Gramm. p, 904, or sect. 587, c. 
 9 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 506.
 
 MELPOMENE. U7-149. 333 
 
 the female garb, went out as if they had been women ; and, 
 making their escape in that manner, again seated themselves 
 on the Taygetus. 
 
 ^ At the same time, Theras the son of Autcsion, grandson of 147 
 Tisamenus, great grandson of Thersandrus, who was father to 
 Polyneices, departed on a colonizing expedition from Lace- 
 demon. This Theras was of Cadmean extraction, maternal 
 uncle to Eurysthenes and Procles the sons of Aristodemus : 
 while these two latter were children, Theras had the manage- 
 ment of the sovereign power at Lacedemon ; but when his 
 nephews were grown up, and had succeeded to the empire, 
 Theras, not brooking, now that he had tasted of power, to be 
 ruled by others, declared he would not abide in Lacedemon, 
 but would sail away to join his relations. There were in the 
 island now called Thera, but formerly Calliste, some descend- 
 ants of Membliarus the son of Poeciles, a Phoenician ; for 
 Cadmus the son of Agenor, in his search after Europa, 
 touched at the island now known by the name of Thera; and 
 whether, when he touched there, the country pleased him, or 
 that he acted so from any other motive, he left on the island 
 several Phoenicians, and, more particularly, Membliarus, one 
 of his kinsmen. These people had had possession of the 
 island then called Calliste for eight generations of men pre- 
 vious to Theras's coming from Lacedemon. Theras, there- H.g 
 fore, taking with him a body of men from the different tribes, 
 set sail for these people, in the design of establishing himself 
 among them, and by no means of driving them out, on the con- 
 trary he intended to inhabit the country with them. 1 As the 
 Minyae, having run away from prison, had taken up their 
 quarters on Taygetus, and the Lacedemonians persisted in the 
 intention of destroying them, Theras obtained their pardon 
 from death, and undertook himself to take them out of the 
 country.. The Lacedemonians, coinciding with his senti- 
 ments, he departed with three triremes for the country of 
 Membliarus's descendants ; albeit he did not take the 
 whole of the Minyae with him, only a few ; for the greater 
 number of them turned against the Paroreatae and Caucones; 
 and, having driven these latter from their territories, .divided 
 themselves into six portions. In after times they founded in 
 those places the following cities: Lepreum, Macistus, Phrixae, 
 Pyrgus, Epium, Nudium; most of which the Eleans had de- 
 stroyed in my time. The island received its name from the 
 colonizer Theras. Theras's son, refusing to sail with him,' the 149 
 father declared, accordingly, that he left him a sheep among 
 
 1 I read avvniK^uiv, from avvoiKitv, - ynp. Matthiae, Gr. Graram. p. 
 in the same sense as in c. 159. 950.
 
 334 MELPOMENE. L50, 151. 
 
 wolves, (OK It XUXOK) ; in consequence of this speech the youth- 
 received the name of Oiolycus, and, subsequently, that ap- 
 pellation took the precedence of his original name. Aegeus 
 was son to Oiolycus ; and from him the Aegidae, a numerous 
 tribe in Sparta, took their cognomen. The men belonging to 
 this tribe not being able to preserve their children, 1 erected, 
 according to the admonition of an oracle, a temple to the 
 Furies of Laius and Oedipus; and, from that time, their 
 children survived. The same thing happened 2 to those of the 
 island of Thera, sprung from these men. 
 
 150 Up to this period of the history, the Lacedemonians and 
 Theraeans agree ; what follows is stated solely on the autho- 
 rity of the Theraeans. Grinus the son of Aesanius, a descend- 
 ant of this Theras, and sovereign of the island of Thera, went 
 to Delphi, taking a hecatomb from his city. Various citizens 
 accompanied him, but more especially Battus the son of 
 Polymnestus, originally derived from Euphemus, one of the 
 Minyae. As Grinus, king of the Theraeans, was consulting 
 the oracle concerning various matters, the Pythia declared 
 " he should found a city in Libya." Grinus replied, saying, 
 " Sovereign lord, I am already in years, and unwieldy to 
 " move ; 3 do thou give thy commands to do this to some one 
 " of these that are younger." At the same time that he spoke 
 these words, he pointed to Battus : this was all that happened 
 at that time. But afterwards, having taken their departure, 
 they kept no account of the oracle, not knowing in what part 
 of the earth Libya was, and not daring to send out a colony 
 
 151 in such uncertainty. Subsequently it did not rain at Thera 
 for seven years; during which time, all their trees on the 
 island, save one, were dried up. When the Theraeans came 
 to consult the oracle, the Pythia rebuked 4 them for not send- 
 ing a colony into Libya. The islanders, seeing there was na 
 remedy against their evils, despatched messengers to Crete> to. 
 inquire whether any of the Cretans or any stranger had ever 
 gone so far as Libya. These messengers having roamed about 
 the island, came at last to the town of Itanus, where they met 
 with a purple dyer, whose name was Corobius ; this man de- 
 
 1 See the foregoing note. abode by the descendants," &c. 
 
 3 I have translated from the read- Translat. 
 
 ing TUVTO rovro ffvvijSr] KM iv Qripg, 3 /3api>e aiipeffOai, too heavy to rise, 
 
 K. T. X. In the previous sentence, bent down under the weight of years. 
 
 Schweighaeuser reads vtr't^tvov, un- Larcher. gratis ad me loco movendum. 
 
 less the passage is misquoted in his Schweig. Lex. Herod, gratis ad majus 
 
 Lex. Herod. According to the read- quidpiam moliendum. Schweigh. Vers. 
 
 ing in Mr. Gaisford's edition, vTrifittve Lat. 
 
 must be supplied after ruvro rovro : * Hesychius explains Trpo^epf, Iliad. 
 
 " the same (probably the same evil) iii. 64, by ovticit,t. Coray.
 
 MELPOMENE. 15215*. 335 
 
 clared that, being driven by the winds, he had reached Libya, 
 and to that part of Libya where the island of Plataea is 
 situated. Having enticed this individual by a bribe, they took 
 him with them to Thera ; from whence some persons, at first 
 few in number, sailed to reconnoitre. Corobius having steered 
 them to the above-mentioned island of Platea, they left him 
 there, providing him with food for a certain number of 
 months, while they themselves sailed back as speedily as 
 possible to Thera with the tidings of the island. These 152 
 having remained absent longer than the proposed time, every 
 thing failed Corobius. But after awhile a Samian vessel, the 
 master of which was Colaeus, bound to Egypt, was driven on 
 this island of Platea. The Samians informed by Corobius of 
 the whole matter, left him provisions for a twelvemonth; arid 
 then, being anxious to make the coast of Egypt, hove anchor 
 and set sail, but were borne away by an easterly gale : the 
 wind not relaxing, they passed through the columns of Her- 
 cules and reached Tartessus, under the guidance of some 
 divinity. That staple was not frequented in those days; so 
 that on their return back these merchants, of all the Greeks 
 of whom we have any certain knowledge, cleared the greatest 
 profit by their venture, excepting, however, Sostratus of 
 Aegina, son of Laodamas, for with him no one can enter in 
 comparison. The Samians, putting apart the tenth of their 
 gains, amounting to six talents, had a brazen vase made in the 
 fashion of an Argolic crater; around which are gryphons' 
 heads standing chequerwise and prominent, 1 and dedicated it 
 in the temple of Juno: this crater is supported by three brass 
 colossuses, seven cubits high, crouching on their knees. In 
 consequence of this service, great amity was first contracted 
 between the Cyrenaeans and Theraeans, and the Samians. 153 
 Meanwhile the Theraeans having left Corobius on the island, 
 came back to Thera, and reported that they had taken pos- 
 session of an island on the coast of Libya. The Theraeans 
 determined on sending men from all their provinces, which 
 were seven in number, making the brothers to draw lots, and 
 placing Battus at their head as king. Thus, accordingly, 
 they despatched two triremes to Platea. 
 
