■mkw mMWm 'MU smm mmmm REESE LIBRARY OF IHK UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Class. T-^f—m^ Mm- ? V iN,, 'i^C :M / ^ •'^A ,^x£ .^ f «5r. y^ i .^ ■ysy>6.^:. , THE WORKS OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, " This History is spoken of in the highest terms by men of the greatest learning and the soundest judgment, from its first publication to the present time. " The fidelity, the veracity, and the probity of Josephus, are univer- sally allowed : and Scaliger in particular declares, that not only in the affairs of the Jews, but even of foreign nations, he deserves more credit than all the Greek and Roman writei's put together. Certain at least it is, that he had that mostessentiaUqualification of an historian, — a perfect and accurate knowledge of all the transactions which he relates ; that he had no prejudices to mislead hira in the representation of them ; and that, above all, he meant no favour to the Christian cause. For even allow- ing the so much controverted passage, in which he is supposed to bear testimony to Christ, to be genuine, it does not appear thai he ever be- came a convert to His religion, but continued probably s ^edous Jew to the end of his life.* Vide JPisJicp.Poy-teu^'b Lr-^tv-ec, Vol IL 2 234. • .^€5!^ '^^^ tli^'ra-ve.-l by J b Mou C'TT''-' THE WORKS FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS, THE LEARNED AND AUTHENTIC JEWISH HISTORIAN. TO WHICH ARE ADDED THREE DISSERTATIONS, CONCERNING JESUS CHRIST, JOHN THE BAPTIST, JAMES THE JUST, GOD'S COMMAND TO ABRAHAM, ETC. WITH A COMPLETE INDEX TO THE WHOLE. ^ m.,^^-^^^^'^^^ Bt WILLIAM WHISTON, A.M. COHFLEIX Hr ONE VOLTTKX. AUBURN AND BUFFALO: JOHN E. BEARDSLEY. 1857. r. 3/^3S A]\Ol a r .^'■mni THE LIFE OF FLAYIUS JOSEPHUS. ^\ § J . The family from which I am derived is not an ignoble one, but hath descended all along from the priests ; and as nobility among several people is of a diflFerent origin, so with us to be of the sacerdotal dignity, is an indi- cation of the splendour of a family. Now, I am not only sprung from a sacerdotal family in general, but from the first of the twenty- four* courses; and as among us there \f, not only a considerable diflFerence between one family of each course and another, I am of the chief family of that first course also; nay, farther, by my mother, I am of the royal blood ; for the children of Asamoneus, from whom that family was derived, had both the office of the high priesthood, and the dignity of a king, for a long time together. I will accord- ingly set down my progenitors in order. My grandfather's father was named Simon, with the addition of Psellus: he lived at the same time with that son of Simon the high priest, who first of all the high priests was named Uyrcanus. This Simon Psellus had nine sons, one of whom was Matthias, called Eph- lias: he married the daughter of Jonathan the high priest ; which Jonathan was the first of the sons of Asamoneus, who was high priest, and was the brother of Simon the high priest also. This Matthias had a son called • We may hence correct the error of the T^tin copy of the second book Against Apion, sect, 8 (for th« Greek it there lost), which says, there were then only four tribes or courses of the priests, instead of twenty-four. Nor is this testimony to be disregarded, as if Josepbus there contradicted what he bad sdfirmed here; because even the account there given better agrees to twenty-four than to four courses, while he says that each of those courses contained above 5,000 men, which, multiplied by only four, will make not more than 20.000 priests ; where- as the number 120,000, as multiplied by 24, seems much the most probable, they being about one tenth of the whole people, even after the captivity. 8e« Ezra ii. 36 — 39; Nehem. vii. 39 — 42; I Esd. v, 24, 2.>: with Ezra, ii. 64; Nehem. vii. 66; 1 Esd. v. 41. Nor with this common reading or notion of but four courses of priests, agree with Josephus's own further assertion elsewhere (Antiq. b. vii. ch. xiv. sect. 7), that David's partition of the priestB into twenty-four courses, had continued to that day. i 'it5 Matthias Curtus, and that in the first year of the government of Hyrcanus: his son's name was Joseph, born in the ninth year of the reign of Alexandra: his son Matthias was born in the tenth year of the reign of Arche- laus; as was I born to Matthias in the first year of the reign of Caius Caesar. I have three sons: Hyrcanus, the eldest, was bom in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, as was Justus born in the seventh, and Agrippa in the ninth. Thus have I set down the genealogy of my family as I have found it de- scribed f in the public records, and so bid adieu to those who calumniate me [as of a lower original]. 2. Now, my father Matthias was not only eminent on account of his nobility, but had a higher commendation on account of his righte- ousness; and was in great reputation in Je- rusalem, the greatest city we have. I was myself brought up with my brother, whose name was Matthias, for he was my own bro- ther, by both father and mother; and I made mighty proficiency in the improvements of my learning, and appeared to have both a great memory and understanding. Moreover, when I was a child, and about fourteen years of age, I was commended by all for the love I had to learning; on which account the high priests and principal men of the city came then frequently to me together, in order to know my opinion about the accurate under-j standing of points of the law; and when I was about sixteen years old, I had a mind to make trial of the several sects that were among us. These sects are three : — The first is that of the Pharisees, the second that of the Sad- ducees, and the third that of the Essens, as we hav« frequently told you; for I thought that by this means I might choose the best, if 1 were once acquainted with them all; so I t An eminent example of the care of the Jews about their genealogies, especially as to the priests. See Against Apion, b. L sect 7. A THE LIFE OF FLaVIUS JOSEPHUS. contented myself with hard fare, and under- went great difficulties, and went through them all. Nor did I content myself with these trials only; but when I was informed that one, whose name was Banus, lived in the desert, and used no other clothing than grew upon trees, and had no other food than what grew of its own accord, and bathed himself in cold water frequently, both by night and by day, in order to preserve his chastity, I imitated him in those things, and continued with him three years.* So when I had ac- complished my desires, I returned back to the city, being now nineteen years old, and began to conduct myself according to the rules of the sect of the Pharisees, which is of kin to the Beet of the Stoics, as the Greeks cftll them. 3. But when I was in the twenty-sixth year of my age, it happened that I took a Yoyage to Rome; and this on the occasion which I shall now describe. At the time when Felix was procurator of Judea, there were certain priests of my acquaintance, and very excellent persons they were, whom on a small and trifling occasion he had put into bonds, and sent to Rome to plead their cause before Caesar. These I was desirous to pro- cure deliverance for; and that especially be- cause I was informed that they were not un- mindful of piety towards God, even under their afflictions; but supported themselves with figs and nuts.f Accordingly I came to Rome, though it were through a great num- ber of hazards, by sea; for, as our ship was drowned in the Adriatic Sea, we that were in it, being about six hundred in number,^ swam for our lives all the night; when, upon the first appearance of the day, and upon our sight of a ship of Cyrene, I and some others, eighty in all, by God's providence, prevented the rest, and were taken up into the other ship: and when I had thus escaped, and was come to Dicearchia, which the Italians call Puteoli, * When Josepbus here says, that from sixteen to nine- teen, or for three years, he made trial of the three Jewish ■ects, the Pharisees, the Sadducees, and the Essens, and yet says presently, in all our copies, that he stayed besides with one particular ascetic, called JJanus, ttu,^ mirct, with him, and this still before he was nineteen, there is little room left for his trial of the three other sects. I suppose, therefore, that for {r«»' miru, tvilh him, the old reading might be rat;' tcircK, with them; which is a very small emendation, and takes away the diiTiculty before us. Nor is Dr. Hudson's conjecture, hinted at by Mr. Hall in his preface to the Doctor's edition of Jose- pbus,atall improbable,thatthis Banus, by this his descrip- tion, might well be a follower of John the Baptist, and that from him Josephus mipht easily imbibe such notions, as afterwards prepared him to have a favourable opinion of Jesus Christ himself, who was attested to by John the itaptist + We may note here, that religious men ainont; the Jews, or at least those that were priests, were some- times ascetics also, and, like Daniel and his companions in Babylon (Dan. i. 8—16), ate no flesh, but ></»• und nutt, Ac. only. This was like the {»i-«;(p«>-ja, or austrre diet of the Christian ascetics in I'a.ssion Wt^k. Cun- •titut. T. la t It has been thought the numlter of Paul and his companions on ship-board (Acts xxvii. :iH\. which are 876 in our copies, are too many; whereas we liml heir. that JoHcphus and bis companions, a very few years after the other, were about &>0. I became acquainted with AHturius, an actor of plays, and much beloved by Nero, but a Jew by birth ; and through his interest became known to Poppea, Caesar's wife; and took care, as soon as possible, to entreat her to procure that the priests might be set at liber- ty; and when, besides this favour, I had* ob- tained many presents from Poppea, I returned home again. 4. And now I perceived innovations were already begun, and that there were a great many very much elevated, in hopes of a re- volt from the Romans. I therefore endea- voured to put a stop to these tumultuous per- sons, and persuaded them to change their minds; and laid before their eyes against whom it was that they were going to fight and told them that they were inferior to the Romans not only in martial skill, but also in good fortune; and desired them not rashly, and after the most foolish manner, to bring on the dangers of the most terrible mischiefs upon their country, upon their families, and upon themselves. And this I said with vehe- ment exhortation, because I foresaw that the end of such a war would be most unfortunate to us. But I could not persuade them ; for the madness of desperate men was quite too hard for me. 5. I was then afraid, lest, by inculcating these things so often, I should incur their hatred and their suspicions, as if I were of our enemies* party, and should run into the danger of being seized by them and slain, since they were already possessed of Antonia, which was the citadel; so I retired into the inner court of the temple; yet did I go out of the temple again, after Manahem and the principal of the band of robbers were put to death, when I abode among the high priests and the chief of the Pharisees; but no small fear seized upon us when we saw the people in arms, while we ourselves knew not what we should do, and were not able to restrain the seditious. However, as the danger was directly upon us, we pretended that we were of the same opinion with them; but only ad- vised them to be quiet for the present, and to let the enemy go away, still hoping that Gessius [Florus] would not be long ere he came, and that with great forces, and so put an end to these seditious proceedings. 6. But, upon his coming and fighting, he was beaten, and a great many of those that were with him fell; and this disgrace which Gessius [with Cestius] received, became the calamity of om whole nation; for those that were fond of the war were so far elevated with this success, that they had hopes of finally con- quering the Romans. Of which war another occasion was njinistered; which was this: — Thoi^ie that dwelt in the neighbouring cities of Syria seized u|)<)n such Jews as dwelt aujoiig theiii. with their wives and children, and slew tlunn, when they had not the least occasion af ftr * _ TJ -^ f 'XT TETE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. .J^:^^ 8 complaint against them; for they did neither attempt any innovation or revolt from the Romans, nor had they given any marks of hatred or treacherous designs towards the Sy- rians: but what was done by the inhabitants of §cythopolis was the most impious and most \iighly criminal of all;* for when the Jews, their ♦enemies, came upon them from without, they forced the Jews that were among them to bear arms against their own countrymen, which it is unlawful for us to do ;t and when, by their assistauce, they had joined battle with those who attacked them, and had beaten them, af- ter that victory they forgot the assurances they had given these their fellow-citizens and con- federates, and slew them all: being in number many ten thousands [13,000]. The like mis- eries were undergone by those Jews that were the inhabitants of Damascus; but we have given a more accurate account of these things in the books of the Jewish war. I only men- tion them now, because I would demonstrate to my readers that the Jews' war with the Romans was not voluntary, but that, for the main, they were forced by necessity to enter into It. 7. So when Gessius had been beaten, as we have said already, the principal men of Jerusalem, seeing that the robbers and inno- vators had arms in great plenty, and fearing lest they, while they were unprovided with arms, should be in subjection to their enemies, which <iho came to be the case afterwards, — and, be- ing informed that all Galilee had not yet re- volted from the Romans, but that some part of it was still quiet, they sent ine and two others of the priests, who were men of excel- lent characters, Joazar and Judas, in order to persuade the ill men there to lay down their arms, and to teach them this lesson, — That it were better to have those arms reserved for the most courageous men that the nation had [than to be kept there;] for that it had been resol ved. That those our best men should al- ways have their arms ready against futurity; but still so, that they should wait to see what the Romans would do. 8. When I had therefore received these in- structions, I came into Galilee, and found the people of Sepphoris in no small agony about their country, by reason that the Galileans had resolved to plunder it, on account of the friend- ship they had with the Romans; and because they had given their right hand, and made a league with Cestius Gallus, the president of Syria: but I delivered them all out of the fear they were in, and persuaded the multi- tude to deal kindly with them, and permitted • Sef Jewish U ar. b ii. ch. xviii. sect. 3. + 1 he Jews mi^ht coilt^t this unlawfiiliipss of fighting aj^ainst their l»reihren from that law of Moses (I.evit. XJT, 16) " Thon «hatt not stand aeainst the blood ol thy neitjhbour;" and that (ver. 17) '* Thou shall not avenge nor l»w>ranyj{rii(lee, atfainst the children of thy people; but thoii nhliU love thy iieiyibonr as thy?^if ;" as well as from ?n;i'.y other piae-s in 'he Pematrucb And Prophets. 'Ite A itiq. Ik vUi. ci vui. ^ct. -i them to send to those that were their own hos- tages with Gessius to Dora, which is a city of Phcenicia, as often as they pleased ; though I still found the inhabitants of Tiberias ready to take arms, and that on the occasion follow- ing: — 9. There were three faction* in this city. The first was composed of men of worth and gravity; of these Julius Capellu* was the head. Now he, as well as all bis companions, Herod the son of Miarus, and Herod the son of Ga- malus, and Compsus the son of Compsus (for as to Compsus's brother Crispus, who had once been governor of the city under the great king* [Agrippa], he was beyond Jordan in his own possessions) ; all these persons before named gave their advice, that the city should then continue in their allegiance to the Romans and to the king ; but Pistus, who was guided by his son Justus, did not acquiesce in that resolution, otherwise he was himself naturally of a good and virtuous character : but the se- cond faction was composed of the most igno- ble persons, and was determined for war. But as for Justus, the son of Pistus, who vrns the head of the third faction, although he pre- tended to be doubtful about going to war, yet was he really desirous of innovation, as sup- posing that he should gain power to himself by the change of affairs. He therefore came into the midst of them, and endeavoured to inform the multitude that "the city Tiberias had ever been a city of Galilee; and that in the days of Herod the tetrarch, who had built it, it had obtained the principal place ; and that he had ordered that the city Sepphoris should be subordinate to the city Tiberias : that they had not lost this pre-eminence even under Agrippa the father; but had retained it until Felix was procurator of Judea ; but he told them, that now they had been so unfortunate as to be made a present by Nero to Agrippa, junior; and that upon Seppboris's submission of itself to the Romans, that was become the capital city of Galilee, and that the royal trea- sury and the archives were now remove<l from them." When he had spoken these things, and a great many more against king Agrippa, in order to provoke the people to a revolt, he added, That " this was the time for them to take arms, and join with the Galileans as their confederates' (whom they might com- mand, and who would now willingly assist them, out of the hatred they bear to the peo- ple of Sepphoris; because they preserved their fidelity to the Romans), and to gather a great number of forces, in order to punish them." And, as he said this, he exhorted the multi- tude [to go to war] ; for his abilities lay in making harangues to the people, and in being too hard in his speeches for such as opposed him, though they advised what was more to • That this Herod Aerippa, the father, was of old called the Great A'iny. as here, appears by hU coint ttili reiuaiiiing; to whiclt Havercamp refers lu. THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. tbeir advantage, and this by his craftiness and his fallacies, for he was not unskilful in the learning of the Greeks ; and in dependence on that skill it was that he undertook to write a history of these affairs, as aiming, by this way of haranguing, to disguise the truth ; but as to this man, and how ill were his character and conduct of life, and how he and his bro- ther were, in great measure, the authors cf our destruction, I shall give the reader an ac- count in the progress of my narration. So when Justus had, by his persuasions, prevailed with the citizens of Tiberias to take arms, nay, and had forced a great many so to do against their wills, he went out, and set the villages that belonged to Gadara and Hippos on fire ; which villages were situated on the borders of Tiberias, and of the region of Scy- thopolis. 10. And this was the state Tiberias was now in; but as for Gischala, its affairs were thus: — When John, the son of Levi, saw some of the citizens much elevated upon their revolt from the Romans, he laboured to re- strain them, and entreated them that they would keep their allegiance to them ; but he conld not gain his purpose, although he did nis endeavours to the utmost; for the neigh- bouring people of Gadara, Gabara, and So- gaiia, with the Tyrians, got together a great army, and fell upon Gischala, and took Gis- chala by force, and set it on fire ; and when they had entirely demolished it, they returned home. Upon which John was so enraged, that he armed all his men, and joined battle with the people forementioned ; and rebuilt Gischala after a manner better than before, and fortified it with walls for its future secu- rity. n. But Gamata persevered in its allegi- ance to the Romans for the reason following: — Philip, the son of Jacimus, who was their governor under king Agrippa, had been un- expectedly preserved when the roy.il palace at Jerusalem had been besieged; but, as he fled away, had fallen into another danger; and that was, of being killed by Manahem, and the robbers that were with him ; but certain Babylonians, who were of his kindred, and were then in Jerusalem, hindered the robbers from executing their design. So Philip staid there four days, and fled away on the fifth, having disguised himself with fictitious hair, that he might not be discovered ; and when he was come to one of the villages to him be- longing, but one that was situated at the bor- ders of the citadel of Garnala, he sent to some of those that were under him, and command- ed them to come to him ; but God himself Hindered that his intention, and this for his own advantage also; for had it not so hap- pened, he had certainly perished ; for a fever Laving seized upon him immediately, he wrote to Agrippa and Bernice, and gave them to (me of his freedmen to carry them to Varuf>, who at this time w a-* procurator of the king dom, which the king and his sister had in- trusted bini withal, while they were gone to Berytus with an intention of meeting Ge?sius. When Varus had received these letters of Phi- lip, and had learned that he was preserved, he was very uneasy at it, as supposing that he should appear useless to the king and his sis- tt.'f, now Philip was come. He therefore pro- duced the carrier of the letters before the multitude, and accused him of forging the same ; and said, that he spfekt fe s^i/ when he related that Philip was at JeriiSfeWa., fighting among the Jews against the Romans. So he slew him. And when this freedman of Phi- lip did not return again, Philip was doubtful what should be the occasion of his stay, and sent a second messenger with letters, that he might, upon his return, inform him what had befallen the other that had been sent before, and why he tarried so long. Varus accused this messenger also, when he came, of telling a falsehood, and slew him; for he was puffed up by the Syrians that were at Caesarea, and had great expectations ; for they said that Agrippa would be slain by the Romans for the crimes which the Jews had committed, and that he should himself take the government, as derived from their kings ; for Varus was, by the confession of all, of the royal family, as being a descendant of Sohemus, who had enjoyed a tetrarchy about Libanus; for which reason it was that he was puffed np, and kept the letters to himself. He contrived also that the king should not meet with those writings, by guarding all the passes, lest any one should escape, and inform the king what had been done. He moreover slew many of the Jews, in order to gratify the Syrians of Csesarea. He had a mind also to join with the Trachonites in Batanea, and to take up arms and make an assault upon the Babylonian Jews that were at Ecbatana; for that was the name they went by. He therefore called to him twelve of the Jews of Cajsarea, of the best chnracter, and ordered them to go to EcbatauK, and infonu their country men who dwelt there, That Varus hath heard that " \ou intend to march aijainst the king; but, not l>elieving that report, he hath sent us to persuade you to lay down your arms; and that this compliance will be a sign that he did well not to give credit to those that raised the report concerning you." He also enjoined theui to send seventy of their prin- cipal men to make a defence for them as to the accusation laid against them. So when the twelve messengers csune to their country- men at Ecl>atana, and foutul that they had no designs of innovation at all, they persuaded them to seiul the seventy men also ; who, not at all suspecting what would (Mjuie, sent them accordingly. So these seventy went down to Cfesarea, together with the twelve ambas- sadors; where Varus met them with tlie kiin^'s forces Hnd slew them all, togethtr with tht THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. [^t^eWe] ambassadors, and made an expedi- tion against the Jews of Ecbatana. But one there was of the seventy who escaped, and made haste to ijiform the Jews of their com- ing; upon which they took their arms, with their wives and children, and retired to the citadel at Gamala, leaving their own villages full of all sorts of good things, and having many ten thousands of cattle therein. When Philip was informed of these things, he also came to the citadel of Garaala; and when he was come, the multitude cried aloud, and de- sired him to resume the government, and to make an expedition against Varus and the Syrians of Caesarea; for it was reported that they had slain the king. But Philip restrain- ed I heir zeal, and put them in mind of the benetits the king had bestowed upon them ; and told them how powerful the Romans were, and said it was not for their advantage to make war with them; and at length he prevailed with them. But now, when the king WHS acquainted with Varus's design, which was to cut off the Jews of Caesarea, being mwny ten thousands, with their wives and chilui cr., and all in one day, he called to him Equiculus Modius, and sent him to be Varus's succes- sor, as we have elsewhere related. But still l*hilip kept possession of the citadel of Ga- mala, and of the country adjoining to it, which give us leave, but were at length entirely over, come by us, and were induced to be of our opinion. So Jesus the son of Sapphias, one of those whom we have already mentioned as the leader of a seditious tumult of mariners and poor people, prevented us, and took with him certain Galileans, and set the entire pa- lace on tire, and thought he should get a grea deal of money thereby, because he sa\T som of the roofs gilt with gold. They also plun dered a great /leal of the fnrniture, which was done without our approbation; for, after we had discoursed with Capellus and the princi- pal men of the city, we departed from Beth- niaus, and went into the Upper Galilee. But Jesii^f and his party slew all the Greeks that were inhabitants of Tiberias, and as many others as were thei** enemies before the war began. 13. When I understood this state of things, I was greatly provoked, and went down to Tiberias, and took all the care I could of the royal furniture, to recover all that could be recovere<i from such as had plundered it. They ''on^isted "^f candlesticks made of Corinthian brass, and of royal tables, and of a great quantity of uncoined silver ; and I resolved to preserve whatsoever came to my hand for the king. So I sent for ten of the principal men of the senate, and for Capellus the son of thereby continued in their allegiance to the Antyllus, and comniilted the furniture to Romans. them, with tliis charge, That they should part 12. Is'ow, as soon as I was come into Gal- with it to nobody else but to myself. From ilee, and had learned this state of things by thence I and my fellow-legates went to Gis- the information of such as told me of them, chala, to John, as desirous to know his inten- I wrote to the sanhedrim at Jerusalem about tions, and soon saw that he was for innova- thera, and required their direction what I tions, and had a mind to the principality, for should do Their direction was, that I should he desired me to give him authority to carry continue there, and that, if my fellow-legates otf that corn which belonged to Caesar, and were willing, 1 should join with them in the lay in the villages of Upper Galilee ; and he care of Galilee. But those my fellow-legates pretended that he would expend what it came having gotten great riches from those tithes to in building the walla of his own citv. But which as priests were their dues, and were when 1 perceived what he endeavored at, and given to them, determined to return to their|What he had in his mind, I said I would not own country. Yet when I desired them to permit him so to do: for that I thought either stay so long, that we might first settle the to keep it for the Romans or for myself, now public affairs, they complied with me. bo 1:1 was entrusted with the public affairs there removed together with them, from the city of by the people of Jerusalem: but, when he was Sepphoris, and came to a certain village called not able to prevail with me, he betook himself Bethmaus, four furlongs distant from Tiberi- tomy fellow-legates, for they had no sagacity as ; and thence I sent messer.gei-s to the sen- in providing for futurityand were very ready ate of Tiberias, and desired that the princi-to take bribes: so he corrupted them with pal men of the city would come to me ; and money to decree, That all that corn which was When they were come, Justus himself being within his province should be delivered to also with them, I told them that I was sent to him ; while 1, who was but one, was outvoted them by the people of Jerusalem as a legate, by two, and held mj' tongue. Then did John together with these other priests, in order to introduce another cunning contrivance of his; persuade them to demolish that house which for he said that those Jews who inhabited C»- tlerod the tetrarch had built there, and which sarea Philippi, and were shut up by the order had the figures o( living creatures in it, al- of the king's deputy there, had sent to him to though our laws have forbidden us to make desire him, that, since they had no oil that any such figures ; and I desired that they was pure for their use, he would provide ;» would give us leave so to do immediately, sufficient quantity of such oil for them, lest But for a good while Capellus and the priii- they should be forced to make use of oil that iipal men belonging to the citv would not came from the Greeks,and thereby transgres? THE LIFE OF FLAv^IUS JOSEPHUS. their "oym laws. Now this was said by John, act out of his regard to religion, but out of his most flagrant desire of gain ; for he knew that two sextaries were sold with them of Cse- sarea for one drachma; but that at Gischala fourscore sextaries were sold for four sextaries: so he gave order that all the oil which was there should be carried away, as having my permission for so doing; which yet I did not grant him voluntarily, but only out of fear of the multitude, since, if I had forbidden him, I should have been stoned by them. — When I had therefore permitted this to be done by John, he gained vast sums of money by this his knavery. 14. But when I had dismissed my fellow- legates, and sent them back to Jerusalem, I took care to have arms provided, and the cities fortified; and when I had sent for the most hardy among the robbers, I saw that it was not in my power to take their arms from them; but I persuaded the multitude to allow them money as pay, and told them it was better for them to give them a little willingly rather than to [be forced to] overlook them when they plundered their goods from them. And when I had obliged them to take an oath not to come into that country, unless they were invited to come, or else when they had not their pay given them, I dismissed them, and charged them neither to make an expedition against the Romans, nor against those their neighbours that lay round about them; for my first care was to keep Galilee in peace. So I was willing to have the principal of the Galileans, in all seventy, as hostages for their fidelity, but still under the notion of friend- ship. Accordingly, I made them my friends and companions as I journeyed, and set them to judge causes; and with their approbation it was that I gave my sentences, while I en- deavoured not to mistake what justice re- q lired, and to keep my hands clear of all bribery in those determinations. 1.5. 1 was now about the thirtieth year of rny ai^e; in which time of life it is a hard thing for any one to escape the calumnies of the envious, although he restrain himself from fulfilling any unlawful desires, especially \* here a person is in great authority. Yet did preserve every woman free from injuries; lul H« to what presents were offered me, I «lr<*[»ist'd them, as not standing in need of tlioni; nor indeed would 1 take those tithes, wliii h \vi*re due to me as a priest, from those tb-t brought them. Yet do I confess, that I took part of the spoils of those Syrians whi<h inhabited the cities that adjoined to us, when I ha<l conquered them, and that I sent them to my kindred at Jerusalenj; although, when 1 twice took Sepphoris by force, and Tiberias four times, and Gadara once, and when I had subdued and tiiken John, who often laid treacherous snares for me, I did not punish Mrith death] either lim or any of the people fore-named, as the progress of this discoursa will show. And on this account, I suppose, it was that God,* who is never unacquainted with those that do as they ought to do, deli- vered me still out of the hands of these my enemies, and afterwards preserved me when I fell into those many dangers which I shall relate hereafter. 16. Now the multitude of the Galileans had that great kindness for me, and fidelity to me, that when their cities were taken by force, and their wives and children carried into slavery, they did not so deeply lament for their own calamities, as they were solici- tous for my preservation. But when John saw this, he envied me, and wrote to%ie, de- siring that I would give him leave to come down, and make use of the hot baths of Tibe- rias for the recovery of the health of his body. Accordingly, I did not hinder him, as having no suspicion of any wicked designs of his; and I wrote to those to whom I had commit- ted the administration of the affairs of Tibe- rias by name, that they should provide a lodg- ing for John, and for such as should come with him, and should procure him what ne- cessaries soever he should stand in need of. Now at this time my abode was in a village of Galilee, which is named Cana. 17. But when John was come to tht city of Tiberias, he persuaded the men to revolt from their fidelity to me, and to adhere to him; and many of them gladly received that invitation of his, as ever fond of innovations, and by nature disposed to changes, and de- lighting in seditions; but they were chiefly Justus and his father Pistus that were earnest in their revolt from me, and their adherence to John, But I came upon them, and pre- vented them; for a messenger had' come to me from Silas, whom I had made governor of Tiberias, as I have said already, and had told me of the inclinations of the people of Tiberias, and advised me to make haste thither; for that, if I made any delay, the city would come under another's jurisdiction. Upon the receipt of this letter of Silas, I took two hundred men along with me, and travel- led all night, having sent before a messenger to let the people of Tiberias know that I was coming to them. When I came near to the city, which was early in the morning, the multitude came out to meet me, and John came with them, and saluted me, but in a most disturbed maimer, as being afraid that my coming was to call him to an account for what I was now sensible he was doing. So he, in great haste, went to his lodging. But when I was in the open place of the city, • Our Josrphus shows, both h«-re and evt^ry whrre, thnt lie was a mont retiKious person, and one that hud a deep fiense of (Jod and his providencir upon his mind: and nscrilwd all his nninerons und wonderftil rs'-apt-s and preservations, in tin»es of danger, to (Jod's hlen»inK him, and lakinj; eare of hini; and this on .tccoiint of his arti of piety, jnstice, hnnianily, and charity, to the Jews hit hrethren. TIYF. LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. f.aving dismissed the guards I had about me, excepting one, and ten armed men that were with him, I attempted to make a speech to the multitude of the people of Tiberias; and standing on a certain elevated place, I entreated them not to be so hasty in their revolt; for that such a change in their behaviour would be to their reproach, and that they would then lustly be suspected by those that should be their governors hereafter, as if they were not ukely to be faithful to them neither. 18. But before I had spoken all I designed, I heard one of my own domestics bidding me come down; for that it was not a proper time to take care of retaining the good will of the people of Tiberias, but to provide for ray own safrty, and escape my enemies there; for John had chosen the most trusty of those armed men that were about him out of those thou- sand that he had with him, and had given them orders when he sent them, to kill me, having learned that I was alone, excepting some of my domestics. So those that were sent came as they were ordered, and they had executed what they came about, had I not leaped down from the elevation I stood on, and with one of my guards, whose name was James, been carried [out of the crowd] upon the back of one Herod of Tiberias, and guided by him down to the lake, where I seized a ship, and got into it, and escaped my enemies unexpectedly, and came to Taricheae. 19. Now, as soon as the inhabitants of that city understood the perfidiousness of the peo- ple of Tiberias, they were greatly provoked at them. So they snatched up their arms, and desired me to be their leader against them; for they said they would avenge their commander's cause upon them. They also carried the report of what had been done to me to all the Galileans, and eagerly endea- voured to irritate them against the people of Tiberias, and desired that vast numbers of them would get together, and come to them, that they might act in concert with their com- mander, what should be determined as fit to be done. Accordingly, the Galileans came to me in great numbers, from all parts, with their weapons, and besought me to assault Tiberias, to take it by force, and to demolish it, till it lay even with the ground, and then to make slaves of its inhabitarits, with their wives and children. Those that were Jose- ph us's friends also, and had escaped out of Tiberias, gave him the same advice. But I did not comply with them, thinking it a ter- rible thing to begin a civil war among them; for 1 thought that this contention ought not to proceed farther than words; nay, I told them that it was not for their own advantage to do what they would have me to do, while the Ron)ans expected no other than that we should destroy one another by our mutual seditions; and by saying this, I put a stop to the anger of the Galileans. 20. But now John was afiaid for himself, since his treachery had proved unsuccessful; so he took the armed men that were about him, and removed from Tiberias to Gischala, and wrote to me to apologize for himself con- cerning what had been done, as if it had been done without his approbation ; and desired me to have no suspicion of him to his disad vantage. He also added oaths and certai horrible curses upon himself, and supposed he should be thereby believed in the points he wrote about to me. 21. But now another great number of the Galileans came together again with their wea- pons, as knowing the man, how wicked and how sadly perjured he was, and desired nie to lead them against him, and promised me that the}fc would utterly destroy both him and Gischala. Hereupon I professed that I was obliged to them for their readiness to serve me; and that I would more than requite their good- will to me. However, I entreated them to restrain themselves; and begged of them to give me leave to do what I intended, which was, to put an end to these troubles without bloodshed ; and when I had prevailed with the multitude of the Galileans to let me do so, I came to Sepphoris. 22. But the inhabitants of this city having determined to continue in their allegiance to the Romans, were afraid of my coming to them; and tried, by putting me upon another action, to divert me, that they might be freed from the terror they were in. Accordingly they sent to Jesus, the captain of those rob- bers who were in the confines of Ptolemaic, and promised to give him a great deal ot money, if he would come with those forces he had with him, which were in number eight hundred, and fight with us. Accordingly hf complied with what they desired, upon the promises they had made him, and was desi rous to fall upon us when we were unpre pared for him, and knew nothing of his con; irig beforehand; so he sent to me, and desireO that I would give him leave to come aiu salute me. When I had given him that leavt which I did without the least knowledge o- his treacherous intentions beforehand^he tooK his band of robbers, and made haste to com to me. Yet did not this his knavery succee well at last; for, as he was already nearly ap proaching, one of those with him deserter' him, and came to me, and told me what be had undertaken to do. When I was informed of this, I went into the market-place, and pretended to know nothing of his treacherous purpose. I took with me many Galileans that were armed, as also some of those of Tiberias; and, when I had given orders that all the roads should be carefully guarded, I charged the keepers of the gates to give h«1. mittance to none but Jesus, when he c'.v.n . with the principal of bis men, and to extl..<.v the rest; and in case they aiqied to force THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. themtelres in, to use stripes [in order to repel them]. Accordingly, those that had received such a charge did as they were bidden, and Jesus came in witlh a few others; and when I had ordered him to throw down his arms immediately, and told him, that if he refused so to do, he was a dead man, he seeing armed men standing all round about him, was terri- ed, and complied; and as for those of his ollowers that were excluded, when they were informed that he was seized, they ran away. I then called Jesus to me by himself, and told him, that ** I was not a stranger to that treacherous design he had against me, nor was I ignorant by whom he was sent for; that, however, I would forgive him what he kad done already, if he would repent of it, ind be faithful to me hereafter." And thus, upon his promise to do all that I desired, I let him go, and gave him leave to get those whom he had formerly had with him together again. But I threatened the inhabitants of Sepphoris, that, if they would not leave off their ungrateful treatment of me, I would punish them sufficiently. 23. At this time.it was that two great men, who were under the jurisdiction of the king [Agrippa], came to me out of the region of Trachonitis, bringing their horses and their arms, and carrying with them their money also ; and when the Jews would force them to be circumcised, if they would stay among them, I would not permit them to have any force put upon them,* but said to them, •' Every one ought to worship God accord- ing to his cwn inclinations, and not to be constrained by force; and that these men, who had fled to us for protection, ought not to be so treated as to repent of their coming hither." And when I had pacified the mul- titude, I provided for the men that Nvere come to us whatsoever it was they wanted, accord- ing to their usual way of living, and that in great plenty also. 24. Now king Agrippa sent an armv to make themselves masters of the citadel of Gamala, and over it Equiculus Modius; but the forces that were sent were not enow to encompass the citadel quite round, but lay before it in the open places, and besieged it. it when Ebutius the decurion, who was in- usted with the government of the great plain, heard that I was at Simonias, a village situ- ated in the confines of Galilee, and was dis- tant from him sixty furlongs, he took a hun- dred horsemen that were with him by night, and a certain number of footmen, about two kuiidred, and brought the inhabitants of the • Joscphas^i opinion ia hert well worth notinjf,— that trtry one it to he permitted to worsliip God ac- cording; to hi* own conscience, and is nut to be com- pelled in matters of religion; as one may here observe, on the contrai J, that the rest of the Jews wer* still for ■bli|pni( all thatc who married Jewesses to be circumcis- ed, and beoome Jews; and were ready to destroy all that would not •abask to do so. Mm Met 31, and 1hiIl« ix M. city Gibea along with him as auxiliaries, and marched in the night, and came to the village where I abode. Upon this I pitched my camp over against him, which had a great number of forces in it; but Ebutius tried to draw us down into the plain, as greatly de- pending upon his horsemen; but we would not come down; for when I was satisfied o! the advantage that his horse would have if we came down into the plain, while we were all footmen, I resolved to join battle with the ene- my where I was. Now Ebutius and his party made a courageous opposition for some time: but when he saw that his horse were useless to him in that place, he retired back to the city Gibea, having lost three of his men in the fight. So I followed him directly with two thousand armed men ; and when I was at the city Besara, that lay in the confines ol Ptolemais, but twenty furlongs from Gibea, where Ebutius abode, I placed my armed men on the outside of the village, and gave orders that they should guard the passes with great care, that the enemy might not disturb us until we should have carried off the corn,, a great quantity of which lay there : it belong- ed to Bernice the queen, and had been gathered together out of the neighbouring villages into Besara: so I loaded my camels and asses, a great number of which I had brought along with me, and sent the corn into Galilee. When I had done this, I offered Ebutius battle; but when he would not accept of the offer, for he was terrified at our readiness and courage, I altered my route, and marched to- wards Neopolitanus, because 1 had heard that the country about Til)erias was laid waste by him. This Neopolitanus was raptain of a troop of horse, and had the custody of Scytho- polis intrusted to his cure by the enemy; and when I had hindered him from doing any farther mischief to Tiberias, 1 set myself to make provision for the affairs of Galilee. 25. But when John, the son of Levi, who, as we before told you, abode at Gisrhal.-i. wa» informed how all things had siicceedeti to luy mind, and that I was much in favour with those that were under me, as also that the enemy were greatly afraid of nu*, he was not pleased with it, as thinking my prosperity tended to his ruin. So he took up a hitter envy ami eiiniity against me; and hopiiij:, that if he couhl inflame those that were uimIlt me to hate uic, he should put an end to the prosperity 1 wa" in, he tried to pcri'uajle tli« inhabitants of Tiherijis. and of Sepphori^i (and for those of (JMhara he supposfd they wouhl be also of the same mind with tlu* otlwrs;. whi<*h werr the greatest <-itif< of (Jalilee, to revolt frtnn tht ir suhjiTtioii to n)iv :nui to be of his party; sind tolil thi-ui that he would command them hotter than I did. As for the people of Si'pphoris. w 1 o holont;i'd to neither of us. heniuse they had rliosen to be in subjection to the Romany they did not '•'HE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSKPHCS. comply with bis proposal; and tor those of Tiberias, they did not indeed so fur comply as to make a revolt from under me, but they agreed to be his friends, while the inhabitants of Gabara did go over to John; and it was Simon that persuaded them so to do, one who was both the principal man in the city and a particular friend and companion of John. It 8 true, these did not openly own the making revolt, because they were in great fear of the Galileans, and had frequent experience of the good- will they bore to me; yet did they privately watch for a proper opportunity to lay snares for me; and indeed I thereby came into the greatest danger on the occasion fol- lowing. 26. There were some bold young men of the village of Dabaritta, who observed that the wife of Ptolemy, the king's procurator, was to make a progress over the great plain with a mighty attendance, and with some hoisemen that followed as a guard to them, and this out of a country that was subject to the kuig and queen, into the jurisdiction of the Romans; and fell upon them on a sud- den, and obliged the wife of Ptolemy to fly away, and plundered all the carriages. They also came to me to Taricheie, with four mules' loading of garments, and other furniture; and the weight of the silver they brought was not small; and there were five hundred pieces of gold also. Now I had a mind to preserve the*e spoils for Ptolemy, who was my coun- tryman; and it is proliibited' by our laws even to spoil our enemies; so I said to those that brought these spoils, that they ought to be kept, in order to rebuild the walls of Jeru- salem with them when they came to be sold; but the young men took it very ill that they did not receive a part of those spoils for them- «L'lves, as they expected to have done; so they went among the villages in the neighbour- hoo<l of Tiberia.-*, and told the people that I was going to betray their country to the Ro- mans, and that I used deceitful language to theui, when I said that what had been thus Rotton by rapine should be kept for the re- building of the walls of the city of Jerusidem; although I had resolved to restore these spoils again to their former owner; and indeed they vvere herein not mistaken as to my intentions; for when I had gotten clear of them, I sent • How Jo«ephn» roulil say Ihto tliat the Jewish l;iws forhadr Ihrm to •• spoil even tlifir rnrniir.*,'' while \et. a • ttle hrdifr lii<t Tiiiir. (iiibS ivioiir hati uirnMnne-l it :«^ ihfn k ci rrritt iiia\iiu with thrm. ^ I lioii Ahalt love th; iiiri<!i' Soiii, Mu\ h.xlf tliiiie riH-iny** (Matt v. A\], is xwjrth o-ir inquiry. I take it that Ji»>e|>h(is Iwviiig liern now lor many years an Khioiiite Christian, had leariinl this inter- prt-ialiiiii of the law of Mosoh Iriini I'hrist.whiini he owned lor the true ^lesslah, as it IbIIows in the siicreeilini; TersL*!«. whit-li. thoiuh he micht not reail in St Matthew'-i poNprl. yi-t iui:;ht he h.ite r«-ad iiiiuh the same expusitioii 111 tlieirowii KhiiMl'te oi Naznieiif K>>9|iel itM-If. of which iinpro^nieiits nmde U\ JoM-phiis. alter he was l»eri>m- a Christian, wr have alreail\ haii several examples in this his l.iie. MTl. :i. 1:1. I .. I'li-Jl. it. am' ^ha!l have many BioTe therein Ixhne its conrhKion. as well as w«» have tiiciB cls«whrrc ill all bis later writings. for two of the principal men, Dassion, and. Janneus the son of Levi, persons that were among the chief friends of tht king, and com- manded them to take the furniture that had been plundered, and to send it to him; and I threatened that I would order them to be put to death by way of punishment, if they discovered this my command to any othe' person. 27. Now, when all Galilee was filled wit! this rumour, that their country was abotit to be betrayed by nie to the Romans, and when all men were exasperated against me, and ready to bring me to punishment, the inhabi- tants of Taricheae did also themselves suppose that what the young men said was true, and persuaded my guards and armed men to leave me when I was asleep, and to come presently to the hippodrome, in order there to take counsel against me their commander; and when they had prevailed with them, and they were gotten together, they found there agrea* company assembled already, who all joined in one clamour, to bring the man who was so wicked to them as to betray them, to his due punishment; and it was Jesus, the son of Sapphias, who principally set them on. He was ruler in Tiberias, a wicked man, and na- turally disposed to make disturbances in mat- ters of consefjuence ; a seditious person he was indeed, and an innovator beyond every bo<ly else. He theti took the laws of Mose? into his hands, and came into the midst of the people, and said, "O my fellow-citizens! H you are not disposed to hate Josephus on your own account, have regard, however, to I these laws of your country, which your com ' iMander-in-chief is going to betray; hate him therefore on both these accounts, and bring the man who hath acted thus insolentlv to his deserved punishment." 2S. When he had said this, and the multi- tude had openly applaiuled him for what he had sjiid, he took some of the armed men, and made haste away to the house in which I lodged, as if he would kill me immediately, while I wiis wholly insensible of all till this disturbance happened; and by reason of th pains 1 had been taking, was fallen fast asleep; but Simon, who was intrusted with the care ol my body, and was the only person that stayed with me, and saw the violent incursion the citizens made upon me, awaked me and told me of the danger I was in, -and desired me to h't him kill me. that I might <lie bravely, and like a general, before my enemies came in, and forced me [to kill myself] or killed me themselves. Thus did he discourse to me; but I iTommitted the care of my life to God, and miule haste to go out to the multitude. Arioriliiigly, I put on a black garment, and hung my sword at my neck, and went bj such a diirereiit way to the hip[)odrome wherein 1 thoufiht none of my adversarie* would meet me: so I appeared among them 10 THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. ►on the sudden, and fell down flat on the earth, and bedewed the ground with my tears: then I seemed to them all an object of compassion; and when I perceived the change that was made in the multitude, I tried to divide their opinions before the armed men should return from my house; so I granted them that I had been as wicked as they supposed me to be ; but still I entreated them to let me first inform them for what use I had kept that money which arose from the plunder; and that they might then kill me, if they pleased: and, upon the multitude's ordering me to speak, the armed men came upon me, and when they saw me they ran to kill me; but when the multitude bade them hold their hands, they complied; and expected that as soon as I should own to them that I kept the money for the king, it would be looked on as a confession of my treason, and they should then be allowed to kill me. 29. When, therefore, silence was made by the Whole multitude, I spake thus to them: — •' O my countrymen! I refuse not to die, if justice so require. However, I am desirous to tell you the truth of this matter before I die ; for as I know that this city of yours [Taricheae] was a city of great hospitality, and filled with abundance of such men as have left their own countries, and are come hither to be partakers of your fortune, whatever it be, I had a mind to build walls about it, out of this money, for which you are so angry with me, while yet it was to be expended in building your own walls." Upon my saying this, the people of Taricheae and the strangers cried out. That "they gave m« thanks; and desired me to be of good courage," although the Galileans and the people of Tiberias con- tinued in their wrath against me, insomuch that there arose a tumult among them, while some threatened to kill me, and some bade me not to regard them; but when I promised them that I would build them walls at Tibe- rias, and at other cities that wanted them, they gave credit to what I promised, and re- turned every one to his own home. So I e:>caped the forementioned danger, beyond all my hopes; and returned to my own house, accompanied with my friends, and twenty armed men also. oO. However, these robbers and other au- thors of this tumult, who were afraid on their own account, lest I should punish them for what they had done, took six hundred armed men, and came to the house where I abotle, in order to set it on fire. When this their in- sult was told me, I thought it indecent for me to run away, and I resolved to expose my- self to danger, and to act with some boldness; so 1 gave order to shut the doors, and went up into an upper room, and desired that they would send in some of their men to receive the money [from the spoils]; for I told thenn they would then have no occjisiun to be angry with me ; and when they had sent in one of the boldest of them all, I had him whipped severely; and I commanded that one of his hands should be cut off, and hung about his neck ; and in this case was he put out to those that sent him. At which procedure of mine they were greatly affrighted, and in no small consternation ; and were afraid that they should themselves be served in like manner, if they stayed there ; for they supposed that I had in the house more armed men than they had them selves; so they ran away immediately, whfle I, by the use of this stratagem, escaped this ^ their second treacherous design against me. 31. But there were still some that irritated the multitude against me, and said that those great men that belonged to the king ought not to be suffered to live, if they would not change their religion to the religion of those to whom they fled for safety ; they spake re- proachfully of them also, and said, that they were wizards, and such as called in the Ro- mans upon them. So the multitude was soon deluded by such plausible pretences as M'ere agre able to their own inclinations, and were prevailed on by them; but when I vvas-infonn- ed of this, I instructed the multitude again, that those who fled to them for refuge ought not to be persecuted : I also laughed at the allegation about witchcraft;* and told them that the Romans would not maintain so many ten thousand soldiers, if they could overcome their enemies by wizards. Upon my saying this, the people assented for a while ; but they returned again afterwards, as irritated by some ill people against the great men ; nay, they once made an assault upon the house in which they dwelt at Taricheae, in order to kill them; which when I was informed of, I was afraid lest so horrid a crime should take effect, and nobody else would make that city their refuge any more. I therefore c;ime myself, and some others with me, to the house where these great men lived, and locked the doors, and had a trench drawn from their house leading to the lake, and sent for a ship, and embarked there- in with them, and sailed to the confines of Hippos: I also paid them the value of their horses; nor in such a flight could I have their horses brought to them. I then dismissed them ; and begged of them earnestly thai they would courageously bear this distress which befel them. 1 was also myself greatly dis pleased that I was coinpelled to expose those that had fled to ine, to go again into an ene my's country; yet did 1 think it more eligible that they should perish among the Romans, if it should so happen, than in the country that was under my jurisdiction. However, they escaped at length, and king Agrippa for- gave them their offences; and this was the conclusion of what concerned these men. • Here we may observe the vnlicar Jewish notion ol vvi'chcratt; txit ihut our Juaephiiv was too wise to give any couutenance to it THE LIFE OF I i, \VI(S JOSKPHUS. n 32. But as for the inhabitants of the city of Tibenas, they wrote to the king, and desired him to send them forces sufficient to be a guard to their country; for that they were desirous to come over to him. This was what they wrote to him ; but when I came to them, they desired me to build their walls, as I had pro- mised them to do; for they had heard that the walls of TaricheBe were already built. I agreed to their proposal accor<lingly ; and when I had made preparation for the entire building, I grave order to the architects to go to work ; but on the third day, when I was gone to Tari- che», Avhich was thirty furlongs distant from Tibenas, it so fell out, that some Roman horse- men were discovere<l on their march, not far from the city, which made it to be supposed that the forces were come from the king ; upon which they shouted, and lifted up their voices in commendations of the king, and in reproaches against me. Hereupon one came running to me, and told me what their dispo- sitions were; and that they had resolved to revolt from me: — upon hearing which news I was very much alarmed; for I had already sent away my armed men from Tarichece to their own homes, because the next day was our Sabbath; for I would not have the people of Taricheae disturbed [on that day] by a mul- titude of soldiers ; and indeed, whenever I sojourned at that city, I never took any par- ticular care for a guard about my own body, because I had had frequent instances of the fidelity its inhabitants bore to me. I had now about me no more than seven armed men, be- sides some friends, and was doubtful what to do; for to send to recall my own forces I did not think proper, because the present day was almost over; and had those forces been with me, I could not take up arms on the next day, because our laws forbade us so to do, even though our necessity should be very great; and ;f I should permit the people of Taricheae, and the strangers with them, to guard the city, T saw that they would not be sufficient for that purpose, and I perceived that 1 should be obliged to delay my assistance a great while; for I thought with myself that the forces that came from the king would prevent me, and that I should be driven out of the city. I con- sidered, therefore, how to get clear of these forces by a stratagem; so I immediately placed those my friends of Taricheae, on whom 1 could best confide, at the gates, to watch those very carefully who went out at those gates; I aho called to me the heads of families, and bade every one of them to seize upon a ship.* to go on board it, and to take a master with • In thiA section, as well as in sect '.8 and 3n, those small vessels tint sailed on the sea of G^Jileo, are called by Josephus N»irf, and IlXo/oc. and 2«a^a/; .. i. plainly thipn; so that we need not wonder at our F.v.t nee lists, who still call them ships; nor ouijht we to render them boats, as some do. Their nuniher was in a'l 2.<ti. as we learn from our author elsewhere. Jewish War, b. ii. cb cxL «-ct. 8. them, and follow him to the city of Tiberias. I also myself went on board one of those ships, with my friends, and the seven armed men al- ready mentioned, and sailed for Tiberias. 33. But now, when the people of Tiberias perceived that there were no forces come from the king, and yet saw the whole lake full of ships, they were in fear what would become of their city, and were greatly terrified, aa supposing that the ships were full of men on board ; so they then changed their minds, and threw down their weapons, and met me \v\i\\ their wives and children, and made acclama- tions to me with great commendations; for they imayrined that 1 did not know their for- mer inclinations [tu have been against me], ♦ so they persuaded me to spare the city; but when I was come near enough, I gave order to the masters of the ships to cast anchor a good way off the land, that the people of Ti- berias might not perceive that the ships had no men on board; but I went nearer to the people in one of the ships, and rebuked them for their folly, and that they were so fickle as, without any just occasion in the world, to re- volt from their fidelity to me. However, I j assured them that I Would entirely forgive I them for the time to come, if they would send j ten of the ringleaders of the midtitude to me; and when they complied readily with this pro- I posal, and sent me the men forementioiied. I ' put them on board a ship, and sent them away to Taricheae, and ordered them to be kept in prison. 34. And by this stratagem it was that I gradually got all the senate of Tiberias into my power, and sent them to the city foremen- tioned, with many of the principal men among the populace; and those not fewer in number than the other: but, when the multitude saw into what great miseries they had br(»uyh» themselves, they desired me to punish the an- thor of this sedition: his name was (^lir-i- young man; bold and rash in his undertak-» ings. Now, since I thought it not agreeabio to piety to put one of my own people to death, and yet found it necessary to punish him. 1 ordered Levi, one of my own guards, to go to him, and cut off one of Clitus's hands ; hut as he that was ordered to do this, was afraid to go out of the ship alone among so great a multitude, I was not willing that the timor. ousness of the soldier should appear to the people of Tiberias; — so I called to Clitus himself, and said to him, " Since thou deserv- est to lose both thine hands for thy ingrati- tude to me, be thou thine own executioner, lest, if thou refusest so to be, thou undergo a worse punishment." And when he earnestly begired of me to spare him one of his hands, it was with difficulty th it I granted it. So, in order to prevent the loss of both his hands, he willingly took his sword, and cut off hia oWM It'ft hand; and this put an end to the .-editio I 12 THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. 35. Now the men of Tiberias, after I was Ifone to Taricheae, perceived what stratagem I had used against them, and they admired how I had put an end to their foolish sedition, without shedding of blood. But now, when I had sent for some of those multitudes of the people of Tiberias out of prison, among whom were Justus and his father Pistus, I made them to sup with me; and during our supper-time I said to them, that I knew the power of the Romans was superior to all others ; but did not say so [publicly] because of the robbers. So I advised them to do as I did, and to wait for a proper opportunity, and not to be uneasy at my being their com- mander ; for that they could not expect to have- another who would use the like moderation that I had done. I also put Justus in mind how the Galileans had cut off his brother's hands before ever I came to Jerusalem, upon an accusation laid against him, as if he had been a rogue, and had forged some letters; as also how the people of Gamala, in a sedition they raised against the Babylonians, after the departure of Philip, slew Chares, who was a kinsman of Philip, and withal how they had wisely punished Jesus, his brother Justus's sis- ter's husband [with death]. "When I had said this to them during supper-time, I in the morn- ing ordered Justus, and all the rest that were in prison, to be loosed out of it, and sent away. 36. But before this it happened that Philip, the son of Jacimus, went out of the cita- del of Gamala upon the following occasion* When Philip had been informed tnat Varus was put out of his government by king Agrip- pa and that Equiculus Modius, a man that was of old his friend and companion, was come to succeed him, he wrote to him, and related what turns of fortune he had had, and desired him to forward the letters he sent to the king and queen. Now, when Modius had received these letters he was exceedingly glad, f and sent the letters to the king and queen, who were then about Berytus. But when king Agrippa knew that the story about Philip was false Cfor it had been given out, that the Jews had begun a war with the Romans, and that this Philip had been their commander in that war), he sentsome horsemen to conduct Philip to him; and when he was come, he saluted him very obligingly, and showed him to the Roman commanders, and' told them that this was the man of whom the report had gone about as if he had revolted from the Romans. He also bid him to take some horsemen with him, and to go quickly to the citadel of Ga- mala, and to bring out thence all his domes- tics, and to restore the Babylonians to Batanea again. He also gave it him in charge to take alt possible care that none of his subjects should be guilty of mjiking any innovation. Accordingly, upon these directions from tl'e king, he made ha#tc to do what he was com- manded. 37. Now there was one Joseph, the son of a female physician, who excited a great many young men to join with him. He also inso- lently addressed himself to the principal per- sons at Gamala, and persuaded them to revolt from the king, and take up arms, and gave them hopes that .hey should, by his means, recover their liberty: and some they forced into the service; and those that would not acquiesce in what they had resolved on, they slew. They also slew Chares, and with him Jesus, one of his kinsmen, and a brother of Justus of Tiberias, as we have already said. Those of Gamala also wrote to me, "desiring me to send them an armed force, and work- men to raise up the walls of their city; nor did I reject either of their requests. The region of Gaulanitis did also revolt from the king, as far as the village of Solyma. I also built a wall about Seleucia and Soganni, which are villages naturally of very great strength. Moreover, I, in like manner, walled several villages of Upper Galilee, though they were very rocky of themselves. Their names are Jamnia, and Meroth, and Achabare. 1 also fortified, in the Lower Galilee, the cities Taricheae, Tiberias, Sepphoris, and the vil- lages, the cave of Arbela, Bersobe, Selamin, Jotapata, Capharecho, and Sigo, and Japha, and Mount Tabor.* I also laid up a great quantity of corn in these places, and arms withal, that might be for their security after- ward. 38. But the hatred that John, the son ot Levi, bore to me, grew now more violent, while he could not bear my prosperity with patience. So he proposed to himself, by all means possible, to make awtiy with nie; and built the walls of Gischala, which whj> thi' platrc of his nativity. He then sent hi;* broth i Simon, and Jonathan, the son of Sisenna, and about a hundred armed men, to Jerusalem, tc Simon, the son of Gamaliel,}" in order to per- suade him to induce the commonalty of Jeru- salem to take from me the government over the Galileans, and to give tTieir suffrages for con- ferring that authority upon him. This Simon was of the city of Jerusalem, afid of a very noble family, of the sect of the Pharisees, which are supposed to excel others in the ac- curate knowledge of the laws of their coun- try. He wiis a man of great wisdom and reason, and capable of restoring public affairs by his prudence, when they were in an ill posture. He was also an old friend and com- panion of John; but at that time he had a difference with me. When therefore he had • Part of these fortifications on Mount Tubor mny be tbojie Mill reniaininR, and which were si en lately by Mr. M.inndrel. See his I ravels, p. IV2. + 'I his ftamaliel may be the vrry same that is men- tioned by the rabbins in the Mishna. in Jiichasin, and in Porta ^i<mi». as is observed in the latin notes. He miuht he also that (iamalie! II. whose (grandfather via» C»!i?n;iliel I. who is nieniioned in Acts v. :ii; and »: wtlll^e feet St PanI nos brought up, Acts xxii. 3. Si* Frid at the year 449 THE LIFE OF FLAVILS JOSEPHUS. 13 received such an exhortation, he persuaded tile high priests, Ananus, and Jesus the son of Gauiala, and some others of the same se- ditious faction, to cut me down, now 1 was growing so great, and not to overU)ok me while I was aggrandizing myself to the height of glory; and he said that it would be for the advantage of the Galileans if 1 were deprived of my government there. Ananas also, and his friends, desired them to make no delay about the matter, lest 1 should get the know- ledge of what was doing too soon, and should | come and make an assaidt upon the city with a great army. This was the counsel of Simon ; but Anamis the high priest demonstrated to them that this- was not an easy thing to be done, because many of the high priests and of the rulers of the people, bore witness that 1 had acted like an excellent; general, and that it was the work of ill men to accuse one against whom they had nothing to say. ;i9. When Simon heard Ananas say this, he desired that the messengers would conceal the thing, and not let it come among many; for that he would take care to have Josephus removed out of Galilee very quickly. So he called for John's brother [Simon], and charg- ed him that they should send presents to Ana- nus and his friends; for, as he said, they might probably, by that means, persuade them to change their minds. And indeed Simon did at length thus compass what he aimed at; for A nanus, and those with him, being corrupted by bribes, agreed to expel me out of Galilee, without making the rest of the citizens ac- quainted with what they were doing. Ac- cordingly they resolved to send men of dis- tinction as to their families, and of distinction as to their learning also. Two of these were of the popuUce, Jonathan* and Ananias, by sect Pharisees; while the third, Jozar, was of the stock cf the priests, and a Pharisee also; Hud Simon, the last of them, was of the young- est of the high priests. Th^se had it given them in charge, that, when they were come to the multitude of the Galileans, they should ask them what was the reason of their love to me? and if they said that it was because I was born at Jerusalem, that they should reply, that they four were all born at the same place; and if they should say, it was because I was well versed in their law, they should reply, that Ui'ither were they unacquainted with the prac- tices of their country; but if, besides these, they should say they loved me because 1 was a priest, they should reply, that two of these were priests also. 40. Now, when they had given Jonathan aiul his companions these instructions, they gave them forty thousand [drachmae] out of the public money: but when they heard that there was a certain Galilean that then sojourn- * This Jonathan n also taken notice of in the Latin notes, a» the same that is mentioned by the rabbins iu Furta Mtisi&. ed at Jerusalem, whose name was Jesus, who had about him a band of six hundred armed men, they sent for him, and gave him three months' pay, and gave him orders to follow Jonathan and his companions, and be obedi- ent to them. They also gave mcmey to three hundred men that were citizens of Jerusalem, to maintain them all, and ordered them also to follow the ambassadors; and when they had complied, and were gotten ready for the march, Jonathan and his companions went out with them, having along with them Jolm's brother and a hundred armed men. The (tharge that was given them by those that sent them was this: That if I would voluntarily lay down my arms, they should send me alive to the city of Jerusalem; but that, in case I op- posed them, they should kill me, and fear nothing; for that it was their command for them so to do. They also wrote to John to make all ready for fighting me, and gave orders to the inhabitants of Sepphoris, and Gabara, and Tiberias, to send auxiliaries to John. 41. Now, as my father wrote me an account of this (for Jesus the son of Gamala, who was present in that council, a friend and com- panion of mine, told him of it), I was very much troubled, as discovering thereby that my fellow-citizens proved so ungrateful to me, as, out of envy to give order that I should be slain; my father earnestly pressed me also in his letter to come to him, for that he longed to see his son before he died. I informed my friends of these things, and that in three days* time I should leave the country and go home . Upon hearing this, they were all very sorry, and desired me, with tears in their eyes, not to leave them to be destroyed; for so they thought they should be, if I were deprived Oi the command over them: but as I did not grant their request, but was taking care of my own safety, the Galileans, out of their dread of the consequence of my departure, that they should then be at the mercy of the robbers, sent messengers over all Galilee to inform them of my resolution to leave them. Whereupon, as soon as they heard it, they got together in great numbers, from all parts, with their wives and children; and this they did, as it appeared to me, not more out of their affection to me, than out of their fear on their own accouii! ; for, while I staid with them, they supposed that they should suffer no harm. So they all came into the great plain, wherein I lived, the name of which was Asochis 4-i. But wonderful it was what a dream 1 saw that very night; for when I had betaken myself to my bed, as grieved and disturbed at the news that had been written tome, it seem- ed to me, that a certain person stood by me,t + This I take to be the first of Josephus's remarkable or divine drt-ams, which were predictive of the Rre.it tliiims thill afterwards c^nic to pass,- of which .lee more in thf note on Antiq. b iii. chap. viii. sect 9. The other is in th» War. b. lii. ch. Tiii. sect. 3, 0. THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. 14^ and said, "0 Josephus! leave off to afflict thy soul, and put away all fear; for what now grieves thee will render thee very considera- ble, and in all respects most happy ; for thou shalt get over not only these difficulties, but many others, with great success. However, be not cast down, but remember that thou art to fight with the Romans." When I had seen this dream, I got up with an intention of go- ing down to the plain. Now, when the whole multitude of the Galileans, among whom were the women and children, saw me, they threw themselves down upon their faces, and, with teats in their eyes, besought me not to leave them exposed to their enemies, nor to go away and permit their country to be injured by them; but, when 1 did not comply with their entreaties, they compelled me to take an oath, that I would stay with them: they also cast abundance of reproaches upon the people of Jerusalem, that they would not let their coun- try enjoy peace. 43. When I heard this, and saw what sor- row the people were in, I was moved with com- passion to them, and thought it became me to undergo the most manifest hazards for the sake of so great a multitude ; so I let them know I would stay with them; and when I had given order that five thousand of them should come to me armed, and with provisions for their maintenance, I sent the rest away to their own homes; and, when those five thou- sand were come, I took them, together with three thousand of the soldiers that were with me before, and eighty horsemen, and marched to the village of Chabolo, situated in the con- fines of Ptolemais, and there kept my forces together, pretending to get peady to fight with Placidus, who was come with two cohorts of footmen, and one troop of horsemen; and was sent thither by Cestius Gallus to burn those villages of Galilee that were near Ptolemais. Upon whose casting up a bank before the city Ptolemais, I also pitched my camp at about the distance of sixty furlongs from that vil- lage; and now we frequently brought out our forces as if we would light, but proceeded no farther than skirmishes at a distance ; for when Placidus perceived that I was earnest to come to battle, he was afraid, and avoided it; yet did he not remove from the neighbourhood of Ptolemais. 44. About this time it was that Jonathan and his fellow-legates came. They were sent, as we have said already, by Siuioii, and A na- nus the high-priest; aud Jonathan contrived how he might catch me by treachery; for he durst not make any attempt upon me opetdy. So he wrote me the following epistle: — "Jona- than and those that are with him. and are sent by the people of .lerusalem to Josephus, send greeting. We are sent by the pruicipal men of Jerusalem, who have heard that John of Giscliala hath laid many snares for thee, to rebuke him. and to exhort him to be subject to thee hereafter. We are also desirous to consult with thee about our common concerns, and what is fit to be done. We, therefore, desire thee to come to us quickly, and to bring only a few men with thee; for this vil- lage will not contain a great number of soldiers." Thus it was that they wrote, as expecting one of these two things: either that I should come without armed men, and then they should have me wholly in their power : or, if I came with a great number, they should judge me to be a public enemy. Now it was a horseman who brought the letter, a man at other tinjes bold, and one that had served in the army undei the king. It w^as the second hour of the night that he came, when I was feasting with my friends and the principal of the Galileans. This man, upon my servant's telling me that a certain horseman of the Jewish nation was come, was called in at my command, but did not so much as salute me at all, but held out a letter, and said, " This letter is sent thee by those that are come from Jerusalem ; do thou write an answer to it quickly, for I am obUged to return to them very soon." Now my guests could not but wonder at the boldness of the soldier; but I desired him to sit down and sup with us; but when he refused so to do, I held the letter in my hands as I received it, and fell a-talking with my guests about other matters; but, a few hours afterwards, I got up, and, when I had dismissed the rest to go to their beds, 1 bid only four of my intimate friends to stay ; and ordered my servant to get some wine ready. I also opened the letter so that nobody could perceive it; and under- standing thereby presently the purport of the writing, I sealed it up again, and appeared as if I had not yet read it, but only held it in my hands. I ordered twenty drachmae should be given the soldier for the charges of his journey; and when he took the money, and said that he thanked me for it, I perceived that he loved money, and that he was to l)e caught chiefly by that means; and I said to him, " If thou wilt but drink with iis, thou shalt have a drachma for every glass thou drinkest." So he gladly embraced this pro- posal, and drank a great deal of wine, in order to get the more money, and was so drunk, that at last he could not keep the secrets he was intrusted with, but discovered them with- out my [)utting questions to him, viz. That a treacherous design was contrived against me; and tl)at I was doomed to die by those that sent him. When I heard this, I wrote back this answer: — "Josephus to Jonathan, and those that are with him, sendeth greeting. Upon the information that you are come in health into Galilee, I rejoice, and this espe- cially because I can now resign the care of public affairs here into your hands, and return into my native country, — which is what I have desired to do a great while; and I con- fess I ought not oidy to come to you as fiu THE L[FE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. 16 as Xaloth, but farther, and this without your commands: but I desire you to excuse me, because I cannot do it now, since I watch the motions of Placidus, who hath a mind to go up into Galilee; and this I do here at Cha- bolo. Do you, therefore, on the receipt of this epistle, come hither to me. Fare you well." 45. When I had written thus, and given the letter to be carried by the soldier, I sent along with him thirty of the Galileans of the best characters, and gave them instructions to salute those ambassadors, but to say nothing else to them. I also gave orders to as many of those armed men, whom I esteemed most faithful to nie, to go along with the others, everyone with him whom he was to guard, lest some conversa- tion might pass between those whom I sent and those who were with Jonathan. So those men went [to Jonathan]. But, when Jonathan and his partners had failed in this their first at- tempt, they sent meanotherletter,the contents whereof were as follows: — "Jonathan, and those with him, to Josephus, send greeting. We require thee to come to us to the village Gabaroth, on the third day, without any armed men, that we may hear what thou hast to lay to the charge of John [of Gischala]." When they had written this letter they sa- luted the Galileans whom I sent; and came to Japha, which was the largest village of all Galilee, and encompassed with very strong walls, and had a great number of inhabitants In it. There the multitude of men, with their wives and children, met them, and exclaimed loudly against them; and desired them to be gone, and not to envy them the advantage of o/i excellent commander. With these clamours Jonathan and his partners were greatly pro- voked, although they durst not show their anger openly; so they made them no answer, but went to other villages. But still the same clamours met them from all the people, who said, " Nobody should persuade them to have any other commander besides Josephus." So Jonathan and his partners went away from them without success, and came to Seppho- ris, the greatest city of all Galilee. Now the men of that city, who inclined to the B.omans in their sentiments, met them indeed, but nei- ther praised nor reproached me; and when they were gone down from Sepphoris to Asochis, the people of that place made a cla- mour agamst them, as those of Japha had done; whereupon they were able to contain themselves no longer, but ordered the armed men that were with them to beat those that made the clamour with their clubs; and when they came to Gabara, John met them with three tho\isand armed men; but, as I under- stood by their letter that they had resolved to fi^ht against me, I arose from Chabolo, with three tliousaiid armed men also, but left in m\ eanip one of my fastest friends, and came to J<)- tjipata, as desirous to be near them, thedistance being no more than forty furlongs. Whence I wrote thus to them: — " If you are very de- sirous that I should come to you, you know there are two hundred and forty cities and villages in Galilee: I will come to any of them w^ich you please, excepting Gabara and Gischala, — the one of which is John's native city, and the other in confederacy and friend- ship with him." 46. When Jonathan and his partners had received this letter, they wrote me no more answers, but called a council of their friends together ; and taking John into their consul- tation, they took counsel together by what means they might attack me. John's opinion was, that they should write to all the cities and villages that were in Galilee ; for that there must be certainly one or two persons in every one of them that were at variance with me; and that they should be invited to come, to oppose me as an enemy. He would also have tnem send this resolution of theirs to the city of Jerusalem, that its citizens, upon the know- ledge of my being adjudged to be an enemy by the Galileans, might themselves also con- firm that determination. He said also, that when this was done, even those Galileans who were well affected to me, would desert me, out of fear. When John had given them this coun- sel, what he had said was very agreeable to the rest of them. I was also made acquainted with these affairs about the third hour of the night, by the means of one Saccheus, who had belonged to them, but now deserted them and came over to me, and told me what they were about; so I perceived that no time was to be lost. Accordingly I gave command to Jacob, an armed man of my guard, whom I esteemed faithful to me, to take two hundred men, and to guard the passages that led from Gabara to Galilee, and to seize upon the passengers, and send them to me, especially such as were caught with letters about them : I also sent Jeremias himself, one of my friends, with six hundred armed men, to the borders of Galilee, in order to watch the roads that led from the country to the city of Jerusalem ; and gave him charge to lay hold of such as travelled with letters about them, to keep the men in bonds upon the place, but to send me the letters. 47. When I had laid these comniands upon them, I gave them orders, and bid them take their arms and bring three days* prevision with them, and be with me the next day. I also parted those that were about rne into four parts, and ordained those of them that were most faithful to me to be a guard to my body. I also set over them centurions ; and commanded them to take care that not a sol- dier w hich they (lid not know should mingle liiniself among them. Now, on the fifth day following, when I \vas at Gabaroth, I found the entire plain that was before the village full of HPined men, who were come out of Galilee to assist me: many others of the 16 THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. multitude also out of the village, ran along with me; but as soon as I had taken my place, and began to speak to them, they all made an acclamation, and called me the Be- nefactor and Saviour of the country; and when I had made them my ackr\pwledge- ments, and thanked them [for their affection to me], I also advised them to fight with no- body,* nor to spoil the country, but to pitch their tents in the plain, and be content with the sustenance they had brought with them; for I told them I had a mind to compose these troubles without shedding any blood. Now it came to pass, that on the very same day those who were sent by John with letters, fell among the guards whom I had appointed to watch the roads; so the men were themselves kept upon the place, as my orders were ; but I got the letters, vvhich were full of reproaches and lies; and I intended to fall upon :hese men, without saying a word of these matters to any body. 48. Now, as soon as Jonathan and his com- panions heard of my coming, they took all their own friends, and John with them, and retired to the house of Jesus, which indeed was H large castle, and no way unlike a cita- del; so they privately led a band of armed men therein, and shut all the other doors but one, which they kept open, and they expected that I should come out of the road to them, to salute them; and indeied they had given orders to the armed men, that when I came they should let nobody besides me come in, but should exclude others ; as supposing that, by this means, they should easily get me under their power: but they were deceived in their expectation, for I perceived what snares they had laid for me. Now, as soon as I was got off my journey, I took up my lodgings over against them, and pretended to be asleep; so Jonathan and his party, think- ing that I was really asleep and at rest, made haste to go down into the pl;iin to persuade the people that I was an ill governor: l)ut the matter proved otherwise; for, upon their appearance, there was a cry made by the Gali- leans immediately, declaring their good opi- nion of me as their governor; and they made a clamour against Jonathan and his partners for coming to them when they had suffered no harm, and as though they would overturn their happy settlement; and desired them by all means to go back again, for that they would never be persuaded to have any other to rule over them but myself. When I heard of this, I did not fear to go down into the midst of them ; J went therefore myself down presently, to hear what Jonathan and his • Josephns's directions to his soldiers here are much the same that John the Baptist gave (Luke iii. 14): — ** Do violence to no man, neither accuse any fal.i«*ly. and DC content with your waRcs." Whence Dr. HiKbon confirms this conjecture, that Josephus, in some tliiiips, was, even now, a follower of John the Uapti.'^l, whicli is no way iniprobable. See »he note on sccU i. companions said. As soon as I appeared, there was immediately an acclamation made to me by the whole multitude, and a cry in my commendation by them, who confessed their thanks were owing to me for my cood government of them. 49. When Jonathan and his companions heard this they were in fear of their own lives, and in danger lest they should be as- saulted by the Galileans on my account; so they contrived how they might run away; but as they were not able to get off, for I desired them to stay, they looked down with concern at my words to them. 1 ordered, therefore, the multitude to restrain entirely their accla- mations, and placed the most faithful of my armed men upon the avenues, to be a guard to us, lest John should unexpectedly fall upon us; and 1 encouraged the Galileans to take their weapons, lest they should be dis- turbed at their enemies, if any sudden insult should be made upon them; and then, in the first place, I put Jonathan and his partners in mind of their [former] letter, and after what manner they had written to me, and declared they were sent by the common consent of the people of Jerusalem, to make up the differ- ences I had with John, and how they had desired me to come to them; and as I spake thus, I publicly showed that letter they had written, till they could not at all deny what they had done, the letter itself convicting them. 1 then said, '* O Jonathan, and you that are sent with him as his colleagues, if I were to be judged as to my behaviour, compared with that of John's, and had brought no more than two or three witnesses,! good men and true, it is plain you had been forced, upon the exa- mination of their characters beforehand, to discharge the accusations : that, therefore, you may be informed that I have acted well in the affiiirs of Galilee, I think tliree witnesses too few to be brought by a man that hath done as he ought to do; so I give you all these for witnesses. Inquire of them J how I have lived, and whether I have not behaved myself with all decency, and after a virtuous niainier among them. And I farther conjure you, O Galileans! to hide no part of the truth, l«ut to speak before these men as before judges, v\hether I have in any thing acted otherwise than well." 50. While I was thus speaking, the united voices of all the people joined together, and called me their Beiii'factor and Saviour, and attested to my former behaviour, and exhorted + We here 1< am the practice of the Jews, in the day of .lo8(*phii5. to inquire into the chanicters of witiie».se l;rfiire they were admitted; and that their number oujjh to tie three, or two at the least, also exactly as in the law ol Mostrs, and in the Apostolical Constitutions, h. ii, ch xxxvii Nee Horeh Covenant Hevived, page 97, 98. t This appeal to the whole body of the (ialileans by Jo'^ephus, and the testimony they gave him of integrity iir his conduct as their governor, is very like that appeal ati« testimony in thecafic ol the propliet Sainuci (1 Sani. \'u i— ,'>); and porhaps was done by Joscphui in imitat'a. of hiu. THE- LIFE OF FLWU'S JOSKPHUS, 17 me to continue so to do hereafter ; and they ] all said, upon their oaths, that their wives had been preserved free from injuries, and that no one had ever been aggrieved by me. After this, I read to the Galileans two of those epis- tles which had been sent by Jonathan and his colleagues, and which those whom I had ap- pointed to guard the road had taken, and sent to me. These were full of reproaches and of lies, as if I had acted more like a tyrant than a governor against them ; with many other things besides therein contained, which were no better indeed than impudent falsities. I also informed the multitude how I came by these letters, and that those who carried them delivered them up voluntarily; for I was not willing that my enemies should know any thing of the guards I had set, lest they should be afraid, and leave off writing hereafter. 51. When the multitude heard these things, they were greatly provoked at Jonathan and his colleagues that were with him, and were going to attack thein. and kill them ; and this they had certainly done, unless I had restrained the anger of the Galileans, and said, that " I forgave Jonathan and his colleagues what was past, if they would repent, and go to their own country, and tell those who sent them the truth, as to my conduct." When I had said this, I let them go, although I knew they would do nothing of what they had pro- mised. But the multitude were very much enraged against them, and entreated me to (^ve them leave to punish them for their inso- lence; yet did I try all methods to persuade them to spare the men; for I knew that every instance of sedition was pernicious to the pub- lic welfare. But the multitude was too angry [ with them to be dissuaded ; and all of them went immediately to the house in which Jona- than and his colleagues abode. However, when I perceived tnat their rage could not be restrained, I got on horseback, and ordered the multitude to follow me to the village So- gane, which was twenty furlongs olFGabara; and by using this stratagem, I so managed myself, as not to appear to begin a civil war amongst them. 52. But when I was come near Sogane, I caused the multitude to make a halt, and ex- horted them not to be so easily provoked to anger, and to the inflicting such punishments as could not be afterwards recalled: I also gave order, that a hundred men, who were already in years, and were principal men among them, should get themselves ready to go to the city of Jerusalem, and should make a complaint before the people, of such as raised seditions in the country. And I said to them, that " in case they be moved with what you sa/, you shall de- sire the community to write to me, and to enjoin me to continue in Galilee, and to order Jona- than and his colleagues to depart out of it." When I had suggested these iristrut^tions to them, and vvliilc they were ijettiug theuj*ulvcs ready as fast as they could, I sent them on this errand the third day after they had been assembled: 1 also sent five hundred armed men with them [as a guard]. I then 'wrote to my friends in Samaria, to take care that they might safely pass through the country: for Samaria was already under the Romans, and it was absolutely necessary for those that go quickly [to Jerusalem] to pass through that country; for in that road you may, in three days' time, go from Galilee to Jerusa- lem. I also went myself, and conducted the old men as far as the bounds of Galilee, and set guards in the roads, that it might not be easily known by any one that these men were gone. And when I had thus done, I went and abode at Japha. 53. Now Jonathan and his colleagues, hav- ing failed of accomplishing what they would have done against me, sent John back to Gischala, but went themselves to the city of Tiberias, expecting it would submit itself to them ; and this was founded on a letter which Jesus, their then governor, had written them, promising that, if they came, the multitude would receive them, and choose to be under their government ; so they went their ways with this expectation. But Silas, who, as I said, had been left curator of Tiberias by me, informed me of this, and desired me to make haste thither. Accordingly, I complied with his advice immediately, and came thither ; but found myself in danger of ray life, from the following occasion: Jonathan and his col- leagues had been at Tiberias, and had per- suaded a great many of such as had a quarrel with me to desert me; but when they heard of ray coming, they were in fear for them- selves, and came to me ; and when they had saluted me, they said that I was a happy man in having behaved myself so well in the go- vernment of Galilee ; and they congratulated me upon the honours that were paid me : for they said that my glory was a credit to them, since they had been my teachers and fellow- citizens ; and they said farther, that it was but just thayUiey should prefer my friendship to them ratner than John's, and that they would have immediately gone home, but that they staid that they might deliver up John into my power; and when they said this, they took their oaths of it, and those such as are most tremendous amongst us, and, such as I did not think fit to disbelieve. However, they desired me to lodge somewhere else, because the next day was the Sabbath; and that it was not fit the city of Tiberias should be disturbed [on that day]. 54. So I suspected nothing, and went away to Tarichea; yet did I withal leave some to make inquiry in the city how matters were, and whether any thing was said about me: I also set many persons all the way that led froiu Tariche:B to Tiberias, that they might comnmui -ate from one to another, if they 18 THE LIFE OF FLA7IUS J0SEPHU8. learned any news from those that were left in the city. On the next day, therefore, they all camejnto the Proseucha;* it was a large edifice, and capable of receiving a great num- ber of people ; thither Jonathan went in, and though he durst not openly speak of a revolt, yet did he say that their city stood in need of a better governor than it then had. But Jesus, who was the ruler, made no scruple to speak out, and said openly, " O fellow-citizens ! it is better for you to be in subjection to four than to one ; and those such as are of high birth, and not without reputation for their wisdom;" and pointed to Jonathan and his colleagues. Upon his saying this, Justus came in and commended him for what he had said, and persuaded some of the people to be of his mind also. But the multitude were not pleased with what was said, and had certainly gone into a tumult, unless the sixth hour, which was now come, had dissolved the as- sembly, at which hour our laws require us to go to dinner on Sabbath-days ; so Jonathan and his colleagues put off their council till the next day, and went off without success. When I was informed of these affairs, I determined to go to the city of Tiberias in the morning. Accordingly, on the next day, about the first hour of the day, I came from Taricheae, and found the multitude already assembled in the Proseucha; but on what account they were gotten together, those that were assembled did not know. But when Jonathan and his col- leagues saw me there unexpectedly, they were in disorder; after which they raised a report of their own contrivance, that Roman horsemen were seen at a place called Union, in the borders of Galilee, thirty furlongs dis- tant from the city. Upon which report Jo- nathan and his colleagues cunningly exhorted me not to neglect this matter, nor to suffer the land to be spoiled by the enemy. And this they said with a design to remove me out of the city, under the pretence of the want of extraordinary assistance, while they might dis- pose the city to be my enemy. 