 Such is the account the Theraeans give; in the remaining 154 
 circumstances of the history, the Theraeans are borne out bv 
 the Cyrenaeans. For these latter do not in any way accord with 
 
 . ' irp6itpooooi. I have followed all clear : Schweighaeuser translates 
 
 Schneider's interpretation, " ringshe- " in quincuncem dwposita grypum 
 
 rum stehen, wie jcpoiffot, erhoben capita :" Larcher, " des tetesde gry- 
 
 Greifenkbpfe hervor." Sehneid. Gr. phons, Tune yis-a-vis de 1 autre. 
 
 Germ. Lex. The meaning is not at This same word occurs in vu. IBS.
 
 336 MELPOMENE. 155. 
 
 the Theraeans in what regards Battus; their account of the 
 matter being this. There is a city of Crete called Axus, 
 over which one Etearchus was king; this man having an 
 orphan daughter/ whose name was Phronime, took another 
 wife ; she having come to his house, determined upon shewing 
 herself a mother-in-law indeed to Phronime, injuring in 
 various ways, and devising all manner of wickedness against 
 the girl. At last, accusing her of impudicity, she brought 
 her husband to believe it was so. Etearchus, persuaded by 
 this woman, contrived a nefarious deed against his daughter ; 
 for as Themison, a Theraean merchant happened to be at 
 Axus, Etearchus, having contracted hospitality with him, 
 made him promise by oath to serve him in what way soever 
 he might desire ; when the merchant had taken the oath, the 
 king brought forward his daughter, and delivered her up to 
 him, with orders to take her away and cast her into the sea. 
 Themison, indignant at the deceptive oath put upon him, and 
 resolving to break the contract of hospitality, acted as follows. 
 He took the maiden and set sail ; and when he was at sea, in 
 order to absolve himself of the oath he had sworn to Etearchus, 
 he bound her to some cords and let her down in the sea, and 
 then drawing her -up again, proceeded to Thera. Subse- 
 quently Polymnestus, a man of rank among the Theraeans, 
 took this Phronime as a concubine ; in the course of time, a 
 son was born to him, who lisped and stuttered, 2 and to whom 
 the name of Battus was given, according to the account both 
 of the Theraeans and the Cyrenaeans ; it is, however, my 
 opinion that it must have been some other name, and that he 
 took the surname of Battus after his arrival in Libya, as- 
 suming that cognomen in conformity to the oracle pronounced 
 to him at Delphi and the office he held ; for the Libyans call 
 a king BATTUS," and for that reason, I suppose, the Pythia, 
 when she pronounced the oracle, called him so in the Libyan 
 tongue, knowing that he was to be king in Libya: for when 
 lie was grown to manhood, he went to Delphi to consult 
 about his voice ; and to his inquiries the Pythia responded in 
 the following words : " Battus, thou hast come respecting thy 
 " speech : the sovereign lord Phoebus Apollo sends thee to 
 " colonize Libya, rife in sheep." As though she had said in 
 
 1 tTTi 0i/yarpi a/ii/ropi. See Matth. rv%6vToe - - - - - ri Si ia%vo<l>(iivia, airo 
 Gr. Gramm. p. 902, or sect. 586, y; TOV pr) SvvaaBai ra^v ovva-fyai n)v 
 
 2 The first of these impediments irtpav av\\afli}v irpbg rfjv irtpav. 
 consisted in not being able to unite Arist. Prob. quoted by Larcher. 
 syllables with rapidity ; the second in 3 Barroc- jSafftXrvc, rvpavvoc, Ai- 
 not being able to pronounce a certain fivig. Hesych. quoted by Larcher and 
 letter, / fitv ovv rp?'X6rjjc, Tip ypa/.i- 
 
 ' rivot; pi} Kparitv, Kai ov roii
 
 MELPOMENE. 156158. 337 
 
 our language, " King, thou hast come respecting thy speech," 
 Sfc. He made answer in these words : " Sovereign lord, I came 
 " to thee to consult respecting my voice : whereas thou return- 
 " est an answer impossible for me to obey, bidding me colonize 
 " Libya : with what power? with what forces can I do so?" 
 He spoke thus, but could not persuade the Pythia to pro- 
 nounce any thing more; but as she was returning him the same 
 answer as at the first, Battus quitted her in the middle of the 
 oracle, and departed for Thera. 1 After this heavy calamities 156 
 fell anew on Battus himself and the rest of the Theraeans. 
 The Theraeans, ignorant of the cause of their misfortunes, 
 despatched persons to Delphi to consult respecting their pre- 
 sent evils : the Pythia pronounced, " that it would fare better 
 " with them if they, together with Battus, colonized Cyrene, 
 " in Libya." 2 In consequence of which, the Theraeans sent 
 off Battus with two fifty-oared galleys : these persons having 
 sailed to Libya, as they could do no otherwise, returned back 
 to Thera : but, on their return, the Theraeans attacked them 
 with javelins, and would not allow thenf to touch the land, 
 but bade them sail back. Being thus compelled, they sailed 
 back and founded an island lying on the coast of Libya, the 
 name of which, as I have before said, was Platea. This island 
 is said to be equal in size to the modern city of the Cyrenaeans. 
 
 Having inhabited that island two years, and no prosperity j^ 
 ensuing to them, they left one of their number, and all the 
 rest, abandoning the place, sailed away to Delphi. On their 
 arrival at the shrine, they consulted the oracle, declaring that 
 they had dwelt in Libya, and that thqy were not any the more 
 successful for abiding there; when the Pythia pronounced to 
 them the following answer : "An 3 thou, who hast never been 
 " there, knowest fleecy Libya better than I who have, I much 
 " admire thy wisdom." Battus, 4 hearing this, sailed back . 
 again, for it was evident the divinity would not regard them 
 as having completed the appointed colonization till such time 
 as they had reached Libya itself. Proceeding, therefore, to 
 the island, they took with them the man they had left, and 
 established themselves on a spot in Libya itself, opposite to the 
 island; Aziris was the name of the place, which beautiful 
 hills enclose on two of the sides, while a river flows on the 
 third. This spot they inhabited six years ; but, in the seventh, 15 g 
 the Libyans having promised they would take them to a 
 
 a<pi cvyKTiZovffi (participle dat.) Br- 
 VOL. I. XX
 
 338 MELPOMENE. i-9, 160. 
 
 better place, prevailed upon them to quit it. The Libyans, 
 having thus made them quit their situation, led them towards 
 the west : and, lest the Greeks should see the most beautiful 
 parts of the country in passing by, they so proportioned their 
 march to the length of the day as to lead them through it by 
 night : the name of that part of the country is Irasa. Having 
 brought them to a fountain, said to be sacred to Apollo, they 
 addressed them thus; " Men of Greece, here it behoves you 
 
 159 " to settle ; for here the heavens are pierced." 1 During the 
 life of Battus, the founder of the colony, who reigned forty 
 years, and that of his son Arcesilaus, who ruled seventeen 
 years, the Cyrenaeans remained the same in number as they 
 were at the time they were sent to colonize : but under the 
 third king, Battus, suraamed the Happy, the Pythia by her 
 oracle stirred all the Greeks to sail away, and inhabit Libya 
 with the Cyrenaeans ; for the latter invited them to a share 
 of the land. The oracle of the Pythia was this: " Whoso- 
 " ever goes not to fertile Libya till after the division of the 
 " land, lie, I say, shall one day 2 repent." A great multitude 
 having collected at Cyrene, the neighbouring Libyans, and 
 their king, whose name was Adicran, being deprived of a 
 good portion of their land, seeing themselves despoiled of their 
 territory, and insulted by the Cyrenaeans, sent to Apries 
 king of Egypt, and gave themselves up to him : Apries levied 
 a considerable army of Egyptians, which he sent against Cy- 
 rene ; but the Cyrenaeans, drawing up their forces in the 
 territory of Irasa, and on the source Thestes, engaged the 
 Egyptians, and gained the victory in the action. For the 
 Egyptians, who had never before had any experience of the 
 Greeks, and despised them, were so completely routed, that 
 very few of them returned back to Egypt. In revenge of 
 which, the Egyptians, laying the blame of it on Apries, 3 re- 
 volted from him. 
 
 160 This last Battus had a son, whose name was Arcesilaus; 
 who, having succeeded to the kingdom, had at the first many 
 altercations with his brothers, till at last they departed to 
 another quarter of Libya ; and holding council among them- 
 selves, founded that city, which is called, even to the present 
 
 1 This sentence is thus paraphrased i.e. the land, is pierced; that is to 
 
 by Larcher : " Le ciel y est ouvert say, here is a spring, 
 
 pour vous donner les pluies qui ren- 2 TTOKO, Dor. for irore. 
 
 drotit vos terres fecondes" here the 3 Construe together Kara ravra 
 
 heavens are open to give you the showers i'-Trifjit^ofiivoi 'ATrpiy, in the same 
 
 necessary to fertilize your fields. sense as in ii. 161, Alyvirrioi ravra 
 
 Valckenaer conjectures fiovrbc, in- tT 
 stead of owparor : here the mountain.
 
 MELPOMENE. 161, 162. 339 
 
 clay, Barca, and at the same time they were foundino- it, ex- 
 cited the Libyans to detach themselves from the Cyrenaeans. 
 Subsequently, Arcesilaus opened a campaign against those of 
 the Libyans who had received his brothers, and had detached 
 themselves from him ; the natives, dreading his arms, fled to- 
 wards the eastern Libyans. Arcesilaus followed tip the fugi- 
 tives, until he was come, in the pursuit, tO'Leucon of Libya, 
 where the Libyans determined upon attacking him. Engaging 
 battle, they so routed the Cyrenaeans, that seven thousand 
 heavy-armed men of their number fell on the field; after this 
 defeat, Arcesilaus falling sick, and having taken medicine, 1 
 was strangled by his brother Learchus; on the other hand, 
 Arcesilaus's wife, whose name was Eryxo, compassed by arti- 
 fice the death of Learchus. Arcesilaus was succeeded on the 161 
 throne by his son Battus, who was halt and lame. The Cy- 
 renaeans sent to Delphi about the calamities that had visited 
 them, asking under what government they might live most 
 prosperously : the Pythia bade them procure an arbitrator 
 from Mantinea of the Arcadians. The Cyrenaeans made, ac- 
 cordingly, the request, and the Mantineans gave them the 
 most respectable of their citizens, whose name was Demonax. 
 This individual, therefore, having arrived at Cyrene, and ac- 
 quainted himself with every circumstance, in the first place 
 separated the inhabitants into three tribes, making the divi- 
 sion in the following manner ; of the Theraeans and their 
 neighbours he made one tribe; a second of the Peloponne- 
 sians and Cretans ; a third of all the islanders. In the second 
 place, reserving for the king, Battus, the sacred lands, 2 and 
 the sacerdotal offices, he placed in the hands of the people all 
 the prerogatives the kings had till then enjoyed. 
 
 This state of things endured, accordingly, through the life 162 
 of the Battus I have just mentioned, but under his son Arce- 
 silaus great disturbances arose about the honours. For Ar- 
 eesilaus son of Battus the lame, by Pheretima, refused to 
 abide by the decisions of Demonax the Mantinean, but re- 
 claimed the dignities of his forefathers. Having raised a se- 
 dition on that account, he was routed, and fled to Samps ; 
 while his mother took refuge in Salamis of Cyprus. In those 
 days Euelthon was ruler over Salamis ; he it was that dedi- 
 cated at Delphi tfie censer, an object worthy of admiration, 
 
 1 Or, perhaps, " having fallen sick the income from which the priests 
 in consequence of poison, which he subsisted." Wesseling's translation 
 had swallowed." See Schweig. Not. is merely, " certain portions of the 
 
 2 Ttfi'&vta. I have given Schweig- land," in which he is followed by 
 haeuser's translation, who explains Larcher. 
 
 the word to mean, " Sacred fields, on
 
 340 MELPOMENE. 163, 164. 
 
 lying in the treasury of the Corinthians. Pheretima, coming 
 into the presence of this prince, besought him to supply her 
 with an armament that might replace her and her son 1 in Cy- 
 rene. Euelthon preferred giving her any thing rather than 
 an army ; the lady received his gifts, saying, " that that also 
 " was handsome, but it would be yet more handsome to be- 
 " stow an army as she requested." As she made this observa- 
 tion on every gift, at last Euelthon sent her as a present a 
 golden distaff and spindle, to which he added a skane of. 
 wool; and Pheretima having again made the same remark as 
 before, Euelthon said, " that such were the gifts women 
 
 163 ' should be presented with, and not an army." Meanwhile 
 Arcesilaus, who was at Samos, excited all the inhabitants by 
 a promise of a distribution of land : having levied a numerous 
 army, he went to Delphi, in order to consult about his return: 
 the Pythia pronounced the following : " For four Battuses, 
 " and four Arcesilauses," eight generations of men, doth 
 " Apollo vouchsafe thee to rule over Cyrene; more than this, 
 " however, he warns thee not to attempt. He bids thee re- 
 " turn to thy home, and there remain quiet : shouldst thou 
 " find a kiln full of pots, bake them not, but cast them out to 
 " the air ; still: shouldst thou heat the kiln, enter not the 
 " place which water girds ; else wilt thou die thyself, and the 
 
 164 " fairest bull." 3 Such was the oracle which the Pythia pro- 
 nounced ; but Arcesilaus, taking with him his recrurts from 
 Samos, returned to Cyrene, and laying hands on the govern- 
 ment, not only neglected the oracle, but demanded 4 justice of 
 his opponents for his expulsion : some of these abandoned the 
 country for ever, others Arcesilaus seized and sent to Cyprus 
 to be executed ; these latter being driven on the territory of 
 the Cnidians, were by them rescued, and conveyed to Thera ; 
 some few others of the Cyrenaeans having taken refuge in a 
 large tower belonging to Aglomachus, a private individual, 
 Arcesilaus surrounded it with wood, and so consumed them. 
 After this was done,* apprehending that such was what the 
 
 r (T0ae, them. 3 This prediction of the death of 
 8 The sovereigns of Cyrene, belong- the bull seems x says Wesseling, to 
 ing to the family of Battus, reigned hint obscurely at Alazir, the father- 
 in the following order: 1. Battus, in-law of Arcesilaus. Seethe end of 
 the founder of the colony. 2. Arcesi- c. 164. 
 
 laus. S. Battus, surnamed the happy. 4 alrtiv nva TI. See Matthiae, Gr. 
 
 4. Arcesilaus. 5. Battus, the lame. Gramm. p. 584, or sect. 411, 4. 
 
 6. Arcesilaus, murdered by his bro- 5 tir iZtpyaansvoiai,. See a similar 
 
 ther. 7. Battus, deposed by the expression, viii. 94, and ix. 77, re- 
 
 Mantinean. arbitrator Demonax. 8. specting which, consult Matthiae, Gr. 
 
 Arcesilaus, the same to whom this Gramm. p. 865, or sect. 565, obs. 
 answer was given by the Pythia.
 