55. As for myself, although I knew of their design, yet did I comply with what they proposed, lest the people of Tiberias should have occasion to suppose that I was not care- ful of their security. I therefore went out; but, when I was at the place, I found not the least footstep of any enemy; so I returned as fast as ever I could, and found the whole council assembled, and the body of the peo- ple gotten together, and Jonathan and his col- leagues bringing vehement accusations against me. as one who had no concern to ease them • It U worth noting here, that thert waa now a ipreat Prosrucba, or place of prayer, In the city of Tiberius Itself, though such Proseucha used to be out of cities, hs the synagogues were within them. Of them, see 1^ Moyue on Polycarp's I-'pintle, page 76. It is also worth «ur remark, that the Jews, in the days of Josephus, used to dine at the sixth hour, or noon; and that, in obodicuoe to their notions of tho law of Aloses al»& of the burdens of war, and as one that live<3 luxuriously. And as they were discoursing thus, they produced four letters as written to them, from some people that lived at the bor- ders of Galilee, imploring that they would come to their assistance, for that there was an army of Romans, both horsemen and foot- men, who would come and lay waste the coun- try on the third day; they desired them also to make haste, and not to overlook them When the people of Tiberias heard this, they thought they spake truth, and made a clamour against me, and said I ought not to sit still, but to go away to the assistance of their coun- trymen. Hereupon I said (for I understood the meaning of Jonathan and his colleagues) that I was ready to comply with what they proposed, and without delay to march to the war which they spake of, yet did I advise them, at the same time, that since these let- ters declared that the Romans would make their assault in four several places, they should part their forces into five bodies, and make Jonathan and his colleagues generals of each body of them, because it was fit for brave men not only to give counsel, but to take the place of leaders, and assist their countrymen when such a necessity pressed them ; for, said I, it is not possible for me to lead more than one party. This advice ot mine greatly pleased the multitude; so they compelled them to go forth to the war. But their designs were put into very much disorder, because they had not done what they had designed to do, on account of my stratagem, which was opposite to theii undertakings. 56. Now there was one whose name wa» Ananias (a wicked man he was, and very mis- chievous); he proposed that a general religi- ous fastf should be appointed the next day for all the people, and gave order that at the same hour they should come to the same place, without any weapons, to make it manifest be- fore God, that while they obtained his assis- tance, they thought all these weapons useless. This he said, not out of piety, but that they might catch me and my friends unarmed, i Now, I was hereupon forced to comply, lest I should appear to despise a proposal that tended to piety. As soon, therefore, as we were gone home, Jonathan and his colleagues wrote to John to come to them in the morn- ing, and desiring him to come with as many soldiers as he possibly could, for that they should then be able easily to get me into their hands, and to do all they desired to do.— When John had received this letter, he resolv- ed to comply with it. As for myself, on the next day, I ordered two of the guards of my body, whom I esteemed the most courageous and most faithful, to hide daggers under their ■f One may observe here, that this lay-Pharisee, Ana* nias, as we have seen he was (sect. 31*). took upon him U- appoint a fast at I ibrrias. and was obeyed ; though lu deed it was not out ot religion, but knavish policy. THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPIIUS. 19 garments, and to go along with me, that we might defend ourselves, if any attack should be made upon us by our enemies. I also my- self took my breast- plate, and girded on my sword, so that it might be, as far as it was pos- sible, concealed, and came into the Proseucha. 57. Now Jesus, who was the ruler, com- manded that they should exclude all that came with me, for he kept the door himself, and suffered none but his friends to go in. And while we were engaged in the duties of the day, and had betaken ourselves to our pray- ers, Jesus got up, and inquired of me what was become of the vessels that were taken out of the king's palace when it w^as burnt down, [and] of that uncoined silver: and in whose possession they now were ? This he said, in order to drive away time till John should come. I said that Capellus, and the ten principal men of Tiberias, had them all ; and I told him that they might ask them whether I told a lie or not. And when they said they had them, he asked me. What is become of those twenty pieces of gold which thou didst receive upon the sale of a certain weight of uncoined mo- ney? I replied, that I had given them to those ambassadors of theirs, as a maintenance for them, when they were sent by them to Je- rusalem. So Jonathan and his colleagues said that I had not done well to pay the ambassa- dors out of the public money. And when the multitude were very angry at them for this, for they perceived the wickedness of the men, I understood that a tumult was going to arise ; and being desirous to provoke the peo- ple to a greater rage against the men, I said, " But if I have not done well in paying our ambassadors out of the public stock, leave off your anger at me, for I will repay the twenty pieces of gold myself." 58. When I had said this, Jonathan and his colleagues held their peace; but the peo- ple were still more irritated against them, upon their openly showing their unjust ill-will to me. When Jesus sayv this change in the people, he ordered them to depart, but desired the senate to stay, for that they could not examine things of such a nature in a tumult; and as the people were crying oui that they would not leave me alone, there came one and told Jesus and his friends privately, that John and his armed men were at hand : where- upon Jonathan and his colleagues, being able to contain themselves no longer (and perhaps the providence of God hereby procuring my deliverance, for, had not this been so, I had certainly been destroyed by John), said, " O you people of Tiberias ! leave off this inquiry about the twenty pieces of gold; for Josephus hath not deserved to die for them ; but he hath deserved it by his desire of tyrannizing, and by cheating the multitude of the Gali- leans with his speeches, in order to f,'ain the dominion over them." When he had said this, they presently laid hands upon uie, and endeavoured to kill me : but as soon as those that were with me saw what they did, they drew their swords, and threatened to smite them, if they offered any violence to me. The people also took up stones, and were about to throw them at Jonathan; and so they snatched me from the violence of my enemies. 59. But as I was gone out a little way, I was just upon meeting John, who was march- ing with his armed men. So I was afraid of him, and turned aside, and escaped by a nar- row passage to the lake, and seized on a ship, and embarked in it, and sailed over to Tari- cheiB. So, beyond my expectation, I escaped this danger. Whereupon I presently sent for the chief of the Galileans, and told them after what manner, against all faith given, 1 had been very near to destruction from Jonathan and his colleagues, and the people of Tiberias. Upon which the multitude of the Galileans were very angry, and encouraged me to delay no longer to make war upon them, but to permit them to go against John, and utterly to destroy him, as well as Jonathan and his colleagues. However, I restrained them, though they were in such a rage, and desired them to tarry awhile, till we should be in- formed what orders those ambassadors that were sent by them to the city of Jerusalem should bring thence ; for I told them that it was best to act according to their determina- tion; whereupon they were prevailed on. At which time also John, when the snares he had laid did not take effect, returned back to Gischala. 60. Now, in a few days those ambassadors whom we had sent, came back again and in- formed us that the people were greatly pro- voked at Ananus, and Simon the son of Ga- maliel, and their friends ; that, without any public determination, they had sent to Gali- lee, and had done their endeavours that I might be turned out of the government. The ambassadors said farther, that the people were ready to burn their houses. They also brought letters, whereby the chief men of Jerusalem, at the earnest petition of the people, confirmed me in the government of Galilee, and en- joined Jonathan and his colleagues to return home quickly. When I had gotten these letters, I came to the village Arbela, where I procured an assembly of the Galileans to meet, and bid the ambassadors declare to them the anger of the people of Jerusalem at what had been done by Jonathan and his colleagues, and how much they hated their wicked doings, and how they had confirmed me in the go- vernment of their country, as also what related to the order they had in writing for Jona- than and his colleagues to return home. So I immediately sent them the letter, and bid him that carried it to inquire, as well as he could, how they intended to act [on this occa- sion]. 20 THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. 61. Now when they nad received that let- tfef, and were thereby £,-reatly disturbed, they sent for John, and for the senators of Tibe- rias, and for the principal men of the Gaba- rens, and proposed to hold a council, and de- sired them to consider what was to be done by them. However, the governors of Ti!)e- rias were greatly disposed to keep the govern- ment to themselves; for thfey said it was not tit to desert their city, now it was committed to their trust, and that otherwise I should not delay to fall upon them ; for they pretended falsely that so I had threatened to do. Now John was not only of their opinion, but ad- vised them, that two of them should go to accuse me before the multitude [at Jerusa- lem], that I did not manage the affairs of Galilee as I ought to do; and that they would easily persuade the people, because of their dignity, and because the whole multitude were very mutable. — When, therefore, it appeared that John had suggested the wisest advice to them, they resolved that two of them, Jona- than and Ananias, should go to the people of Jerusalem, and the other two [Simon and Joazar] should be left behind to tarry at Tibe- rias. They also took along with them a hun- dred soldiers for their guard. 62. However, the governors of Tiberias took care to have their city secured with walls, and commanded their inhabitants to take their arms. They also sent for a great many sol- diers from John, to assist them against me, if there should be occasion for them. Now John was at Gischala. Jonathan, therefore, and those that were with him, when they were departed from Tiberias, and as soon as they were come to Dabaritta, a village that lay in the utmost parts of Galilee, in the great plain, they, about midnight, fell among the guards i had set, who both commanded them to lay aside their weapons, and kept them in bonds upon the place, as 1 had charged them to do. This news was written to me by Levi, who had the command of that guard committed to him by me. Hereupon 1 said nothing of it for two days; and, pretending to know no- thing about it, I sent a message to the people of Tiberias, and advised them to lay their arms aside, and to dismiss their men, that they might go home; but supposing that Jona- than, and those that were with them, were al- ready arrived at Jerusalem, they made re- proachful answers to me; yet was I not terri- fied thereby, but contrived another stratagem against them ; for I did not think it agreeable with piety to kindle the fire of war against the citizens. As I was desirous to draw those men away from Tiberias, I chose out ten thousand of the best of my armed men, and divided them into three bodies, and ordered them to go privately, and lie still as an am- busli, in the villages. I also led a thousand into another village, which lay indeed in the mouHtains, as did thv others, but only four furlongs distant from Tiberias; and gave orders, that when they saw my signal, they should come down immediately, while I my- self lay with my soldiers in the sight of every body. Hereupon the people of Tiberias, as the sight of me, came running out of the city perpetually, and abused me greatly. Nay, their madness was come to that height, that they made a decent bier for me, and, standing about it, they mourned over me in the way of jest and sport; and I could not but be my- self in a pleasant humour upon the sight of this madness of theirs. 63. And now being desirous to catch Simon' by a wile, and Joazar with him, I sent a nies- sage to them, and desired them to come a little way out of the city, and many of their friends to guard them; for I said I would come down to them, and make a league with them, and divide the government of Galilee with them. Accordingly Simon was deluded, on account of his imprudence, and out of the hopes of gain, and did not delay to come; but Joazar, suspecting snares were laid for him, staid behind. So when Simon was come out, and his friends w^ith him for his guard, I met him, and saluted him with great civi- lity, and professed that 1 was obliged to hinj for his coining up to me ; but a little while afterwards 1 walked along with him, as though I would say something to him by himself; and when I had drawn him a good way from his friends, I took him about the middle, and gave him to my friends that were with me, to carry him into a village; and commanding my armed men to rome down, I with them made an assault upon Tiberias. Now, as the fight grew hot on both sides, and the soldiers belonging to Tiberias were in a fair way to conquer me (for in\ armed men were already fled awayj, I saw the jxjsture of my affairs; and encouraging those that were with me, I pursued those of Tiberias, even when they were already conquerors, into the city. I also sent another band of soldiers into the city by the lake, aiid'ga^e them orders to set on fire the first house they could seize upon. When this was done the people of Tiberias thought that their city was taken by force, and so threw down their arms for fear; and implored, they, their wives, and children, that I would spare their (rity. So I was overper- suaded by their entreaties, and restrained the soldiers from the vehemency with which they pursued them; while I myself, upon the com- ing on of the evening, returned back with my soldiers, and went to refresh myself. I also invited Simon to sup with me, and comforted him on occasion of what had happened ; and I promised that I would send him safe and secure to Jerusalem, and withal would give him provisions for liis journey thither. 64. But on the ni'xt day, I brought ten thousand arim-d men with me, and came to Ti- bet las. 1 then sent tor I be principal men uf the THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. 21 multitude into the public place, and enjoined them to tell me who were the authors of the revolt; and when they told ine who the men were, I sent them bound to the city Jotapata; but as to Jonathan and Ananias, I freed them from their bond>-, and gave them provisions for their journey, together with Simon and Joazar, and five hundred ariaed men who should guurd them; and so i sent them to Jerusalem. The people of Tiberias also casne to me again, and desired that 1 would forgive them for what they had done; and they said they would amend what they had done amiss with regard to nje, by their fidelity for the dme to come; and they besought me to pre- serve what spoils remained upon the plunder of the city, for those that had lost them. Accordingly, I enjoined those that had got them, to bring them all before us; and when they did not comply for a great while, and I saw one of the soldiers that were about rae with a garment un that was more splendid than ordi- aary, I asked him whence he had it; and when he replied that be had it out of the plunder of the city, I had him punished with stripes; and I threatened all the rest to inflict a severer punishment upon them, unless they produced before us whatsoever they had plundered ; and when a great many spoils were brought to- gether, I restored to every one of Tiberias what they claimed to be their own. 65. And now I am come to this part of tay narration, I have a mind to say a few things to Justus, who hath himself written a history concerning these affairs; as also to others who profess to write history, but have little regard to truth, and are not afraid, either out of ill-will or good- will to some persons, to relate falsehoods. These men do like those who compose forged deeds and conveyances; and because they are not brought to the like punishment with them, they have no regard to truth. When, therefore, Justus undertook to write about these facts, and about the ■ Jewish war, that he might appear to have been an industrious man, he falsified in what he related about me, and could not speak truth even about his own country; whence it is, that, being belied by him, I am under a necessity to make my defence ; and so I shall say what I have concealed till now; and let no one wonder that I have not told the world these things.a great while ago; for although it be necessary for a historian to write the truth, yet is such a one not bound severely to animadvert on the wickedness of certain men, — not out of any favour to them, but out of an author's own moderation. How then comes it to pass, O Justus! thou most saga- cious of writers (that 1 may address myself to him as if he were here presentj, for so thou boastest of thyself, that I and the Galileans have been the authors of that sedition which thy country engaged in. both against the Ro- mans and against the king [Agrippa, junior]? — for before ever I was appointed governor of Galilee by the community of Jerusalem, both thou and all the people of Tiberias had not only taken up arms, but had made war with Decapolis of Syria. Accordingly, thou hadst ordered their villages to be burnt, and a domestic servant of thine fell in the battle. Nor is it I only M'ho say this ; but so it is written in the Commentaries of Vespasian, the emperor^ as also how the inhabitants of Decapolis came clamouring to Vespasian at Ptolemais, and desired that thou, who wast the author £of that war], mightst be brought to punishment^ and thou hadst certainly been punished at the command of Vespasian, had not king Agrippa, wiio had power given him to have thee put to death, at the earnest en- treaty of bis sister Bernice, changed the pu- nishment from death into a long imprison- ment. Thy political administration of afiairs afterward doth also clearly discover both thy other behaviour in life, and that thou wast the occasion of thy country's revolt from the Ro- mans; plain signs of which I shall produce presently. I have also a mind to say a few things to the rest of the people of Tiberias on thy account; and to demonstrate to those that light upon this history, that you bear no good- will, neither to the Romans nor to the king. To be sure, the greatest cities of Gali- lee, O Justus ! were Sepphoris, and thy coun- try Tiberias; but Sepphoris, situated in the very midst of Galilee, and having many vil- lages about it, and able with ease to have been bold and troublesome to the Romans, if they had so pleased, — yet did it resolve to con- tinue faithful to those their masters, and at the same time excluded me out of their city, and prohibited all their citizens from joining with the Jews in the war ; and, that they might be out of danger from me, they, by a wile, got leave of me to fortify their city with walls; they also, of their own accord, admitted of a garrison of Roman legions, sent them by Ces- tius Gallus, who was then president of Syria, and so had rae in contempt, though I was then very powerful, and all were greatly afraid of me ; and at the same time that the greatest of our cities, Jerusalem was besieged, and that temple of ours, which belonged to us all, was in danger of falling under the enemy's power; they sent no assistance thither, as not willing to have it thought they would bear arms against the Romans; but as for thy country, O Justus! situated upon the lake of Gene- sareth, and distant from Hippos thirty fur- longs, from Gadara sixty, and from Scytho- polis, which was under the king's jurisdiction, a hundred and twenty; when there was no Jewish city near, it might easily have pre- served its fidelity [to the Romans] if it had so pleased them to do ; for the city and its peo- ple had plenty of weapons ; but, as thou say- est, I was then the author [of their revolt] ; and pray, O Justus! wh« was that author t^' 22 THE LIFE OF FLAVILS JOSLPIIT S. terwardsf — ^forthou knowest that I was in the power of the Romans before Jerusalem was besieged, and before the same time Jotapata was taken by force, as well as many other for- tresses, and a great many of the Galileans fell in the war. It was therefore then a pro- per time, when you were certainly freed from any fear on my account, to throw away your weapons, and to demonstrate to the king and to the Romans, that it was not of choice, but as forced by necessity, that you fell into the war against them ; but you staid till Vespasian came himself as far as your walls, with his whole army; and then you did indeed lay aside your weapons out of ffear, and your city had for certain been taken by force, unless Vespasian had complied with the king's sup- plication for you, and had excused your mad- ness. It was not I, therefore, who was the author of this, but your own inclinations to war. Do not you remember how often I got you under my power, and yet put none of you to death? Nay, you once fell into a tumult one against another, and slew one hundred and eighty-five of your citizens, not on ac- count of your good-will to the king and to the Romans, but on account of your own wickedness, and this while I was besieged by the Romans in Jotapata. Nay, indeed, were there not reckoned up two thousand of the people of Tiberias during the siege of Jeru- salem, some of whom were slain, and the rest caught and carried captives? But thou wilt pretend that thou didst not engage in the war, since thou didst flee to the king ! Yes, indeed, thou didst flee to him ; but I say it was out of fear of me. Thou sayest, indeed, that it is I who am a wicked man. But then, for what reason was it that king Agrippa, who procured thee thy life when thou wast condemned to die by Vespasian, and who bestowed so much riches upon thee, did twice afterward put thee in bonds, and as often obliged thee to run away from thy country, and, when he had once ordered thee to be put to death, he granted thee a pardon at the earnest desire of Ber- nice? And when (after so many of thy wicked pranks) he had made thee his secretary, he caught thee falsifying his epistles, and drove thee away from his sight. But I shall not inquire accurately into these matters of scan- dal against thee. Yet cannot I but wonder at thy impudence, when thou hast the assur- ance to say, that thou hast better related these aflfiiirs [of the war] than have all the others that have written aboutthem, whilst thou didst iOt know what was done in Galileo; for thou /ast then at Berytus with the king; nor didst thou know how much the Romans suffered at the siege of Jotapata, or what miseries they brought upon us; nor couldst thou learn by inquiry what I did during that siege myself; for all those that might afford such informa- tion were quite destroyed in that siege. But p«rhAp» thou wilt say, thou bast written of what was done against the pecpfe of Jerosa. lem exactly. But how should that be? fos neither wast thou concerned in that .war, nw hast thou read the commentaries of Caesar ; of which we have evident proof, because thou hast contradicted those commentaries of Cnesar in thy history. But if thou art so hardy as to affirm that thou hast written that history bet- ter than all the rest, why didst thou not pub- lish thy history while the emperors Vespasian and Titus, the generals in that war, as well as king Agrippa and his family, who were men very well skilled in the learning of the Greeks, were all alive? for thou hast had it written these twenty years, and then mightst thou have had their testimony of thy accuracy. But now when these men are no longer with us, and thou thinkest thou canst not be contra- dicted, thou venturest to publish it. But the.T I was not in like manner afraid of ray own writing, but I offered my books to the emper- ors themselves, when the facts were almost under men's eyes; for I was conscious to my- self that I had observed the truth of the facts; and as I expected to have their attestation to them, so I was not deceived in such expecta- tion. Moreover, I immediately presented my history to many other persons, some of whom were concerned in the war, as was king Agrip- pa and some of his kindred. Now the em- peror Titus was so desirous that the knowledge of these affairs should be taken from these books alone, that he subscrihed his own hand to them, and ordered that they should be pub- lished; and for king Agrippa, he wrote me sixty- two letters, and attested to the truth of what I had therein delivered; two of which letters I have here subjoined, and thou mayst thereby know their contents: — " King Agrippa to Josephus, his dear friend, sendeth greeting. I have read over thy book with great pleasure, and it appears to me that thou hast done it much more accurately, and with greater rare, than have the other writers. Seiul me the rest of these books. Farewell, my dear friend." " King Agrippa to Josephus, his dear friend, sendeth greeting. It seems by what thou hast written, that thou standest in need of no in- struction, in order to our information from the beginning. However, when thou comest to me, I will inform thee of a great many things which thou dost not know." So when this history was perfected, Agrippa, neither by way of flattery, which was not agreeable to bin), nor by way of irony, as thou wilt say (for he was entirely a stranger to such an evil dispo- sition of mind), but he wrote this by way of attestation to what was true, as all that road histories may do. And so much shall be said concerning Justus,' which I am obliged to add by way of digression. • The chamcter of thw hisfnnr of Justus of Tihtrian, the rival of our .InKfijIiii* whioh \» m-w lost, with it« Hilly remainiiii; fi;ii;iii(Tit. urt- uivfii ii<i by a verv able critic, t'hbtiu.H, wliu rr;i(] that history It is in ih« 3J() THE LIFE OF FLAVItIS JOSRPHUS. 23 60. Now, when I had settled the affairs of | Tiberias, and had assembled my friends as a sanhedrim, I consulted what I should do as to John: whereupon it appeared to be the opin- ion of all the Galileans that I should arm them all, and march against John, and punish him as the author of all the disorders that had happened. Yet was not I pleased with their determination ; as purposing to compose these troubles without bloodsheti. Upon this I ex- horted them to use the utmost care to learn the names of all that were under John ; which when they had done, and I thereby was ap- prized who the men were, I published an edict, wherein I offered security and iny right hand ■to such of John's party as had a mind to re- pent; and I allowed twenty days' time to such as would take this most advantageous course for themselves. I also threatened, that unless they threw down their arras, I would burn their houses, and expose their goods to public sale. When the men heard of this, they were in no small disorder, and deserted John; and to the number of four thousand threw down their arms, and came to me. So that no others staid with John but his own citizens, and about fifteen hundred strangers that came from the metropolis of Tyre; and when John saw that he had been outwitted by my stratagem, he continued afterward in his own country, and WHS in great fear of me. H7. But about this time it was that the peo- ple of Sepphoris grew insolent, and took up arms, out of a confidence they had in the strength of their walls, and because they saw me engaged in other affairs also. So they sent to Cestius Gallus, who was president of Syria, and desired that he would either come quickly to them, and take their city under his protection, or send them a garrison. Accord- ihgly Gallus promised' them to come, but did not send word when he would come: and when I had learned so much, I took the sol- diers that were with me, and made an assault cixle of his Blbliotheca, and runs thus:— "I have read (says Photius) the chronolosry of Justus of Tiberias, whose title is this, [7'Ae Chronology of] the Kings of Judak, nhich succeeded one another. This [Justus] came out of the city of Tiberias in Galilee. He begins his history from Moses, and ends it not till the death of Acrippa, the seventh [ruler] of the family of Herod, and the last kin^ of the Jews; who took the Rovernment under Claudius, bad it ausrmented under Nero, and still more augmented by Vespasian. He died in the third year of Trajan, when also his history ends. He is ver\ concise in his language, and slightly passes over tbost- affairs that were most necessary to be insisted on,- and being under the Jewish prejudices, as indeed he waf him self also a Jew by birth, he makes not the least mention of the appearance of Christ, of what things happened to him, or of the wonderful works that he did. He was the son of a certain Jew, whose name was Pistus. He was a man, as he is described by Josephus. of a most profli- tfate character; a slave both to money and to pleasure, in public affairs he was opposite to Josephus; and it i-- niated, that he laid many plots against him; but thai Josephus. though he had his enemy frequently under his power, did only reproach him in words, and so let liiiii p. I without farther punishment. He says also, thit trie histc-.ry which this man wrote is for the main fabulous, and chiefly as to those parts win re he dt-scribes the Ko- maa war with the Jews, and the takin:; ul JerusalLui." upon the people of Sepphoris, ana took the city by force. The Galileans took this op- portunity, as thinking they had now a proper time for showing their hatred to them, since they bore ill-will to that city also. They then exerted themselves, as if they would destroy them all utterly, with those that sojourned there also. So they ran uponthem, and set their houses on fire, as finding them without inhabitants; for the men, out of fear, ran to- gether to the citadel. So the Galileans car- ried off every thing, and omitted no kind of desolation which they could bring upon their countrymen. When I saw this, I was ex- ceedingly troubled at it, and cominanded them to leave off, and put them in mind that it was not agreeable to piety to do such things to their countrymen: but since they neither would hearken to what I exhorted, nor to what I commanded them to do (for the haired they bore to the people there was too hard for my exhortations to them), I bade those my friends, who were most faithful to me, and were about me, to give out reports, as if the Romans were falling upon the other part of the city with a great army ; and this I did, that, by such a report being spread abroad, I might restrain the violence of the Galileans, and preserve the city of Sepphoris. And at length this stratagem had its effect; for, upon hearing this report, they were in fear for them- selves, and so they left off plundering, atid ran away; and this more especially, because they saw me, their general, do the same also; for, that I might cause this report to be believed, I preteiuled to be in fear as well as they Thus were the inhabitants of Sepphoris un- expectedly preserved by this contrivance of mine. 68. Nay, indeed, Tiberias had like to have been plundered by the Galileans also upon the following occasion: — The chief men of the senate wrote to the king, and desired that he would come to them, and take possession of their city. The king promised to come, and wrote a letter in answer to theirs, and gave it to one of his bed-chamber, whose name was Crispus, and who was by birth a Jew, to carry it to Tiberias. When the Galileans knew that this man carried such a letter, they caught him and brought him to me; but as soon as the whole multitiule heard of it, they were en- raged, and betook themselves to their arms. So a great many of them got together from all quarters the next day, and came to the city Asochis, where 1 then lodged, and made heavy clamours, and called the city of Tiberias a traitor to them, and a friend to the king; ana desired leave of me to go down and utterly de- stroy it; for they bore the like ill-will to the people of Tiberias as they did to those of Sep- phoris. 69. When I heard this, I was in doubt what to do, and he-itated l)y what means I might deliver Tiberius frutn the ra^'t of ihc Gali- 24 THE LIFI-: OF FLAVIUS JO.SEFHUS. leans; for I could not deny that tliose of Ti- berias had written to the kinj^, and invited hnn to come to them; for his letters to them, in answer thereto, would fully prove the truth of that. So 1 sat a long time umsiiig with my- self, and then said to them, " I know well enough that the people of Tiberias have of- fended; nor shall I forbid you to plunder the city. However, such things ought to be done with discretion; for they of Tiberias have not been the only betrayers of our liberty, but many cf the most eminent patriots of the Galileans, as they pretended to be, have done the same. Tarry therefore till 1 shall thor- oughly find out those authors of our danger, and then you shall have them all at once under your power, with all such as you shall your- selves bring in also." Upon my saying this, I pacified the multitude, and they left off their anger, and went their ways ; and I gave or- ders that he who brought the king's letters should be put into bonds; but in a few days I pretended that I was obliged, by a necessary affair of my own, to go out of the kingdom. I then called Crispus privately, and ordered him to make the soldier that kept him drunk, and to run away to the king. So when Ti- berias was in danger of being utterly destroyed a second time, it escaped the danger by my skilful management, and the care that I had for its preservation. 70. About this time it was that Justus, the son of Pistus, without my knowledge, ran away to the king ; the occasion of which I will here relate. Upon the beginning of the war between the Jews and the Romans, the people of Tiberias resolved to submit to the king, and not to revolt from the Romans; while Justus tried to persuade them to betake themselves to their arms, as being himself de- sirous of innovations, and having hopes of obtaining the government of Galilee, as well as of his own country [Tiberias] also. Yet did he not obtain what he hoped for, because the Galileans bore ill-will to those of Tiberias, and this on account of their anger at what miseries they had suffered from them before the war ; thence it was that they would not endure that Justus should be their governor. I myself also, who had been uitrusted by the community of -Jerusalem with the govern- ment of Galilee, did frequently come to that degree of rage at Justus, that I had aln)ost resolved to kill him, as not able to bear his mischievous disposition. He was therefore much afraid of me, lest at length my passion should come to extremity; so lie went to the king, as supposing that he would dwell better and more safely with him. 71. Now when the people of Sepphoris had, in so surprising a manner, escaped their first danger, they sent to Cestius Gall us, and dcirired him to come to them iunnediately, and take possession of their city, or elsf to send I'orces sutlicient to rcprci>:i all ihuir cmicmuus' incursions upon them ; and at the last they did prevail with Gallus to send them a consi- derabh^ army, both of horse and foot, which came in the night-time, and which tliey ad- mitted into the city. But when the country round about it was harassed by the Roman army, I took those soldiers that were about me, and came to Garisme, where 1 cast up a bank, a good way off the city Sepphoris; and when 1 was at twenty furlongs distance, I came upon it by night, and made an assault upon its walls with my forces: and when 1 had ordered a considerable number of my sol- diers to scale them with ladders, I became master of the greatest part of the city. But soon after, our unacquaintedness with the places forced us to retire, after we had killed twelve of the Roman footmen, and two horse- men, and a few of the people of Sej)phoris, with the loss of only a single man of our own. And when it afterwards came to a battle in the plain against the horsemen, and we had undergone the dangers of it courageously for a long time, we were beaten; for upon the Romans encompassing me about, my solditM'u were afraid, and fled back. There fell in that battle one of those that had been intrusted to guard my body; his name was Justus, who at this time had the same post with the king. At the same time also there came forces, both horsemen and footmen, from the king, and Sylla their commander, who w^as the capt;iif» of his guard ; this Sylla pitched his can)p at five furlongs distance from Julias, and set a guard upon the roads, both that which led to Cana, and that which led to the fortress Gamala, that he might hinder their inhabi- tants from getting provisions out of Galilee. 72. As soon as I had got intelligence of this, I sent two thousand armed men, and a captain over them, whose name was Jereniiiili, who raised a bank a furlong off Julias, neur to the river Jordan, and did no more th;in skirmish with the enemy ; till I took three thousand soldiers myself, and came to thcui But on the next day, when I had laid an am- bush in a certain valley, not far from the banks, I provoked those that belonged to the king to come to a battle, and gave orders to my own soldiers to turn their backs upon them, until they should have drawn the ene- my away from their camp, and brought tlu-u) out into the field, which was done accord- ingly; for Sylla, supposing that our party did really run away, was ready to pursue tlieui, when our soldiers that lay in ambush took them on their backs, and put them all into great disorder. I also inunediately made a sudden turn with my own forces, and met those of the king's party, and put them to flight. And I had performed great things that day, if a certain fate had not been my hindcrance ; for the horse on which I ro'io, uiid upon whose ItMek I fought, fell iiuo a quagmire, and threw me on the ground; luid THE MFK. OF FI.AVIUS JOSFPHUS. 25 I was bruised on my wrist, and carried into a village named Cepharnome, or Capernaum. When my soldiers heard of this, they were afraid I had been worse hurt than I was; and so they did not go on with their pursuit any farther, but returned in very great con- cern for me. I therefore sent for the phy- sicians, and while I was under their hands, I continued feverish that day; and as the phy- sicians directed, I was that night removed to Taricheae. 73. When Sylla and his party were in- formed what happened to me, they took cou- rage again; and understanding that the watch was negligently kept in our camp, they by night placed a body of horsemen in ambush beyond Jordan, and when it was day they provoked us to fight; and as we did not re- fuse it, but came into the plain, their horse- men appeared out of that ambush in which they had lain, and put our men into disorder, and made them run away; so they slew six men of our side. Yet did they not go off with the victory at last; for when they heard that some armed men were sailed from Ta- richeae to Julias, they were afraid, and retired. 74. It was not now long before Vespasian came to Tyre, and king Agrippa with him ; but the Tyrians began to speak reproachfully of the king, and called him an enemy to the Romans ; for they said that Philip, the gene- ral of his army, had betrayed the royal palace and the Roman forces that were in Jerusa- lem, and that it was done by his command. When Vespasian heard of this report, he re- buked the Tyrians for abusing a man who was both a king and a friend to the Romans ; but he exhorted the king to send Philip to Rome, to answer for what he had done before Nero. But when Philip was sent thither, he did not come into the sight of Nero, for he found him very near death, on account of the troubles that then happened, and a civil war; and so he returned to the king. But when Vespasian was come to Ptolemais, the chief men of Decapolis of Syria made a clamour against Justus of Tiberias, because he had set their villages on fire: so Vespasian de- livered him to the king, to be put to death by those under the king's jurisdiction; yet did the king [only] put him into bonds, and con- cealed what he had done from Vespasian, as I ha.e before related. But the people of Sep- phvris met Vespasian, and saluted him, and had forces sent him, with Placidus their com- mander: he also went up with them, as I also followed them, till Vespasian came rnto Galilee. As to which coming of his, and after what manner it wa3 ordered, and how he fought his first battle with me near the village Taricheae, and how from thence they went to Jotapata, and how I was taken alive, and bound, and how I was afterwards loosed, with all that was done by me in the Jewish war, and during the siege of Jerusalem, I have accurately related them in the books concerning the War of the Jews. However, it will, I think, be fit for me to add now an account of those actions of my life which I have not related in that book of the Jewish war. 75. For, when the siege of Jotapata was over, and I was among the Romans, I was kept with much care, by means of the great respect that Vespasian showed me. More- over, at hia command, I married a virgin, who was from among the captives of that country ,* yet did she not live with me long, but was divorced, upon my being freed from my bonds, and my going to Alexandria. However, I married another wife at Alexandria, and was then sent, together with Titus, to the siege of Jerusalem, and was frequently in danger of being put to death, — while both the Jews were very desirous to get me under their power, in order to have me punished ; and the Romans also, whenever they were beaten, supposed that it was occasioned by my treachery, and made continual clamours to the emperors, and desired that they would bring me to pim- ishment, as a traitor to theni : but Titus Caesar was well acquainted with the uncer- tain fortune of war, and returned no answer to the soldiers' vehement solicitations against me. Moreover, when the city Jerusalem was taken by force, Titus Caesar persuaded me frequently to take whatsoever I would of the ruins of my country, and said that he gave me leave so to do ; but when my country was destroyed, I thought nothing else to be of any value which 1 could take and keep as a com- fort under my calamities; so I made this re- quest to Titus, that my family might have their liberty : I had also the holy books f by Titus's concession; nor was it long after, that I asked of him the life of my brother, and of fifty friends with him ; and was not denied. When I also went once to the tem- ple, by the permission of Titus, where there were a great multitude of captive women and children, I got all those that I remembered as among my own friends and acquaintances, to be set free, being in number about one hundred and ninety ; and so I delivered them, without their paying any price of redemption, and restored them to their /ormer fortune ; and when I was sent by Titus Caesar with Cerealius, and a thousand horsemen, to a cer- tain village called Thecoa, in order to know whether it was a place fit for a camp, as I came back, I saw many captives crucified ; + Here Josephus, a priest, honestly confesses that he did that at the command of Vespasian, which he had before told us was not lawful for a priest to do by the law of Moses, Antiq. b. iii. cliap. xii. sect. 2. I mean, the takincc a captive woman to wife. See also Against Ap- pion, b. i. sect. 7. But he seems to have been qaickly sensible that his compliance with the commands of an emperor would not excuse him, for he soon put her away, as Reiand justly observes here. + "of this most remarkable clause, and its mostimpor. tant consequences, see Essay on the Old Testamcnti paije l<*t— I9d. 26 THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. and remembered tbree of them as my former acquaintance. I was very sorry at this in my mind •and went with tears in my eyes to Titus, and told him of them ; so he imme- diately commanded them to be taken down, and to have the greatest care taken of them, in order fo (ivir recovery; yet two of them died uPxIfy the physician's hands, while the third recovered. 76. But when Titus had composed the troubles in Judea, and conjectured that the lands which I had in Judea would bring me no profit, because a garrison to guard the country was afterward to pitch there, he gave me another country in the plain ; and, when he was going away to Rome, he made choice of me to sail along with him, and paid me great respect ; and when we were come to Rome, I had great care taken of me by Ves- pasian ; for he gave me an apartment in his own house, which he lived in before he came to the empire. He also honoured me with the privilege of a Roman citizen, and gave me an annual pension ; and continued to respect me to the end of his life, without any abatement.of his kindness to me; which very thing made me envied, and brought me into danger; for a certain Jew, whose name was Jonathan, who had raised a tumult in Cyrene, and had persuaded two thousand men of that country to join with him, was the occasion of their ruin; but when he was bound by the governor of that country, and sent to the em- peror, he told him that I had sent him both weapons and money. However, he could not conceal his being a liar from Vespasian, who condemned him to die; according to which sentence he was put to death. Nay, after that when those that envied my good fortune did frequently bring accusations against me, by God's providence I escaped them all. I also received fronn Vespasian no small quan* tity of land, as a free gift, in Judea ; about which time I divorced my wife also, as not pleased with her behaviour, though not til) she had been the mother of three children; two of whom are dead, and one, whom I named Hyrcanus, is alive. A.^t*'" this I mar- ried a wife who had lived at Crf »^, *jvt a Jew- ess by birth ; a woman she was of wninetit parents, and such as were the most illustrious in all the country, and whose character was beyond that of most other women, as her fu- ture life did demonstrate. By her I had two sons ; the elder's name was Justus, and the next Simonides, who was also named Agrippa: and these were the circumstances of my do- mestic affairs. However, the kindness of the emperor to me continued still the same ; for when Vespasian was dead, Titus, who suc- ceeded him in the government, kept up the same respect for me which I had from his father; and when I had frequent accusations laid against me, he would not believe them : and Domitian, who succeeded, still augmented his respects to me; for he punished those Jews that were my accusers; and gave com- mand that a servant of mine, who was a eunuch, and my accuser, should be punished. He also made that country I had in Judea tax free, which is a mark of the greatest ho- nour to him who hath it; nay, Domitia, the vvife of Caesar, continued to do me kindnesses: And this is the accoimt of the actions of my whole life ; and let others judge of my cha- racter by them as they please ; but to thee, O Epaphroditus,* thou most excellent of men ' do I dedicate all this treatise of our Antiqui- ties; and so, for the present, I here conclude the whole. • Of this Epaphroditus, see the note on the Prefae* to the Aotiqaitie*. THE AJSrriQUITIES OF THE JEWS. PREFACE* § 1. Those who undertake to write histories, do not, I perceive, take that trouble on one «u(l the same accoant, but for many reasons, and those such as are very different one from another; for some of them apply themselves to this part of learning to show tkeir skill in com position, and that they may therein acquire areputation for speaking finely; others of them there are who write histories, in order to gra- tify those that happened to be concerned in them, and on that account "have spared no pains, but rather gone beyond their own abi- lities in the performance; but others there are, who, of necessity and by force, are driven to write history, because they were concerned in the facts, and so cannot excuse themselves from committing them to wTiting, for the ad- vantage of posterity: nay, there are not a few who are induced to draw their historical facts out of darkness into light, and to produce them for the benefit of the public, on account of the great importance of the facts them- gelves with which they have been concerned. Now of these several reasons for writing his- tory, I must profess the two last were ray own reasons also; for since I was myself interested in that war which we Jews had with the Ro- mans, and knew myself its particular actions, and what conclusion it had, I was forced to cive the history of it, because I saw that others perverted the truth of those actioiis in their writings, 2. Now I have undertaken the present work, as thinking it will appear to all the Greeksf worthy of their study; for it will contain all our antiquities, and the constitu- tion of our government, as interpreted out of the Hebrew Scriptures; and indeed I did for- merly intend, when I wrote of the war,^ to explain who the Jews originally were, — what fortunes they had been subject to, — and by • This prefac* of Josephus is excellent in its kind, and hiuhly worthy the repeated perusal of tl)e reader, before he set about the perusal of the work itself •f I hat is, all the Gentiles, both Greeks and Romans. t Wf may seasooalily note here, that .losepliiis wrote his Seven Books of the Jewish War, loi^j before he •"ole tiM'se his Antiquities Those huo'^ of the Ws\r ""♦•re piiMished about A. I>. 73; at'd these Autiquiti' <-. t D.iti, about ei^bteeo vears later. what legislator they liad been instructed in piety, and the exercise of other virtues, — what wars also they had made in remote ages, till they were unwillingly engaged in this last v/ith the Romans ; but because this work would take up a great compass, I separated it into a set treatise by itself, with a beginning of its own, and its own conclusion; but in process of time, as usually happens to such as undertake great things, I grew weary, and went on slowly, it being a large subject, and a difficult thing to translate our history into a foreign, and to us unaccustomed language. However, some persons there were who de- sired to know our history, and so exhorted me to go on with it; and, above all the rest, Epaphroditus,§ a man who is a lover of all kind of learning, but is principally delighted with the knowledge of history; and this on account of his having been himself concerned in great affairs, and many turns of fortune, and having shown a wonderful vigour of an excellent nature, and an immoveable virtuous resolution in them all. I yielded to this man's persuasions, who always excites such as have abilities in what is useful and acceptable, to join their endeavours with his. I was also ashamed myself to permit any laziness of dis- position to have a greater influence npon me than the delight of taking pains in such studies as were very useful: I thereupon stirred up myself, and went on with my work more cheerfully. . Besides the foregoing motives, I had others which I greatly reflected on ; and these were, that our forefatjjiers were willing to communicate such things to others ; and that some of the Greeks took considerable pains to know the affairs of our nation. 