 MELPOMENE. 165167. 341 
 
 oracle meant when the Pythia forbade him to bake the pots in 
 the kiln, he banished himself of his own accord from the city 
 of the Cyrenaeans, dreading the death foretold him, and fan- 
 cying that Cyrene was the " spot with water girt." He had 
 taken for wife one of his relations, the daughter of the king of 
 the Barcaeans, Alazir ; to whom he went. But the people of 
 Barca, and some of the Cyrenaean fugitives, seeing him in 
 the market-place, put him to death, as well as his father-in- 
 law, Alazir. Accordingly, Arcesilaus, whether wittingly or 
 unwittingly, missing the sense of the oracle, fulfilled his 
 destiny. 
 
 The mother, Pheretima, so long as Arcesilaus, who had 165 
 worked his own ruin, was abiding at Barca, possessed herself 
 of her son's dignity at Cyrene, not only conducting all affairs, 
 but even taking a seat in the council. When she heard her 
 son had been assassinated in Barca, she fled into Egypt : for 
 there had been benefits conferred on Cambyses the son of 
 Cyrus, by Arcesilaus ; as it was he who gave up Cyrene to 
 Cambyses, and agreed to pay tribute. On her arrival in- 
 Egypt, Pheretima sat down the -suppliant of Aryandes, be- 
 seeching him to avenge her ; and alleging as a pretext, that 
 her son had met with his death in consequence of his attach- 
 ment to the Medes. 1 This Aryandes was the governor of 166 
 Egypt, appointed by Cambyses ; ,the same who, subsequently 
 to these events, was destroyed, in consequence of his endea- 
 vouring to equal Darius ; for, understanding and seeing that 
 Darius was desirous of leaving a monument of himself, such 
 as had not been made by another king, he emulated his sove- 
 reign, till at length he received his reward ; for Darius, having 
 purified some,gold to the greatest possible fineness, had it coin- 
 ed; whereupon Aryandes, the governor of Egypt, caused some 
 silver money of the same kind to be made; 2 and to this day 
 the aryandic is extremely pure silver. Darius, hearing that 
 Aryandes had so acted, alleging some other accusation against 
 him, as if he had attempted to rebel, put him to death. At 1,67 
 the time I am alluding to, this Aryandes, taking pity on 
 Pheretima, gave to her all the forces out of Egypt, both land 
 troops and navy ; over the land army he appointed Amasis, 
 a Maraphian, commander ; and nominated admiral of the 
 fleet Badres, a Pasargadian by extraction. But previously to 
 despatching this armament, Aryandes sent a herald to Barca, 
 enquiring who it was that had slain Arcesilaus ; but all tlfe 
 Barcaeans took it on themselves, for they declared tlicy had 
 
 1 That is to say, the Persians : the lowing books: 
 
 reader will see the confusion of these 2 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 580, 
 two terms very frequently in the fol- or sect. 409, 6.
 
 3*2 MELPOMENE. 163171. 
 
 suffered many calamities at his bands. Aryandes, informed 
 of this, accordingly despatched the forces, together with Phe- 
 retima. This, therefore, was the specious pretext 1 given for 
 the expedition , in my opinion, however, the armament was 
 sent in the design of subjecting the Libyans. For there are 
 many and various nations of the Libyans; few of which ac- 
 knowledged the supremacy of the king, the greater portion 
 holding no account of Darius. 2 
 
 168 The various tribes of the Libyans are situated in the fol- 
 lowing order. 3 Beginning from Egypt, the first nation of the 
 Libyans that inhabit the country are the Adyrmachidae ; 
 these people have, for the most part, the Egyptian usages, but 
 wear the same costume as the rest of the Libyans : their fe- 
 males wear a brass ring round each of the legs ; and let their 
 hair grow: 4 each bites in her turn the lice she can catch on 
 her person, and so throws them away : these are the only 
 Libyans that have this practice : they are likewise the only 
 ones that present to their king the virgins that are about to 
 be married ; should the maiden please the king, she is de- 
 flowered by him. These Adyrmachidae stretch from Egypt 
 
 169 to, the port called Plynus. Contiguous to these are the Gili- 
 gammae, who occupy the country to the westward, as far as 
 the island Aphrodisias ; off the middle of their territory lies 
 the island of Platea, which the Cyrenaeans founded ; and on 
 the main land is the port Menelaius, and Aziris, which the 
 Cyrenaeans inhabit. From this place commences the region 
 that bears the silphium, 5 which extends from the island of 
 Platea to the mouth of the Syrtis. These people have nearly 
 
 170 the same institutions as the others. Kext to the Giligammae, 
 towards the west, are the Asbystae; these people inhabit the 
 country above Cyrene, their territory not extending down to 
 the sea shore ; as the part along the sea side is occupied by 
 the Cyrenaeans. The Asbystae are, of all the Libyans, the 
 most attached to chariot driving ; and in most of their insti- 
 
 171 tutions imitate the Cyrenaeans. Adjoining the Asbystae, on 
 
 and croXou have been heads." KOfidxrai, in the plural with 
 
 proposed instead of Xoyou, either of tca<rr/, see Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 
 
 which gives a better sense than the 437, or sect. 301, a. 
 
 present reading, we I/tot EOKBUV, see 5 The Greek says only " the sil- 
 
 Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 823, or sect, phium ;" I have added a few words 
 
 543. for the sake of clearness. The sap of 
 
 * The narrative is here interrupted this plant was used by the ancients in 
 
 to make place for a description of cookery and medicine. The African 
 
 Africa, that is to say, the northern or Cyrenaean silphiutn is the same 
 
 parts-, it is resumed in c. -200. with the ferula tingitana, or fennel gi- 
 
 3 Lit " The Libyans dwell in this ant of our gardens ; the inspissated 
 
 manner." juice of which is now called a-ssafoe- 
 
 * ro Kj>a\ar ci Ko^twcroi, " suffer- tida. Translat. 
 ing the hair to grow long en their
 
 MELPOMENE. 17B, 173. 343 
 
 the west, lie the Auschisac; this tribe dwells in the country 
 above Barca, extending down to the sea shore at the Euespe- 
 rides ; in the middle of the territory of the Auschisae dwell 
 the Cabales, a small tribe, stretching down to the sea shore at 
 Taucheira, a city of Barcaea ; these people have the same in- 
 stitutions as the tribes situate above Cyrene. Adjoining these 172 
 Auschisae, and on the west, are the Nasamones, a numerous 
 nation ; who in the summer season leave their flocks on the 
 sea side, and go up to the country of Augila, to gather the 
 fruit of the palm trees, which grow there in great abundance, 
 and to a large stature, all bearing fruit. These people like- 
 wise catch the locusts, which they dry in the sun, and then 
 braying, infuse in milk, which they drink. Although every 
 individual is wont to have several wives, they use promiscuous 
 concubinage : in the same manner as the Massagetae, they 
 lie with the women, merely fixing first their stick in the 
 ground. When a Nasamonian first marries, it is the custom 
 for the bride on the first night to go the round of all the 
 guests, abandoning her person to all; each of whom, after 
 receiving her favours, presents' her with some gifts which he 
 has brought from his home. They have the following insti- 
 tutions in regard to oaths and divination : they swear by such 
 of their countrymen as have the reputation of having led the 
 most just and virtuous lives, 2 touching at the same time the 
 tombs of those persons. When they wish to divine, they pro- 
 ceed to the sepulchres of their forefathers, where, after oner- 
 ing up prayers, they lay themselves to sleep : whatever they 
 may behold in their sleep, they adopt as an ansive?: They 
 have the following custom in mutually pledging their faith ; 
 each presents his hand to be drank out of, and drinks himself 
 out of that of the other; if they have no liquid, they take 
 some dust 3 from the ground, which they mutually lick up. 
 