3. I found, therefore, that the second of the Ptolemies was a king who was extraor- dinarily diligent in what concerned learning and the collection of books ; that he was also I This Epaphroditns was certainly alive in the third vear of Irajan, A, D. 100. See the note on the first book A^inst Apion. sect 1. Who he was we do not know; lor as to Kpaphroditus, the freed-man of Nero, and afterwards Don^itian's secretary, who was put to ileaih bv Domitiaii. in the 1 4th or loth year of his reien. lie could not be alive in thf third of Irajan. 28 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JKWft, peculiarly ambitious to procure a translation of our law, and of the constitution of our government therein contained, inio the Greek tongue. Now Eleazar, the high priest, one not inferior to any other of that dignity among us, did not envy the forenamed king the participation of that advantage, which otherwise he would for certain have denied him, but that he knew the custom of our nation was, to hinder nothing of what we esteemed ourselves from being communicated to others. Accordingly, I thought it became me both to imitate the generosity of our high priest, and to suppose there might even now be many lovers of learning like the king;, for he did not obtain all our writings at that time ; but those who were sent to Alexandria as in- terpreters, gave him only the books of the law, while there were a vast number of other matters in our sacred books. They indeed contain in them the history of five thousand years ; in which time happened many strange accidents, many chances of war, and great actions of the commanders, and mutations of the form of our government. Upon the whole, a man that will peruse this history, may principally learn from it, that all events succeed well, even to an incredible degree, and the reward of felicity is proposed by God; but then it is to those that follow his will, and do not venture to break his excellent laws ; — end that so far as men any way apostatize from the accurate observation of them, what was practicable before, becomes impractica- ble;* and whatsoever they set about as a good thing is converted into an incurable calamity: — and now I exhort all those that peruse these books to apply their minds to God; and to examine the mind of our legislator. Whether he hath not understood his nature in a man- ner worthy of him; and hath not ever ascrib- ed to him such operations as become his power, and hath not preserved his writings from those indecent fables which others have framed, although, by the great distance of time when he lived, he might have securely forged such lies; for he lived two thousand years ago-; at which vast distance of ages the poets themselves have not been so hardy as to tix even the generations of their gods, much less the actions of their men, or their own laws. A 1 procjBed, therefore, I shall accu- rately d< u'ribe wnat is contained in our re- cords, in the order of time that belongs to them; for I have already promised so to do throughout this undertaking, and this without adding any thing to what is therein contained, or taking away any thing therefrom. 4. But because almost all our constitution depends on the wisdom of Moses, our legisla- tor, I cannot avoid saying somewhat concern- ing him beforehand, thoigh I shall do it brief- • Josephns here plainly alludes to the famoufi Greek proverb: U God be with us, every thing that U impossi- bl* bMomes poMibk. ly ; 1 mean, lieeause otherwise those that read my book muy wonder how it comes to pass that my discourse, which promises an account of laws and historictd facts, contains so muc"fe of philosophy. The reader is therefore to know, that Mosses deemed it exceeding necessary, that he who would conduct his own life well,, and give laws to others, in the first place should consider the divine nature, and, upow the contemplation of God's operations, !-houl<l thereby imitate the best of all patterns, so far as it is possible for human nature to do, and to endeavour to follow after it; neither could the legislator himself have a right mind with- out such a contemplation; nor would any thing he should write tend to the promotion of virtue in his readers: I mean, unless they be taught first of all, that God is the Father and Lord of all things, and sees all things, and that thence he bestows a happy liie upon those that follow him; bat plunges such as do not walk in the paths of virtue into inevit- able mi"series. Now when Moses was desirou? to teach this lesson to his countrymen, he did not begin the estaWishment of his laws after the same manner tbat other legislators did ; I mean, upon contracts and other rites between one man and another, but by raising their minds upwards to regard God, and his crea- tion of the world; and by persuadhig them» that we men are the moot excellent of tbe creatures of God upon earth. Now, whea once he bad brought them to submit to relr- gion, he easily persuaded them to submit in all other things ; for, as to other legislators, they followed fables, and, by their discourses, transferred the most re^roaehful of human vices luito the gods, and »o afforded wicke«i men the most pbusible excuses for tl;eir crimes* but, as for our legislator, when he hatl once demonstrated that God was poss.sssed of perfect virtue, he. supposed that men alsv ought to strive after the paitioi[);»tioii of it; and on those who did not so th-hik and f > believe, he inflicted the severest punrt-hment ». I exhort, therefore, my readeis to examipi this whole undertaking in that view ; f*>» thereby it will appear to them that there ia nothing therein disagreeable either to the ma- jesty of God, or to his love to mankind ; fo< all things have here a reference to the nature of the nmverse; while our legishtor speak* some things wisely, but enigmatically, and others imder a decent allegory, but still ex- plains such things as reqnire<l a direct expli. cation phiinly and expressly. However, those that have a mind to know the reasons of ever> thing, may find here a very curious philoso- phical thewy, which I now iijdec<bhall waive the explication of; but if God afford me tinjft for it, 1 will set about writing it,t after 1 + As to thi« intende«1 work of Jo»«-phiiR. eoncerning Ihe M■H^ons of many <•♦ ttie Jcwmh laws, and wliat phi- .i)s(ip' ical or alleiforicai lenne thry would Iwar. the lf>s« f wl.iih witrk. u by »€\m* of the learnt-d aot lourh r» ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 29 have finished the present work. I shall now Ijetake myself to the history before me, after 1 have first mentioned what Moses says of the creation of the world, which I find described in the sacred books after the manner follow- ing. BOOK I. CONTAININO THE INTERVAL OF THREE THOUSAND EIGHT HUNDRED AND THIRTY-THREE YEARS. FROM THE CREATION TO THE DEATH OF ISAAC. CHAPTER L THE CONSTITUTION OF THE WORLD, AND THE DISPOSITION OF THE ELEMENTS. § 1. In the beginning God created the hea- ven and the earth ; but when the earth did not come int^ sight, but was covered with thick darkness, and a wind moved upon its surface, God commanded that there should be light; and when that was made, he considered the whole mass, and separated the light and the darkness; and the name he gave to one was Night, and the other he called Daij ; and he named the beginning of light and the time of rest, The Eoeniti'j and The Morning; and this was indeed the lirst day: but Moses said it was one day, — the cause of which I am able to give even now; but because I have promised to give such reasons for all things in a treatise by itself, I shall put off its expo- sition till that time. After this, on the second day, he placed the heaven over the whole world, and separated it from the other parts; and he determined it should stand by itself He also placed a crystalline [firmament] round it. and put it together in a marmer agreeable to the earth, and fitted it for giving moisture and rain, and for affording the advantage of dews. On the third day he appointed the dry land to appear, with the sea itself round about it; and on the very same day he made the plants and the seeds to spring out of the earth. On the fourth day he adorned the heaven with the sun, the moon, and the other >itars; and appointed them their motions and courses, that the vicissitudes of the seasons might be clearly signified. And on the fifth ffn-tted, I am inclinable in part to Fabricius's opinion, ;>)>. Havercamp, p. ftJ. ti4. tliat "we need no« doubt but, aiimn^ some vain and frigid conj^rtures derivt'd fri>m Jewish imasinatiotis, Jospphns woiiH bay*- taiiglit us a ^reaJer number of excelli-nt and nsi-fiil tbin<:», wbicii ptrhaps nobody, neither amon;; the Jews nor a;in>ni; the Ciirixtians. can now inform us of; so that I would give great dea] to find it still c\tanC day he produced the living creatures, both those that swim and those that fly; the former in the sea, the latter in the air: he also sorted them as to society and mixtnre, for procrea- tion, and that their kinds might increase and multiply. On the sixth day he created the four-footed beasts, and made them male and female: on the same day he also formed man. Accordingly Moses says. That in just six days the world and all that is therein was made; and that the seventh day was a rest, and a re- lease- from the labour of such operations; — whence it is that we c'elebrate a rest from our labours on that day, and call it the Sabbath ; which word denotes res/ in the Hebrewtongue. 2. Moreover, Moses, after the seventh day was over,* begins to talk philosophically; and concerning the formation of man, S;ays thus: That Gftd took dust from the ground, and formed man, and inserted in him a spirit and a soul.f This man was called Adam, which in the Hebrew tongue signifie3 one that is red, because he was formed out of red earth com- poimded together; for of that kind is virgin and true earth. God also presented the living creatures, when he had made them, according to their kinds, both male and female, to Adam, who gave them those names by which they are still called. But when he saw that Adam had ♦ Since Josephus. in his Preface, sect. 4, says that Moses wrote some things enigmatically, ^ome allegori- cally, and the rest in plain words, since in* !,s account of the first chapter of Genesis, and the first mree verses of the second, he elves us no hints of: y mystery at all; but when he here comes to ver. 4. &c. he says that Clo- ses, after the 8"venth day was over, h»gan to talk philo- sophicallv, it is not very improbable that he understood the rest of the second and the third chapters in some enig- matical, or allegorical, or philosophical sense. The 'hange of the name tif God, just at this place, from Elo- hira to Jehovah Elohim, from Givl to Lord God, in the Hebrew. Samaritan, an 1 Septnagint.does also nota little favour some such change in the narration or construction. + We m;iy observe here, that Josephus supposed man to be compijurided of spirit, siiul, and body, with St. Paul, 1 Thess V. 'Zi, and the rest of 'he ancients: he elsewhere s.'tys also, that the blood of animo's was forbidden to be eaten, as haviut; in it soul and spitit. Antiq.b. iiuchapk xi. s«et 2. 30 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK I. no female companion, no society, for there was no such created, and that he wondered at the other animals which were male and female, he laid him asleep, and took away one of his ribs, and out of it formed the woman ; where- upon Adam knew her when she was brought to him, and acknowledged that she was made out of himself. Now a woman is called in the Hebrew tongue Issa; but the name of this vvom in was Eve, which signifies the mo- ther of all living. 3. Moses says farther, that God planted a paradise in the east, flourishing with all sorts of trees; and that among them was the tree of life, and another of knowledge, whereby was to be known what was good and evil; and that when he brought Adam and his wife into this garden, be commanded them to take care of the plants. Now the garden was wa- tered by one river,* which ran round about the whole earth, and was parted into four parts. And Phison, which denotes a multi- tude, running into India, makes its exit into the sea, and is by the Greeks called Ganges. Euphrates also, as well as Tigris, goes down into the Red Sea.f Now the name Euphra- tes, or Phrath, denotes either a dispersion, or a. flower: by Tigris, or Diglath, is signified what is swift, with narrowness: and Geon runs through Egypt, and denotes what arises from the east, which the Greeks call Nile. 4. God therefore commanded that Adam and his wife should eat of all the rest of the plants, but to abstain from the tree of know- ledge; and foretold to them, that, if they touched it, it would prove their destruction. But while all the living creatures had one language, J at that time the serpent, which * Whence this strange notion came, whifti yet is not peculiar to Josephus, but', as Dr. Hudson says here, is derived from older authors, as if four of the greatest rivers in the world, running two of them at vast dis- tances from the other two, by some means or other wa- tered paradise, is hard to say. Only, since Josephus has already appeared to allegorize this history, and takes no- tice that these four names had a particular signification ; Phison for Gannes, a multitude; Phrath for Euphrates, either a dispersion or a Jlntver ; Higlath for Tigris, what is swift, with tuti-rowness ; and Geon for Nile, what arises' from the east,— we perhaps mistake him when we suppose he literally means those for rivers; especially as to G«*on or Nile, which arises from the east, while he very well knew the literal Nile arises from the south; though what farther allegorical sense he had in view, is now, I fear, impos?(ible to be determined. + By the Ked Sea is not here meant the Arabian Gulf, whicd ahrnc we now call by that name, but all that Soutb Sea, which included the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, A>>farasthR East Indies; as Ueland and Hudson here truly note, from the old geographers. ♦ Hence it appears that Josephus thoTight several, at least, of the brule animals, particularly the serpent, couM »peak before the Fall. And I think few of the more per- fect kinds of those animals want the organs of speech at this day. Many inducements theie are al.so to a notion. that the present state they are in i« not their original •late; and that their capacities have been once much Kreuter than we now see them, and arc capable of beiiuf reatf>red to their former condition. But as to this most ancient, and authentic, and proliably allegorical account n{ that grand athiir of the fall of our first parents. I hare somewhat more t<i say in way of conjecture, but being only a conjecture. I omit it: only thus far, that tbo iiiiputMtiun uf the sin of our lirst parents to Hit ii then lived together with Adam and his wife, shewed an envious disposition, at his supposal of their living happily, and in obedience to the commands of God ; and imagining, that, when they disobeyed them, they would fall into calamities, he persuaded the woman, out of a malicious intention, to taste of the tree of knowledge, telling them, that in that tree was the knowledge of good and evil; which knowledge when they should obtain, they would lead a happy life, nay, a life not infe- rior to that of a god : by which means he overcame the woman, and persuaded her to despise the command of God. Now when she had tasted of that tree, and was pleased with its fruit, she persuaded Adam to make use of it also. Upon this they perceived that they were become naked to one another; and being ashamed thus to appear abroad, they invented somevvhat to cover them ; for the tree sharpened their understanding; and they co- vered themselves with fig-leaves; and tying these before them, out of modesty, they thought they were happier than they were before, as they had discovered what they were in want of. But when God came into the garden, Adam, who was wont before to come and converse with him, being conscious of his wicked behaviour, went out of the way. This behaviour surprised God; ar^d he asked what was the cause of this his procedure; and why he, that before delighted in that conversation, did now fly from it, and avoid it. When ho made no reply, as conscious to himself that he had transgressed the command of God, God said, " I had before determined about you both, how you might lead a happy life, without any afl[li(;tion, and care, and vexation of soul; and that all things which might con- tribute to your enjoyment and pleasure should grow up by my providence, of their own ac- cord, without your own labour and pains, tfiking; which state of labour and pains-tak ing would soon bring on old age; and death would not be at any remote distance: but now thou hi^st abused this my good-will, and hast disobeyed my commands; for thy sileru-e is not the sign of thy virtue, but of thy evil consdence." However, Adam excused liis sin, and entreated God not to be angry at hiui, anti laid the blame of what was done upon his wife; and said that he was deceived by her, an<l thence became an offender; while she again accused the serpent. But God allotted him punishment, because he weakly submitted to the coinisel of his wife; and said, the ground should not henceforth yield its fruits of its own accord, but that when it should be ha- rassed by their labour, it should bring forth some of its fruits, and refuse to bring forth posterity, any farther than as some way the cause or oc casi«in of man's mortality, seems almost entirely ground. less; and that both man. and the otiier subordinate ciea- t ores, are hfreafier to h« driivered troin tbe curse then broiiiflit upon tbetn. :ind at last to be delivered fronxthat bondage of corruptiou. Hum. viii. lU— ii. CHAP. II ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. di others. He also made Eve liable to the in- conveniency of breeding, and the sharp pains of bringing forth children, and this because she persuaded Adam with the same ai^uments wherewith the serpent had persuaded her, and had thereby brought him into a calamitous cortditioH. He also deprived the serpent of speech, out of indignation at his malicious disposition towards Adam, Besides this, he inserted poison under his tongue, and made him an enemy to men; and suggested to them that they should direct their strokes against his head, that being the place wherein lay his Miisohievous designs towards men, and it being easiest to take vengeance on him that way: and when he had deprived him of the use of his feet, he made him to go rolling all along, and dragging himself upon the ground. And when God had appointed these penalties for them, he removed Adam and Eve out of the g^ardea into another place. CHAPTER XL CONCERNING THE POSTERITY OF ADAM, AND THE TEN GENERATIONS FROM HIM TO THE DELUGE. § 1. Adam and Eve had two sons; the elder pf them was named Cain; which name, when it is interpreted, signifies a possession. The younger was Abel, which signifies sorrow. They had also daughters. Now, the two brethren were pleased with different courses of life; for Abel, the younger, was a lover of righteousness, and. believing that God was present at all his actions, he excelled in vir- tue; and his employment was that of a shep- herd. But Cain was not only very wicked in other respects, but was wholly intent upon getting; and he first contrived to plough the grDund. He slew his brother on the occasion following: — They had resolved to sacrifice to God. Now Cain brought the fruits of the earth, and of his husbandry; but Abel brought milk, and the first-fruits of his flocks; but God was more delighted with the latter oblation,* when he was honoured with what grew natur- ally of its own accord, than he was with what was the invention of a covetous man, and got- ten by forcing the ground ; whence it was that Cain was very angry that Abel was preferred I)y God before him; ajid he slew his brother, and hid his dead body, thinkiiig to escape dis- covery. But God, knowing what had been done, came to Cain, and asked him what was become of his brother, because he had not seen • St. John's accoant of the reason why God accepted the s.-<crifice of AheU and rejected that of Cain,- as also ' whv Cain slew Ai>el. on account ot that his acceptance «\ith God, — is much l>eiter than this of Josephns: [ moiin. because *• Cain was of tlieevil one, and slew his brotimr. And wherefore slew he him ^ Because his own works were evii. and hi.« brother's nVhteoiis." 1 .'ohii iii. 12. Josephus's reason seems to be no better than a pharisaical notion or tradition. him of many days, whereas he used to observe them con versing together at other times. But Cain was in doubt with himself, and knew not what answer to give to God. At first he said that he was himself at a loss about his bro- ther's disappearing; but when he was pro- voked by God, who pressed him vehemently, as resolving to know what the matter « as, he replied, he was not his brother's guardian or keeper, nor was he an observer of what he did. But in return, God convicted Cain, as having been the murderer of his brother; and said, '• I wonder at thee, that thou knowest not what has become of a man whom thou thy- self hast destroyed." God therefore did not inflict the punishment [of death] upon him, on account of his oflfering sacrifice, and there- by making supplication to him not to be ex- treme in his wrath to him; but he made him accursed, and threatened his posterity in the seventh generation. He also cast him, to- gether with his ^vife, out of that land. And when he was afraid, that in wandering about he should fall among wild beasts, and by that means perish, God bid him not to entertain such a melancholy suspicion, and to go over all the earth without fear of what mischief he might suffer from wild beasts; and setting a mark upon him that he might be known, he commanded him to depart. 2. And when Cain had travelled over many countries, he, with his wife, built a city, named Nod, which is a place so called, and there he settled his abode; where also he had children. However, he did not accept of his punish- ment in order to amendment, but to increase his wickedness ; for he only aimed to procure every thing that was for his owti bodily plea- sure, though it obliged him to be injurious to his neighbours. He augmented his house- hold substance with much wealth, by rapine and violence; he excited his acquaintance to procure pleasures and spoils by robbery, and became a great leader of men into wicked courses. He also introduced a change in that way of simplicity wherein men lived before; and was the author of measures and weights. And whereas they lived innocently and gene- rously while they knew nothing of such arts, he changed the world into cunning craftiness. He first of all set boundaries about lands; he built a city, and fortified it with walls, and he compelled' his family to come together to it; and called that city Enoch, after the name of his eldest son Enoch. Now Jared was the son of Enoch ; whose son was Malaliel ; whose son was Mathusela; whose son was Lamech; who had seventy-seven children by two wives, Silla and Ada. Of those children by Ada, one was Jabel; he erected tents, and loved the life of a shepherd. But Jubal, who was born of the same mother with him, exercised himself in music ;f and invented the psaltery ' + From this Jubal, not improbably, came Jobel. the trumpet of jobel or jubilee> that large and loud musical 82 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWIS. UOOK !, and the harp. But Tubal, one of his chil- dren by the other wife, exceeded all men in strength, and was very expert and famous in martial performances. He procured what tended to the pleasures of the body by that method J and first of all invented the art of making brass. Lamech was also the father of a daughter, whose name was Naamah; nd because he was so skilful in matters of divine revelation, that he knew he was to be punished for Cain's murder of his brother, he made that known to his wives. Nay, even while Adam was alive, it came to pass that the posterity of Cain became exceeding wicked, every one successively dying one after ano- ther, more wicked than the former. They were intolerable in war, and vehement in robberies; and if any one were slow to mur- der people, yet was he bold in his profligate behaviour, in acting unjustly, and doing in- j uries for gain. 3. Now Adam, who was the first man, and made out of the earth (for our discourse must now be about him), after Abel was slain, and Cain fled away on account of his murder, was solicitous for posterity, and had a vehement desire of children, he being two hundred and thirty years old; after which time he lived other seven hundred, and then died. He had indeed many other children,* but Seth in particular. As for the rest, it would be tedious to name them ; I will there- fore only endeavour to give an account of those that proceeded from Seth. Now this Seth, when he was brought up, and came to those years in which he could discern what was good, became a virtuous man; and as he was himself of an excellent character, so did he leave children behind him who imita- ted his virtues.f All these proved to be of good dispositions. They also inhabited the same country without dissensions, and in a happy condition, without any misfortunes falling upon them till they died. They also were the inventors of that peculiar sort of wisdom which is concerned with the heavenly bodies, and their order. And that their in- ventions might not be lost before they were sufficiently known, upon Adam's prediction that the world was to be destroyed at one time by the force of fire, and at another time by the violence and quantity of water, they made two pillars; J the one of brick, the other instrument, used in proclaiming the liberty at the year of jubilee. • The number of Adam's children, as says the old tra- dition,wa8 thirty-three sons, and twenly-lhice daughters. + VVhat is here said of Seth and his posterity, that they were very good and yirtuous, and at the same time very happy, without any considerable misfortunes, for ■even generations [see ch. ii. sect. 1, before; and ch. iii. sect. 1, hereafter] is exactly agreeable to the state of the world and the conduct of Providence in all the fir.st aijes. t Of Josephus's mistake here, when he took. Seth the •on of Adam for Seth or Sesostris, king of Ksrypt, the en-cter of this pillar in the land of Siriad, see Lssny on the Old Testament, Appendix, p. LW, !(.«. Alth.uiili fbe main of this relaUou mi^ht be true, and Adam mi^lit of stone: they m.scribcd their discoveries on them both, that in case the pillar of brick should be destroyed by the flood, the pillar of stone might remain, and exhibit those disco- veries to mankind ; and also inform them that there was another pillar of brick erected by them. Now this remains in the land of Si- riad to this day. CHAPTER IIL CONCERNING THE FLOOD; AND AFTER WHAT MANNER NOAH WAS SAVED JN AN ARK, WITH HIS KINDRED, AND AFTERWARDS DWELT IN THE PLAIN &F SHINAR. § 1. Now this posterity of Seth continued to esteem God as the Lord of the imiverse, an<} to have an entire regard to virtue, for seven generations ; but in process of time they were perverted, and forsook the practices of theii forefathers, and did neither pay those honour* to God which were appointed them, nor had they any concern to do justice towards men. But for what degree of zeal they had formerly shown for virtue, they now showed by their actions a double degree of wickedness; where- by they made God to be their enemy; for many angels § of God accompanied with \vo^ men, and begat sons that proved unjust, aiid despisers of all that was good, on account of the confidence they had in their own strength ; for the tradition is, That these men did what resembled the acts of those whom the Grecians call giants. But Noah was very uneasy at what they did; and, being displeased at theii conduct, persuaded them to change their di&. positions and their acts for the better; — but, seeing that they did not yield to him, but were slaves to their wicked pleasures, he was afraid they would kill him, together with liis wife and children, and those they had mar- ried; so he departed out of that land. 2. Now God loved this man for his righte- ousness; yet he not only condemned those other men for their wickedness, but delentii- ned to destroy the whole race of mankind, and to make another race that should be pure from wickedness; an<l cutting short their lives, m.d making their years not so ua^uy as they for- merly lived, but one hundred and twenty oidy,]| he turned the dry land into si'a; aiid foretell a conflajtratiou and a deluge, which all antiquity witnesses td be itn ancient tradition; nay, Setli's pusii- rity miylit enclave thrir inveniious in astronomy on two such pillars, yet it i.s no way t-iedihtethat tiiey could sur- vive the deluge, which has buried all such piilHi.s mid edifices (nrumler ground, in fi.e sexliroeut ol its watiT.s, esperially since tlie like pillarji of the KKvpliun iieUi or Se.soslris wen- extaut alii-r the fl.ioti, in liit- land ot Ni- riad. and p^'rhaps lu lltf ilusHot Jijbephu.s also, :>s isshowu in the place htie lettrrt-d »i>. } This notion, tlmt the lallen angel.s were. In soma sense, the Callifrs of the old j;iants, was the con.slant opinion of aniitjnity. II .lod.'pliii!. I.trc »upi)oM's. thai li.t- life of these giants, tor of tl>»'iu only ilo 1 uiiii<-i»uii<i liim, was now -^ OP TTTP. ^ ' vmv'j y^v ^^ ' CHAP. Ill, ANTIQUITIES OF^THE JEWS, 33 thu3 were all these men destroyed: but Noah alone was saved; for God suggested to him the following contrivance "ai^^ way of escape: — That he should make an ark of four stories high, three hundred* cubits long, fifty cubits broad, and thirty cubits high. Accordingly he entered into that ark, and his wife and sons, and their wives; and put into it not only other provisions, to support their wants there, but also sent in with the rest all sorts of living creatures, the male and his female, for the preservation of their kinds; and others of them by sevens. Now this ark had firm walls, and a roof, and was braced with cross beams, so that it could not be any way drown- ed or overborne by the violence of the water; and thus was Noah, with his family, preserved. Now he was the tenth from Adam, as being the son of Lamech, whose father was Mathu- sala. He was the son of Enoch, the son of Jared; and Jared was the son of Malaleel, who, with many of his sisters, were the chil- dren of Cainan, the son of Enos. Now Enos was the son of Seth, the son of Adam. 3. This calamity happened in the six hun- dredth year of Noah's government [age], in the second month,f called by the Macedonians Dins, but by the Hebrews Marchesuan ; for so did they order their year in Egypt; but Mo- ses appointed that Nisan, which is the same with Xanthicus, should be the first month for their festivals, because he brought them out of Egypt in that month: so that this month began the year as to all the solemnities they observed to the honour of God, although he preserved the original order of the months as to selling and buying, and other ordinary af- fairs. Now he says that this flood began on the twenty-seventh [seventeenth] day of the forementioned month ; and this was two thou- sand six hundred and fifty-six [one thousand six hundred and fifty-six] years from Adam, the tirst man; and the time is written down in our sacred books, those who then lived hav- ing noted down, J with great accuracy, both the births and deaths of illustrious men. rwluced to 120 years; which is confinied by the frtif- .■nent of Enocli, sect. 10. in Aiithent. Rec. Par. I. p. 26ft. F'Tastothp restof mankind. Josephus himself confesses .heir lives were much Knisjer than 120 years, for many generations after the Flood, as we shall see presently; and he says they were gradually shortened till the davs Df Moses. and then fixed [for some time] at 120, chap vi. sect. 5. Nor indeed need we suppose that either Enoih or Josephus meant to interpret these 120 years for the life of men before the Flood, to be different from the 121) years of God's patience [perhaps while the ark was pre- parinsr] tli the Delnge: which 1 take to he the ineaiiiiiij ot t;<)d, when he threatened this wickeil worM. t ,i Tf they su ion,' continued impenitent, their da>s should be uo more tlian 12(» years. • A cubit is about iwenty-one English inches. + Josephus here truly determines that the year at the Flood bei^an about the autumnal equinox. As to what day of the month the Flood began, our Hebrew and Sa- maritan, aiid perhaps Josephus's own copy, more rightly placed it on the l7th day, instead of the 2;th, as here; for Josephus ag^rees with them as to the distance of 1.50 days, to the i;th day of the 7th month; as Gen. vii. ult with viii. :i. I Josephus nere takes notice, that these ancient gene- elogies wen* *ir<* set tlown hv those that then lived, aad 'L For indeed Seth was bom when Adam was in his two hundred and thirtieth year, who lived nine hundred and thirty years. Seth begat Enos in his two hundred and fifth year ; who, when he had lived nine hun- dred and twelve years, delivered the govern- ment to Cainan his son, whom he had in his hundred and ninetieth year: he lived niu hundred and five years. Cainan, when h had lived nine hundred and ten years, had hi son Malaleel, who was born in his hundred and seventieth year. This Malaleel, having lived eight hundred and ninety-five years, died, leaving his son Jared, whom he begat when he was in his himdred and sixty-fifth year. He lived nine hundred and sixty-two years ; and then his son Enoch succeeded him, who was born when his father was one hundred and sixty-two years old. Now he, when he had lived three hundred and sixty-five years, de- parted, and went to God ; whence it is that they have not written down his death. Now Mathusala, the son of Enoch, who was born to him when he was one hundred and sixty-five years old, had Lamech for his son when he was one hundred and eighty-seven years of age; to whom he delivered the government, when he had retained it nine hundred and sixty-nine years. Now Lamech, when he had governed seven hundred and seventy-seven years, appointed Noah, his son, to be ruler of the people, who was born to Laniech when he was one hundred and eighty-two years old, and retained the government nine hundred and fifty years. These years collected to- gether make up the sum before set down; but let no one inquire into the deaths of these men, for they extended their lives along to- gether with their children and grandchildren; but let him have regard to their births only. 5. When God gave the ^gnal, and it began to rain, the water poured down forty entire days, till it became fifteen cubits higher than the earth ; which was the reason why there was no greater number preserved, since they had no place to fly to. When the rain ceased, the water did but just begin to abate, after one himdred and fifty days ("that is, on the seventeenth day of the seventh month), it then ceasing to subside for a little while. After this the ark rested on the top of a certain moun- tain in Armenia; which, when Noah under- stood, he opened it; and seeing a small piece of land about it, he continued quiet, and con- cived some cheerful hopes of deliverance; but a few days afterward, when the water was decreased to a greater degree, he sent out a raven, as desirous to learn whether any other part of the earth were left dry by the water, from them were transmitted down to posterity; which I supiMJse to be the true account of that matter. For there is no reason to imagine that men were not taught to read and write soon after. they were taught to speak; and perhaps all by the .Messiah himself, who, under the Father, was the Creator or Governor of mankind. an<^ who frequently, in those early days, appeartsl to them. C 34 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK L and whether be might go out of the ark with eafety ; but the raven, finding all the ftnd still overflowed, returned to Noah again. And after seven days he sent out a dove, to know the state of fhe ground; which canae lack to him covered with mud, and bringing an olive branch. Hereby Noah learned that the earth was become clear of the flood. So a'ter he had staid seven more days, he sent the living creatures out of the ark; and both he and his family went out, when be also sacrificed to God, and feasted with his companions. However, the Armenians call this place [xWoZarrj^iov*) The Place of Descent; for the ark being saved in that place, its remains are shown there by the inhabitants to this day. 6. Now all the writers of barbarian histo- ries make mention of this flood and of this ark; among whom is Berosus the Chaldean; for when he is describing the circumstances of the flood, he goes on thus: — *' It is said there is still some part of this ship in Arme- nia, at the mountain of the Cordyaeans; and that some people carry off pieces of the bitu- men, which they take away, and use chiefly as amulets for the averting of mischiefs." Hieronymus the Egyptian, also, who wrote the Phoenician Antiquities, and Mnaseas, and a great many more, mak»e mention of the same. Nay, Nicolaus of Damascus, in his ninety-sixth book, hath a particular relation about the'm, where he speaks thus: — " There is a great mountain in Armenia, over Minyas, called Baris, upon which it is reported that many who fled at the time of the Deluge were saved ; and that one who was carried in an ark came on shore upon the top of it; and that the remains of the timber were a great while preserved. This might be the man about whom Moses, the legislator of the Jews, wrote." 7. But as for Noah, he was afraid, since God had determined to destroy mankind, lest he should drown the earth every year; so he offered burnt-offerings, and besought God that nature mi^ht hereafter go on in its for- mer orderly course, and that he would not bring on so great a judgment any more, by which the whole race of creatures might be in danger of destruction ; but that, having now punished the wicked, he would of his • This \TeZ(x.Tf,iitM, or Place 0/ Descent, is the pro- per rendfrin? of ihe Armenian name of this very city. It is called in Ptolemy Nuxiiana, and hy Moses Choren- ensis, the Armenian historian, Idsheiian ; but at the place itself, Nachtdsheuan, which signifies The first place of descent ; and is a lasting niotitunent of the pre- fcervatinn of Noah in the ark, upon the top of that mruntain, at whose foot it was boilt, as the first city or town after the Floo<l. See Antiq. b. xx. ch. ii. sect. 3; and Moses Chorenensis, who also says elsewhere, that another town was related by tradition to have been called Seron, or The Place of Dispersion, on account of the dispersion of Xisiithnis's or Noah's sons, from thence first made. Whether any remains of this ark be still preserved, as the people of the country suppose, I cannot certainly tell. Mons. Tournefort h.id, not verv lonjc since, a mind to see thf place himself, but met wiiii tooyrrat dangers and difHrnltiek to venture thron^jh them goodness spare the remainder, and such as he had hitherto judged fit to be delivered from so severe a calamity; for that otherwise these last must be more miserable than the first, and that they must be condemned to a worse condition than the others, unless they be suf- fered to escape entirely; that is, if they be reserved for another deluge, while they must be aflElicted with the terror and sight of the first deluge, and must also be destroyed by a second. He also entreated God to accept of his sacrifice, and to grant that the earth might never again undergo the like effects of his wrath ; that men might be permitted to go on cheerfully in cultivating the same — to build cities, and live happily in them; and that they might not be deprived of any of those good things which they enjoyed before the Flood; but might attain to the like length of days and old age which the ancient people had arrived at before. 8. When Noah had made these supplica- tions, God, who loved the man for his righte- ousness, granted entire success to his prayers ; and said, that it was not he who brought the destruction on a polluted world, but that they underwent that vengeance on account of their own wickedness; and that he had not brought men into the world if he had himself deter- mined to destroy them, it being an instance of greater^ wisdom not to have granted them life at all, than, after it was granted, to pro- cure their destruction; "but the injuries," said he, *' they offered to my holiness and vir- tue, forced me to bring this punishment upon them ; but I will leave off for the time to come to require such punishments, the effects of so great wrath, for their future wicked ac- tions, and especially on account of thy pray- ers ; but if I shall at any time send tempests of rain in an extraordinary manner, be not affrighted at the largeness of the showers, for the waters shall no more overspread the earth. However, I require you to abstain from shed, ding the blood of men, and to keep yourselves pure from murder; and to punish those that commit any such thing. I permit you to make use of all the other living creatures at your pleasure, and as your appetites lead you; for I have made you lords of them all, botli of those that walk on the land, and tho?e that swim iti the waters, and of those that fly in the regions of the air on high — excepting their blood, for therein is the life : but I will give you a sign that I have left off my anger, by my bow ' [whereby is meant the rainbow, for they determined that the rainbow was the bow of God]; and when God had said and promised thus, he went away. {). Now wlien Noah had lived three him- dred and fifty years after the Flood, and that all that time happily, he died, having lived the number of nine himdred and fifty years: hut let no one, upon ooniparing the lives of the ancients with our lives, and with the few CHAP. ANTIQUITIES OF I'HK JEWS. 35 jTcars which we now live, think that what we have said of them is false; or make the shortness of our lives at present an argu- ment that neither did they attain to so long a duration of life; for those ancients were beloved of God, and [lately] made by God himself; and because their food was then fitter for the prolongation of life, might well live so great a number of years; and besides, God afforded them a longer time of life on account of their virtue, and the good use they made of it in astronomical and geometrical discoveries, which would not have afforded the time of foreielliug [the periods of the stars] unless they had lived six hundred years; for the Great Year is completed in that inter- val. Now I have for witness to what I have said, all those that have written Antiqui- ties, both among the Greeks and barbarians ; for even Manetho, who wrote the Egyptian History, and Berosus, who collected the Chal- dean Monuments, and Mochus, and Hes- tiaeus, and besides these, Hieronymus the Egyptian, and those who composed the Phoe- nician History, agree to what I here say : Hesiod also, and Hecata?us, Hellanicus, and Acusilaus; and besides these, Ephorus and Nicolaus relate that the ancients lived a thou- Band years: but as to these matters, let every one look upon them as be thinks fit. CHAPTER IV. CONCERNING THE TOWER OF BABYLON, AND THE CONFUSION OF TONGUES. § 1. Now the sons of Noah were three, — Shem, Japhet, and Ham, born one hundred years before the Deluge. These first of all descehded from the mountains into the plains, and fixed their habitation there; and persuad- ed others, who were greatly afraid of the lower grounds on account of the flood, and so were very loth to come down from the higher places, to venture to follow their examples. Now the plain in which they first dwelt was called Shi- nar. God also commanded them to send co- lonies abroad, for the thorough peopling of the earth, — that they might not raise seditions among themselves, but might cultivate a great part of the earth, and enjoy its fruits after a plentiful manner: but they were so ill in- structed, that they did not obey God; for which reason they" fell into calamities, and were made sensible, by experience, of what sin they had been guilty; for when they flour- ished with a numerous youth, God admonish- e<l them again to send out colonies; but they, imagining the prosperity they enjoyed was not derived from the favour of God, but suppos- ing that their own power was the proper cause of the plentiful condition they were in, did nc^t obey him. Nay, they added to this their disobedience to the divine will, the suspicion that they were therefore ordered to send out separate colonies, that, being divided asunder, they might the more easily be oppressed. 2. Now it was Nimrod who excited them to such an affront and contempt of God. He was the grandson of Ham, the son of Noah — a bold man, and of great strength of hand He persuaded them not to ascribe it to God as if it was through his means they were happy, but to believe that it was their own courage which procured that happiness. He also gradually changed the government into tyranny, — seeing no other way of turning men from tiie fear of God, but to bring them into a constant dependence upon his power. He also said he would be revenged on God, if he should have a mind to drown the world again; for that he would build a tower too high for . the waters to be able to reach ! and that he would avenge himself on God for destroying their forefathers! 3. Now the multitude were very ready to fol- low the determination of Nimrod,and to esteem it a piece of cowardice to submit to God; and they built a tower, neither sparing any pains, nor being in any degree negligent about the work; and by reason of the multitude of hands employed in it, it grew very high, sooner than any one could expect; but the thickness of it was so great, and it was sc^. strongly built, that thereby its great height seemed, upon the view, to be less than it real- ly was. It was built of burnt brick, cement- ed together with mortar, made of bitumen, that it might not be liable to admit water. When God saw that they acted so madly, he did not resolve to destroy them utterly, since they were not grown wiser by the destruction of the former dinners; but he caused a tu- mult among them, by producing in them di- vers languages; and causing that, through the multitude of those languages, they should not be able to un<!erstand one another. The place wherein they built the tower is now called Babylon; because of the confusion of that language which they readily understood be- fore; for the Hebrews mean by the word Ba- bel, Confusion. The Sibyl also makes mention of this tower, and of the confusion of the language, when she says thus:— "When all men were of one language, some of them built a high tower, as if they vvould thereby ascend up to heaven ; but the gods sent storms of wind and overthrew the tower, and gave every one his peculiar language ; and for this reason it was that the city was called Babylon." But as to the plain of Shinar, in the country of Batiylonia, Hestiaeus mentions it, when he says thus: — " Such of the priests as were sav- ed, took the sacred vessels of Jupiter Enya lius, and came to Shinar of Babylonia." 36 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK 1 CHAPTER V. AFTER WHAT MANNER THE POSTERITY OF NOAH SENT OUT COLONIES, AND INHA- BITED THE WHOLE EARTH. After "this they were dispersed abroad, on account of their languages, and went out by colonies every where; and each colony took possession of that land which they light upon, and unto which God led them; so that the whole continent was tilled with them, both the inland and maritime countries. There were some also who passed over the sea in ships, and inhabited the islands; and some of those nations do still retain the denominations which were given them by their first founders ; but some have lost them also ; and some have only admitted certain changes in them, that they might be the more intelligible to the in- habitants; and they were the Greeks who be- came the authors of such mutations ; for when, in after-ages, they grew potent, they claimed to themselves the glory of antiquity, — giving names to the nations that sounded well (in Greek) that they might be better understood among themselves; and setting agreeable forms of government over them, as if they were a people derived from themselves. CHAPTER VI. HOW EVERY NATION WAS DENOMINATED FROM THEIR FIRST INHABITANTS. § 1. Now they were the grand-children of Noah, in honour of whom names were im- posed on the nations by those that first seized upon them. Japhet, the soji of Noah, had seven sons: they inhabited so, that, beginning at the mountains Taurus and Amanus, they proceeded along Asia, as far as the river Ta- nais, and along Europe to Cadiz; and settling themselves on the lands which they light upon, which none had inhabited before, they called the nations by their own names; for Gomer founded those whom the Greeks now call Ga- latians [Galls], but were then called Gomer- ites. Magog founded those that from him were named Magogites, but who are by the Greeks called Scythians. Now as to Javan and Madai, the sons of Japhet; from Madai came the Madeans, who are called Medes by the Greeks; but from Javan, Ionia and all the Grecians are derived. Thobel founded the Thobelites, who are now called Iberes; and the Mosocheni were founded l)y Mosoch ; now they are Cappadociaiih. There is ali<o a mark of their ancient denomination still lo be shown; for there is even now among them a city called Mazaca, which may inform those that are able to understand, that so was the entire nation once called. Thiras also called those whom he ruled over Tnirasians; but the Greeks changed the name into Thracians. And so many were the countries that had the children of Japbet for their inhabitants. Of the three sons of Gomer, Aschanax founded the Aschanaxians, who are now called by the Greeks Rheginians. So did Riphath found the Ripheans, now called Paphlagonians ; and Thrugramma the Thrugrammeans, who, as the Greeks resolved, were named Phrygians. Of the three sons of Javan also, the son of Japhet, Elisa gave name to the Eliseans, who were bis subjects; they are now the iEolians. Tharsus to the Tharsians ; for so was Cilicia of old called ; the sign of which is this, that the noblest city they have, and a metropolis also, is Tarsus, the tau being by change put for the theta. Cethimus possessed the island Cethima; it is now called Cyprus: and from that it is that all islands, and the greatest part of the sea-coasts, are named Cethim by the Hebrews: and one city there is in Cyprus that has been able to preserve its denomina- tion; it is called Citius by those who use the language of the Greeks, and has not, by the use of that direct, escaped the name of Q.