 On the confines of the Nasamones are the Psylli: this 173 
 tribe was cut off' in the following manner: the south wind 
 had dried up their reservoirs of water ; for the whole of their 
 country being within the Syrtis, is unprovided with water. 
 The Psylli having held counsel, undertook, by common con- 
 sent, to wage war against the sputh, (I mention only the ac- 
 count that the Libyans give/) and when they were come to 
 
 1 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 775, 4 The wise (and who, in the present 
 at the bottom, or sect. 521. day, is not, in his own estimation, 
 
 2 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 602, wise ?) will laugh at the fables whn 
 or sect. 419,3- and p. 676, or sect. Herodotus tells with so much gravity; 
 467 c it should, however, be recollected, 
 
 3 'The genitive partitive; see Mat- that, in the state the world was in 
 thiae, Gv. Gramm. p. 501, or sect, when he wrote his history, the mw 
 8 56 i. useful thing he could do for posterity
 
 344 MELPOMENE. 174177. 
 
 the sands, the south wind blowing up, buried them. Since 
 these people were destroyed, the Nasamones have had pos- 
 174- session of their territory. Above these, towards the south, 
 dwell the Garamantes, 1 in a quarter infested with wild beasts ; 
 these people fly from all men, and from all society ; they have 
 no warlike weapons, neither are they acquainted with the art 
 
 175 of fio-htinff. These accordingly dwell above the Nasamones; 
 
 PO 1 1 I T 1 
 
 contiguous to whom, westward, on the sea shore, lie the 
 Macae; these people shave their heads, so as to leave a tuft 
 on- the top, suffering the hair to grow on the crown, but 
 shaving OH either side close to the skin : in war they wear, as 
 a defence, the skins of ostriches.* The Cinyps, a river taking 
 its rise in the hill called that of the Graces, flows athwart 
 their country, and discharges itself into the sea: this hill of 
 the Graces is covered with trees, although the rest of Libya, 
 which has hitherto been described, is naked ; from the sea to 
 
 176 the hill is a distance of two hundred stades. Next to the 
 Macae are the Gindanes, whose women wear each several 
 skin thongs round their ancles, the meaning of which prac- 
 tice is, according to what is reported, the following : the 
 woman fastens on a thong for every man who enjoys her per- 
 son ; and she who has the most is deemed the best, as having 
 
 177 been beloved by the greatest number of men. The shore of 
 these Gindanes, which projects into the sea, is occupied by 
 the Lotophagi, who subsist solely on the fruit of the lotus 
 tree; the fruit of the lotus is about the size of the mastic 
 berry, and in sweetness resembles that of the palm tree. The 
 Lotophagi even make wine from this fruit. 3 
 
 was to give all the accounts he heard from the plant mentioned in ii. 92. 
 
 from the various people he travelled " It bears small farinaceous berries, 
 
 among ; one of those nations, it must of a yellow colow, and delicious 
 
 be recollected, informed Herodotus, taste. The natives convert them 
 
 that they had circumnavigated Africa, into a sort of bread, after pounding 
 
 and it was reserved to Vasco de Gama them gently in a wooden mortar, 
 
 to prove, by actually doubling the until the farinaceous part of the berry 
 
 Cape of Good Hope, that that tale, at is separated from the stone. The 
 
 any rate, was not so false and ridicu- stones are afterwards put into a ves- 
 
 lous as philosophers asserted. Trans- sel of water, and shaken about, so as 
 
 lut. to separate the meal, which may still 
 
 1 See the Geographical Index, at adhere to them ; this communicates a 
 
 the end of the second volume. sweet and agreeable taste to the 
 
 a The orpotiOoe is any bird, particu- water, and, with the addition of a 
 
 larly those of the sparrow kind ; the little pounded millet, forms a pleasant 
 
 ffTpovQbg p.tya\i], or icarayaiof, or \t- gruel called fondi, which is the com- 
 
 jSuKog, the ostrich ; cryaioc, because mon breakfast in many parts of Luda- 
 
 the ostrich, thoiigh it has wings, can- mor, during the mouths of February 
 
 not fly. and March. This fruit is collected by 
 
 3 Mungo Park gives the following spreading a cloth upon the ground, 
 
 description of this lotus, which, as I and beating the branches with a stick." 
 
 have before observed, is very different Desfontaines, a French botanist, has
 
 MELPOMENE. 178180. 345 
 
 Contiguous to the Lotophagi, along the sea, are the Mach- 1 78 
 lyes, who likewise make use of the lotus, although in a lesser 
 quantity than the before-mentioned. They stretch along a 
 large river, the name of which is the Triton, discharging its 
 waters into a large lake, the Tritonis, within which is an 
 island, its name Phla. It is said that this island was, accord- 
 ing to an oracle, to have been colonized by the Lacedemo- 
 nians. There is likewise the following report stated. That 179 
 Jason, when the ship Argo was finished building, under Pe- 
 lion, placed on board of her not only a hecatomb, 1 but like- 
 wise a brass tripod ; after which, he circumnavigated the 
 Peloponnesus, with the intention of proceeding to Delphi; 
 and, when on his voyage he was off'Malea, a north-east wind 
 assailed him, and drove him on the coast of Libya; but before 
 he saw land, he found himself among the shoals of the lake 
 Tritonis ; the report goes, that while he was embarrassed as 
 to a mode of escape, Triton made his appearance to him, and 
 bade him give to him the tripod ; promising that he would 
 shew them the passage out, 2 and send them away harmless; 
 that Jason, having consented, Triton accordingly not only 
 shewed them the channel between the shoals, but likewise de- 
 posited the tripod in his own temple; then seating himself on 
 the tripod, 3 he foretold to Jason and his comrades all that was 
 to befal them, as well as that " when any of the descendants 
 " of the crew aboard the Argo should carry off the tripod, 
 " then would the Greeks of all necessity found one hundred 
 " cities about lake Tritonis." The report adds, that the 
 Libyans of the country, having heard this prediction, con- 
 cealed the tripod. Adjoining to these Machlyes, are the 180 
 Ausenses; these latter, as well as the Machlyes, reside around 
 lake Tritonis. The Machlyes wear their hair long behind ; 
 the Ausenses suffer it to grow before. In the yearly festival 
 of Minerva, their virgins, dividing into two equal parties, 
 
 given a scientific description of the but rather of a victim, any thing that 
 
 lotus. It is a sort of jujube tree, is to be offered ; the term seems to be 
 
 Rhamnus Lotus. Linnaeus had given used in the same sense in c. 50 of 
 
 the specific loiiis to a plant of the ge- this book. 
 
 mis Rhamnus; but as he had not seen 2 This is the usual acceptation of 
 the plant, his description is incorrect, the word tfikTrXoog, and that in which 
 The Rhamnus Lotus is a thorny shrub, it is to be taken in the description of 
 its fruit is not unlike that of the culti- the bridge of boats, vii. 30. We shall 
 vated jujube tree, Rhamnus Ziziphus, see in the next volume this word re- 
 but it is spherical, and smaller. peatedly taken in a very different 
 Translat. sense, concerning which, see p. 67, 
 1 It'does not appear that the word note 5, and p. 237, note 4, of the 2nd 
 Hecatomb is to be taken here in its volume of this work, 
 usual sense of " a solemn sacrifice of 3 liriGiviriffavra -ry TpiiroSai, 7. ft. 
 one hundred oxen, or other animals," Qtoiriaavra lirl T$ 
 
 VOL. i. y y
 
 346 MELPOMENE. 181. 
 
 fight one against the other with stones and staves ; in doing 
 which, they say they celebrate their paternal duties in honoifr 
 of the native goddess, whom we call Minerva. Those of the 
 girls that die of the wounds, they call false virgins : before, 
 however, they set the girls to fight, they perform the follow- 
 ing ceremony: they publicly dress the girl that in every res- 
 pect is the most beautiful, in a Corinthian helmet and Greek 
 hauberk, and then placing her on a chariot, take her all 
 round the lake ; in what arms they were wont to dress the 
 girls before the Greeks settled in their neighbourhood, I can- 
 not undertake to say. I imagine, however, that they must 
 have dressed them in Egyptian accoutrements; for I think 
 the heavy buckler and the helmet were derived by the Greeks 
 from Egypt. In relation of Minerva, they affirm that she 
 was the daughter of Neptune and the lake Tritonis; but that 
 being offended in some respects with her father, she gave her- 
 self to Jupiter ; and that Jupiter made her his own daughter: 
 such is the account they give. They use promiscuous co v n- 
 versation with women, not cohabiting with them, but satiating 
 their passions after the manner of cattle : the men meet toge- 
 ther at one place every three months, 1 when any woman's 
 child that may be grown up is settled to be the son of him 
 among the men whom he may resemble. 
 