*- thim. And so many nations have the children and grand-children of Japhet possessed. Now when I have premised sonnewhat, which per- haps the Greeks do not know, I will return and explain what I have omitted; for such names are pronounced here after the manner of the Greeks, to please my readers; for our own country language does not so pronounce them: but the names in all cases are of one and the same ending; for the name we here pronounce Noeas is there Noah, and in every ease retains the same termination. 2. The children of Ham possessed the land from Syria and Amanus, and the mountains of Libanus, seizing upon all that was on its sea-coasts and as far as the ocean, and keep- ing it as their own. Some indeed of its names are utterly vanished away; others of them being changed, and another sound given them, are hardly to be discovered ; yet a few there are which have kept their denominations entire : for of the four sons of Ham, time has not at all hurt the name of Chus; for the Ethiopians, over whom he reigned, are even at this day, both by themselves and by all men in Asia, called Chusites. The memory also of the MesraitCK is preserved in their name; for all we who inhabit this country [of Judea] cjill Egypt Mestre, and the Egyptians Mestrcans. Phut also was the founder of Libya, and called the inhabitants Phutites, from himself: there is also a river in the country of tlie Moors which bears that name; whence it is that we may see the greatest part of the Gre- cian historiographers mention that river and the adjoining country by the aiipellation of Phut: but the namt it h»« now has been by CHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 37 change given it from one of the sons of Mes- raiin, who was called Lybyos. We will in- form yon presently what has been the occasion why it hAS been called Atrica aLso. Canaan, the fOiirth son of Ham, inhibited the country iiovv called Judea, and called it from his own name Canaan. The c nUiren of these [four] were these: Sabas, whj founded the Sabeans; Evilas, who founded the Evileans, who are called Getuli; Sabathes founded the Sabath- eui; they are now called by the Greeks, Asta- borans; Sabactas settled the Sabactens; and Ragmus the Ragmeans; and he had two sons, the one of whom, Judadas, settled the Juda- dsans, a nation of the western Ethiopians, and left them his name; as did Sabas to the Sabeans. But Nimrod, the son of Chus, staid and tyrannized at Babylon, as we have already informed you. Now all the children of Mes- raim, being eight in number, possessed the country from Gaza to Egypt, though it re- tained the name of one only, the Philistim ; for the Greeks call part of that country Pa- lestine. As for the rest, Ludieim, and Ene- niim, and Labim, who alone iidiabited in Li- bya, and called the country from himself, Nedim, and Phethrosim, and Chesloim, and Cephthorim, we know nothing of them be- sides their names; for the Ethiopic war,* which we shall describe hereafter, was the cause that those cities were overthrown. The sons of Canaan were these: Sidonius, who also built a city of the same name; it is called by the Greeks, Sidon; Amathus inhabited in Amathine, which is even now called Amathe by the inhabitants, although the Macedonians named it Epiphania, from one of his poste- rity: Arudeus possessed the island Aradus: Arucas possessed Arce, which is in Labanus; — but for the seven others, [Eueus], Chetteus, Jebuseus, Amorreus, Gergesus, Eudeus, Sin- eus, Samareus, we have nothing in the sacred books but their names, for the Hebrews over- threw their cities; and their calamities came upon them on the occasion following: — . 3. Noah, when, after the Deluge, the earth was re-settled in its former condition, set about its cultivation; and when he had plant- ed it with vines, and when the fruit was ripe, and he had gathered the grapes in their sea- son, and the wine was ready for use, he of- fered sacrifice, and feasted, and, being drunk, he fell asleep, and lay naked in an unseemly manner. When his youngest son saw this, he came laughing, and showed him to his bre- thren; but they covered their fiither's naked- ness. And when Noah was made sensible of • One observation ought not here to be neglected, with regard to that Etliiopic war. which Moses, as ge- neral of the Egyptians, put an end to, Antiq b. ii. chap. X., and about which our late writers seem very much anconcernedj viz. That it was a warot that consequence, as to occasion the removal or destruction ot six or seven nations of the posterity of Mifxraim. with their cities: which Josephus would not have said, if he hail not had Hncient records to justify those his assertions, thuugji tbuse records be now all lust> what had been done, he prayed for prosperity to his other sons; but for Ham, he did not curse him, by reason of his nearness in blood, but cursed his posterity. And when the rest of them escaped that curse, God inflicted it on the children of Canaan. But as to these matters, we shall speak more hereafter. 4. Shem, the third son of Noah, had five sons, who inhabited the land that began at Euphrates, and reached to the Indian ocean ; for Elam left behind him the Elamites, the ancestors of the Persians. Ashur lived at the city Nineve; and natned his subjects As- syrians, who became the most fortunate na- tion, beyond others. Arphaxad named the Arphaxadites, who are now called Chaldeans. Aram had the Aramites, which the Greeks call Syrians; as Laud founded the Laudites, which are now called Lydians. Of the four sons of Aram, Uz foiuided Trachonitis and Damascus; this country lies between Pales- tine and Celesyria. Ul founded Armenia: and Gather the Bactrians; and Mesa the Mesaneans; it is now called Charax Spasini. Sala was the son of Arphaxad; and his son was Heber, from whom they originally called the Jews Hebrews.f Heber begat Joctan and Phaleg: he was galled Phaleg, because he was born at the dispersion of the nations to their several countries; for Phaleg, among the Hebrews, signifies division. Now Joctan, one of the sons of Heber, had these sons, Elmodad, Saleph, Asermoth, Jera, Adoram, Aizel, Decla, Ebal, Abimael, Sabeus, Ophir, Euilat, and Jobab. These inhabited from Cophen, an Indian river, and in part of Asia adjoining to it. And this shall suffice con- cerning the sons of Shem. 5. I will now treat of the Hebrews. The son of Phaleg, whose father was Heber, was Ragau; whose son was Serug, to whom was born Nahor ; his son was Terah, who was the father of Al)ram, who accordingly was the tenth from Noah, and was born in the two hundred and ninety-second year after the Deluge; for Terah begat Abram in his se- ventieth year. Nahor begat Haran when he was one hundred and twenty years old; Na- hor was born to Serug in his hundred and thirty-second year; Ragau had Serug at one hundred and thirty ; at the same age also Pha- leg had Ragau; Heber begat Phaleg in his hundred and thirty-fourth year; he himself being begotten by Sala when he was an hun- dred and thirty years old, whom Arphaxad + That the Jews were called Hebrews, from this their progenitor Heber. our author Josephus here riichtly af- firms; and not from Abram the Hebrew, or paMenger over i;uphrates. as many of the moderns suppose. Shem is also called the father of all the children of Heber, or of all the Hebrews, in a history long before Abtam passed over Euphrates ((ien. X. 21), though it must be confessed th;it (Gen xiv 13). where the original says they told Abrnm the Hebrt-w, the Septuagint renders it the passen- ijtr. Tt a-ryf. IJiit tilis IS spoken only of Abram himself, wti(» h.ul lpf-en lately passed over Kuphrates: and is ano- ther si,'iiirtoati<>n of the Hebrew word, taken as &n ap- pellative, and not as a proper name. 38 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK I. had for his son in the hundred and thirty- hfth year of his age. Arphaxad was the son of Shein, and born twelve years after the Deluge. Now Abram had two brethren, Nahor and Haran: of these Haran left a son, Lot ; as also Sarai and ISIilcha his daughters, an<i died among the Chaldeans, in a city of the Chaldeans, called [Ir; and his monument is shown to this day. These married their nieces. Nahor married Milcha, and Abram riiarried Sarai. Now Terah hating Chaldea, on account of his mourning for Haran, they all removed to Haran of Mesopotamia, where Terah died, and was buried, when he had lived to be two hundred and five years old; for the life of man was already, by degrees, di- minished, and became shorter than before, till the birth of Moses; after whom the term of human life was one hundred and twenty years, God determining it to the length that Moses happened to live. Now Nahor had eight sons by Milcha; Uz and Buz, Kemuel, Chesed, Azau, Pheldas, Jadelph, and Hethuel. These were all the genuine sons of Nahor; for Teba and Gaam, and Tachas, and Maaca, were born of Reuma his concubine; but Bethuel had a daughter, Rebecca, — and a son, Laban. CHAPTER VII. HOW ABRAM OUR FOREFATHER WENT OUT OF THE LAND OF THE CHALDEANS, AND LIVED IN THE LAND THEN CALLED CANAAN, BUT NOVT JUDEA. § 1. Now Abram having no son of his own, adopted Lot, his brother Ilaran's son, and his wife Sarai's brother ; and he left the land of Chaldea when he was seventy-five years old, and at the command of God went into Ca- naan, and therein he dwelt himself, and left it to his posterity. He was a person of great sagacity, both for understanding all things and persuading his hearers, and not mistaken in his opinions; for which reason he began to have higher notions of virtue than others had, and he determined to renew and to change the opinion all men happened then to have concerning God; for he was the first that ventured to publish this notion, That there was but one God, the Creator of the universe; and that, as to other [go<ls]. if they contri- buted any thing to the happiness of men, thfit each of them afforded it only according to his appointment, and not by their own power. This his opinion was derived from the irregu- lar phenomena that were visible both at land and sea, as well as those that ha[»pen to the 8un and moon, and all the heaverdy bodies, thus: — ♦' If [said he] these bodies hnd power of their own, they would certai/dy take Ciire of their own regular motions; but sim-e thev do not preserve such regularity, they make it plain, that so far as they co-operate to our advantage, they do it not of their own abili- ties, but as they are subservient to Him that commands them; to whom alone we ought justly to offer our honour and thanksgiving." For which doctrines, when the Chaldeans and other people of Mesopotamia raised a tumult against him, he thought fit to leave that country; and at the command, and by the assistance of God, he came and lived in the land of Canaan. And when he was there settled, he built an altar, and performed a sacrifice to God. 2. Berosus mentions our father Abram without naming him, when he says thus : — " In the tenth generation after the Flood, there was among the Chaldeans a man righte- ous and great, and skilful in the celestial sci- ence." But Hecataeus does more than barely mention him; for he composed and left be- hind him a book concerning him. And Ni- colaus of Damascus, in the fourth book of his history, says thus: — "Abram reigned at Damascus, being a foreigner, who came with an army out of the land above Babylon, called the land of the Chaldeans. But after a long time he got him up, and removed from that country also with his people, and went into the land then called the land of Canaan, but now the land of Judea, and this when his posterity were become a multitude ; as to which posterity of his, we relate their history in another work. Novv the name of Abram is even still famous in the country of Da- mascus; and there is shown a village named from him, The Habitation oj Abram." CHAPTER Vin. THAT WHEN THERE WAS A FAMINE IN CANAAN ABRAM WENT THENCE INTO EGYPT; AND AFTER HE HAD CONTINUED THERE A WHILE, HE RETURNED BACK AGAIN. § 1. Now, after this, when a famiiie had in- vaded the land of Canaan, and Abram had discovered that the Egyptians were in a flour- ishing condition, he was disposed to go down to them, both to partake of the plenty they enjoyed, and to become an auditor of their priests, and to know what they said concern- ing the gods; designing either to follow them, if they had better notions than he, or to con- vert them into a better way, if his own notions proved the truest. Now, seeing he was to take Sarai with him, and was afraid of the madness of the Egyptians with regard to women, lest the king should kill him on account of his wife's great beauty, he contrived this device. — he pretended to be her brother, and di- rected her in a dissenibling way to pretend the same, for he said it wotdd be for their benefit. Now, as soon as he came into Egypt, it hap- GHAP. X. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 39 pened to Abram as he supposed it would ; for me fame of his wife's beauty was greatly talked of, for which reason Pharaoh the king of Ej,'ypt would not be satisfied with what was reported of her, but would needs see her him- self, and was preparing to enjoy her; but God put a stop to his unjust inclinations, by send- iiij,' upon him a distemper, and a sedition agjiinst his government. And when he in- quired of the priests, how he might be freed from these calamities, they told him that this his miserable condition was derived from the wrath of God, upon account of his inclina- tions to abuse the stranger's ^\^fe. He then out of fear asked Sarai who she was, and who it was that she brought along with her. And when he had found out the truth, he excused himself to Abram, that supposing the woman to be his sister, and not his wife, he set his affections on her, as desiring an affinity with him by marrying her, but not as incited by lust to abuse her. He also made him a large present in money, and gave him leave to enter into conversation with the most learned among the Egyptians; from which conversation, his virtue and his reputation became more con- spicuous than they had been before. 2. For whereas the Egyptians were formerly addicted to different customs, and despised one another's sacred and accustomed rites, and were very angry one with another on that ac- count, Abram conferred with each of them, and, confuting the reasonings they made use » of, every one for their own practices, demon- strated that such reasonings were vain and void of truth; whereupon he was admired by them in those conferences as a very wise man, and one of great sagacity, when he discoursed on any subject he undertook; and this not only in understanding it, but in persuading other men also to assent to him. He communicated V to them arithmetic, and delivered to them the science of astronomy; for, before Abram came into Egypt, they were unacquainted with those parts of learning; for that science came from the Chaldeans into Egypt, and from tbence to the Greeks also. 3. As soon as Abram was come back into Canaan, he parted the land between him and . Lot, upon account of the tumultuous behavi- our of their shepherds, concerning the pastures wherein they should feed their flocks. How- ever, he gave Lot his option, or leave, to choose which lands he would take ; and he took himself what the other left, which were the lower grounds at the foot of the mouti- tains ; and he himself dwelt in Hebron, which is a city seven years more ancient than Tanis 3f F'gypt. But Lot possessed the land of the cl:iin, and the river Jordan, not far from the city of Sodom, which was then a fine city ; but is now destroyed by the will and wrath of Goil; — the cause of which I shall show in its jMopcr place hereafter. CHAPTER IX. THE DESTRUCTIOX OF THE SODOMITES BT THE ASSYRIAN WAR. At this time, when the Assyrians had the dominion over Asia, the people of Sodom were in a flourishing condition, both as to riches and the number of their youth. There were five kings that managed the affairs of this country ; Ballas, Barsas, Senabar, and Sumobor, with the king of Bela ; and each king led on his own troops ; and the Assy- rians made war upon them ; and, dividing their army into four parts, fought against them. Now every part of the army had its own commander; and when the battle was joined, the Assyrians were conquerors; and imposed a tribute on the kings of the Sodom- ites, who submitted to this slavery twelve years ; and so long they continued to pay their tribute; but on the thirteenth year they rebelled, and then the army of the Assyrians came upon them, under their commanders Amraphel, Arioch, Chodorlaomer, and Tidal. These kings had laid waste all Syria, and overthrown the offspring of the giants; and when they were come over against Sodom, they pitched their camp at the vale called the Slime Pits, for at that time there were pits in that place; but now, upon the destruction of the city of Sodom, that vale became the Lake Asphaltites, as it is called. However, concerning this lake we shall speak more presently. Now when the Sodomites joined battle with the Assyrians, and the fight was very obstinate, many of them were killed, and the rest were carried captive ; among which captives was Lot, who had come to assist the Sodomites. CHAPTER X HOW ABRAM FOUGHT WITH THE ASSYRIANS, AND OVERCAME THEM, AND SAVED THB SODOMITE PRISONERS, AND TOOK FROM THE ASSYRIANS THE PREY THEY HAD GOTTEN. § I. When Abram heard of their calamity, he was at once afraid for Lot his kinsman, and pitied the Sodomites, his friends and neighbours; and thinking it proper to afford theui assistance, he did not delay it, but uiarched hastily, and the fifth night fell upon the Assyrians, near Dan, for that is the name of the other spring of Jordan ; and before they could arm themselves, he slew some as they were in their beds, before they could suspect any harm; and others, who were not yet gone to sleep, but were so drunk thej 40 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK I could not fight, ran away. Abram pursued »fter them, till on the second day he drove them in a body unto Hoba, a place belong- ing to Damascus ; and thereby demonstrated that victory does not depend on multitude Hnd the nnmber of hands, but the alacrity and courage of soldiers overcome the most nume- rous bodies of men, while he got the victory over so great an army with no more than three hundred and eighteen of his servants, and three of his friends: but all those that fled returned home ingloriously. 2. So Abram, when he had saved the cap- tive Sodomites who had been taken by the Assyrians, and Lot aAso, his kinsman, return- ed home in peace. Now the king of Sodom met him at a certain place, which they called The King's Dale, where Melchisedec, king of the city Salem, received him. That name signifies the righteous king; and such he was without dispute, insomuch that, on this ac- count, he was made the priest of God: how- ever, they afterward called Salem Jerusalem. • Now this Melchisedec supplied Abram's army hi a hospitable manner, and gave them provi- sions in abundance ; and as they were feasting, he began to praise him, and to bless God for subduing his enemies under him. And when Abram gave him the tenth part of his prey, he accepted of the gift: but the king of So- dom desired Abram to take the prey, but en- treated that he might have those men restored to him whom Abram had saved from the As- syrians, because they belonged to him; but Abram would not do so; nor would make any other advantage of that prey than what his servants had eaten; but still insisted that he should afford a part to his friends that had assisted him in the battle. The first of them was called Eschol, and then Enner, and Mambre. 3. And God commended his virtue, and said, Thou shalt not, however, lose the rewards thou hast deserved to receive by such thy glo- rious actions. He answered. And what ad- vantage will it be to me to have such rewards, when I have none to enjoy them after me? — for he was hitherto childless. And God pro- misea that he should have a son, and that his posterity should be very numerous, insomuch that their number should be like the stars. When he heard that, ho offered a sacrifice to God, as he commanded him. The manner of the sacrifice was this: — He took an heifer of three years old, and a she-goat of three years old, and a ram in like manner of three years old, and a turtle dove and a pigeon;* and, as he was enjoined, he divided the three former; but the birds he did not divide. After which, before he built his altar, where the • It is worth notinif here, that God required no other Mcriflces under the law of Moneii. than what were taken from these five kinds of animals which he here required of Abram. Nor did the Jews feed upon any other do- niestir. animals than the three here named, ^s Keland •bwnres on Aatiq b. iv. ch. iv. sect. 4 birds of prey flew about, as desirous o' blood, a divine voice came to him, declaring that their neighbours would be grievous to his posterity when they should be in Egypt, for four hundred years.f during which time they should be afflicted; but afterwards should overcome their enemies, should conquer the Canaanites in war, and possess themselves of their land, and of their cities. 4. Now Abram dwelt near the oak called Ogyges, — the place belongs to Canaan, not far from the city of Hebron : but being un- easy at his wife's barrenness, he entreated God to grant that he might have male issue ; and God required of him to be of good cou- rage; and said, that he would add to all the rest of the benefits that he had bestowed on him ever since he led him out of Mesopota- mia, the gift of children. Accordingly Sarai, at God's command, brought to his bed one ot her handmaidens, a woman of Egyptian de- scent, in order to obtain children by her; and when this handmaid was with child, she tri- umphed, and ventured to affront Sarai, as if the dominion were to come to a son to be born of her: but when Abram resigned her into the hand of Sarai, to punish her, she contrived to fly avvay, as not able to bear the instances of Sarai's severity to her; and she entreated God to have compassion on her. Now a divine angel met her, as she was go- ing forward in the wilderness, and bid her re- turn to her master and mistress; for, if she would submit to that wise advice, she would live better hereafter; for that the reason of her being in such a miserable case was this, that she had been ungrateful and arrogant to- wards her mistress. He also told her, that if she disobeyed God, and went on still in her way, she should perish; but if she would return back, she should become the mother of a son who should reign over that country. These admonitions she obeyed, and returned to her master and mistress, and obtained for- giveness. A little while afterwards, she bare Ismael, which may be interpreted Heard of God, because God had heard his mother's prayer. 5. The forementioned son was born to Abram when he was eighty-six years old; but when he was ninety-nine God appeared to him, and promised him that he should have a son by Sarai, and commanded that his name should be Isaac; and showed him, that from this son should spring great nations and kings, and that they should obtain all the land of Canaiin by war, from Sidon to Egypt. But he charged him, in order to keep his posterity unmixed with others, that they should be circumcised in the flesh of their foreskin, and that this should be done on the eighth day after they were born : the reason of which circumcision I will explain in another place. And Abram + As to this adlirtion of Abram's posterity for 400 years, see Antiq. b. ii. ch. ix. sect. 1. CHAP. XI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 41 inquiring also concerning Ismael, whether he should live or not, God signified to him that he should live to be very old, and should be the father of great nations. Abram, there- fore, gave thanks to God for these blessings ; a'ld then he, and all his family, and his son Isnjael, were circumcised immediately, the son being that day thirteen years of age, and he ninety-nine. CHAPTER XI. rfOW GOD OVERTHREW THE NATION OF THE SODOMITES, OUT OF HIS WRATH AGAINST THEM FOR THEIR SINS. § 1. About this time the Sodomites grew proud, on account of their riches and great wealth: they became unjust towards men, and impious towards God, insomuch that they did not call to mind the advantages they received from him : they hated strangers, and abused themselves with Sodomitical prac- tices. God was therefore much displeased at them, and determined to punish them for their pride, and to overthrow their city, and to lay waste their country, until there should neither plant nor fruit grow out of it. 2. When God had thus resolved concern- ing the Sodomites, Abraham, as he sat by the oak of Mambre, at the door of his tent, saw three angels; and, thinking them to be stran- gers, he rose up and saluted them, and de- sired they would accept of an entertainment, and abide with him ; to which when they agreed, he ordered cakes of meal to be made presently: and when he had slain a calf, he roasted it, and brought it to them, as they sat under the oak. Now they -made a show of eating; and besides, they asked him about his wife Sarah, where she was; and when he said she was within, they said they would come again hereafter, and find her become a mother. Upon which the woman laughed, and said that it was impossible she should bear children, since she was ninety years of age, and her husband was an hundred. Then I they concealed themselves no longer, but de- | clared that they were angels of God ; and that one of them was sent to inform them about the child, and two of the overthrow of So- dom. 3. When Abraham heard this, he was grieved for the Sodomites ; and he rose u[), and besought God for them, and entreated him that he would not destroy the righteous with the wicked. And when God had replied that there was no good man ainong the So- domites; for if there were but ten such men among them, he would not punish any of them for their sins, Abraham held his peace. And tliL* angels came to the city of the So- domite's, an;] Lnl entreated them to accept of a lodging with him ; for he was a very gene- rous and hospitable man, and one that had learned to imitate the goodness of Abraham. Now when the Sodomites saw the young men to be of beautiful countenances, and this to an extraordinary degree, and that they took up their lodgings with Lot, they resolved themselves to enjoy those beautiful boys by force and violence; and when Lot exhorted them to sobriety, and not to offer any thing immodest to the strangers, but to have re- gard to their lodging in his house ; and pro- mised, that if their inclinations could not be governed, he would expose his daughters to their lust, instead of these strangers — neither thus were they made ashamed. 4. But God was much displeased at their impudent behaviour, so that he both smote those men with blindness, and condemned the Sodomites to universal destruction. But Lot, upon God's informing him of the future de- struction of the Sodomites, went away, taking with him his wife and daughters, who were two, and still virgins ; for those that were be- trothed* to them were above the thoughts of going, and deemed that Lot's words were tri- fling. God then cast a thunderbolt upon the city, and set it on fire, with its inhabitants; and laid waste the country with the like burn- ing, as I formerly said when I wrote the Jew- ish war.f But Lot's wife continually turn- ing back to view the city as she went from it, and being too nicely inquisitive what would become of it, although God had forbidden her so to do, was changed into a pillar of salt;+ for I have seen it, and it remains at this day. Now he and his daughters fled to a certain small place, encompassed with the fire, and settled in it. It is to this day called Zoar, for that is the word which the Hebrews use for a small thing. There it was that he lived a miserable life, on account of his having no company, and his want of provisions. 5. But his daughters, thinking that all mankind were destroyed, approached to their • These sons-in-law to Lot, as they are called (Gen. xix. 12 - 14). mi|i?ht be so styled because they were be- trothed to Lot's daughters, though not yef married to them. See the note on Antiq. b. xiv. ch. xiii. sect I. + Of the War, b. ir. ch. viii. sect. 4. t This pillar of salt was, we see here, standing in the days of Josephus; and he had seen it. That it was Standing then, is also attested by Clement of Itome, con- temporary with josephus; as also that it was so in the next century, is attested by Irenaeus, with the addition of an hypothesis, how it came to last so long, with all its mem- bers entire. — Whether the account that some modern tra- vellers give be true, that it is still standing. I do not know. Its remote situation, at the utmost southern point of the Sea of Sodom, in tlie wild and dangerous deserts of Arabia, makes it exceeding difficult for inquisitive tra- vellers to examine the place; and for common reports of country people, at a distance, they are not very satisfac- tory. In the mean time. I have no opinion of l^ Clerc's dissertation or hypothesis about this question, which can only be determined by eye-witnesses. When CXiristian princes, so called, lay aside their foolish and unchristian wars and quarrels, and send a body of fit persons to tra- vel over the east, and bring us faithful accounts of all ancient monuments, and pro<Mire us copies of all ancient records, at presen: l.ist among us. we may hope (or fall saiistactiou iu such inquiries, but hardly btsfore. 42 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK 1, father,* though taking care not to be perceived. This they did, that human kind might not ut- terly fail. And they bare sons: the son of the elder was named Moab, which denotes one derived from his father. The younger bare Ammon, which name denotes one derived from a kinsman. The former of whom was the father of the Moabites, which is even still a great nation; the latter was the father of the Ammonites: and both of them are inhabitants of Celesyria. And such was the departure of Lot from among the Sodomites. CHAPTER XIL CONCERNING ABIMELECH; AND CONCERNING ISMAEL, THE SON OF ABRAHAM; AND CON- CERNING THE ARABIANS, WHO WERE HIS POSTERITY. § 1. Abraham now removed to Gerar of Palestine, leading Sarah along with him, un- der the notion of his sister, using the like dis- simulation that he had used before, and this out of fear; for he was afraid of Abimelech, the king of that country, who did also him- self fall in love with Sarah, and was disposed to corrupt her; but he was restrained from satisfying his lust by a dangerous distemper, which befell him from God. Now when his physicians despaired of curing him, he fell asleep, and saw a dream, warning him not to abuse the stranger's wife; and when he re- covered, he told his friends that God had in- flicted that disease upon him, by way of pu- nishment, for his injury to the stninger, and in order to preserve the chastity of his wife ; for that she did not accompany him as his sis- ter, but as his legitimate wife ; and that God had promised to be gracious to him for the time to come, if this person be once secure of his wife's chastity. When he had said this, by the advice of his friends, he sent for Abra- ham, and bid him not be concerned about his wife, or fear the corruption of her chastity ; for that God took care of him, and that it was by his providence that he received his wife ^again, without her suffering any abuse ; and he appealed to God, ajid to his wife's conscience, and said that he had not any inclination Ht first to enjoy her, if he had known she was his wife; but since, said he, thou ledst her about as thy sister, I was guilty of no offence. lie also entreated him to be at peace with him, and to make God propitious to him; • I see no proper wicked intention in these daucliters of Ixit, when in a case which appeared to ttieiii nl un- avoidable nere»sity, they procured themselves to he with child by their father. Without such an iinavoidahle uecessity, incest is a horrid crime i but whether in ^<M^h a case of necessity as they upprehetided this to be. ac- cording to Josephus, il was any such ciime, I am nut satisfied. In the mean time, their inak'nj; tlieir lather arunk, and their solicitous cuneealment ul what they diil from hira. showH that thry despaired of' perMiiadiiii; him to an action which, ut tlie hest. could not but be very .tus- piri iif> aiid skockinx to so good a man. and that if he thought fit to continue with him, he should have what he wanted in abundance ; but that if he designed to go aw ay, he should be honourably conducted, and have whatso- ever supply he wanted when he came thither. Upon his saying 4;his, Abraham told him that his pretence of kindred to his wife was no lie, because she was his brother's daughter; and that he did not think himself safe in his tra- vels abroad, without this sort of dissimulation ; and that he was not the cause of his distem- per, but was only solicitous for his own safety. He said also, that he was ready to stay with him. Whereupon Abimelech assigned him laiid and money; and they covenanted to live together without guile, and took an oath at a certain well called Beersheba, which may be interpreted TheWellofthe Oath. And so it is named by the people of the country unto this day. 2. Now in a little time Abraham had a son by Sarah, as God had foretold to him, whom he named Isaac, which signifies Laugliter ; and indeed they so called him, because Sarah laughed when God f said that she should bear a son, she not expecting such a thing, as be- ing past the age of child-bearing, for she was ninety years old, and Abraham a hundred; so that this son was born to them both in the last year of each of those decimal numbers. And they circumcised him upon the eighth (lay. And from that time the Jews continue the custom of cirt-i.mcising their sons within that number of days. But as for the Arab- ians, they circumcise after the thirteenth year, because Isniael, the founder of their nation, who was born to Abraham of the concubine, was circumcised ut that age; concerning whom I will presently give a particular ac- count with great exactness. 3. As for Sarah, she at first loved Ismael, who was born of her own handmaid H.igar, with an affection not inferior to that of her own son, for he was brought up, in order to succeed in the government; but when she herself had born Isaac, she was not willing that Ismui 1 should be brought up with him, as being too old for him, and able to do him injuries when their father should be dead ; she therefore |)er- suaded Abraham to send him and his mother to some distant country. Now, at the fiist he did not agree to what Sarah was so zealous for, and thought it an instance of the greatest bar- barity to send away a young child J and a vvo- + It is w«'il worth observation, that Jo.^ephus here call.s that principal ani;el, who appeared to Ahraham, and foretold the birth of Isaac, directly Gud ; which lanunate of Josephus here, prepares us to believe tho»« other expressions of his, that Jcsua was a nise man, ij il hflnwjul to culi him n man, Atitiq b. xviii. chap. li. sect. 3; iind of God the Word, in his' lumiily concerniiit; Hades, may be both genuine. Nor is the other expies* sion.of rfio/He nw(/e/, used presently, and before, also ot aiiyotiiur sicnilicalion. t .losephns hereiulls Ismael a youuR child or infant, thoiiuh he wa.^ about 13 years ofagi-i as Judas calls kini self and his brethren young men, when he was 4"*, and hud two children. Anti<|. b. ii cliup. vi. sect. 8, snd they N^ire of niticb the sam« aye; as is a daMi!«el of l8 CHAP. XIII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 43 man unprovided of necessaries ; but at length he agreed to it, because God was pleased with what Sarah had determined; so he delivered Ismael to his mother, as not yet able to go by hiin>elf; and commanded her to take a bottle of water, and a loaf of bread, and so to depart, and to take Necessity for her guide. But as soon as her necessary provisions failed, she found herself in an evil case; and when the water was almost spent, she laid the young child, who was ready to expire, under a fig-tree, and went on farther, that so he might die while she was absent. But a divine angel came to her, and told her of a fountain hard by, and bid her take care and bring up the child, be- cause she should be very happy by the preser- vation of Ismael. She then took courage, upon the prospect of what was promised her, and, meeting with some shepherds, by their care she got clear of the distresses she had been in. 4. When the lad was grown up, he married a wife, by birth an Egyptian, from whence the mother was herself derived originally. Of this wifewerebornto Ismael twel > esons: Nabaioth, Kedar, Abdeel, M.ib-am, Idumas, Masmaos, Masaos, Chodad, Theman, Jetur, Naphesus, Oadmas. These inhabited all ihe country from Euphrates to the Red Sea, and called it Na- batene. They are an Arabian Jiation, and name their tribes from these, both because ot their own virtue, and because ot the dignity of Ab- raham their father. CHAPTER XIII. CONCERNING ISAAC, THE LEGITIMATE SON OF ABRAHAM. § I. Now Abraham greatly loved Isaac, as be- ing his oidy begotten,* and given to him at the borders of old age, by the favour of God. The child also endeared hinjself to his parents still more, by the exercise of every virtue, and ad- hering to his duty to his parents, and being zealous in the worship of God. Abraham also placed his own happiness in this prospect, that, when he should die, he should leave this his son in a safe and secure condition; which accord- ingly he obtained by the will of God; who, be- ing desirous to make an experiment of Abra- ham's religious disposition towards himself, ap- peared to him, and enumerated all the blessings he had bestowed on him ; how he had made him years old called a little child. Mark v. 39— 42, five seve- ral times. Herod also is said by Joseplius to be a very ynui)^ man at 25 .See the note on Ant h. xiv ch ix. s 2, and uf the War, b. i. ch. x. And Aris(i.!uil\is is stjled a very Jit'le child at 16 years of aj;e. Ant b, xv. r.li. ii s. G, 7. Doniitian is also called by liim a very youni; child, when he went on his German expedition at about l« voars of a(;e, of the War. b. vii. ch. iv, s. i. Samson's wife, and Hiith. when they were widows, are called chil- divn. Ant. b. v. ch. viii. s. fi, and ch. ix. sect. 2, 3. * Note, that both here and Heb.xi.l7. Isaac is called Ahiaham's only benotten son. tlMii^'h l>e at the same tiiie had anothHr son. Ismiel. 'IIk- "^eptiiaifint e\iir»-s>es ll»e true meaning, l>y rt-oderins; tlie text ihe helmed so7i. superior to his enemies; and that his son Isaac, who was the principal part of his present hap- piness, was derived from him; and he said that he required this son of his as a sacrifice and holy oblation. Accordingly he command- ed him to carry him to the mountain Moriah, and to build an altar, and offer him for a burnt-offering upon it; for that this would best manifest his religious disposition towards him, if he preferred w hat was pleasing to God, before the preservation of his own son. 2. Now Abraham thought that it was not right to disobey God in any thing, but that he was obliged to serve him in every circumstance of life, since all creatures that live enjoy their life by his providence, and the kindness he be- stows on them. Accordingly he concealed this command of God, and his own intentions about the slaughter of his son, from his wife, as also from every one of bis servants, other- wise he should have been hindered from his obedience to God; and he took Isaac, together with two of his servants, and laying what things were necessary for a sacrifice upon an ass, he went away to the mountain. Now the two servants went along with him two days; but on the third day, as soon as he saw the moun- tain, he left those servants that were with him till then in the plain, and, having his son alone with him, he came to the mountain. It was that mountain upon which king David after- wards built the temple.f Now they had brought with them every thing necessary for a sacrifice excepting the animal that was to be offered only. Now Isaac was twenty-five years old. And as he was building the altar he asked his father what he Was about to offer, since there was no animal there for an oblation: — to wliich it was answered, " That God would provide himself an ollation, he being able to make a plentiful prov ision for men out of what they have not, and to deprive ethers of what they already have, when they put too much trust therein ; that therefore, if God pleased to be present and propitious at this sacrifice, he would provide himself an oblation." 3. As soon as the altar was prepared, and Abraham had laid on the wood, and all things were entirely ready, he said to his son, " O son! I poured out a vast number of prayers that I might have thee for my son; when thou wastcome into the world, thv.re was nothing that could contribute to thy support for which I was not greatly solicitous, nor any thing wherein I th(ni>;ht myself happier than to see thee grown up to man's estate, and that I might leave thee at my death the successor to my dominion; but since it was by God's will that 1 became thy father, and it is now his will that + Here is a plain error in the copies, which say that king David afterwards bnilt the temple on this mount Mo- riah. while it was certainly no other than king Solomon who built that temple, as indeed Procopius cites it from Josephus. For it was for certain David, and not Solo- mon, who built the first altar there, as we learn, 2 Sam. xxiv.l8. iw'-t fMi.xxi.22,&c.and Ant.b.vii.ch.xiii.6.4. 44 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK I. I relmquish thee, bear this consecration to God with a generous mind; for I resign thee up to God, who has thought fit no w to require this tes- timony of honour to himself, on account of the favours he hath conferred on me, in being to me a supporter and defender. Accordingly thou, my son, wilt now dje, not in any common way of going out of the world, but sent to God, the Father of all men, beforehand, by thy own father, in the nature of a sacrilicp. I suppose he thinks thee worthy to get clear of this world neither by disease, neither by war, nor by any other severe way, by which death usually comes upon men, but so that he will receive thy soul with prayers and holy offices of religion, and will place thee near to him- self, and thou wilt there be to me a succourer and supporter in my old age ; on which ac- count I principally brought thee up, and thou wilt thereby procure me God for my Com- forter instead of thyself." 4. Now Isaac was of such a generous dis- position as became the son of such a father, and was pleased with this discourse; and said '* That he was not worthy to be born at first, if he should reject the determination of God and of his father, and should not resign him- self up readily to both their pleasures; since it would have been unjust if he had not obeyed, even if his father alone had so resolved." So he went immediately to the altar to be sacri- ficed. And the deed had been done if God had not opposed it ; for he called loudly to Abraham by his name, and forbade him to slay his son ; and said, " It was not out of a desire of human blood that he was commanded to slay his son, nor was he willing that he should be taken away from him whom he had made his father, but to try the temper of his mind, whether he would be obedient to such a command. Since, therefore, he now was satisfied as to that his alacrity, and the sur- prising readiness he showed in this his piety, he was delighted in having bestowed such blessings upon him; and that he would not be wanting in all sorts of concern about him, and in bestowing other children upon him ; and that his son should five to a very great age; that he should live a happy life, and bequeath a large principality to his children, who should be good and legitimate." He foretold also, that his family should increase into many nations;* and that those patriarchs • It seems both here, and in God's parallel blessing to Jacob (chap. xix. sect. I), that Josephus had yet no no- tion of the bidden meanint; of that most important and roost eminent promise, " In tliy seed shall all the fami- lies ot the earth be blessed ! He saith not. And to seeds, as of many, but as of onej and to thy seed, which is Christ," GaL iii. 16. Nor is it any wonder, he bein?, I think, as jret not a Chri.ntian; and had he been a Chris- tian, yet since he was, to be sure, till the latter part of his life, no more than an Kbionite Christian, who, aboTe all the apostles, rejected and despised St. I'iiul, it would be no (jreat wonder if he did not now follow his inter- relation. In the mean time, we have tu eflect St. Paul's exposition in the Tesianienl of Reuben, sect, 6, In Aulhent. R^c. I'art i. p. a02. who charges bin sons **to worship the s««d of Judah, who should die for should leave behind them an everlasting name, that they should obtain the possession of the land of Canaan, and be envied by all men. When God had said this, he produced to them a ram, which did not appear before, for the sacrifice. So Abraham and Isaac receiv- ing each other unexpectedly, and having ob- tained the promises of such great blessings, embraced one another; and when they had sacrificed, they returned to Sarah, and lived happily together, God affording them his as- sistance in all things they desired. CHAPTER XIV. CONCERNING SARAH, ABnAHAM's WIFE; AND now SHE ENDED HER DAYS. Now Sarah died a little while after, having lived one hundred and twenty-seven years*. They buried her in Hebron; the Canaanites publicly allowing them a burying- place : — which piece of ground Abraham'bought, for four hundred shekels, of Ephron, an inhabi- tant of Hebron ; and both Abraham and his descendants built themselves sepulchres in that place. CHAPTER XV. HOW THE NATION OF THE TROGLODYTES WERE DERIVED FROM ABRAHAM BY KETURAH. Abraham after this married Keturah.bywhom six sons were born to hiin ; men of cour- age and of sagacious minds: — Zanibran, and Jazar, and Madan, and Madian, and Josabak," and Sous. Now the sons of Sous were Saba- than and Dadan; — the sons of Dadan were Latusim, and Assur, and Luom; — the sons of Madian were Ephas, and Ophren, and Anoch, and Ebidas, and Eldas. Now, for all these sons and grandsons, Abraham con- trived to settle them in colonies ; and they took possession of Troglodytis, and the country ol Arabia the Happy, as far as it reaches to the Red Sea. It is related of this Ophren, that he made war against Liliv'a, and took it; and that his grandi'hildrin, when they inhabited it, called it (from liis name) Africa; and in- deed Alexander Polvhistor gives his attesta- tion to what 1 here sav; who speaks thus: — " Cleodcmus the prophet, who was also called them in visible and invi.siblt- ««farsj and should be among them an eternal kinj;." Nt>r is that observation of a learned foreiRiifr o( my acquaintance to be despised, who takes n»itice. that, as seeds, in the plural, must signify postetity ,- so set-fl. in the singular, may siimiiy either pmtrnta. or a sitKjIe person; and that in this promise of all nations btiiig happy in the seed of Abra- ham, or Isaaf. or Ja»'»b. &<•. it is always used in the sin- gular. 'I o whicli i shall add. that it is sometimes, as it were, paraphrased liy Mie Min of Ahraliam. the sou of Uaviu, &c. w liicb ii> cupabic uf uo such ambiguity. CHAP XVI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 45 Malchu' "~o wrote a history of the Jews. in agreeiH^iit with the History of Moses, their legislator, relates, that there were many sons born to Abraham by Keturah; nay, he names three of them, Apher, and Siirim, and Japh- ran: that from Surim was the land of Assyria denominated; and that from the other two (Apher and JaphranJ the country t)f Africa took its name; because tbo.