 181 The above tribes that have been mentioned are those of the 
 Libyan nomades that dwell on the sea side. Above these, 
 inland, lies Wild Libya; above Wild 2 Libya is a sandy ridge, 
 stretching from Thebes of the Egyptians to the piliars of 
 Hercules ; in this ridge, at the distance of about ten days' 
 journey the one from the other, are seen on the hills masses 
 of salt in large lumps; and at the summit of each hill a 
 stream of cold and soft water gushes forth in the midst of the 
 salt. About those springs dwell the last tribes towards the 
 desert, and above Wild Libya. First; ten days' journey from 
 Thebes, are the Ammonians, who have the temple derived 
 from Theban Jove; for at Thebes likewise, as I have before 
 observed, the image of Jove is with a ram's head. 3 They have 
 another stream of spring water, which, early in the morning, 
 is luke warm ; more cool in the middle of the forenoon; and 
 when it is mid-day, becomes exceeding cold ; at which time 
 accordingly they water their gardens : as the day wears, it 
 loses its coolness till such time as the sun sets, when the water 
 becomes luke warm, and continues to increase in heat till 
 midnight draws near, at which time it boils violently ; when 
 
 1 rp'iTov fir]i-bc, must be taken as 2 Lit. Wild beast Libya, 
 equivalent to fiu Tft'nov fitjvog. 3 See ii. 54.
 
 MELPOMENE. 182-184. 347 
 
 midnight is gone by, the water becomes cooler towards dawn. 
 This spring has the name of the SUN. Next to the Ammo- 182 
 mans, ten more days' journey along the ridge of sand, there 
 is another hill of salt, like the Ainmonian one, with a spring, 
 and men dwelling around; the name of this country is Augila; 
 and to this quarter the Nasamonians go to gather the dates. 
 From the Augili, ten days' more journey, there is another 183 
 salt-hill, with water, and abundance of fruit-bearing palms, 
 as on the other hills. In this quarter dwells a nation of men, 
 whose name is the Garamantes, 1 a very large tribe. These 
 people throw mould upon the salt, and then sow their seeds. 
 From these, the shortest cut to the Lotophagi is a thirty days' 
 journey; among the Garamantes are found the kine that graze 
 backwards ; they are obliged to graze backwards, for this 
 reason : they have horns bending forward, on account of 
 which they travel backwards as they graze ; for they are not 
 able to do so forwards, as their horns would stick in the 
 ground. Those kine are, in no other respect, different from 
 the rest of oxen, saving in this and in the thickness and close- 
 ness 3 of their skin. These Garamantes go in chase of the 
 Ethiopian Troglodytae on four-horse chariots; for the Troglo- 
 dytae are the swiftest on foot of all men that we have ever 
 heard mentioned. The Troglodytae eat serpents and efts, 
 and such like crawling things. They use a language similar 
 to none other, for they shriek like l>ats. 
 
 Ten more days' journey from the Garamantes is another 184 
 salt-hill and stream ; around which dwells a nation, whose 
 name is the Atarantes; these are the only men that we know 
 of who have no distinctive names; for their name, as a body, 
 is Atarantes, but there is no separate name given to each indi- 
 vidual ; they curse the sun when he is right over their heads, 
 and, moreover, use all kind of injurious language, because he 
 scorches and harasses them, not only the men, but the coun- 
 try. After these, at a distance of ten more days' journey, is 
 another salt-hill and spring; about which dwell some men. 
 Adjoining this salt-hill, 3 is a mountain, the name of which is 
 
 1 See the Geographical Index at 3 There is no doubt that all this 
 the end of the second volume of this tract abounds in mineral salt ; Shaw 
 W0 rk. speaks of whole hills and tracts of 
 
 2 It is very evident that rptyie is salt in this country ; the regular dis- 
 taken in a very extraordinary sense ; tances from salt-hill to salt-hill seems, 
 what that sense, however, is, is by no however, to be an embellishment of 
 means so clear. Schweighaeuser in- the truth : we are not, however, nearly 
 terprets it as signifying, " Firmitas enough acquainted with the interior 
 attritui frictionique resistens :" Lar- of Africa, to affirm that what Herodo~ 
 cher, " Souplesse :" Schneider, " die tus states is false. Translat. 
 
 Harte im Ani'uhlens hardness to the 
 touch"
 
 348 MELPOMENE. 185187. 
 
 AtlaS ; it is narrow and round on every side ; it is said also 
 to be so lofty, that it is not possible to see its top ; for the 
 clouds never disperse from about the summit, whether in sum- 
 mer or winter. This mountain, the natives say, is the pillar 
 of heaven : and from it those people take their name ; they 
 are, in fact, called Atlantes. They are represented as eating 
 nothing that has life, and as having no dreams in their sleep. 
 
 185 As far, therefore, as these Atlantes, I am enabled to give 
 the names of the nations residing on the ridge; not so of any 
 beyond them: although the ridge extends as far as the pillars 
 of Hercules, and even beyond them, every ten days' journey 
 is found a salt mine, and a settlement of men. With all these 
 people the houses are built of blocks of salt, for rain never 
 falls in any of these parts of Libya ; and, indeed, if it were to 
 rain, the walls being of salt, could not stand: the salt dug up 
 there is both of a white and a purple colour. Higher up, be- 
 yond this ridge, towards the south and midland 1 of Libya, 
 the country is desert, without water, without beasts, without 
 wood ; neither does any dew fall there. 
 
 186 From Egypt, therefore, to the lake Tritonis, the Libyans 
 are nomades, eaters of flesh, and drinkers of milk ; they never 
 touch the female kine, nor do they keep pigs, for the same 
 reasons that the Egyptians do not. 'Neither, therefore, do the 
 women of Cyrene hold it lawful to eat of cow's flesh, out of 
 respect to the Egyptian Jsis, in whose honour they, on the 
 contrary, observe fasts and feasts ; not only do the women of 
 Barca refrain from cow's flesh, but neither will they taste that 
 
 187 of swine. To the west of the lake Tritonis, the Libyans are 
 no longer nomades; they neither use the same customs, nor do 
 they do by their children the same as the nomade tribes are 
 wont to do by theirs: for the nomade Libyans (whether they 
 all do so I cannot undertake to say for certain, but many 
 among them do,) are wont, when their children are passed 
 four years old, to burn the veins in the crowns of their heads 
 with uncarded sheep's wool ; some among them do the same 
 by the veins in the temples, with the following view; that 
 humours may not ever after flow from their heads ; 2 and by 
 that reason they say they enjoy perfect health ; and, in 
 good truth,, the Libyans are, of all men that we know, the 
 most healthy; whether, however, they are thus healthy in 
 consequence of the above practice, I will not undertake to 
 affirm for certain. If, while they are burning their children, 
 
 1 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramrn. p. 635, 2 The same custom is said to hold 
 or sect. 437, obs. 3. among the Abj ssinians.
 