*e men wexe auxi- liaries to Hercules, when he fought against Libya and Antaeus; and tluit Hercules mar- ried Aphra^s daujjhter, atid of her he begat a son, Diodorus; and that Sophon was his son; from whom that barburous people called So- phacians were denominated." CHAPTER XVI. HOW ISAAC TOOK REBEKA TO WIFE. § 1. Now when Abraham, the fathei of Isaac, had resolved to take Rebeka, who was grand- daughter to his brother Nahor, for a wife to fais son Isaac, who was then about forty years old, he sent the ancientest of his servants to betroth her, after he had obliged them to give him the strongest assurances of his fide- lity;— which assurances were given after the manner following: — They put each other's hands under each other's thighs; then they called upon God as the witness of what was to be done. He also sent such presents to those that were there, as were in esteem on account that they either rarely or never were seen in that country. The servant got thi- ther not under a considerable time ; for it re- quires much time to pass through Mesopota- mia, in which it is tedious travelling, both in winter, for the depth of the clay — and in summer, for want of water; and, besides this, for the robberies therj committed, which are not to be avoided by travellers but by caution beforehand. However, the servant came to Haran; and when he was in the suburbs, he met a considerable number of maidens going to the water; he therefore prayed to God that Hfebeka might be found among them, or her whom Abraham sent him as hi.s servant to espouse to his son, in case his will were that this marriage should be consummsted; and I that she might be made known to hiui by the sign. That while others denied him water to drink, she might give it him. 2. With this intention he went to the well, and desired the maidens to give him some water to drink: but while the others refused, on pretence that they wanted it all at home, and could spare none for him, one only of the company rebuked them for their peevish be- haviour towards the stranger; and said. What is there that you will ever communicate to any body, who have not s;) much as given the man some water? She tiien offered him water in an obliging manner; and now he tegan to hope that his grand aflfiiir would succeed ; but desiring still to know the truth, he commended her for he^ generosity and good nature, that she did not scruple to afford a sufficiency of water to those that wanted it, though it cost her some pains to draw it; and asked who were her parents, and wished them joy of such a daughter. •' And mayest thou be espoused," said he, " to their satisfaction, in- to the family of an agreeable husband, and bring him legitimate children 1" Nor did she disdain to satisfy his inquiries, but told him her family. " They," says she, " call me Re- beka ; my father was Bethuel, but he is dead ; and Laban is my brother ; and, together with my mother, takes care of all our family af- fairs, and is the guardian of my virginity." When the servant heard this, he was very glad at what had happened, and at Vhat was told him, as perceiving that God had thus plainly directed his journey: and producing his brace- lets, and some other ornaments which it was esteemed decent for virgins to wear, he gave them to the damsel, by way of acknowledg- ment, and as a reward for her kindness in giving him water to drink; saying, it was but just that she should have them, because she was so much more obliging than any of the rest. She desired also that he would come and lodge with them, since the approach of the night gave him not time to proceed far- ther; and producing his precious ointment* for women, he said he desired to trust them to none more safely than to such as she had shown herself to be; and that he believed he might guess at the humanity of her mother and brother, that they would not be displea- sed, from the virtue he found in her; for he would not be burdensome, but would pay the hire for his entertainment, and spend his own money. To which she replied, that he guess- ed right as to the humanity of her parents; but complained that he should think them so parsimonious as to take money, for that he should have all on free cost : but she said she would first inform her brother Laban, and, if he gave her leave, she would conduct him in. 3, As soon then as this was over, she in- troduced the stranger; and for the camels, the servants of Laban brought them in, and took care of them; and he was himself brought in to supper by Laban. And, after supper, he says to him, and to the mother of the dam- sel, addressing himself to her, " Abraham is the son of Terah, and a kinsman of yours; for Nahor, the grandfather of these children, was the brother of Abraham, by both father and mother; upon which account he hath sent me to you, being desiious to take this damsel for his son to wife. He is his legitimate son, and is brought up as his only heir. He could indeed have had the most happy of all the women in that country for him, but he would not have his sou m&rry any of them ; but, ou| 46 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, f^ \ of re,s:ard to his own relations, he desired to match him here, whose affection and inclina- tion I wonld not have you despise; for it was by the goad pleasure of God tliat other accidents fell out in my journey, and that thereby I lighted upon your daughter and your house; for when I was near to the city, I saw a great many maidens coming to a well, and I prayed that I might meet with this damsel, which has come to pass accordingly. Do you, therefore, confirm that marriage, whose espousals have been already made by a divine appearance; and show the respect you have for Abraham, who hath sent me with so much solicitude, in giving your consent to the mar- riage of this damsel." Upon this they un- derstood it to be the will of God, and greatly approved of the offer, and sent their daugh- ter, as was desired. Accordingly Isaac mar- ried her, the inheritance being now come to him; for the children by Keturah were gone to their own remote habitations. CHAPTER XVII. CONCERNING THE DEATH OF ABRAHAM. A LITTLE while after this, Abraham died. He was a man of incomparable virtue, and honoured by God in a manner agreeable to his piety towards him. The whole time of his life was one hundred seventy and five years; and he was buried in Hebron, with his wife Sarah, by their sons Isaac and Is- maeL CHAPTER XVIII. CONCERNING THE SONS OF ISAAC, ESAU AND JACOB. OF THEIR NATIVITY AND EDUCA- TION. § 1. Now Isaac's wife proved with child, after the death of Abraham;* and when her belly was greatly burdened, Isaac was very anxious, and inquired of God; who answer- ed, that Rebeka should bear twins; and that two nations should take the names of those sons; and that he who appeared the second should excel the. elder. Accordingly she, in a iit'.le time, as God had foretold, bare twins; the elder of whom, from his head to his feet, WHS very rough and hairy; but the younger "^ook hold of his heel as they were in the birth. Wow the father loved the elder, who was called Esau, a name agreeable to his rough- • The birth of Jacob and Esan is here said to he after Abraham^s death t it iihould have been after Saraii's death. The order of the narratinn in Onesis, not al- ^dVB exactly according to the order of time, seems to nave ?ot Joscpbiu into this wror, as Dr. Uernard ob. ness, for the Hebrews call such an hairy roughness [Esau,f or] Seir; but Jacob the younger was best beloved by his mother. 2. When there was a famine in the land, Isaac resolved to go into Egypt, the land there being good; but he went to Gerar, as God commanded him. Here Abimelech the king received him, because Abraham had for- merly lived with him, and had been his friend; and as in the beginning he treated him exceeding kindly, so he was hindered from continuing in the same disposition to the end, by his envy at him; for when he saw that God was with Isaac, and look such great care of him, he drove him away from him. But Isaac, when he saw how envy had changed the temper of Abimelech, retired to a place called the Valley, not far from Gerar; and as he was digging a well, the shepherds' fell upon him, and began to fight, in order to hinder the work; and because he did not de- sire to contend, the shepherds seemed to get the better of him; so he still retired, and dug another well; and when certain other shep- herds of Abimelech's began to offer him vio- lence, he left that also, and still retired; thus purchasing security to himself by a rational and prudent conduct. At length the king gave him leave to dig a well without disturb- ance. He named this well Rehoboth, which denotes a large space; but of the former wells, one was called Escon, which denotes strife; the other Sitenna, which name signifies en- mity. 3. It was now that Isaac's affairs increased^ and his power was in a flourishing condition- and this from his great riches. But Abi- melech, thinking Isaac throve in opposition to him, while their living together made then) suspicious of each other, and Isaac's retiring, showing a secret enmity also, he was afraid that his former friendship with Isaac would not secure him, if Isaac should endeavour to revenge the injuries he had formerly offer- ed him; he therefore renewed his friend^hip with him, and brought with him Philoc, one of his generals. And when he had obtained every thing he desired, by reason of Isaac's good nature, who preferred the earliei*friend- ship Abimelech had shown to himself and his father to his later wrath against him, he re- turned home. 4. Now when E^au, one of the sons of Isaac," whom the father principally loved, was now come to the age of forty years, he mar- ried Adah, the daughter of Helon, and Aho- libamah, the dauf^hter of Esebeon; which Helon and Esebeon were great lords amcng the Canaanites, thereby taking upon hinjself the authority, and pretending to have domi- nion over his own marriages, without so nuich as askmg the advice of his father; for had Isaac been the arbitrator, he had not given + For Seir in .l<i».'p)uiM. the coherence requires that we r«ad Esau or S%ti, wl.i. .. signify lliu sume thing CHAP. XVITL ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 47 him leave to marry thus, for he was not pleased with contracting any alliance with the people of that country; but not caring to be uneasy to his son, by commanding him to put away these wives, he resolved to be silent. 5. But when he was old, and could not see at all, he called Esau to him, and told him, that besides his blindness, and the dis- order of his eyes, his very qld age hindered him from his worship of God [by sacrifice]; he bid him therefore to go out a hunting, and when he had caught as much venison at he could, to prepare him a supper,* that after this he might make supplication to God, to be to him a supporter and an assister during the whole time of his life; saying, that it was un- certain when he should die, and that he was desirous, by his prayers for him, to procure, beforehand, God to be merciful to him. 6. Accordingly Esau went out a hunting ; but Rebekaf thinking it proper to have the supplication made for obtaining the favour of God 10 Jacob, and that without the consent of Isaac, bid hina kill kids of the goats, and jii t'p.ire a supper. So Jacob obeyed his mo- ther, according to all her instructions. Now when the supper was got ready, he took a goat's skin, and put it about his arm, that by reason of its hairy roughness, he might by his father be believed to be Esau; for they being twins, and in all things else alike, differed only in this thing. This was done out of his feiir, that before his father had made his sup- • The supper cf savoury meat, as we call it (Gen. xxvii. 4). to be causjht by liiint:n?, was intended plainly for a festival or a sacrifice; and upon the prayers that were frequent at sacrifices, Isaac expected, as was then usual in such eminent cases, that a divine impulse would come upon him, in order to the solemn blessin? of his •on there present, and his foretelling his future behavi- our and fortune. Whence it must be, that when Isaar had unwittingly blessed Jacob, and was afterwards made . sensible of his mistake, yet did he not attempt to alter it, how earnestly soever his affection for Esau mi«(ht in- cline him to wish it might be altered, because he knew that this blessin? came not from himself, but from God, and that an alteration was out of his power. A second afflatus then came upon him, and enabled him to foretell Ksau's future behaviour and fortune also. + Whether Jacob or his mother Rebeka were most blameahie ia this imposition upon Isaac in his old aa;e, I cannot determine. However, the blessing, beins; de- livered as a prediction of future events, by a divine im- pulse, and foretelling; things to befal to the posterity of Jacob and Esau in future ages, was for certain provi- dential; and according to what Rebeka knew to be the purpose of God, when he answered her inquiry, "before the children were born" (Gen. xxv. 23), " that one peo- p'e should be stronger than the other people; and the elder, Esau, should serve the younger, Jacob." Whether Isaac knew or remembered this old oracle, delivered in our copies only to Rebeka; or whether, if he knew and remenfbered it, he difl not endeavour to alter the divine determination, out of his fondness for his elder and worse son Esau, to the damage of his younger and bet- ter son Jacob; as Josephus elsewhere supposes, Antiq. b. ii ch. vii. sect. 3, I cannot certainly say. If so, this might tempt Rebeka to contrive, and Jacob to put this imposition upon him. However, Josephus says here, that it was Isaac, and not Rebeka, who inquired of God at first, and received the forementioned oracle (sect. I); which, if it be the true reading, renders Isaac's proce- dure more inexcusable. Nor was it probably any thing else that so much encouraged Esau formerly to_matry two Canaanitish wives, without his parents' consent, aa Isaac's unhappy fondness for him. plications, he should be caught in his evil practice; and lest he should, on the contrary, provoke his father to curse him. So he brought in the supper to his father. Isaac perceiving, by the peculiarity of his voice, who he was, called his son to him, who gave him his hand, which was covered with the goat's skin. "When Isaac felt that, he said, '* Thy voice is like the voice of Jacob, yet, because of l^e thickness of thy hair, thou seemest to be Esau." So suspecting no deceit, he ate the supper, and betook himself to his prayers and intercessions with God; and said, " O Lord of all ages and Creator of all substance; for it was thou that didst propose to my fa- ther great plenty of good things, and hast vouchsafed to bestow on me what I have ; and hast promised to my posterity to be their kind supporter, and to bestow on them still greater blessings, — do thou, therefore, con- firm these thy promises, and do not overlook me, because of my present weak condition, on account of which I most earnestly pray to thee. Be gracious to this my son ; and pre- serve him, and keep him from every tning that is evil. Give him a happy life, and the possession of as many good things as thy power is able to bestow. Make him terrible to his enemies, and honourable and beloved among his friends!" 7. Thus did Isaac pray to God, thinking his prayers had been made for Esau. He had but just finished them, when Esau came in from hunting; and when Isaac perceived his mistake, he was silent; but Esau required that he might be made partaker of the like blessing from his father that his brother had partook of; but his father refused it, because all his prayers had been spent upon Jacob; so Esau lamented the mistake. However, his father being grieved at his weeping, said, that " he should excel in hunting and strength of body, in arms, and all such sorts of work ; and should obtain glory for ever on those ac- counts, he and his posterity after him ; but still should serve his brother." 8. Now the mother delivered Jacob, when she was afraid that his brother would inflict some punishment upon him, because of the mistake about the prayers of Isaac ; for she persuaded her husband to take a wife for Jacob out of Mesopotamia, of her own kin- dred, Esau having married already Basem- math, the daughter of Ismael, without his father's consent ; for Isaac did not like the Canaanites, so that he disapproved of Esau's former marriages, which made him take Ba- semmath to wife, in order to please him; and indeed he had a great affection for her. 48 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. HOOK I. CHAPTER XIX. CONCERNING JACOB's FLIGHT INTO MESOPO- TAMIA, BY REASON OF THE FEAR HE WAS IN OF HIS BROTHER. § 1. Now Jacob was sent by his motber to Mesopotamia, in order to marry Laban her brother's daughter (which marriage was per- mitted by Isaac, on account of his obsequi- ousness to the desires of bis wifej ; and he accordingly journeyed through the land of Canaan ; and because he hated the people of that country, he would not lodge with any of them, but took up his lodging in the open air, and laid his head on a heap of stones that he had gathered together. At which time he saw in his sleep such a vision standing by him : — he seemed to see a ladder, that reached from the earth unto heaven, and persons de- scending upon the ladder that seemed more excellent than human; and at last God him- self stood above it, and was plainly visible to him ; who, calling him by his name, spake to bim these words: — 2. *' O Jacob, it is not fit for thee, who art the son of a good father, and grandson of one who had obtained a great reputation for bis eminent virtue, to be dejected at thy pre- sent circumstances, but to hope for better times, for thou shalt have great abundance of all good things by my assistance; for I brought Abraham hither, out of Mesopotamia, when he was driven away by his kinsmen, and I made thy father a happy man; nor will I be- stow a less degree of happiness on thyself; be of good courage, therefore, and under my conduct proceed on this thy journey, for the marriage thou goest so zealously about shall be consummated; and thou shalt have chil- dren of good characters, but their multitude shall be innumerable; and they shall leave what they have to a still more numerous pos- terity, to whom, and to whose posterity, I give the dominion of all the land, and their posterity shall fill the entire earth and sea, so far as the sun beholds them ; but do not thou fear any danger, nor be afraid of the many labours thou must undergo, for by my provi- dence I will direct thee what thou art to do in the time present, and still much more in the time to come." 3. Such were the predictions which God made to Jacob ; whereupon he became very joyful at what he had seen and heard; end he poured oil on the stones, because on them the prediction of such great benefits was made. He also vowed a vow, that he would offer sacrifices upon them, if he lived and re- turned safe; and if he came again in such a condition, he would give the tithe of what he had gotten to God. He also judged tlie place to b« honourable, and gave it the name of Bethel, which, in the Greek, is interpreted, The House of God. 4. So he proceeded on his journey to Me- sopotamia, and at length came to Haran; and meeting with shepherds in the suburbs, with boys grown up, and maidens sitting about a certain well, he staid with them, as wanting water to drink; and beginning to discourse with them, he asked them whether they knew such a one as Laban, and whether he was still alive. Now they all said they kiiew him, for he was not so inconsiderable a person as to be unknown to any of them ; and-that his daughter fed her father's flock together with them; and that indeed they wondered that she was not yet come, for by her means thou mightest learn more exactly whatever thou desirest to know about that family. While they were saying this the damsel came, and the other shepherds that came down along with her. Then they showed her Jacob, and told her that he was a stranger, who came to inquire about her fa- ther's affairs. But she, as pleased, after the custom of children, with Jacob's coming, asked him who he was, and whence he came to them, and what it was he lacked that he came thither. She also wished it might be in their power to supply the wants he came about. 5. But Jacob was quite overcome, not so much by their kindred, nor by that affection which might arise thence, as by his love to the damsel, and his surprise at her beauty, which was so flourishing, as few of the women of that age could vie with. He said then, " There is a relation between thee and me, elder than either thy or my birth, if thou be the daughter of Laban; for Abraham was the son of Terah, as well as Haran and Nahor. Of the last of whom (Nahor) Bethuel thy grandfather was the son. Isaac my father was the son of Abraham and of Sarah, who was the daughter of Haran. But there is a nearer and later cement of mutual kindred v\hich we bear to one another, for my mother Rebeka was sister to Laban thy father, both by the same father and mother; I therefore and thou are cousins-german; and I am now come to salute you, and to renew that affniity which is proper between us." Upon this the damsel, at the mention of Rebeka, as usually happens to young persons, wept, and that out of the kindness she had for her father, and en)braced Jacob, «he having learned lyi ac- count of Rebeka from hcc father, and knew that her parents loved to hear her named ; and when she bail saluted him, she said that "he brought the most desirable and greatest plea- sures to her father, with all their family, who was always mentioning his mother, and always thinking of her, and her alone; and that this will make thee e(fual in his eyes to any advan- tageous circumstances whatsoever." 'J'hen sihe liid hiui (^o to her futher. and follow her CHAP. XIX. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JE^S. 49 while she conducted him to him; and not to deprive hitn of such a pleasure, by staying any longer away from him. 6. When she had said thus, she brought him to Laban; and being owned by his uncle, he was secure himself, as being among his friends; and he brought a great deal of plea- sure to them by his unexpected coming. But a little while afterward, Laban told him that he could not express in words the joy he had at his comijig ; but still he inquired of him the occasion of his coming, and why he left his aged mother and father, when they wanted to be taken care of by him; and that he would afford him all the assistance he wanted. Then Jacob gave him an -account of the whole occasion of his journey, and told him, ••"that Isaac had two sons that were twins, himself and Esau; who, because he failed of his father's prayers, which by his mother's wisdom were putf up for him, sought to kill him, as deprived of the" kingdom* which was to be given him of God, and of the blessings for which their father prayed; and that this was the occasion of his coming hither, as his mother had commanded him to do: for we are all (says he) brethren one to another; but our mother esteems an alliance with your fa- mily more than she does one with the families of the country; so I look upon yourself and God to be the supporters of my travels, and think myself safe in my present circum- stances." 7. Now Laban promised to treat him with great humanity, both on account of his an- cestors, and particularly for the sake of his mother, towards whom, he said, he would show his kindness, even though she were absent, by taking care of him; for he assured him he would make him the head shepherd of his flock; and give him authority sufficient for that purpose; and when he should have a mind to return to his parents, he would send him back with presents, and this in as honour- able a manner as the nearness of their relation should require. This Jacob heard gladly; and said he would willingly, and with plea- sure, undergo any sort of pains while he tar- ried with him, but desired Rachel to wife, as the reward of those pains, who was not only on other accounts esteemed by him, but also because she was the means of his coming to him ; for he said he was forced by the love of the dam?el to make this proposal. Laban was well pleased with this agreement, and consented to give the damsel to him, as not desirous to meet with any better son-in-law; • By this "deprivation of the kingdom that was to be ?iven Esau of God," as the first-born, it appears that Josephus thought that a " iiingdoni to be derived from (iod" was due to liim whom Isaac should bless as his f)ist-born; which I take to be that kingdom which was txpected under the Messiah, who therefore was to be boru of his posterity whom Isaac should so bless. Jacob, therefore, by obtaining this blessing of the first-born, became the genuine heir of that kingdom, in opposition to Esau and said he would do this, if he would stay with him some time, for he was not willing to send his daughter to be among the Canaanites, for he repented of the alliance he had made already by marrying his sister there. And when Jacob had given his consent to this, he agreed to stay seven years; for so many years he had resolved to serve his father-in-law, that, having given a specimen of his virtue, it might be better known what sort of a man he was: and Jacob accepting of his terms, after the time was over, he made the wedding feast; and when it was night, without Jacob's per- ceiving it, he put his other daughter into bed to him, who was both elder than Rachel, and of no comely countenance: Jacob lay with her that night, as being both in drink and in the dark. However, when it was day, he knew what had been done to him ; and he reproached Laban for his unfair proceeding with him; who asked pardon for that necessity which forced him to do what he did ; for he did not give him Lea out of any ill design, but as overcome by another greater necessity ; that, notwithstanding this, nothing should hinder him from marrying Rachel; but that when he had served another seven years, he would give him her whom he loved. Jacob sub" mitted to this condition, for his love to the damsel did not permit him to do otherwise ; and when another seven years were gone, he took Rachel to wife. 8. Now each of these had handmaids, by their father's donation. Zilpha was hand- maid to Lea, and Bilha to Rachel; by no means slaves,* but however subject to their mistresses. Now Lea was sorely troubled at her husband's love to her sister; and she ex- pected she should be better esteemed if she bare him children- so she entreated God per- petually ; and when she had born a son, and her husband was on that account better recon- ciled to her, she named her son Reubel, be- cause God had had mercy upon her, in giving her a son ; for that is the signification of this 'name. After some time she bare three more sons ; Simeon, which name signifies that God had hearkened to her prayer. Then she bare Levi, the conjirmer of their friendship. After him was born Judah, which denotes thanksgiv- ing. But Rachel, fearing lest the fruitfulness of her sister should make herself enjoy a less share of Jacob's affections, put to bed to him • Here we have the difference between slaves for life and servants, such as we now hire for a time agreed upon on both sides, and dismiss again after the time contracted for is over, which are no slaves, but free men and free women. Accordingly, when the apostolical constitutions forbid a clergyman to marry perpetual servants or slaves, b. vi. ch. xvvj. it is meant only of the former sort; as we learn elsewhere from the same constitutions, ch.xjvii. Can. Ixxxii. But concerning these twelve sons of Jacob; the reasons of their several names, and the times of their several births in the intervals here assigned,— their sever- al excellent characters, their several faults and repent' ance. the several accidents of their lives, with their se- veral prophecies at their deaths, see the Testaments of these twelve patriarchs, still preserved at large in tho Autbent. lice- part i. p. 294— 4'iJ. j52 And when tbe angel had said what is before related, be disappeared ; but Jacob was pleased with these things, and named the place Phanuel which signifies the face of Gad. Now when he felt pain, by this struggling, upon his broad sinew, he abstained from eating that sinew himseif afterward; and for his sake it is still not eaten by us. 3. When Jacob understood that his bro- ther was near^ he ordered his wives to go be- fore, each by herself, with the handmaids, that they might see the actions of the men as they were fighting, if Esau were >«5 disposed. He then went up to his brother Esau, and bowed down to him, who had no evil design upoji him, but saluted him; and asked him about the company of the children and of the wo- men ; and desired, when he had understood all he wanted to know about them, that he would go along with him to their father; but Jacob pretending that the cattle were weary, Esau returned to Seir, for there was his place of habitation; he having named the place Rough-' ness, from his own hairy roughness. CHAPTER XXI. CONCERNING THE VIOLATION OF DINa's CHASTITY. § 1. Hereupon Jacob came to the place, till this day called Tents (Succoth) ; from whence he went to Shechem, which is a city of the Canaanites. Now as the Shechemites were keeping a festival, Dina, who was the only daughter of Jacob, went into the city to see the finery of the women of that country. But when Shechem, the son of Hamor the king, saw her, he defiled her by violence; and, be- ing greatly in love with her, desired of his fa- ther that he would procure the damsel to him for a wife: — to which desire he oondeseended, and came to Jacob, desiring him to give leave that his son Shechem might, according to law, marry Dina. But Jacob, not knowing how to deny the desire of one of such great dig- nity, and yet not thinking it lawful to marry his daughter to a stranger, entreated him to give him leave to have a consultation about what he desired him to do. So the king went away, in hopes that Jacob would grant him this marriage. But Jacob informed his sons of the defilement of their sister, and of the address of Hamor; and desired them to give their advice what they should do. Upon this, the greatest part said nothing, not knowing what advice to give. But Simeon and Levi, the brethren of the damsel by the same mo- ther, agreed between themselves upon the action following: It being now the time of a festival, when the Shechemites were employed in ease and feasting, they fell upon the watch when they were asleep, and, coming into the ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK Jt city, slew all the m.ales ;* as also the king an^ his son with them; but spared the women and when thejf had done this without theij father's consent,, they brought away theii sister. 2. Now while Jacob was astonished at th.9^ greatness of this act, and wtis severely blaming his sons for it, God stood by him, and bid him be of good courage; but to purify his tents, and to offer those sacrifices which he had vowed to ofier when he went first into Mesopotamia, and saw his vision. As he was therefore purifying his followers,, he lighted upon the gods of Laban (for he did not before know they were stolen by Rachel) ; an/^ he hid them i» the earth, under an oak, in Shechem ; and de- parting thence, he offered sacrifice at Bethel,, the place where he saw his dream, when \ut went first into Mesopotamia. 3. And when he was gone thence, and wa» come over-against Ephrata, he there buried Rachel, who died in cbild-bed; she was the only one of Jacob's kindred that had not the honour of burial at Hebron; and when he had mourned for her a great while, he called the son that was born of her Benjamin, f because of the sorrow the mother had with him. These are aU the children of Jacob, twelve males and one female ; -— of them eight vvere legiti- mate, viz. six of Lea, and two of Rachel ; and four were of the handmaids, two of each; all whose names have been set down already. CHAPTER XXn. HOW ISAAC DIED, AND WAS BURIED IN HEBRON. From thence Jacob came to Hebron, a city situate among the Canaanites ; and there it was that Isaac lived: and so they lived toge- ther for a little while ; for as to Rebeka, Ja- cob did not find her alive. Isaac also died not long after the coming of his son ; and was buried by his sons, with bis wife, in He- bron, where they bad a monument belonging to them from their forefathers. Now Isaac • Of this slaiiRhter of tlie Shechemites hy Simeon and Levi, see Auth. Rec. Part 1, y. 3(ll>, 418, 43-2—439. But why Josephus has omitted the'ciicumcision of these Shechemites, a» the occasion of their death; and of Ju- cob's ereat griefs as in the Testament of Levi, J 3. 1 can- not tell. + Since Beiioni signifies the son of my .wrrow, and Benjamin the sen of days, or one born m the father's old aye (Gen. xliv. 20.)» 1 suspect Josephus's present copies to he here imperfect; and I suppose that, in correspon- dence to other copies, he wrote that Rachel called her son's name Uenoni; hnt his father called him Benjamin. Gen.xxxv. 18. Asfor Bcn^rain. ascommonlyex4)Iained, the son of the rioht h<uid, it niakjes no sense at all, and sterns to be a ijross modern error only. T1:e Samaritaa always writes this name truly Benjamim, which probalvly is here of the same signification, only with the Chal<Ie« termination in, instead of im in the tUhrfw. as we pro-. nounco Chernhin or €'heriil)ii» indiffi'rentty. Accorrl- inirly, hoth the fViaamwit of Benjamin (.sert. i, p. 40l>» and J'hilo de Nominitm fllutatioue (p. Uxyj), write ''V* name Uenj-.itiiin; hut explain it Dot thv son of tk« ri^< handf but lh« «oa of days. CHAP. II, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 63 was a man who was beloved of God, and was vouchsafed great instances of providence by God, after Abraham his father, and lived to be exceeding old ; for when he had lived vir- tuously one hundred and eighty-five years, he then (fied. BOOK II. CONTAINING THB INTERVAL OF TWO HUNDRED AND TWENTY TEARS. FROM THE DEATH OF ISAAC TO THE EXODUS OUT OF EGYPT. CHAPTER I. HOW ESAU AND JACOB, ISAAC's SONS, DIVIDED THEIR habitations; AND ESAU POSSESSED IDUMEA, AND JACOB CANAAN. § 1. After the death of Isaac, his sons di- vided their habitations respectively; nor did they retain what they had before ; but Esau departed from the city of Hebron, and left it to his brother, and dwelt in Seir, and ruled over Idumea. He called the country by that name from himself, for he was named Adorn; which appellation he got on the following oc- casion: — One day returning from the toil of hunting very hungry (it was when he was a child ill age), he lighted on his brother when he was getting ready lentile-pottage for his din- ner, which was of a very red colour; on which account he the more earnestly longed for it, and desired him to give him some of it to eat: but he made advantage of his brother's hunger, and forced him to resign up to him his birthright; and he, being pinched with famine, resigned it up to him, under an oath. Whence it came, that, on account of the red- ness of this pottage, he was, in way of jest, by his contemporaries, called Adorn, for the Hebrews call what is red Adorn; and this was the name given to this country: but the Greeks gave it a more agreeable pronuncia- tion, and named it Idumea. 2. He became the father of five sons; of whom Jaus, and Jalomus, and Coreus, were by one wife, whose name was Alibama; but of the rest, Aliphaz was born to him by Ada, and Raguel by Basemmath: and these were the sons of Esau. Aliphaz had five legiti- mate sons: Theman, Omer, Sa[)hus, Go- tham, and Kanaz; for Amalek was not legi- timate, but by a concubine, whose name was Thamna. These dwelt in that part of Idu- mea which is cdled Gebaiitis, and that deno- minated firom Amalek, Amal»-kitis: for Idu- 1 mea was a large country, and did then pre- serve the name of the whole, while in its seve- ral parts it kept the names of its peculiar inhabitants. CHAPTER II. HOW JOSEPH, THE YOUNGEST OF JACOB's SONS, WAS ENVIED BY HIS BRETHREN, WHEN CERTAIN DREAMS HAD FORESHOWN HIS FUTURE HAPPINESS. § 1 , It happened that Jacob came to so great happiness as rarely any other person had ar- rived at. He was richer than the rest of the inhabitants of that country; and was at once envied and admired for such virtuous sons, for they were deficient in nothing, but were of great souls, both for labouring with their hands av.d enduring of toil; and shrewd also in understanding; and God exercised such a providence over him, and such a care of his happiness, as to bring him the greatest bless- ings, even out of what appeared to be the most sorrowful condition; and to make him the cause of our forefathers' departure out of Egypt, him and his posterity. The occasion was this: — When Jacob had his son Joseph born to him by Rachel, his father loved him above the rest of his sons, both because of the beauty of his body, and the virtues of his mind; for he excelled the rest in prudence. This affection of his father excited the envy and the hatred of his brethren; as did also his dreams which he saw, and related to his father and to them, which foretold his future happiness, it being usual with mankind to envy their very nearest relations such their prosperity. Now the visions which Joseph saw ii' his sleep were these: — 2. When they were in the middle of har- vest, and Joseph was sent by his father, with 64 ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS. BOOK II. his brethren, to gather the fruits of the earth, he saw a vision in a dream, but greatly ex- ceeding the accustomary appearances that come when we are asleep; which, when he was got up, he told his brethren, that they might judge what it portended. He said, he saw the last night, that his wheat-sheaf stood still in the place where he set it, but that their sheaves ran to bow down to it, as servants bow down to their masters ; but as soon as they perceived the vision foretold that he should obtain power and great wealth, and that his power should be in opposition to them, they gave no interpretation of it to Joseph, as if the drearn were not by them understood: but they prayed that no part of what they sus- pected to be its meaning might come to pass; and they bare a still greater hatred to him on that account. 3. But God, in opposition to their envy, sent a second vision to Joseph, which was much more wonderful than the former; for it seemed to him that the sun took with him the moon and the rest of the stars, and came down to the earth, and bowed down to him. He told this vision to his father, and that, as suspecting nothing of ill-will from his breth- ren, when they were there also, and desired him to interpret what it should signify. Now Jacob was pleased with the dream; for, con- sidering the prediction in his mind, and shrewdly and wisely guessing at its meaning he rejoiced at the great things thereby signi- fied, because it declared the future happiness of his son; and that, by the blessing of God the time would come when he should be ho- noured, and thought worthy of worship by his parents and brethren, as guessing that the moon and sun were like his mother and fa- ther ; the former, as she that gave increase and nourishment to all things, and the latter, he that gave form and other powers to them; and that the stars were like his brethren, since they were eleven in number, as were the stars that receive their power from the sun and moon. 't. And thus did Jacob make a judgment of this vision, and that a shrewd one also; but these interpretations caused very great gnef to Joseph's brethren; and they were affected to him hereupon as if he werg a cer- tairj stranger that was to have those good thuigs which were signified by the dreams, and not as one that was a brother, with whom it was probable they should be joint partakers; and as they had been p'lrtners in the same parentage, so should they be of the same happiness. They also resolved to kill the lad; and having fully ratified that intention of theirs, as ^on as their collection of the fruits was over, they went to Shechem, which is a country good for feeding of cattle, and for pasturaKe; there they fed their flocks without acqiiaintii.jr their father with their removal thither; whereupon he liad melan- choly suspicions about them, as being igno- rant of his sons' condition, and receiving no messenger from the flocks that could inform him of the true state they were in; so, because he was in great fear about them, he sent Jo- seph to the flocks, to learn the circumstances his brethren were in, and to bring him word how they did. CHAPTER III. HOW JOSEPH WAS THUS SOLD BY HIS BRETH- REN INTO EGYPT, BY REASON OF THEIR HATRED TO HIM; AND HOW HE THERE GREW FAMOUS AND ILLUSTRIOUS, AND HAD HIS BRETHREN UNDER HIS POWER. § 1. Now these brethren rejoiced as soon as they saw their brother coming to them, not indeed as at the presence of a near relation, or as at the presence of one sent by their fa- ther, but as at the presence of an enemy, and one that by divine providence was delivered into their hands; and they already resolved to kill him, and not let slip the opportunity that lay before them ; but when Reubel, the eldest of them, saw them thus disposed, and that they bad agreed together to execute their purpose, he tried to restrain them, showing them the heinous enterprise they were going about, and the horrid nature of it ; that this action would appear wicked in the sight of God, and impious before men, even though they should kill one not related to them, but much more flagitious and detestable to appear to have slain their own brother ; by which act the father must be treated unjustly in the son's slaughter, and the mother* also be in perplexity while she laments that her son is taken away fr^m her, and this not in a na- tural way neither. So he entreated them to have a regard to their own consciences, and wisely to consider what mischief would betide them upon the death of so good a child, and their youngest brother; that they would also fear God, who was already both a spectator and a witness of the designs they had against their brother; that he would love them, if they abstained from this act, and yielded to repentance and amendment ; but in case they proceeded to do the fact, all sorts of punish- ments would overtake them from God for this murder of their brother, since they pol- luted his piovidence, which was everywhere present, and which did not overlook what was done, either in deserts or in cities; for where- soever a man is, there ought he to suppose • We may here observe, that in correspondence to Joseph's second dream, which implied that his mother, who was tlien alive, as well as his father, should como and bow down to him, Josephiis repicsents htr here at still ali\e after she was dead, for the decorum of the dream that foretold it; as the interpretation of thedreaiQ does also in all our copies. Gen. xxxvii 10. Joseph sold to the Ishmaelites.— Page 65. CHAP. III. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 56 that Grod is also. He told them farther, that their consciences would be their enemies, if they attempted to go through so wicked an enterprise, which they can never avoid, whether it be a good conscience, or whether it be such a one as they will have within thera when once they have killed their brother. He also added this besides to what he had before said, that it was not a righteous thing to kill a brother, though he had injured them ; that it is a good thing to forget the actions of such near friends, even in things wherein they might seem to have offended ; but that they were going to kill Joseph, who had been guilty of nothing that was ill towards them, in whose case the infirmity of his small age should rather procure him mercy, and move them to unite together in the care of his pre- servation: that the cause of killing him made the act itself much worse, while they deter- mined to take him off out of envy at his fu- ture prosperity, an equal share of which they would naturally partake while he enjoyed it, since they were to him not strangers, but the nearest relations, for they might reckon upon what God bestowed upon Joseph as their own; and that it was fit for them to believe, that the anger of God would for this cause be more severe upon them, if they slew him who was judged by God to be worthy of that pros- perity which was to be hoped for; and while, by murdermg hira, they made it impossible for God to bestosv it upon him. 2. Reubel said these, and many other things, and used entreaties to them, and thereby endeavoured to divert them from the murder of their brother; but when he saw that his discourse had not mollified them at all. and that they made haste to do the fact, he advised them to alleviate the wickedness they were going about, in the manner of tak- ing Joseph off; for as he had exhorted them first, when they were going to revenge them- selves, to be dissuaded from doing it, so, since the sentence for killing their brother had pre- vailed, he said that they would not, however, be so grossly guilty, if they would be per- suaded to follow his present advice, which would include what they were so eager about, but was not so very bad, but, in the distress they were in, of a lighter nature. He begged of them, therefore, not to kill their brother with their own hands, but to east him into the pit that was hard by, and so to let him die; by which they would gain so much, that they would not defile their own hands \vith his blood. To this the young men readily agreed ; so Reubel took the lad and tied him to a cord, and let him down gently into the pit, for it had no water at all in it ; who, when he had done this, went his way to seek for such pasturage as was fit for feeding his flocks. 3. But Judas, being one of Jacob's sons also, seeing some Arabians, of the posterity of Ismael, carrying spices and Syrian wares out of the land of Gilead to the Egyptians, after Reubel was gone, advised his brethren to draw Joseph out of the pit, and sell him to the Arabians; for if he should die among strangers a great way off, they should be freed from this barbarous action. This, therefore, was resolved on; so they drew Jo- seph up out of the pit, and sold him to the merchants for twenty pounds,* He was no\}f seventeen years old : but Reubel, coming in the night-time to the pit, resolved to save Joseph, without the privity of his brethren ; and when, upon his calling to him, he made no answer, he was afraid that they had de- stroyed him after he was gone; of which he complained to his brethren ; but when they had told him what they had done, Reubel left off his mourning. 4. When Joseph's brethren had done thus to him, they considered what they should do to escape the suspicions of their father. Now they had taken away from Joseph the coat which he had on when he came to them at the time they let him down into the pit ; so they thought proper to tear that coat to pieces, and to dip it into goat's blood, and then to carry it and show it to their father, that he might believe he was destroyed by wild beasts ; and when they had so done, they came to the old man, but this not till what had happened to bis son had already come to his knowledge. Then they said that they had not seen Joseph, nor knew what mishap had befallen hira, but that they had foujid his coat bloody and torn to pieces, whence they had a suspicion that he had fallen among wild beasts, and so perished, if that was the coat he had on when he came from home. Now Jacob had before some better hopes that his son was only made a captive; but now he laid aside that notion, and supposed that this coat was an evident argument that he was dead, for he well remembered that this was the coat he had on when he sent him to his brethren; so he hereafter lamented the lad as now dead, and as if he had been the father of no more than one, without taking any com- fort in the rest ; and so he was also a^iected with his misfortune before he met wjth Jo- seph's brethren, when he also conjectured that Joseph was destroyed by wild beasts. He sat down also clothed in sackcloth and in heavy affliction, insomuch that he found no ease when his sons comforted him, neither did his pains remit by length of time. • The Septua^int have twenty pieces of gold; the Testament of Gad thirty; the Hebrew and Samaritaa twenty of silver.- and the vulgar Latin thirty. What •was the true number and true sum, cannot therefore now be known. 66 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK II. CHAPTER IV. CONCEENING THE SIGNAL CHASTITY OP JOSEPH. § 1. Now Potiphar, an Egyptian, who was chief cook to king Pharaeh, bought Joseph of the merchants, who sold him to him. He *had him in the greatest honour, and taught him the learning that became a free man, and gave him leave to make use of a diet better than was allotted to slaves. He in- trusted also the care of his house to him. So he enjoyed these advantages, yet did not he leave that virtue which he had before, upon such a change of his condition; but he de- monstrated that wisdom was able to govern the uneasy passions of life, in such as have it in reality, and do not only put it on for a show, under a present state of prosperity. 2. For when his master's wife was fallen in love with him, both on account of his beauty of body and his dexterous management of aflfairs; and supposed, that if she should make it known to him, she could easily per- suade him to come and lie with her, and that he would look upon it as a piece of happy for- tune that his mistress should entreat him, as regarding that state of slavery he was in, and not his moral character, which continued after his condition was changed: so she made known her naughty inclinations, and spake to him about lying with her. However, he rejected her entreaties, not thinking it agree- able to religion to yield so far to her, as to do what would tend to the affront and injury of him that purchased him, and had vouch- safed him so great honours. He, on the con- trary, exhorted her to govern that passion; and laid before her the impo^ibility of her obtaining her desires, which he thought might be conquered, if she had no hope of succeed- ing: and he said, that as to himself, he would endure any thing whatever before he would be persuaded to it; for although it was fit for a slave, as he was, to do nothing contrary to his mistress, he might well be excused in a case where the contradiction was to such sort !fo( commands only. But this opposition of Joseph, when she did not expect it, made her still more violent in her love to him; and as she was sorely beset with this naughty pas- sion, so she resolved to compass her 'design by a second attempt. 3. When, therefore, there was a public fes- tival coming on, in which it was the custom for women to come to the public solemnity, she pretended to her husband that she was sick, as contriving an opportunity for solitude and leisure, that she might entreat Joseph again; which opportunity being obtained, she used more kind words to him than before ; and said that it had been good for him to have yielded to her firiit itoUcitHtion, and to have given her no repulse, both because of the reverence he ought to bear to her dignity who solicited him, and because of the vehemence of her passion, by which she was forced, though she were his mistress, to condescend beneath her dignity; but that he may now, by taking more prudent advice, wipe off the imputation of his former folly; for, whether it were that he expected the repetition of her solicitations she had now made, and that with greater earnestness than before, for that she had pretended sickness on this very ac- count, and had preferred his conversation be- fore the festival and its solemnity; or whether he opposed her former discourses, as not be- lieving she could be in earnest, she now gave him sufficient security, by thus repeating her application, that she meant not in the least by fraud to impose upon him; and assured him, that if he complied with her affections, he might expect the enjoyment of the advan- tages he already bad ; and if he were submi-s- sive to her, he should have still greater ad- vantages; but that he must look for revenge and hatred from her, in case he rejected her desires, and preferred the reputation of chas- tity before his mistress; for that he would gain nothing by such procedure, because she would then become his accuser, and would falsely pretend to her husband that be had attempted her chastity; and that Potiphar would hearken to her words rather than to his, let his be ever so agreeable to the truth. 4. When the woman had said thus, and even with tears in her eyes, neither did pity dissuade Joseph from his chastity, nor did fear compel him to a compliance with her; but he opposed her solicitations, and did not yield to her threatenings, and was afraid to do an ill thing, and chose to undergo the sharpest punishment rather than to enjoy his present advantages, by doing what his own conscience knew would justly deserve that he should die for it. He also put her in mind that she was a married woman, and that she ought to cohabit with her husband only ; and desired her to suffer these considerations to have more weight with her than the short pleasure of lustful dalliance, which would bring her to repentance afterwards, would cause trouble to her, and yet would not amend what had been done amiss. He also sug- gested to her the fear she would be in lest they should be caught; and that the advantage oi concealment was uncertain, and that only while the wickedness was not known [would there be any quiet for them]; but that she might have the cnjoyu>ent of her husband's company without any danger: and he told her, that in the comprtny of her husband she might have great boldness from a pood con- science, both before (Jod and before men: nay, that she wotild act In-tter like his mistress, and make use of her authority over him better while she persisted in her chastity, than whca I I'll fl C RUK4P S> Joseph interpretbg the Dreams of the King's Butler and Baker.— Page 67. CHAP. V. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 67 they were both ashamed for what wickedness they had been guilty of; and that it is much better to depend on a good life, well acted, and known to have been so, than upon the hopes of the concealment of evil practices. 5. Joseph, by saying this, and more, tried to restrain the violent passion of the woman, and to reduce her affections within the rules of reason ; but she grew more ungovernable and earnest in the matter ; and since she des- paired of persuading him, she laid her hands upon him, and had a mind to force him. But as soon as Joseph had got away from her an- ger, leaving also his garment with her, for he left that to her, and leaped out of her chamber, she was greatly afraid lest he should discover her lewdness to her husband, and greatly trou- bled at the affront he had offered her; so she resolved to be beforehand with him, and to accuse Joseph falsely to Potiphar, and by that means to revenge herself on him for his pride and contempt of her; and she thought it a wise thing in herself, and also becoming a woman, thus to prevent his accusation. Ac- cordingly she sat sorrowful and in confusion, framing herself sojiypocritically and angrily, that the sorrow, which was really for her being disappointed of her lust, might appear to be for the attfempt upon her chastity; so that when her husband came home, and was disturbed at the sight of her, and inquired what was the cause of the disorder she was in, she began to accuse Joseph: and, "O hus- band," said she, " mayst thou not live a day longer if thou dost not punish the wicked slave who has desired to defile thy bed; who has neither minded who he was when he came to our house, so as to behave himself with modesty; nor has he been mindlfel of what favours he had received from thy bounty fas he must be an ungrateful man indeed, unless he, in every respect, carry himself in a man- ner agreeable to us) : this man, I say, laid a private design to abuse thy wife, and this at the time of a festival, observing when thou wouldst be absent. So that it now is clear that his modesty, as it appeared to be formerly, was only because of the restraint he was in out of fear of thee, but that he was not really of a good disposition. This has been occasioned by his being advanced to honour beyond what he deserved, and what he hoped for; insomuch that he concluded, that he who was deemed fit to be trusted with thy estate and the govern- ment of thy family, and was preferred above thy eldest servants, might be allowed to touch thy wife also." Thus when she had ended her discourse, she showed him his garment, as if he then left it with her when he attempted to force her. But Potiphar not being al)le to disbelieve what his wi e's te us showed, and what his wife said, and what he saw hiu'.self, and being seduced by his love to his wife, did iio* set hiniseif ;ibout the exam'iiatioti of the tr^*h; but. taking it for granted that bis wife was a modest woman, and condemning Joseph as a wicked man, he threw him into the male- factors' prison; and had a still higher opinion of his wife, and bare her witness that she was a woman of a becoming modesty and chastity. CHAPTER V. WHAT THINGS BEFELL JOSEPH IN PRISON. § I. Now Joseph, commending all his affairs to God, did not betake himself to make hi? defence, nor to give an account of the exact circumstances of the fact, but silently under- went the bonds and the distress he was in, firmly believing that God, who knew the cause of his affliction and the truth of the fact, would be more powerful than those that in- flicted the punishments upon him : — a prooi of whose providence he quickly received ; for the keeper of the prison taking notice of his care and fidelity in the affairs he had set him about, and the dignity of his countenance, relaxed his bonds, and thereby made his heavy calamity lighter, and more supportable to him : he also permitted him to make use of a diet better than that of the rest of the pri- soners. Now, as his fellow-prisoners, when their hard labours were over, fell to discours- ing one among another, as is usual in such as are equal sufferers, and to inquire one of ano- ther, what were the occasions of their being condemned to a prison: among them the king's cup-bearer, and one that had been res- pected by him, was put in bonds, on the king's anger at him. This man was under the same bonds with Joseph, and grew more familiar with him ; and upon his observing that Joseph had a better understanding than the rest had, he told him of a dream he had, and desired he would interpret its meaning, complaining that, besides the afflictions he underwent from the king, God did also add to him trouble from his dreams. 2. He therefore said, that in his sleep he saw three clusters of grapes hanging upon three branches of a vine, large already, and ripe for gathering; and that he squeezed them into a cup which the king held in bis hand; and when he had strained the wine, he gave it to the king to drink, and that he received it from him with a pleasant counte- nance. This, he said, was what he saw; and he desired Jo-^eph, that if he had any portion O'' understanding in such matters, he would tell him what this vision foretold: — who bid him be of good cheer, and expect to be loosed from his bonds in three days' time, because the king desired his service, and was about to restore him to it again; for he let him know that God bestows the fruit of the vine upon men for good; which wine is poured out to him, and is the pledge of fidelity and mutual 58 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK II. eonfidence among men ; and puts an end to their quarrels, takes away passion and grief out of the minds of them that use it, and makes them cheerful. " Thou sayest that thou didst squeeze this wine from three clusters of grapes with thine hands, and that the king received it : know, therefore, that this vision is for thy good, and foretells a release from thy present distress within the same number of days as the branches had whence thou gatheredst thy grapes in thy sleep. However, remember what prosperity I have foretold thee when thou hast found it true by experience ; and when thou art in authority, do not overlook us in this prison, wherein thou wilt leave us when thou art gone to the place we have foretold ; for we are not in prison for any crime ; but for the sake of our virtue and sobriety are we condemned to suffer the penalty of malefac- tors, and because we are not willing to injure him that has thus distressed us, though it were f»r our own pleasure." The cup-bearer, there- fore, as was natural to do, rejoiced to hear such an interpretation of his dream, and waited the completion of what had been thus shown him beforehand. 3. But another servant there was of the king, who had been chief baker, and was now bound in prison with the cup-bearer ; he also was in good hope, upon Joseph's interpre- tation of the other's vision, for he had seen a dream also; so he desired that Joseph would tell him what the visions he had seen the night before might mean. They were these that follow: — " Methought," says he, " I carried three baskets upon my head ; two were full of loaves, and the third full of sweatmeats and other eatables, such as are prepared for kings ; but that the fowls came flying, and eat them all up, and had no regard to my at- tempt to drive them away ;" — and he expected a prediction like to that of the cup-bearer. But Joseph, considering and reasoning about the dream, said to him, that he would willingly be an interpreter of good events to him, and not of such as his dream denounced to him ; but he told him that he had only three days in all to live, for that the [three] baskets signify, that on the third day he should be crucified, and de- voured by fowls, while he was not able to help himself. Now both these dreams had the same several events that Joseph foretold they should have, and this to both the parties; for on the third day before mentioned, when the king so- lemnized his birth-day, he crucified the chief baker, but set the butler free from his bonds, and restored him to his former ministration. 4. But God freed Joseph from his confine- ment, after he had endured his bonds two years, and had received no assistance from the cup-bearer, who did not remember what be had said to him rorm2rly; and God con- trived this method of deliverance for him, Pharaoh the king had seen in his sleep the evening two visions; and after them had the interpretations of them both given him. He had forgotten the latter, but re- tained the dreams themselves. Being there- fore troubled at what he had seen, for it seemed to him to be all of a melancholy na- ture, the next day he called together the wisest men among the Egyptians, desiring to learn from them the interpretation of his dreams. But when they hesitated about them, the king was so much the more disturbed. And now it was that the memory of Joseph, and his skill in dreams, came into the mind of the king's cup-bearer, when he saw the confusion that Pharaoh was in ; so he came and mentioned Joseph to him, as also the vision he had seen in prison, and how the event proved as he had said ; as also that the chief baker was crucified on the very san)e day ; and that this also happened to him ac- cording to the interpretation of Joseph. That Joseph himself was laid in bonds by Potiphar, who was his head cook, as a slave ; but, he said, he was one of the noblest of the stock of the Hebrews ; and said farther, his father lived in great splendour. *' If, therefore, thou wilt send for him, and not despise him on the score of his misfortunes, thou wilt learn what thy dreams signify." So tlJe king commanded that they should bring Jo- seph into his presence ; and those who received the command came and brought him with them, having taken care of his habit, that it might be decent, as the king had enjoined them to do. 5. But the king took him by the hand ; and, " O young man," says he, " for my ser- vant bears witness that thou art at present the best and most skilful person I can consult with ; vouchsafe me the same favours which thou bestowedst on this servant of mine, and tell me what events they are which the visions of my dreams foreshow; and I desire thee to suppress nothing out of fear, nor to flatter me with Iving words, or with what may please me, although the truth should be of a melan- choly nature. For it seemed to me that, as I walked by the river, I saw kine fat and vfery large, seven in number, going from the river to the marshes; and other kine of the same number like them, met them out of the marshes, exceeding lean and ill-favoured, which ate up the fat and the large kine, and yet were no better than before, and not less miserably pinched with famine. After I had seen this vision, I awaked out of my sleep ; and being in disorder, and considering with myself what this appearance should be, I fell asleep again, and saw another dream, much more wonderful than the foregoing, which still did more affright and disturb me: — I saw seven ears of corn growing out of one root, havnig their hetids borne down by the weight of the grain>*, and bending down with the fruit, which was now ripe and fit for reap- ing; and near these I saw seven other eaw CHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 60 of corn, meagre and ^ycak, for want of rain, which fell to eating and consuming those that were fit for reaping, and put me into great astonishment." 6. To which Joseph replied : "Thisdream," said he, " O king, although seen under two forms, signifies one and the same event of things; for when thou sawest the fat kine, which is an animal made for the plough and for labour, devoured by the worse kine, and the ears of corn eaten up by the smaller ears, they foretell a famine, and want of the fruits of the earth for the same number of years, and equal with those when Egypt was in a happy state; and this so far, that the plenty of these years will be spent in the same num- ber of years of scarcity, and that scarcity of necessary provisions will be very difficult to be corrected; as a sign whereof, the ill-fa- voured kine, when they had devoured the better sort, could not be satisfied. But still God foreshows what is to come upon men, not to grieve them, but that, when they know it beforehand, they may by prudence make the actual experience of what is foretold the more tolerable. If thou, therefore, carefully dispose of the plentiful crops which will come innhe former years, thou wilt procure that the future calamity will not be felt by the Egyptians." 7. Hereupon the king wondered at the discretion and wisdom of Joseph; and asked him by what means he might so dispense the foregoing plentiful crops, in the happy years, as to make the miserable crops more tolerable. Joseph then added this his advice: To spare the good crops, and not permit the Egyptians to spend them luxuriously; but to reserve what they would have spent in luxury beyond their necessity, against the time of want. He also exhorted him to take the corn of the hus- bandmen, and give them only so much as will be sufficient for their food. Accordingly Pharaoh being surprised at Joseph, not only for his interpretation of the dream, but for the counsel he had given him, entrusted him with dispensing the corn; with power to do what he thought would be for the benefit of the people of Egypt, and for the benefit of the king, as believing that he who first disco- vered this method of acting, would prove the best overseer of it. But Joseph having this power given him l>y the king, with leave to make use of his seal, and to wear purple, drove in his chariot through all the land of Egypt, and took the corn of the husbandmen,* allotting as much to every one as would be sufficient for seed and for food, but without discovering to any one the reason why he did 80. • That is, bought It for Pharaoh at a Tery low price. CHAPTER VL HOW JOSEPH, WHEN HE WAS BECOME FAMOUS IN' EGYPT, HAD HIS BRETHREN IN SUBJEC- TION. § 1. Joseph was now grown up to thirty years of age, and enjoyed great honours from the king, who called him Psothom Phanech, out of regard to his prodigious degree of wisdom; for that name denotes the revealtr of secrets. He also married a wife of very high quality: for he married the daughter of Petephres,t one of the priests of Heliopolis: she was a virgin, and her name was Asenath. By her he had children before the scarcity came on; Manasseh, the elder, which signi- fies forgetful, because his present happiness made him forget his former misfortunes; and Ephraim, the younger, which signifies restored, because he was restored to the freedom of his forefathers. Now after Egypt had hap- pily passed over seven years, according to Jo- seph's interpretation of the dreams, the famine came upon them in the eighth year; and be- cause this misfortune fell upon them when they had no sense of it beforehand, J they were all sorely afflicted by it, and came run- ning to the king's gates; and he called upon Joseph, who sold the corn to them, being be- come confessedly a saviour to the whole mul- titude of the Egyptians. Nor did he open this market of corn for the people of that country only, but strangers bad liberty to buy also; Joseph being willing that all men, who are naturally akin to one another, should have assistance from those that lived in happi- ness. 2. Now Jacob also, when he understood that foreigners might come, sent all his sons into Egypt to buy corn; for the land of Ca- naan was grievously afflicted with the famine, and this great misery touched the whole con- tinent. He only retained Benjamin, who was born to him by Rachel, and was of the same mother with Joseph. These sons of Jacob then came into Egypt, and applied themselves to Joseph, wanting to buy corn; for nothing of this kind was done without his approbation, since even then only was tha honour that was paid the king himself advan- + This Potiphar, or, as Josephus, Petephres, who was now a priest of On, or Heliopolis, is the same name in Josephus, -and perhaps in iMoses also, wUh him who is before called head cook or captain of the pnard, and to whom Joseph was sold. See Gen. xxxvii 3.j, xxxix. 1, with xli. JO. They are also affirmed to be one and the same person in the Testament of Joseph (s. 18). for he is there said to have married the daughter of his master and mistress. Nor is this a notion peculiar to that testa- ment, but. as Dr. Bernard confesses (note on Antiq b ii. ch iv. s. 1), common to Josephus, to the Septuagiut iu terpreters, and to other learned Jews of old time. ,1 this entire ignorance ot the Kayptians of these years of famine before they came, told us before, as well as here (chap. v. sect 7), by Josephus, seems to be al- most incredible. It is id no other copy that I know of. 60 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK II tageous to the persons that paid it, when they took care to honour Joseph al-x). Now when he well knew his brethren,they thought nothing of him; for he was but a youth when he left them, and was now come to an age so much greater, that the lineaments of his face were changed, and he was not known by them : besides this, the greatness of the dignity wherein he appeared, suffered them not so much as to suspect it was he. He now made trial what sentiments they had about affairs of the greatest consequence; for he refused to sell them corn, and said they were come as spies of the king's affairs ; and that they came from several countries, and joined themselves together, and pretended that they were of kin, it not being possible that a private man should breed up so many sons, and those of so great beauty of countenance as they were, such an education of so many children being not easily obtained by kings .themselves. Now this he did in order to discover what concerned his father, and what happened to him after his own departure from him, and as desiring to know what was become of Benja- min his brother ; for he was afraid that they had ventured on the like wicked enterprise against him that they had done to himself, and had taken him off also. 3. Now these brethren of his were under distraction and terror, and thought that very great danger hung over them ; yet not at all reflecting upon their brother Joseph, and standing firm under the accusations laid against them, they made their defence by Reubel, the eldest of them, who now became their spokesman : *' We come not hither," said he, " with any unjust design, nor in order to bring any harm to the king's affairs; we only want to be preserved, as supposing your humanity might be a refuge for us from the miseries which our country labours under, we having heard that you proposed to sell corn, not only to your own countrymen, but to strangers also, and that you determined to allow that corn, in order to preserve all that want it; but that we are brethren, and of the same common blood, the peculiar lineaments of our faces, and those not so much different from one another, plainly show. Our father's name is Jacob, an Hebrew man, who had twelve of us for his sons by four wives; which twelve of us, while we were all alive, were a happy family; but when one of our brethren, whose name was Joseph, died, our affairs changed for the worse; for our father could not forbear to make a long lamentation for him ; and we are in affliction,' both by the calamity of the death of our brother, and the miserable state of our aged father. We are now, therefore, come to buy corn, having in- trusted the care of our father, and tlie provi- fion for our family, to Benjamin, our young- eifc brother; and if tbou sende^it tu our house, thou mayest learn whether we are guilty « • the least falsehood in what we say." 4. And thus did Reubel endeavour to per- suade Joseph to have a better opinion of them. But when he had learned from them that Ja- cob was alive, and that his brother was not destroyed by them, he for the present put them in prison, as intending to examine more into their affairs when he should be at leisure. But on the third day he brought them out, and said to them, " Since you constantly affirm that you are not come to do any harm to the king's affairs; that you are brethren, and the sons of the father whom you named, you will satisfy me of the truth of what you say, if you leave one of your company with me, who shall suffer no injury here; and if, when ye have carried corn to your father, you will come to me again, and bring your bro- ther, whom you say you left there, along with you, for this shall be by me esteemed an as- surance of the truth of what you have told me." Hereupon they were in greater griet than before; they wept, and perpetually de- plored one among another the calaniity of Jo- seph; and said, " They were fallen into this misery as a punishment inflicted by God for what evil contrivances they had against hii\»." And Reubel was large in his reproaches of them for their too late repentance, whence no profit arose to Joseph ; and earnestly exhorted them to bear with patience whatever they suf- fered, since it was done by God in way of pun- ishment, on his account. Thus they spake to one another, not imagining that Joseph un- derstood their language. A general sadness also seized on them^at Reubel's words, and a repentance for what they had done; and they condemned the wickedness they had perpetra- ted, for which they judged they were justly punished by God. Now when Joseph saw that they were in this distress, he was so affected at it that he fell into tears, and, not being willing that they should take notice of him, he retired ; and after a while came to them again, and taking Symeon,* in order to his being a pledge for his brethren's return, he bid them take the corn they had bought, and go their way. He also commanded his steward pri- vily to put the money which they had brought with them for the purchase of corn into their sacks, and to dismiss them therewith; who did what he was commanded to do. 5. Now when Jacob's sons were come into the land of Canaan, they told their father what had happened to them in Egypt, and that they were taken to have come thither as spies upon the king; and how they said they were bre- thren, and had left their eleventh brother with their father, but were not believed; and how • The reason why Symeon might be selected out of the rest for Joseph's prisoner, is plain in the IVstamcut of Svmeon, viz. that he was one of the bitterest of ail Joseph's brethren ai,'aiii!tt him. >>■( t. 2,' which Approra also in part by the Teittament of Zabulon, sect. ;v CHAP. VI ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 61 they had left Symeon with the governor, un- til Benjamin should go thither, and be a tes- timonial of the truth of what they hr^d said: and they begged of their father to fear nothing, but to send the lad along with them. But Jacob was not pleased with any thing his sons had done; and he took the detention of Sy- meon heinously, and thence thought it a fool- ish thing to give up Benjamin also. Neither did he yield to Reubel's persuasion, though be begged it of him ; and gave leave that the grand- father might, in way of requital, kill his own sons, in case any harm came to Benjamin in the journey. So they were distressed, andknew not what to do: nay, there was another acci- dent that still disturbed them more, — the mo- ->?y that was found hidden in their sacks of corn, f et when the corn they had brought failed them, and when the famine still afflicted them, and necessity forced them, Jacob did* [not] still resolve to send Benjamin with his breth- ren, although there was no returning into Egypt uidess they came with what they had promised. Now the misery growing every day worse, and his sons begging it of him, he had no other course to take in his present cir- cumstances. And Judas, who was of a bold temper on other occasions, spake his mind very freely to him: " That it did not become him to be afraid on account of his son, nor to sus- pect the worst, as he did; for nothing could be done to his son but by the appointment of God, which must also for certain come to pass, though he were at home with him; that he ought not to condemn them to such manifest destruction; nor deprive them of that plenty of food they might have from Pharaoh, by his un- reasonable fear about his son Benjamin, but ought to take care of the preservation of Sy- meon, lest, by attempting to hinder Benjamin's journey, Symeon should perish. He exhorted him to trust God for him; and said he would either bring his son back to him safe, or toge- ther with hi<, lose his own life." So that Jacob was at length persuaded, and delivered Benja- min to the.m, with the price of the corn dou- bled ; he also sent presents to Joseph of the fruits of the land of Canaan; balsam and rosin, as also turpentine and honey.f Now their father shed many tears at the departure of his sons, as well as themselves. His concern was, that he might receive them back again safe after their journey; and their concern was, that they n)ight find their father well, and no way afflicted with grief for them. And this lamentation last- ed a whole day ; so that the old man was at last tired with grief, and staid behind; but they went on their way for Egypt, endeavouring to mitigate their gri^f for their present misfor- tunes, withthe hopes of better success hereafter. • The coherence seems to me to s*>ow that the nega- tive particle is here wanting, which 1 have supplied in brackets; and I wonder none have hitherto suspecttd that it tmjjhi to be supplied. + Of the precious Balaam of Judea, and tho turpentine, •ee the uote un Antiq- b, viii. ch. sect. 6 G. As soon as they came iato Egypt, they were brought down to Joseph: but here no small fear disturbed them, lest they should ba at'cused about the price of the corn, as if they had cheated Joseph. They then made a loi.'g apology to Joseph's steward; and told him, that when they came home they found the mo- ney in their sacks, and that they had now brought it along with them. He said he did not know what they meant: — so they were delivered from that fear. And when he had loosed Symeon, and put him into a handsome habit, he suffered him to be with his brethren; at which time Joseph came from his attend- ance on the king. So they offered him their presents; and upon his putting the question to them about their father, they answered, that they foimd him well. He also, upon his dis- covery that Benjamin was alive, asked whether this was their younger brother? for he had seen him. Whereupon they said he was: he. replied, that the God over all was his protec- tor. But when his affection to him made him shed tears, he retired, desiring be might not be seen in that plight by his brethren. Then Joseph took them to supper, and they were set down in the same order as they used to sit at their father's table. And although Joseph treated them all kindly, yet did' he send a mess to Benjamin that was double to what the rest of the guests had for their shares. 7. Now when after supper they had com- posed themselves to sl^ep, Joseph commanded i his steward both to give them their measures of corn, and to hide its price again in their sacks; and that withal they shoiild put into Benjamin's sack the golden cup, out of which he loved himself to drink: — which things he did, in onler to make trial of his brethren, whether they would stand by Benjamin when he should be accused of having stolen the cup, and should appear to be in danger; or whether they woufd leave him, and, depending on their own innoceiicy, go to their father without him. — When the servant had done as he was bidden, the sons of Jacob, knowing nothing of all this, went their way, and took Symeon along with them, and had a double cause of joy, both because they had received him again, and because they took back Benjamin to their father, as they had promised. But presently a troop of horsemen encompassed them, and brought with them Joseph's servant, who had put the cup into Benjamin's sack. Upon which unexpected attack of the horsemen they were much disturbed, and asked what the rea- son was that they came thus upon men, who a little before had been by their lord thought worthy of an honourable and hospitable re- ception ! They replied, by calling them wick- ed wretches, who had forgot that very hospi- table and kind treatment which Joseph had given them, and did not scruple to be injuri- ous to him, and to carry off that cup out of which he ha«i in so friendly a manner, drank 62 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK IL to thein, and not regarding tlieir friendship with Joseph, no more than the danger they should be in if they were taken, in comparison of the unjust gain. Hereupon he threatened that they should be punished; for though they had escaped the knowledge of him who was but a servant, yet had they not escaped the know- lodge of God, nor had gone off with what they hnd stolen; and after all, asked why we come upon them? as if they knew nothing of the n)atter : and he told them that they should inunediately know it by their puai?hment. This, and more of the same nature, did the servant say, in way of reproach to them : but they being wholly ignorant of any thing here that concerned them, laughed at what he said ; and wondered at the abusive language which the servant gave them, when he was so hardy as to accuse those who did not before so much as retain the price of their corn, which was found in their sacks, but brought it again, though nobody else knew of any such thing, — so far were they from offering any injury to Joseph voluntarily. But still, supposing that a search would be a more sure justification of themselves than their own denial of the fact, they bid him search them, and that if any of them had been guilty of the theft, to punish them all;^or being no way conscious to them- selves of any crime, they spake with assurance, and, as they thought, without any danger to themselves also. The servants desired there might be a search made; but they said the punishment should extend to him alone who should be found guilty of the theft. So they made the search; and, having searched all the rest, they came last of all to Benjamin, as knowing it was Benjamin's sack in which they had hidden the cup, they having indeed searched the rest ofily for a show of accuracy : so the rest were out of fear for themselves, and were now only concerned about'^Benjamin, but still were well assured that he would also be found innocent ; and they reproached those that came after them for their hindering them, while they might, in the mean while, have got- ten a good way on their journey. But as soon as they had 'searched Benjamin's sack, they fouiul the cup, and took it from him; and all was changed into mourning and lamentation. They rent their garuu-nts, and wept for the punishment which their brother was to under- go for his theft, and for the delusion they had put on their fither, when they promised they \^ould bring Benjamin safe to him. What H(U\i:A to their misery was, that this melan- choly accident came unfortunately at a time when they thought they had been gotten off clear: but they confessed that this misfortune of their brother, as well as the ^rief of their fa- ther for him, was owing to themselves, since \t was they that forced their faiher to send him with them, when he was averse to it. 8. The horsemen tlien took Benjamin, and brought him to JoKeuh his biethreu also following him ; who, when he saw him in custody, and them in the habit of mourners, said, " How came you, vile wretches as you are, to have such a strange notion of my kindness to you, and of God's providence, as impudent- ly to do thus to your benefactor, who in such an hospitable manner had entertained you?'" — Whereupon they gave up themselves to be punished, irj order to save Benjamin ; and called to mind what a wicked enterprize they had been guilty of against Joseph. They also pronounced him more happy than them- selves, if he were dead, in being freed from the miseries of this life; and if he were alive, that he enjoyed the pleasure of seeing God's vengeance upon them. They said farther, that they were the plague of their father, since they should now add to his former affliction for Joseph, this other affliction for Benjamin. Reubel also was large in cutting them upon this occasion. But Joseph dismissed them ; for he said they had been guilty of no offence, and that he would content himself with the lad's punishment; for he said it was not a fit thing to let him go free, for the sake of those who had not offended ; nor was it a fit thing to punish them together with him who had been guilty of stealing. And when he promised to give them leave to go away in safety, the rest of them were under great consternation, and were able to say nothing on this sad occasion? But Judas, who had persuaded their father to send the lad from him, being otherwise also a very bold and active man, determined to hazard himself for the preservation of his brother, " * It is true," said he, " O governor, that we have been very wicked with regard to thee, and on that account deserve punishment; even all of us may justly be punished, although the theft were not committed by all, but only by one of us, and he the youngest also: but yet there remains some hope for us, who otherwise must be under despair on his account, and this frotn thy goodness, which promises us a de- liverance out of our present danger. Aiul now I beg thou wilt not look at us, or at that great crime we have been guilty of, but at thy own excellent nature, and take advice of thine own virtue, instead of that wrath thou hast against us; which passion those that other- wise are of lower character indulge, as they do their strength, and that not only on great, but also on very trifling occasions. Overcome, Sir, that passion, and be not subdued by it, nor suffer it to slay those that do not other- wise presume upon their own safety, but are desirous to accept of it from thee; for this is not the first time that thou wilt bestow it on us, but before, when we came to buy corn, • This oration seems to me too lnri»e. and too un- usual a diRiession, to have heen composed by Judas on this ocrasion It seems to me a speech or declamiitinn composed formerly, in the person of .Indas. and in the way of oratory, that layby him, and which he thouu'lit (it to insert on this occasion. See two more such speeches or 'iM-.lamations, Autiq U vL ch. xiv. sect. 4. The Cup found in Benjamin's Sick.— Page 62, CHAP. VL ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 03 thou affordedst us great plenty of food, and gavest us leave to carry so much home to our family as has preserved them from perishing by tamine. Nor is there any difference between not overlooking men that were perishing for want of necessaries, and not punishing those that seem to be offenders, and have been so un- fortunate as to lose the advantage of that glori- ous benefaction which they received from thee. This will be an instance of equal favour, though bestowed after a different manner; for thou wilt save those this way whom thou didst feed the other ; and thou wilt hereby preserve alive, by thy own bounty, those souls which thou didst not suffer to be distressed by famine,Jt being indeed at once a wonderful and a great thing to sustain our lives by corn, and to bestow on us that pardon, whereby, now we are distressed, we may continue those lives. And I am ready to suppose, that God is willing to afford thee this opportunity of showing thy virtuous disposition, by bringing us into this calamity, that it may appear thou canst forgive the injuries that are done to thy- Belf, and mayst be esteemed kind to others, besides those who, on other accounts, stand in need of thy assistance; since it is indeed a right thing to do well to those who are in distress for want of food, but still a more glorious thing to save those who deserve to be punished, when it is on account of heinous offences against thyself; for if it be a thing deserving commendation to forgive such as have been guilty of small offences, that tend So a person's loss, and this be praiseworthy in him that overlooks such offences, to restrain a man's passion as to crimes which are capi- tal to the guilty, is to be like the most excel- lent nature of God himself: — and truly, as for myself, had it not been that we had a father, who had discovered, on occasion of the death of Joseph, how miserably he is always afflicted at the loss of his sons, I had not made any words on account of the saving of our own lives; I mean, any farther than as that would be an excellent character for thyself, to preserve even those that would have nobody to lament them when they were dead, but we would have yielded ourselves up to suffer whatsoever thou pleasedst; but now (for we do not plead for mercy to ourselves, though indeed, if we die, it will be while we are young, anil before we have had the enjoy- ment of life) have regard to our father, and take pity of his old age, on whose account it is that we make these supplications to thee. We beg thou wilt give us those lives which this wickedness of ours has rendered obnoxi- ous to thy punishment; and this for his sake who is not himself wicked, nor does his bein<? our father make us wicked. He is a good man, and not worthy to have such trials of his patience; and now, ae are absent, he is alliicted with care for us: but if he hear of our deaths, and what w<ts the cause "^it, be will on that account die an immature death; and the reproachful manner of our ruin will hasten his end, and will directly kill him, nay, will bring him to a miserable death, while he will make haste to rid himself out of the world, and bring himself to a state of insensibility, before the sad story of our end come abroad into the rest of the world. Consider these things in this manner, although our wicked- ness does now provoke thee with a just desire of punishing that wickedness, and forgive it for our father's sake ; and let thy commise- ration of him weigh more with thee than our wickedness. Have regard to the old age of our father, who, if we perish, will be. very lonely while he lives, and will soon die him- self also. Grant this boon to the name of fathers, for thereby thou wilt honour him that begat thee, and wilt grant it to thyself also, who enjoy est already that denomination ; thou w^ilt then, by that denomination, be pre- served of God, the Father of all, — by show- ing a pious regard to which, in the case of our father, thou wilt appear to honour him who is styled by the same name; I mean, if thou wilt have this pity on our father, upon this consideration, how miserable he will be if he be deprived of his sons! It h thy part therefore to bestow on us what God has given us, when it is in thy power to take it away, and so to resemble him entirely in charity ; for it is good to use that power, which can either give or take away, on the merciful side; and when it is in thy power to destroy, to for- get that thou ever hadst that power, and to look on thyself as only allowed power for preservation ; and that the more any one ex- tends this power, the greater reputation does he gain to himself. Now, by forgiving our brother what he has unhappily committed, thou wilt preserve us all; for we cannot think of living if he be put to death, since we dare not show ourselves alive to our father without our brother, but here must we par- take of one and the same catastrophe of his life; and so far we beg of thee, O governor, that if thou condemnest our brother to die, thou wilt punish us together with him, as partners of his crime, — for we shall not think it reasonable to be reserved to kill ourselves for grief of our brother's death, but so to die rather as equally guilty with him of this crime ! I will only leave with thee this one consideration, and then will say no more, viz. That our brother committed his fault when he was young, and not yet of confirmed wisdom in his conduct; and that men natu- rally forgive such young persons. I end here, without adding what more I have to say, that in case thou condemnest us, that omission may be supposed to have hurt us, and permitted thee to take the severer side ; but in case thou settest us free, that this may be ascri'Ded to thy own goodness, of which thou art inwardly conscious, that thou freest 64 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK ir. us from condemnation ; and that not b^^arely preserving us, but by granting us sucn a fa- vour as will make us appear more righteous than we really are, and by representing to thyself more motives for our deliverance than we are able to produce ourselves. If, there- fore, thou resolvest to slay him, I desire thou wilt slay me in his stead, and send him back to his father; or if thou pleasest to retain him with thee as a slave, I am fitter to labour for thy advantage in that capacity, and, as thou seest, am better prepared for either of those sufferings."* So Judas, being very willing to undergo any thing whatever for the deliver- ance of his brother, cast himself down at Jo- seph's feet, and earnestly laboured to assuage and pacify his anger. All his brethren also fell down before him, weeping and delivering themselves up to destruction for the preserva- tion of the life of Benjami-n. 10. But Joseph, as overcome now with his affections, and no longer able to personate an angry man, commanded all that were present to depart, that he might make himself known to his brethren when they were alono; and when the rest were gone out, he made him- self known to his brethren; and said, " I commend you for your virtue, and your kind- ness to our brother : I find you better men than I could have expected from what you contrived about me. Indeed, I did all this to try your love to your brother; so I believe you were not wicked by nature in what you did in my case, but that all has happened ac- cording to God's will, who has hereby pro- cured our enjoyment of what good things we have ; and, if he continue in a favourable disposition, of what we hope for hereafter. Since, therefore, I know that our father is safe and well, beyond expectation, and I see you so well disposed to your brother, I will no longer remember what guilt you seem to have had about me, but will leave off to hate you for that your wickedness; and do rather return you my thanks, that you have concur- red with the intentions of God to bring things to their present state. I would have you also rather to forget the same, since that im- prudence of yours is come to such a happy conclusion, than to be uneasy and blush at those your offences. Do not, therefore, let your evil intentions, when you condemned me, and that bitter remorse which might fol- low, be a grief to you now, because those in- tentions were frustrated. Go, therefore, your way, rejoicing in what has happened by the Divine Providence, and inform your father of it, lest he should be spent with cares for you, and deprive me of the most agreeable part of my felicity ; I mean, lest he should die before he comes into my sight, and en- • In all this »p«»ech of Jndas we may observe, that JoRcphus still supposed that death was the punishment of theft in F.gypt. in the days of Joseph, thoui,^ it never WM M amouK the -lews* by the law of Moses. joys the good things that we now have. Bring, therefore, with you our father, and your wives and children, and all your kin- dred, and remove your habitations hither; for it is not proper that the persons dearest to me should live remote from me, now my affairs are so prosperous, especially when they must endure five more years of famine." When Joseph had said this, he emoraced his breth- ren, who were in tears and sorrow ; but the generous kindness of their brother seemed to leave among them no room for fear, lest they should be punished on account of what they had consulted and acted against him ; and they were then feasting. Now the king, as soon as he heard that Joseph's brethren were come to him, was exceeding glad of it, as if it had been a part of his own good fortune ; and gave them waggons full of corn, and gold and silver, to be conveyed to his father. Now when they had received more of their brother, part to be carried to their father, and part as free gifts to every one of themselves, Benja- min having still more than the rest, they de- parted. CHAPTER VII. THE REMOVAL OF JOSEPH'S FATHEP.,WITH ALI HIS FAMILY, TO HIM, ON ACCOUNT OF THE FAMINE. § 1. As soon as Jacob came to know, by hig sons returning home, in what state Joseph was; that he had not only escaped death, for which yet he lived all along in mourning, but that he lived in splendour and happiness, and ruled over Egypt, jointly with the king, and had intrusted to his care almost all his affairs, he did not think any thing he was told to be incredible, considering the greatness of the works of God, and his kindness to him, al- though that kindness had, for some late times, been intermitted ; so he immediately and zealously set out upon his journey to him. 2. When he came to the Well of the Oath (Beersheba), he offered sacrifice to God ; and being afraid that the happiness there was in Egypt might tempt his posterity to fall in love with it and settle in jt, and no more think of removing into the land of Canaan, and possessing it, as God had promised them ; as also being afraid, lest, if this descent into Egypt were made without the will of God, his family might be destroyed there; out of fear, withal, lest he should depart this life before he came to the sight of Joseph, he fell asleep, revolving these doubts in his mind. 3. But God stood by him, and called to him twice by his name; and when he askeo who he was, God said, " No, sure ; it is not just that thou, Jacob, shouldst be unac- quainted with that God who has been ever ^:- Joseph Receiving his Father, in Egypt— Page 66. CHAP. VII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 65 ^ protector and a helper to thy forefathers, and after them to thyself: for when thy fa- ther would have deprived thee of the domi- nion, I gave it thee ; and by my kindness it was that, when thou wast sent into Mesopo- tamia all alone, thou obtainedst good wives, and returnedst with many children, and much wealth. Thy whole family also has been preserved by my providence; and it was I who conducted Joseph thy son, whom thou gavest up for lost, to the enjoyment of great prosperity. I also made him lord of Egypt, so that he differs but little from a king. Ac- cordingly, I come now as a guide to thee in this journey ; and foretell to thee, that thou shalt die in the arms of Joseph : and I in- forin thee, that thy posterity shall be many ages in authority and glory, and that I will settle them in the land which I have promised them." 4. Jacob, encouraged by this dream, went on more cheerfully for Egypt with his sons, and all belonging to them. Now they were in all seventy. I once, indeed,' thought it best not to set down the names of this family, especially because of their difficult pronunci- ation [by the Greeks]; but, upon the whole, I think it necessary to mention those names, that I may disprove such as believe that we came not originally from Mesopotamia, but are Egyptians. Now Jacob had twelve sons ; of these Joseph was come thither before. We will therefore set down the names of Jacob's children and grandchildren. Reubel had four sons — Anoch, Phallu, Assaron, Charmi ; Symeon had six — Jamuel, Jamin, Avod, Ja- chin. Soar, Saul ; Levi had three sons — Ger- som, Caath, Merari ; Judas had three sons — Sala, Phares, Zerah; and by Phares two grandchildren — Esrom and Amar ; Issachar had four sons — Thola, Phua, Jasob, Samaron ; Zabulon had with him three sons — Sarad, Helon, Jalel. So far is the posterity of Lea ; with whom went her daughter Dina. These are thirty-three. Rachel had two sons, the one of whom, Joseph, had two sons also, Manasseh and Ephraim. The other, Benja- min, had ten sons — Bolau, Bacchar, Asabel, Geras, Naaman, Jes, Ros, Momphis, Opphis, Arad. These fourteen added to the thirty- three before enumerated, amount to the num- ber forty-seven ; and this was the legitimate posterity of Jacob. He had besides, by Bilhah, the handmaid of Rachel, Dan and Nephthali; which last had four sons that followed him — Jesel, Guni, Issari, and Sellim. Dan had an only-begotten son, Usi. If these be added to those before mentioned, they complete the number fifty-four. Gad and Aser were the sons of Zilpha,who was the handmaid of Lea. These had with them. Gad seven — Saphoniah, Augis, Sunis, Azabon, Aerin, Eroed, Ariel ; Aser had a daughter, Sarah, and six male children, whose names were Jomne, Isus, Isoui, Barb, Abar, and Melchiel. If we add these, which are sixteen, to the fifty-four, the forementioned number [70] is completed,* Ja cob not being himself included in that number 5. When Joseph understood that his father was coming, for Judas his brother was come before him, and informed him of his approach, he went out to meet him ; and they met to- gether at Heroopolis. But Jacob almost fainted away at this unexpected and great joy ; however, Joseph revived him, being yet not himself able to contain from being affect- ed in the same manner, at the, pleasure he now had ; yet was he not wholly overcome with his passion, as his father was. After this he desired Jacob to travel on slowly ; but he himself took five of his brethren with him, and made haste to the king, to tell him that Jacob and his family were come ; which was a joyful hearing to him. He also bid Joseph tell him what sort of life his brethren loved to lead, that he might give them leave to follow the same ; who told him they were good shepherds, and had been used to follow no other employment but this alone. Where- by he provided for them, that they should not be separated, but Uve in the same place, and take care of their father ; as also hereby he provided, that they might be acceptable to the Egyptians, by doing nothing that would be common to them with the Egyptians ; for the Egyptians are prohibited to meddle with feeding of sheep.f 6. When Jacob was come to the king, and saluted him, and wished all prosperity to his government, Pharaoh asked him how old he now was ; upon whose answer, that he wjis a hundred and thirty years old, he admired Ja- cob on account of the length of his life. And when he had added, that still he had not lived so long as his forefathers, he gave him leave to live with his children in Hcliapolis; for in that city the king's shepherds had their pasturage. 7. However, the famine increased among the Egyptians; and this heavy judgment grew more oppressive to them, because nei ther did the river overflow the' ground, for it did not rise to its former height, nor did God send rain upon it; J nor did they indeed make * All the Greek copies of Josephus hare the negative particle here, that Jacob himself was not reckoned one of the seventj- souls that came into Egypt : but the old Latin copies want it, and directly assure us he was one of them. It is therefore hardly certain which of these was Josephus's true reading, since the number serenty is made up without him, if we reckon Leah for one; but if she be not reckoned, Jacob must himself be one, to complete the number. t Josephus thought that the Egyptians hated or de- spised the employment of a shepherd in the days of Jo- seph ; whereas Bishop Cumberland has shown that they rather hated such Phoenician or Canaanite shepherds that had long enslaved the Egyptians of old time. See his Sanchoniatho, p. 361. 