 MELPOMENE. 188191. 349 
 
 spasms should attack the patients, they apply a remedy which 
 they have discovered ; they relieve them by sprinkling buck's 
 water over them. 1 I relate only what the Libyans themselves 
 relate. Their sacrifices are performed according to the fol- 1 88 
 lowing rites. They cut off as a firstling the ear of the victim, 
 which they throw on the top of their house; having so done, 
 they twist his neck. They sacrifice to the sun and moon 
 only; to these gods all the Libyans accordingly offer victims j 
 but those dwelling about lake Tritonis sacrifice chiefly to 
 Minerva, and after her to Triton and Neptune. There is no 189 
 doubt but that the Greeks have borrowed from the Libyans 
 the garb and the aegis of the statues of Minerva ; for, except- 
 ing that the costume of the Libyan women is of skin, and 
 that the fringes of their aegises are not serpents, but thongs, 
 that of Minerva is, in every other Tespect, fashioned after the 
 same manner. Among other things, it is to be observed, that 
 the name proves the dress of the statues of Pallas to have 
 come from Libya; for the Libyan women cast over their 
 dress a goat's skin, 2 without hair, fringed around, and dyed a 
 red colour ; and from those goats' skins the Greeks have de- 
 rived the name of the aegis. In my opinion, at least, the 
 howlings in the temples took their first origin likewise in that 
 country; for the Libyan women are very fond of the practice, 
 and conduct it gracefully. It was also from the Libyans that 
 the Greeks learnt to yoke four horses together. The no- 190 
 mades inter their dead in the same manner as the Greeks, 
 with the exception of the Nasamones ; for these last bury 
 their corses sitting, taking care, when any one breathes his 
 last, to place him in a sitting posture, so as he may not depart 
 life in a lying position. Their dwellings are portable, and 
 made of asphodel stalks, platted with rushes. Such are the 
 customs they follow. 
 
 West of the river Triton, the Libyan cultivators already 191 
 touch the Ausenses ; they are accustomed to build their 
 houses, and their name is Maxyes. These people suffer the 
 hair on the right side of their heads to grow, while they shave 
 the left side. They paint their bodies with red lead. These 
 people declare they are descended from the men of Troy. 
 This country, and the rest of Libya westward, is much more 
 infested with wild beasts, and woody, than the land of the 
 
 1 The urine, by the volatility of its 2 From eu /yof, a goat, the Greek* 
 
 alkali, may have, in spasmodic affec- made ai'yfe, aiyiSog, which signifies a 
 
 tions, the same effect as the spirits of goat's skin, and Minerva's aegis. 
 
 hartshorn, which we use in similar Larcher. 
 eases.
 
 350 MELPOMENE. 192. 
 
 nomade tribes ; for the eastern part of Libya, which the no- 
 mades occupy, is lo\v and sandy, as far as the river Triton ; 
 but west of that stream, which is the land of the cultivators, 
 is exceedingly mountainous, woody, and rife of wild animals; 
 the huge serpents, and lions, and elephants, and bears, and 
 aspics, and horned asses, are found in their country ; as well 
 as the dog-headed men, and the headless men, who have 
 their eyes in their bosoms, so far, at least, as it is related by 
 the Libyans, and the wild men, and the wild women, and 
 many other wild beasts in abundance, which undoubtedly do 
 192 exist. 1 In the country of the riomades nothing of the kind is 
 seen ; but other animals are found, such as these, pygargi, 2 
 antelopes, buffaloes, and asses, not the same as those that 
 have horns, but another kind that never drink ; oryes, from 
 whose horns the elbows of citherns are made; in size this 
 animal is about that of the ox. In their country likewise are 
 found foxes, hyaenas, porcupines, wild rams, dictyes. jackals, 
 panthers, boryes, and land crocodiles, about three cubits long, 
 very similar to lizards; ostriches, and small serpents, each 
 with one horn. Such are the beasts found in this country, 
 together with those of other countries, excepting the stag and 
 wild boar: for no where in Libya is there either stag or wild 
 boar. There are three species of rats found there ; one called 
 the two-footed ; the second called zegeries, (this is a Libyan 
 word, equivalent, in our language, to hillocks;) the third are 
 hedge-hogs. There are likewise sveasels, produced in the 
 silphium, very like those at Tartessus. Such are, therefore, 
 the animals which the land of the nomade Libyans produces, 
 so far as I have been able to come at the truth, pushing my 
 enquiries to the farthest. 
 
 Herodotus means ^optcac another sort of gazele, or 
 
 that ke does not believe about the antelope. 
 
 Cynocephali, Acephali ; but that he fiovfiaXig buffalo, or perhaps the 
 
 does know there are in their country antelope bubalus. 
 
 many sorts of wild beasts. opvg unknown ; Cuvier takes it 
 
 . 2 Nothing very certain is known to be the same as the oryx, now 
 
 respecting any of these animals ; the called antelope oryx. 
 
 distance of time since Herodotus fiaaffapia foxes, according to Hesy- 
 
 wrote ; the imperfect knowledge we chius. 
 
 have of the country ; and the proba- vaivat hyaenas. 
 
 bility that some of the species here i5<rrpixC porcupines. 
 
 mentioned may have retired more to nKrvtc; unknown. 
 
 the south ; are insuperable difficulties OWIQ jackals, or tigers. 
 
 in the way of a correct translation. I vdvBijpef panthers. 
 
 shall, however, present my reader finoSis the jerboa, a sort of dimi- 
 
 with the most probable conjectures nutive kangaroo. 
 
 made by modern naturalists : The others have not ev en been the 
 
 irvyapyog a sort of antelope ; its object of conjecture. 
 buttocks white. Deuteron. xiv. a.
 
 MELPOMENE. 193-196. 351 
 
 Adjoining the Maxycs Libyans arc the Zaucccs, whose 193 
 women, in war, drive the chariots. Adjoining these are the 194 
 Gyzantes, in whose country the bees collect a vast quantity of 
 honey, but much more still is said to be made by confection- 
 ers. All these paint themselves with ruddle, and eat apes, 
 which are produced in abundance 1 on their mountains. 
 Near these, say the Carthaginians, lies an island, the name 195 
 of which is Cyraunis ; in length, two hundred stades ; in 
 breadth narrow, and fordable from the main land : it is co- 
 vered with olives and vines. In this island, they say, there is 
 a lake, from the mud of which the girls of the neighbouring 
 people draw gold sand by means of birds' feathers daubed 
 with pitch. I know not whether this does really take place ; 
 I write only what is reported. It may, at all events, be so ; I 
 have myself seen how pitch is procured out of a lake and 
 water in Zacynthus : 2 there are several lakes in that quarter, 
 the largest of which is seventy feet in every direction ; into 
 this pool they plunge a stick, having previously fastened a 
 myrtle branch at the end ; after which they bring up pitch 
 sticking to the myrtle; it has the smell of bitumen, and in all 
 other respects is preferable to the pitch of Pieria. They dis- 
 charge the pitch into a hole dug near the pool ; and when 
 they have collected a good quantity, they' dip it up from the 
 hole, and pour it into jars. Whatever may happen to fall in 
 the pool, goes under ground, and appears again in the sea, 
 which is about four stades distant from the pool. Thus, there- 
 fore, it is probable, that what is said of the island lying off 
 Libya, may be in truth. The Carthaginians likewise state 195 
 the following: 3 that there is a quarter of Libya with a nation 
 of men residing beyond the pillars of Hercules ; when they 
 arrive there, they unload their freight, and placing the wares 
 in order on the strand, go aboard their vessels, and raise a 
 smoke ; that the natives, seeing the smoke, come down to the 
 sea ; and after putting down gold, as the price for the wares, 
 withdraw to a distance from them; that the Carthaginians 
 then debark and examine; and if the gold appears to them 
 sufficient for the articles, they take it up and go their ways ; 
 but if not sufficient, they again go aboard their ships; and 
 the natives, advancing accordingly, place more gold, until 
 they have contented the merchants'. The Carthaginians add, 
 that neither party endeavours to cheat ; for that neither do 
 
 1 See Matthiae, Gr. Gramm. p. 647, 3 This same mode of trafficking is 
 or sect. 445, c. carried on between the Moors and 
 
 2 This is confirmed by modern tra- Nigretiaris of the present day, accord- 
 vellers. There is in Trinidad a lake ing to Shaw. 
 
 of pitch covering above a hundred 
 acres. Translat.
 
 352 MELPOMENE. 197200. 
 
 they themselves touch the gold till the amount is brought 
 equal to the worth of the merchandise ; nor do the natives 
 meddle with the wares before the merchants have taken the 
 *gold dust. 
 
 197 The above are, of the tribes of the Libyans, all that I am 
 able to name ; and many among them had at this period no 
 account for the king of the Medes; neither, indeed, have they 
 even now. 1 have still this much to say respecting their 
 country, that four nations occupy it, and no more, as far as 
 we know ; two of those nations are aboriginal, and two not. 
 The Libyans and Ethiopians are aboriginal ; the former situ- 
 ate northward, and the latter southward in Libya; the foreign 
 tribes are Phoenicians and Greeks. 
 
 198 In my opinion, Libya is not, in reference to the goodness 
 of soil, such as to be compared either with Asia or with Eu- 
 rope, excepting only Cinyps : for that quarter has the same 
 name as the river; and that country is equal to the best of 
 corn lands in the production of crops: but it is in no respects 
 similar to the rest of Libya ; for the mould is black, and 
 watered with springs ; it is neither affected by drought, nor 
 is it injured by sucking up a great quantity of rain ; for in 
 that portion of Libya rain falls. The rate of produce of the 
 crops averages the same as in the Babylonian territory. The 
 land also is good which the Euesperitae occupy ; for when it 
 brings its best crops, it produces a hundred for one ; but that 
 
 199 of Cinyps brings even three hundred for one. The Cyre- 
 naean territory, the loftiest of the tract of Libya which the 
 nomade tribes occupy, has three climates wjthin itself deserv- 
 ing of admiration ; the parts along the shore are the first that 
 teem with crops fit to gather, and vintage. When those crops 
 are collected, the middle tract, above the shore, which they 
 call the hills, teems with crops fit to house ; as soon as those 
 midland crops are gathered, those on the highland tracts are 
 ripe. So that when the first fruits are eaten and drank, the 
 last comes seasonably in ; thus for eight months the harvest 
 busies the Cyrenaeans. So much, then, for these matters. 
 
 200 The Persians, 1 who had been despatched from Egypt to 
 the assistance of Pheretima, by Aryandes, having come to 
 Barca, laid siege to the town, summoning the inhabitants to 
 deliver those guilty of the murder of Arcesilaus ; they would 
 not, however, hearken to the conditions, for the whole body 
 had participated in the deed. Accordingly they besieged 
 Barca for nine whole months, digging mines under ground- 
 
 1 Herodotus here resumes the narrative, which he had interrupted, 108, to 
 speak of Libya.
 
 MELPOMENE. 201,202. 353 
 
 leading to the wall, and making forcible attacks. A copper- 
 smith, however, discovered the mines, performing his search 
 in the following manner with a brazen buckler. He carried 
 the buckler round withinside the wall, approaching it ever 
 and anon to the pavement ; in other parts accordingly the 
 ground where he deposited the buckler produced no sound 
 from it, but in the places that were excavating the brass of 
 the buckler rung. In those parts, therefore, the Barcaei 
 would countermine, and slay the Persian miners. In this 
 manner, therefore, the mines were discovered ; and meanwhile 
 the Barcaei repelled the attacks on the walls. A considerable 201 
 time having thus elapsed, and many fallen on both sides, and 
 not the smaller number on that of the Persians, Amasis, the 
 general of the land troops, devised the following artifice. 
 Seeing that the Barcaei were not to be captured by force of 
 arms, but that they might be captured by fraud, he acted as 
 follows. Having, in the night time, dug a broad trench, he 
 laid some slight planks athwart it ; on the surface of the 
 planks he strewed mould, making all level with the rest of 
 the ground. At the break of 'day he invited the Barcaei to a 
 conference ; they assented joyfully, and at last were pleased 
 to make a truce. Swearing the oaths ' on the hollow ground, 
 both parties made the following agreement: " So long as this 
 " ground shall be as it is, the oath shall remain inviolate ; 
 " the Barcaei declare they will pay a fine to the king ; and 
 " the Persians that they will not again molest the Barcaei." 
 The ceremony ended, the Barcaei, trusting to the conditions, 
 came themselves out of the city, and having thrown open all 
 the gates, permitted him that ohose of the enemy to enter 
 within the wall. Meanwhile the Persians, having broken 
 down the concealed bridge, rushed within the ramparts. 
 They broke down the bridge they had made, for this purpose, 
 that they might not violate the oath they had sworn to the 
 Barcaei, " That the oath should remain inviolate, so long as 
 " the ground remained as it then was." Whereas, when they 
 had broken it down, the oath no longer stood good. 
 
 Accordingly, Pheretima exposed on crosses all around the 202 
 town those of the Barcaei who were most implicated, after 
 they had been delivered to her by the Persians ; she likewise 
 cut off the breasts of their wives, and studded the walls 
 around with them. She bade the Persians take the rest of 
 the Barcaei as plunder, saving such of them as were Battiadae, 
 and not implicated in the murder ; to these latter she gave 
 
 1 See p. 181, note 8, of the second volume. 
 VOL. I. Z Z
 
 354 MELPOMENE. 203205. 
 
 203 the management of the town. The Persians, therefore, re- 
 turned home, taking as slaves the rest of the Barcaei ; and 
 when they were arrived at the town of the Cyrenaeans, the 
 inhabitants, out of respect to some oraele, admitted them to 
 pass through the place. As the army was filing through, 
 Bares, the commander of the fleet, advised taking possession 
 of the town ; but Amasis, the leader of the land army, re- 
 fused, " for they were sent," he said, " against Barca alone, 
 " and not against a Grecian town." But at last, when they 
 had marched through, and halted at the hill of Lycaean Jove, 
 it repented them of not holding possession of Cyrene ; where- 
 fore they endeavoured to enter it a second time, but the Cy- 
 renaeans would not allow them. Terror now spread among 
 the Persians, albeit no one offered them battle ; and running 
 away to a distance of about sixty stades, they halted. The 
 army being there encamped, a messenger arrived to them 
 from Aryandes, calling them back ; and the Persians, having 
 besought the Cyrenaeans to give them provision for the way, 
 obtained their request ; and having received provisions, they 
 withdrew towards Egypt. But from that time till they 
 reached Egypt, the Libyans falling upon them, slaughtered 
 the stragglers, and those left behind, for the sake of their 
 clothes and accoutrements. 
 
 204 The farthest point of Libya that this expedition of the Per- 
 sians reached was to the Euesperides ; such of the Barcaei as 
 they had made slaves of, they transported from Egypt to the 
 presence of the king. King Dari j gave them a village of 
 the Bactrian territory to dwell in. They gave this village the 
 name of Barca, which was inhabited down to my time in 
 
 205 Bactriana. Pheretima, however, did not end life prosper- 
 ously; for as soon as she had returned from Libya into 
 Egypt, after wreaking her vengeance on the Barcaei, she met 
 with a miserable death ; her body, while yet alive, swarmed 
 with maggots ; so true it is that vengeance too great taken by 
 man is an object of jealousy in the eyes of the gods. Such, 
 therefore, was Pheretima, the wife of Battus ; and thus dread- 
 ful the vengeance that visited the Barcaei. 
 
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