362. X Reland here puts the question, how Josephus could complain of its not raining in Egypt during this famine, while the ancients affirm that it never does naturally rain there. His answer is, that when the ancients deny that it rains in Egypt, they only mean the Upper Egypt above the Delta, which ia called Egypt iu the strictest 66 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK It. the least provrsionfor themselves, so ignorant were they what was to be done ; but Joseph sold them corn for their money. But when their money failed them, they bought corn with their cattle and their slaves; and if any of them had a small piece of land, they gave up that to purchase them food, by which means the king became the owner of all their substance ; and they were removed, some to one place and some to another, that so the possession of their country might be firmly assured to the king, excepting the lands of the priests; for their country continued still in their own possession. And indeed this sore famine made their minds as well as their bodies slaves; and at length compelled them to procure a sufficiency of food by such dis- honourable means. But when this misery ceased, and the river overflowed the ground, and the ground brought forth its fruits plen- tifully, Joseph came to every city, and ga- thered the people thereto belonging together, and gave them back entirely the land which, by their own consent, the king might have possessed alone, and alone enjoyed the fruits of it. He also exhorted them to look on it as every one's own possession, and to fall to their husbandry with cheerfulness; and to pay, as a tribute to the king, the fifth part* ot the fruits for the land which the king, when it was his own, restored to them. These men rejoiced upon their becoming unexpectedly owners of their lands, and diligently observed what was enjoined them; and by this means Joseph procured to himself a greater autho- rity among tho Egyptians, and greater love to the king from them. Now this law, that they should pay the fifth part of their fruits as tribute, continued until their latter kings. CHAPTER VIII. OF THE DEATH OF JACOB AND JOSEPH. § 1. Now wherf* Jacob had lived seventeen years in Egypt, he fell into a disease, and died in the presence of his sons; but not till he made his prayers for their enjoying pros- perity, and till he had foretold to them pro- phetically how every one of them was to dwell in the land of Canaan. But this happened many years afterward. He also enlarged upon the praises of Joseph ;f how he had not sense; but that in the Delta [and by consequence in the Lower (''t;ypt adjoining to it], it did of old, and still does, rain sometimes. See the Note on Aiitiq. h. iii. ch. i. 8«ct. (i. • Josephus supposes that Joseph now restored the Ejryptians their lands a^jain, upon the payment of a fifth part ab tribute. It seems to me rather that the land wu now considered as Pharaoh's land, and this fifth part as its rent, to he paid to him, as he was tiieir land- lord, and they his tenants; and that the lands were not properly resK)red, and this fifth part reserved as tribute only till the days of Nesostris. See Essay on the Old Testament, Append. \\S. 149. *■ As to th-s cncuiiiium upon Joseph, as pre^iaratorv !• J.kMiJ*s adoptin)( E phi aim and ManasseL into bTa remembered the evil doings of his brethren to their disadvantage; nay, on the contrary, was kind to them, bestowing upon them so many benefits, as seldom are bestowed on men s own benefactors. He then commanded his own sons that they should admit Joseph's sons, Epbraim and Manasseh, into their num- ber, and divide the land of Cafiaan in cotn- mon with them ; concerning whom we shall treat hereafter. However, he made it his re- quest that he might be buried at Hebron. So he died, when he had lived full a hundred and fifty years, three only abated, havijig not been behind any of his ancestors in piety to- ^ words God, and having such a recoivipense for it, as it was fit those should have who were so good as these were. But Joseph, by the king's permission, carried his father's dead body to Hebron, and there buried it, at a great expense. Now his brethren were at first unwilling to return back with him, be- cause they were afraid lest, now their father was dead, he should punish them for their secret practices against him; since he waa now gone, for whose sake he had been so gracious to them. But he peivsuaded them to fear no harm, and to entertain no suspicions of him : so he brought them along with him, and gave them great possessions, and nevei left off his particular concern for them. 2. Joseph also died when he had lived a hundred and ten years; having been a man of admirable virtue, and conductifig all hi? affairs by the rules of reason ; and used his authority with moderation, which was the cause of his so great felicity among the Egyp. tians, even when he catne from another coun- try, and that in such ill circumstances also, as we have already described. At length his brethren died, after they had lived happily in Egypt, Now the posterity and sons of these men, after some tin)e, carried their bodies, and buried them at Hebron ; but as to the bones of Joseph they carried them iiito the land of Canaan afterward, when the Hebrews went out of Egypt, for so bad Joseph made them promise hirn upon oath ; but what be- came of every one of these men, and by what toils they got the possession of the land of Canaan, shall be shown hereafter, when I have first explained upon what account it was that they left Egypt. own family, and to be admitted for two tribes, which Jiisephus here mentions, all our copies of (TQne«l^9 or^i% it (rh. xlviii.); nor do we know whence ne tooR it, re whether it be not his own cmbcliisibuent cii.'y. CHAP. IX, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 67 CHAPTER IX. CONCEUMNG TH\l AFFLICTIONS THAT BEFELL THE HEBREWS IN EGYPT, DURING FOUR IIUNDHED YEAES.* 1. Now it happened that the Egyptians grew delicate and lazy, as to pains-taking; and gave themselves up to other pleasures, and in particular to the love of gain. They also became very ill affected towards the He- brews, as touched with envy at their prospe- rity; for when they saw how the nation of the Israelites flourished, and were become eminent already in plenty of wealth, which they had acquired by their virtue and natural love of labour, they thought their increase wa» to their own detriment; and having, in length of time, forgotten the benefits they hud received from Joseph, particularly the crown being now come into another family, they became very abusive to the Israelites, and contrived many ways of afflicting them; for they enjoined them to cut a great number of channels for the river, and to build walls for their cities and ratnparts, that they might restrain the river, and hiiuler its waters from stagnating, upon its running over its own banks: they set them also to build pyramids,! and by all this wore them out; and forced them to learn all sorts of mechanical arts, and to accustom themselves to hard labour. And four hundred years did they spend under these afflictions; for they strove one against the other which should get the mastery, the Egyptians desiring to destroy the Israelites oy these labours, and the Israelites desiring to hold out to the end under them. 2 While the alfairs of the Hebrews were in this condition, there was this occasion offered itself to the Egyptians, which made them more solicitous for the extinction of our na- tion. One of those sacred scribes, J who are very sagacious in foretelling future events tru- ly, told the kiriir. that about this time there would a child be born to the Israelites, who, if he were reared, would bring the Egyptian dominion low, and would raise the Israelites; that he would excel all men in virtue, and ob- ♦ As to the affliction of Abraham's posterity for 400 years, see Antiq. book i chap. x. sei;t. :i; and as to what cilij-s they built in Esjypt, un-Vr Pharaoh Sesostris, and of Pharaoh Sesostris's drowning m the I'ed Sea, see Essay on the Old Testament, Append, p 139—16-2. + Of this building of the p>ramids of Egypt by the Israelites, see Perizonius Orig. iEgyptiac. chap. xxi. It is not impossible Ihey might build one or more of the small ones; but the large ones seem much later. Only, if they be all built of stone, this does not so well agree with the Israelites' labours, which are said to have been in brick, and not in stone, as Mr. Sandys observes in his Travels, p, 127, 128. t Dr. Bernard informs us here, that instead of this single priest or prophet of the Egyptians, without a name in Josephus, the larsjum of Jonathan names the two famous antagonists of .Moses, Janne.s and Jamlires Nor is it at all unlikely that it might he one of these who foreboded so murh misery to the ELyptians, and 6(1 M.uch happiness to ihe Israelites, truui the rearing; of tain a glory that would be remembered through all ages. Which thing was so feared by the king, that, according to this man's opinion, he commanded that tuc_y should cast every male child, which was born to the Israelites, into the river, and destroy it; that besides this, the Egyptian midwives§ should watch the la- bours of the Hebi-ew wonie.i, ai.d observe what is born, for those were the women \v}.n were enjoined to do the office of midwives to them ; and by reason of their relation to the king, would not transgress his commands. He enjoined also. That if any parents should dis- obey him, and venture to save their male children alive,;| they and their families should be destroyed. This was a severe affliction in- deed to those that suffered it, not only as they were deprived of their sons, and, while they were the parents themselves, they were obliged to be subservient to the destruction of their own children, but as it was to be supposed to tend to the extirpation of their nation, while upon the destruction of their children, and their own gradual dissolution, the calamity would become very hard and inconsolable to them: and this was the ill state they were in. But no one can he too hard for the purpose of God, though he contrive ten thousand subtile devices for that end ; for this child, whom the sacred scribe foretold, was brought up and concealed from the observers appointed by the king; and he that foretold him did not mistake in the consequences of his preser- vation, which were brought to pass after the manner following: — 3. A man, whose name was Amram, one (^f the nobler sort of the Hebrews, was afraid ibr his whole nation, lest it should fail, by the want of young men to be brought up here- after, and was very uneasy at it, his wife be- ing then with child*, and he knew not what to do. Hereupon he betook himself to prayer to God; and- entreated him to have compas- sion on those men who had nowise transgressed the laws of his worship, and to afford them deliverance from the miseries they at that time endured, and to render abortive their enemies' hopes of the destruction of their nation. Ac- cordingly God had mercy on him, and was moved by his supplication. He stood by him in his sleep, and exhorted him not to despair of his future favours. He said farther, that ? Josephns is clear that these midwives were Egyp- tians, and not Isra'-lites, as in our other copies: which is very probiblc, it being not easily to be supposed tha Pharaoh i>Mi.d trust tiie Israelite midwives to execute .so barbarous a command against their own nation. Con- sult, ther«;fore, and correct hence, our ordinary copies, Exod. i. ld,.22. And, indeed, Josephus seems to have had much completer copies of the Pentateuch, or other authentic records now lost, about the birth and actions of Moses, than either our Hebrew, Samaritan, or Greek Bibles afford us, which enabled him to be so large aud particular about him. II Of this grandfather of Sesostris, Harnesses the Great, who slew the Israelite infants, and of the inscription on his obelisk, containing, in my opinion, one of the oldest records of mankind, see Essay on th« Old T«iL App«a<L p 139. 145, 147, air— 220. 68 ANTIQUITIES Of THE JEWS. BOOK II, he did not forget their piety towards him, and would always reward them for it, as he had formerly granted his favour to their forefathers, and made them increase from a few, to so great a multitude. He put him in mind, that when Abraham was come alone out of Meso- potamia into Canaan, he had been made hap- py, not only in other respects, but that when his wife was at first barren, she was afterwards by him enabled to conceive seed, and bear him sons. That he left to Ismael and to his posterity the country of Arabia; as also to his sons by Ketura, Troglodytis: a'nd to Isaac, Canaan. That by my assistance, said he, he did great exploits in war, which, unless you be yourselves impious, you must still remem- ber. As for Jacob, he became well known to strangers also, by the greatness of that pros- perity in which he lived, and left to his sons, who came into Egypt with no more than seven- ty souls, while you are now become above six hundred thousand. Know, therefore, that I shall provide for you all in common what is for your good, and particularly for thyself what shall make thee famous ; for that child, out of dread of whose nativity the Egyptians have doomed the Israelite children to destruc- tion, shall be this child of thine, and shall be concealed from those who watch to destroy him ; and when he is brought up in a surpris- ing way, he shall deliver the Hebrew nation from the distress -they are under from the Egyptians. His memory shall be famous while the world lasts; and this not only among the Hebrews, but foreigners also : — all which shall be the effect of my favour to thee, and to thy posterity. He shall also have such a brother, that he shall himself obtain my priesthood, and his posterity shall have it after him to the end of the world. 4. When the vision had informed him of these things, Amram awaked and told it to Jochebed, who was his wife. And now the fear increased upon them on account of the prediction in Amram's dream ; for they were under concern, not only for the child, but on account of the great happiness that was come to him also. However, the mother's labour was such as afforded a confirmation to what was foretold by God ; for it was not known to those that watched her, by the easiness of her pains, and because the throes of her deli- very did not fall upon her with violence. And now they nourished the child at home private- ly for three months; but after that time Am- ram, fearing he should be discovered, and by falling under the king's displeasure, both he and his child should perish, and so he should make the promise of God of none effect, he determined rather to intrust the safety and care of the child to God, than to depend on his own concealment of him, which he looked upoa as a thing uncertain, and whereby both the rhild, so privately to be nourished, and himaelf, should be in imminent danger; but he believed that God would some way foi certain procure the safety of the child, in or der to secure the truth of his own predictions When they had thus determined, they made an ark of bulrushes, after the manner of a cradle, and of a bigness sufficient for an in fant to be laid in, without being too straitened they then daubed it over with slime, which would naturally keep out the water from en- tering between the bulrushes, and put the in- fant into it, and setting it afloat upon the ri- ver, they left its preservation to God ; so the river received the child, and carried him along. But Miriam, the child's sister, passed along upon the bank over against him, as her mother had bid her, to see whither the ark would be carried ; where God demonstrated that hu- man wisdom was nothing, but that the Su- preme Being is able to do whatsoever he plea- ses: that those who, in order to their own security, condemn others to destruction, and use great endeavours about it, fail of theii purpose ; but that others are in a surprising manner preserved, and obtain a prosperouf condition almost from the very midst of then calamities ; those, I mean, whose dangers arise by the appointment of God. And, in- deed, such a providence was exercised in the case of this child, as showed the power of God. 5. Thermuthis was the king's daughter. She was now diverting herself by the banks of^., the river; and seeing a cradle borne along by the current, she sent some that could swim, and bid them bring the cradle to her. When those that were sent on this errand, came to her with the cradle, and she saw the little child,, she was greatly in love with it, on account of its largeness and beauty ; for God had taken such great care in the formation of Moses, that he caused him to be thought worthy of bringing up, and providing for, by all those that had taken the most fatal resolutions, oft account of the dread of his nativity, for the destruction of the rest of the Hebrew nation. Thermuthis bid them bring her a woman that might afford her breast to the child ; yet would not the child admit of her breast, but turned away from it, and did the like to many other women. Now Miriam was by when this hap- pened, not to appear to be there on purpose, but only as staying to see the child; and she said, " It is in vain that thou, O queen, call- est for these women for the nourishing of the child, who are no way of kin to it; but still, if thou wilt order one of the Hebrew women to be brought, perhaps it may admit the breast of one of its own nation." Now since sho seemed to speak well, Thermuthis bid her pro- cure such a one, and to bring one of those Hebrew women that gave suck. So when she had such authority given her, she came back , and brought tlie mother, who was known to' nobody there. And now the child gladly ad- mitted the breast, and soemed to stick close to CHAP. X. ANTIQUITIES OF THE.JI^VS. 69 it ; and so it was, that, at the queen's desire, the nursing of the child was entirely intrusted to the mother. 6. Hereupon it was that Thermuthis im- posed this name Mouses upon him, from what had happened when he was put into the river; for the EgA'ptians call water by the name of Mo, and such as are saved out of it, by the name of Uses ,- so by putting these two words together, they imposed this name upon hira ; and he was, by the confession of all, according to God's prediction, as well for his greatness of mind as for his contempt of difficulties, the best of all the Hebrews ; for Abraham was his ancestor, of the seventh generation. For Mo- ses was the son of Amram, who was the son of Caath, whose father, Levi, was the son of J^cob, who was the son of Isaac, who was the son of Abraham. Now Moses's understand- ing became superior to his age, nay, far be- yond that standard ; and when he was taught, he discovered greater quickness of apprehension jthan was usual at his age ; and his actions at that time promised greater, when he should come to the age of a man. God did also give him that tallness, when he was but three years old, as was wonderful ; and as for his beauty, there was nobody so unpolite as, when they saw Moses, they were not greatly surprised at the beauty of his countenance ; nay, it hap- pened frequently, that those that met him as he was carried along the road, were djliged to turn again upon seeing the child ; that they left what they were about, and stood still a great while to look on him ; for the beauty of the child was so remarkable and natural to him on many accounts, that it detained the spectators, and made them stay longer to look upon him. 7. Thermuthis, tJierefore, perceiving him to be so remarkable a child, adopted him for her son, having no child of her own. And when one time she had carried Moses to her father, she showed him to him, and said she thought to make him her father's successor, if it should please God she should have no legitimate child of her own; and said to him, " I have brought up a child who is of a di- vine form,* and of a generous mind ; and as I have received him from the bounty of the river, in a wonderful manner, I thought pro- per to adopt him for my son, and the heir of thy kingdom." And when she had said this, she put the infant into her father's hands : so he took him, and hugged him close to his breast; and on his daughter's account, in a pleasant way, put his diadem upon his head ; but Moses threyv it down to the ground, and, in a puerile mood, he wreathed it round, and trod upon it with his feet : which seemed to bring along with it an evil presage concern- * "WTiat Josephns here says of the heauty of Moses, that he was of a divine form, is very like what St. Stephen savs of tlie same beauty, that Moses was heau- tiful in the' sight of God, Acts viL 20. ing the kingdom oi Egypt. But when the sacred scribe saw this (he was the same per- son who foretold that his nativity would bring the dominion of that kingdom low), he made a violent attempt to kill him; and crying out in a frightful manner, he said, "This, O king! this child is he of whom God foretold, that if we kill him we shall be in no danger; he himself affords an attestation to the predic- tion of the same thing, by his trampling upon thy government, and treading upon thy dia- dem. Take him, therefore, out of the way, and deliver the Egyptians from the fear they are in about him ; and deprive the Hebrews of the hope they have of being encouraged by him." But Thermuthis prevented him, and snatched the child away. And the king was not hasty to slay him, God himself, whose providence protected Moses, inclining the king to spare him. He was, therefore, educated with great care. So the Hebrews depended on him, and were of good hopes that great things would be done by hira ; but the Egyptians were suspicious of what would follow such his education. Yet because, if Moses had been slain, there was no one, either akin or adopted, that had any oracle on his side for pretending te (he crown of Egypt, and likely to be of greater advantage to them, they abstained from killing him CHAPTER X. HOW MOSES MADB WAR WITH THB KTHIOPIAKS. § 1. Moses, therefore, when he was bom, and brought up in the foregoing manner, and came to the age of maturity, made his virtue manifest to the Egyptians; and showed that he was bom for the bringing them down, and raising the Israehtes; and the occasion he laid hold of was this : — The Ethiopians, who are next neighbours to the Eg3rptians, made an inroad into their country, which they seized upon, and carried oflf the effects of the Egyp- tians, who, in their rage, fought against them, and revenged the affronts they had received from them; but, being overcome in battle, some of them were slain, and the. rest ran away in a shameful manner, and by that means saved themselves; whereupon the Ethiopians followed after them in the pur- suit, and thinking that it would be a mark of cowardice if they did not subdue all Egypt, they went on to subdue the rest with greater vehemence; and when they had tasted the sweets of the country, they never left oflf the prosecution of the war; and as the nearest parts had not courage enough at first to fight with them, they proceeded as far as Memphis, and the sea itself; while not one of the cities was able to oppose them. The Egyptians, W) ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK II. under this sad oppression, betook themselves to their oracles and prophecies; and when God had given thera this counsel, to make use of Moses the Hebrew, and take his assist- ance, tne king commanded his daughter to produce him, that he might be the general* of" their army. Upon which, when she had made him swear he would do him no harm, she delivered him to the king, and supposed his assistance would be of great advantage to them. She withal reproached the priest, who, when they had before admonished the Egyp- tians to kill him, was not ashamed now to own their want of his help. 2. So Moses, at the persuasion both of Thermuthis and the king himself, cheerfully undertook the business: and the sacred scribes of both nations were glad; those of the Egyp- tians, that they should at once overcome their enemies by his valour, and that by the same piece of management Moses would be slain ; but those of the Hebrews that they should escape from the Egyptians, because Moses was to be their generaL{?but Moses prevented the enemies, and took and led his army before those enemies were apprized of his attacking them; for he did not march by the river, but by land, where he gave a wonderful demon- stration of his sagacity ; for when the ground was difficult to be passed over, because of the multitude of serpents (which it produces in vast numbers, and indeed is singular in some of those productions, which other countries do not breed, and yet such as are worse than others in power and mischief, and an unusual fierceness of sight, some of which ascend out of the ground unseen, and also fly in the air, and so come upon men at unawares, and do them a mischief), Moses invented a wonder- ful stratagem to preserve the army safe, and without hurt; for he made baskets, like unto arks, of sedge, and filled them with ibes,f and carried them along with them ; which animal is the greatest enemy to serpents ima- ginable, for they fly from them when they come near them ; and as they fly they are caught and devoured by them, as if it were done by the harts ; but the ibes are tame creatures, and only enemies to the serpentine kind: but about these ibes I say no more at present, since the Greeks themselves are not • The history of Moses, as general of the Lj^yptians acainst the Ethiopians, is wholly omitted in our Uibles; but in thus cited by Irena^us, from Josephus, and that soon after his own aiifer — "Josephus says, that when MoM-s was nourished in the king's palace, he was ap- pointed general of the army af^inst the Ethiopians, and conquered them, when he married that kinj;'* dau^h- trr; beuause, out of her affection for him, she delivered the city up to him." See the Fragments of Irenaens, op. edit. Grab. p. 472, Nor perhaps did St. Stepimn refer to any thing else when he said of Moses, before he was sent by God to the Israelites, that he was not only Seamed in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, but was also mighty in words and in deeds. Ac's vii, 22. + Pliny speaks of these birds called Jbes; and says, "The Egyptians invoked them against the serpents." Hist. Nat. book x. chap. 28. Strabo speaks of this Uiland Meroe, and the rivers Astapus and Astaboras, took (▼Lp.77L,786{ aad<M>ok xvii. p. 8i4. | unacquainted with this sort of hird. As soon, therefore, as Moses was come to the land which was the breeder of these serpents, he let loose the ibes, and by their means repelled the serpentine kind, and used them for his assistants before the army came upon that ground. When he had therefore proceeded thus on his journey, he came upon the Ethio- pians before they expected him ; and, joining battle with them, he beat them, and deprived them of the hopes they had of success against the Egyptians, and went on in overthrowing their cities, and indeed made a great slaugh- ter of these Ethiopians, 'f Now when the Egyptian army had once tasted of this pros- perous success, by the means of Moses, they did not slacken their diligence, insomuch that the Ethiopians were in danger of being re- duced to slavery, and all sorts of destruction ; and at length they retired to Saba, which was a royal city of Ethiopia, which Cambyses afterwards named Meroe, after the name of his own sister. The place was to be besieged ^ with very great difficulty, since it was both encompassed by the Nile quite round, and the other rivers, Astapus and Astaboras, made it a very difficult thing for such as attempted to pass over them ; for the city was situate in a retired place, and was inhabited after the manner of an island, being encompassed with a strong wall, and having the rivers to guard them from their enemies, and having great ramparts between the wall and the rivers, in- somuch, that when the waters come with the greatest violence it can never be drowned; which ramparts make it next to impossible for even such as are gotten over the rivers to take the city. However, while Moses was uneasy at the army's lying idle (for the ene- mies durst not come to a battle), this acci- dent happened: — Tharbis was t'he daughter of the king of the Ethiopians: she happened to see Moses as he led the army near the walls, and fought with great courage ; and admiring the subtilty of his undertakings, and believing him to be the author of the Egyptians' success, when they had before de- spaired of recovering their liberty, and to be the occasion of the great danger the Ethio- pians were in, when they had before boasted of their great achievements, she fell deeply in love with him; and upon the prevalency of that passion, sent to him the most faithful of all her servants to discourse with him about their marriage. He thereupon accepted the offer, on ^audition she would procure the de- livering up of the city ; and gave her the assur- ance of an oath to take her to his wife; and that when he had once taken possession of the city, he would not break his oath to her. No sooner was the agreement made, but it took effect immediately ; and when Moses had cut off the Ethiopians, he gave thanks to God, and consummated his marriagk^, and led ilie Kgyptians back to their own land CHAP. XII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS* 71 CHAPTER XL HOW MOSES FLED OUT OF EGYPT INTO MIDIAN. § 1. Now the Egyptians, after they had been preserved by Moses, entertained a hatred to him, and were very eager in compassing their designs against him, as suspecting that he would take occasion, from his good success, to raise a sedition, and bring innovations into Egypt; and told the king he ought to be slain. The king had also some intentions of himself to the same purpose, and this as well out of envy at his glorious expedition at the head of his army, as out of fear of being brought low by him; and being instigated by the sacred scribes, he was ready to undertake to kill Moses; but when he had learned be- forehand what plots there were against him, he went away privately; and, because the public roads were watched, he took his flight through the deserts, and where his enemies could not suspect he would travel ; and, though he was destitute of food, he went on, and despised that difficulty courageously ; and when he came to the city jNIidian, which lay upon the Red Sea, and was so denomi- nated from one of Abraham's sons by Ketu- rah, he sat upon a certain well, and rested himself there after his laborious journey, and the affliction he had been in. It was not far from the city, and the time of the day was noon, where he had an occasion offered him by the custom of the country of doing what recommended his virtue and afforded him an opportunity of bettering his circumstances. 2. For that country having but little water, the shepherds used to seize on the wells be- fore others came, lest their flocks should want water, and lest it should be spent by others be- fore they came. There were now come, there- fore, to t his well seven sisters that were virgins, the daughters of Raguel, a priest, and one thought worthy by the people of the country of great honour. These virgins, who took care of their father's flocks, which sort of work it was customary and very familiar for women to do in the country of the Troglodites, they came first of all, and drew water out of the well in a quantity sufficient for their flocks, into troughs, which Avere made for the reception of that water; but when the shepherds came upon the maidens, and nrove them away, that they might have the command of the water themselves, Moses, thinking it would oe a terrible reproach upon him if he overlooked the young women under unjust oppression, ami >hould suffer the violence of the men to prevail over the right of the maidens, he drove away the men, who had a mind to more than tlu;ir share, and afforded a proper assistance to the women; who, when tt.ev had received Kich a bi^netit from him, curat to their father. and told hira how they bad been affronted by the shepherds, and assisted by a stranger, a:'d entreated that he would not let this generous action be done in vain, nor go without a re- ward. Now the father took it well from his daughters that they were so desirous to re- ward their benefactor ; and bid them bring Moses into his presence, that he might be rewarded as he deserved; and when xMose; came, he told him what testimony his daugh- ters bare to him, that he had assisted them ; and that, as he admired him for his virtue, he said that Moses had bestowed such his assist- ance on persons not insensible of benefits, but where they were both able and willing to return the kindness, and even to exceed the measure of his generosity. So he made him his son, and gave him one of his daughters in marriage; and appointed him to be the guardian and superintendant over his cattle; for of old, all the wealth of the barbarians was in those cattle. CHAPTER XII. CONCERNING THE BURNING BUSH, AND THE ROD OF MOSES. § 1. Now Moses, when he had obtained the favour of Jethro, for that was one of the names of Raguel, staid there and fed his flock ; but some time afterward, taking his station at the mountain called Sinai, he drove his flocks thither to»feed them. Now this is the highest of all the mountains thereabout^ and the best for pasturage, the herbage being there good ; and it had not been before fed upon, because of the opinion men had that God dwelt there, the shepherds not daring to ascend up to it; and here it was that a won- derful prodigy happened to Moses ; for a fire fed upon a thorn-bush, yet did the green leaves and the flowers continue untouched, and the fire did not at all consume the fruit- branches, although the flame was great and fierce. Moses was affrighted at this strange sight, as it was to him ; but he was still more astonished when the fire uttered a voice, and called to him by name, and spake words to him, by which it signified how bold he had been in venturing to come into a place whither no man had ever come before, because the place was divine; and advised him to remove a great way off from the flame, and to be con- tented with what he had seen; and though he were himself a good man, and the off- spring of great men, yet that he should not pry any farther: and he foretold to him, that he should have glory and honour among men, by the blessing of God upon him. He also commanded him to go away thence with i;on- fidence to Egypt, in order to his being the commander and conductor of the body of the Hebrews, and to his delivering his own peo« 72 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK n vie from xne injuries they suffered there; ' For," said God, " they shall inhabit this happy land which your forefather Abraham inhabited, and shall have the enjoyment of all sorts of good things; and thou, by thy pru- dence, shalt guide them to those good things." But still he enjoined him, when he had brought the Hebrews out of the land of Egypt, to come to that place, and to offer sacrifices of thanks- giving there. Such were the divine oracles which were delivered out of the fire. 2. But Moses was astonished at what he saw, and much more at what he heard ; and he said, " I think it would be an instance of too great madness, O Lord, for one of that regard I bear to thee, to distrust thy power, since I myself adore it, and know that it has been made manifest to my progenitors; but I am stiir in doubt how I, who am a private man, and one of no abilities, should either persuade my own countrymen to leave the country they now inhabit, and to follow me to a land whither I lead them ; or, if they should be persuaded, how can I force Pha- raoh to permit them to depart, since they augment their own wealth and prosperity by the labours and .works they put upon theml" 3. But God persuaded him to be cou- rageous on all occasions, and promised to be with him, and to assist him in his • words, when he was to persuade men; and in his deeds, when he was to perform wonders. He bid him also to take a signal of the truth of what he said, by throwing his rod upon the ground ; which when he iiad done, it crept along, and was become a serpent, and ruUed itself round in its folds, and erected its head, as ready to revenge itself on such as shoald assault it; after which it became a rod again as before. After this God bid Moses to pat his right hand into his bosom: he obeyed, and when he took it out it was white, and in colour like to chalk, but afterward it returned to its wonted colour again. He also, upon God's command, took some of the water that was near him, and poured it upon the ground, and saw the colour was that of blood. Upon the wonder that Moses showed at these signs, God exhorted him to be of good courage, and to be assured that he would be the great- est support to him ; and bid him make use of those signs, in order to obtain belief among all men, that "thou art sent by me, and dost all things according to my commands. Accordingly, I enjoin thee to make no more ^lays, but to make haste to Egypt, and to travel night and day, and not to draw out the time, and so make the slavery of the Hebrews and their sufferings to last the longer." 4. Moses, having now seen and heard these wonders that assured him of the truth of these promises of God, had no room left him to dis- believe them : he entreated him to grant him that j>ower when he should be in Egypt; and 'je«ought him to vouobvafe him tlie knowledge of his own name; and, since he had heard and seen him, that he would also tell him his name, that when he offered sacrifice he might invoke him by such his name in his oblations. Whereupon God declared to him his holy name, which had never been discovered to men before ; concerning which it is not law- ful for me to say any more.* Now these signs accompanied Moses, not then only, but always when he prayed for them: of all which signs he attributed the firmest assent to the fire in the bush; and believing that God would be a gracious supporter to him, he hoped he should be able to deliver his own nation, and bring calamities on the Egyptians. CHAPTER XIII. HOW MOSES AND AARON RETURNED INTO EGYPT TO PHARAOH. § 1. So Moses, when he understood that the Pharaoh, in whose reign he fled away, was dead, asked leave of Raguel to go to Egypt, for the benefit of his own people: and he took with him Zipporah, the daughter of Ra- guel, whom he had married, and the children he had by her, Gersom and Eleazar, and made haste into Egypt. Now the former of those names, Gersom, in the Hebrew tongue, signifies that he was in a strange land; and Eleazar, that, by the assistance of the God of his fathers, he had escaped from the Egyptians Now when they were near the borders, Aaror his brother, by the command of God, met him, to whom he declared what had befallen him at the mountain, and the commands that God had given him. But as they were go- ii.'g forward, the chief men among the He- brews, having learned that they were coming, met them ; to whom Moses declared the signs he had seen; and while they could not be- lieve them, he made them see them. So they took courajje at these surprising and unex- pected tiights^ and hoped well of their entire deliverance, as believing now that God took care of th.^ir p.^sprvation. 2. Since tuen Moses found that the He- brews would bs obedient to whatsoever he should direct, as they promised to be, and were in love with libtrt /, he came to the king, who had indeed but lately received the govern- * This swpcrstitiouR fi»«r o*'tli"<c*'>>'>i Jn»tli«» name with four letters, which of lato ve ^jiTv Leen weed falsely to pronounce Jehovah, but f^.-ni' t-'La/e boen oriKi>i»lly pronouncec^l .7ehoh, or Jao, \c ii ^vsr, 1 tMfK, ffeartl of till this pasRas;e of Josephus; an\ IhN Rupvrhtition. in not pronouncing? that name, hat; ccuti\.u >d among the Rab- binical Jews to this clay (though v\ ethiir the Samaritans and Caraitcs observed it so early, Ao?.s not appenr). Josephus also durst not set down ihe very words of the ten commandmeDts, as wo shall see hereafter. Antiq. book iii. chap. v. sert. 4 ; which superstitious silence, I think, has vet not W'U continue<l even by the Kabbins. It is however no doi'bt. but both these cautious conceal-, ments were taught Jiseuhus by the I'harisees; a IxKly of Hiou at onoe very m ^•aX and very vuperstitious. CHAP. XIY. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 73 ment, and told him how much he had done for the good of the Egyptians, when they were despised by the Ethiopians, and their country laid waste by them; and how he had been the commander of their forces, and had laboured for them, as if they had been his own people; and he informed him in what danger he had been during that expedition, without having any proper returns made him as he had deserved. He also informed him distinctly v^hat things happened to him at mount Sinai; and what God said to him; and the signs that were done by God, in order to assure him of the authority of those com- mands which he had given him. He also ex- horted him not to disbelieve what we told him, nor to oppose the will of God. 3. But when the king derided Moses, he made him in earnest see the signs that were done at mount Sinai. Yet was the king very angry with him, and called him an ill man, who had formerly run away from his Egyp- tian slavery, and came now back with deceit- ful tricks, and wonders and magical arts, to astonish him. And when he had said this, he commanded the priests to let him see the same wonderful sights; as knowing that the Egyptians were skilful in this kind of learn- ing, and that he was not the only person who knew them, and pretended them to be divine; as also he told him, that when he brought such wonderful sights before him, he would only be believed by the unlearned. Now when the priests threw down their rods, they became serpents. But Moses was not daunted at it; and said, "0 king, I do not myself despise the wisdom of the Egyptians, but I say that what I do is so much superior to what these do by magic arts and tricks, as divine power exceeds the power of man : but I will demonstrate that what I do is not done •by craft, or counterfeiting what is not really true, but that they appear by the providence and power of God." And when he had said this, he cast his rod down upon the ground, and commanded it to turn itself into a ser- pent. It obeyed him, and went all around, and devoured the rods of the Egyptians, which seemed to be dragons, until it had consumed them all. It then returned to its own form, and Moses took it into his hand again. 4. However, the king was no more moved when this was done than before ; and being very angry, he said that he should gain no- thing by this his cunning and shrewdness against the Egyptians; — and he commanded him that was the chief task-master over the He- brews, to give them no relaxation from their labours, but to compel them to submit to greater oppressions than before; and though he allowed them chaff before for making their bricks, he would allow it them no longer; but he made them to work hard at brick- making, in the day-time, and to gather chaff in the night. Now when their labour was thus doubled upon them, they laid the blame upon Moses, because their labour and their misery were on his account become more se- vere to them. But Moses did not let his cour- age sink for the king's threatenings; nor did he abate of his zeal on account of the 'He- brews' complaints ; but he supported himself, and set his soul resolutely against them both, and used his own utmost diligence to procure liberty to his countrymen. So he went to the king, and persuaded him to let the He- brews go to mount Sinai, and there to sacri- fice to God, because God had enjoined them so to do. He persuaded him also not to counterwork the designs of God,, but to esteem his favour above all things, and to permit them to depart, lest, before he be aware, he lay an obstruction in the way of the divine commands, and so occasion his own suffering such punishments as it was probable any one that counterworked the divine commands should undergo, since the severest afflictions arise from every object to those that provoke the divine wrath against them; for such as these have neither the earth nor the air for their friends ; nor are the fruits of the womb according to nature, but every thing is un- friendly and adverse towards them. He said farther, that the Egyptians should know this by sad experience ; and that besides, the He- brew people should go out of their country without their consent. CHAPTER XIV. CONCERNING THE TEN PLAGUES WHICH CAMB UPON THE EGYPTIANS. § 1. But when the king despised the words of Moses, and had no regard at all to them, grievous plagues seized the Egyptians ; every one of which I will describe, both because no such plagues did ever happen to any other nations as the Egyptians now felt, — and be- cause I would demonstrate that Moses did not fail in any one thing that he foretold them ; and because it is for the good of mankind, that they may leam this caution : — Not to do any thing that may displease God, lest he be provoked to wrath, and avenge their iniquities upon them. For the Egyptian river ran with bloody water at the command of God, insomuch that it could not be drunk, and they had no other spring of water neither; for the water was not only of the colour of blood, but it brought upon those that ventured to drink of it, great pains and bitter torment. Such was the river to the Egyptians ; but it was sweet and fit for drinking to the Hebrews, and no "way different from what it naturally used to be. As the king therefore knew not what to do in these sur- prising circumstances, and was in fear for the Egyptians, he gave the Hebrews leave to go 74 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. I^OOK II eway; but when the plague ceased, he changed ' bis mind again, and would not suffer them to go. 2. But when God saw that he was un- grateful, and upon the ceasing of this calam- ity would not grow wiser, he sent another plague upon the Egyptians: — An innumer- able multitude of frogs consumed the fruit of the ground ; the river was also full of them, ir.souuich that those who drew water had it spoiled by the blood of these animals, as they died in, and were destroyed by, the water ; and the country was full of filthy slime, as they were born and as they died : they also spoiled their vessels in their houses, which they used, and were found among what they ate and what they drank, and came in great numbers upon their beds. There was also an ungrateful smell, and a stink arose from them, as they were born, and as they died therein. Now, when the Egyptians were under the oppression of these miseries, the king ordered Moses to take the Hebrews with him, and be gone. Upon which the whole multitude of the frogs vanished away ; and both the land and the river returned to their former natures. But as soon as Pharaoh saw the land freed from this plague, he forgot the cause of it, and retained the Hebrews ; and, as though he had a mind to try the nature of more such judgments, he would not yet suffer Moses and his people to depart, having granted that liberty rather out of fear than out of any good consideration.* 3. Accordingly God punished his falseness with another plague, added to the former; for there arose out of the bodies of the Egyp- tians an innumerablequantity of lice, by which, wicked as they were, they miserably perished, as not able to destroy this sort of vermin either with washes or with ointments. At which terrible judgment the king of Egypt was in disorder, upon the fear into which he reasoned himself, lest his people should be destroyed, and that the maimer of this death was also reproachful, so that he was forced in part to recover himself from his wicked temper to a sounder mind, for he gave leave for the Hebrews themselves to depart. But when the plague thereupon ceased, he thought it proper to require that they should leave their children and wives behind them, as pledges of their return ; whereby he provoked God to be more vehemently angry at him, as if he thought to impose on his providence, and as if it were only Moses, and not God, who punished the Egyptians for the sake of the Hebrews ; for he filled that country full of various sorts of pestilential creatures, with their various properties, such indeed, as had never come into the sight of men before, by whose means the men perished themselves, and the land • Of thi« judicial liardening the hearts, and blindinvj the eyes of wicked men, or inratuatii)i< them, as a just punishment for their other wilful n ins, to their own dt-- •truciioni see the note on Antiq. b- vii. ch. tx. sect. 6. was destitute of husbandmen for its culti- vation; but if any thing escaped destruction from them, it was killed by a distemper which the men underwent also. 4. But when Pharaoh did not even then yield to the will of God, but, while he gave leave to the husbands to take their wives with them, yet insisted that the children should be left behind, God presently resolved lo punioii his wickedness with several sorts of calamities, and those worse than the foregoing, which yet had so generally afflicted them; for their bo- dies had terrible boils, breaking forth with blains, while they were already inwardly con- sumed; and a great part of the Egyptians per- ished in this manner. But when the king was not brought to reason by this plague, hail was sent down from heaven ; and such hail it was, as the climate of Egypt had never suffered before, nor was it like to that which falls in other climates in winter time,* but was larger than that which falls in the middle of spring to those that dwell in the northern and north- western regions. This hail broke down their boughs laden with fruit. After this a tribe of locusts consumed the seed which was not hurt by the hail; so that to the Egyptians all hopes of the future fruits of the ground were entirely lost. 5. One would think the forementioned ca- lamities might have been sufficient for one that was only foolish, without wickedness, to make him wise, and to make him sensible what was for his advantage. But Pharaoh, led not so much by his folly as by his wickedness, even when he saw the cause of his miseries, he still contested with God, and wilfully deserted the cause of virtue; so he bid Moses take the He- brews away, with their wives and children, but to leave their cattle behind, since their outi cattle were destroyed. But when Moses said that what he desired was unjust, since they were obliged to offer sacrifices to God of thost cattle ; and the time being prolonged on this account, a thick darkness, without the least light, spread itself over the Egyptians, where- by their sight being obstructed, and theii breathing hindered by the thickness of the air they died miserably, and under a terror lest they should be swallowed up by the dark cloud. Besides this, when the darkness,after three days and as many nights, was dissipated, and when Pharaoh did not still repent and let the Hebrews go, Moses came to him and said, " How long wilt thou be disobedient to the command ot God ? for he enjoins thee to let the Hebrews go; nor is there any other way of being freed from the calamities you are under, unless you do so." But the king was angry at what he said, and threatened to cut off his head if he camp any more to trouble him about these mat- ters. Hereupon Moses said he would not • A« to this winter or spring hail near F.^rypt and Ju^ dea, see the lit;* on thunder and lightni^ig there, in the QDle on Aatiq. b. vi. ch. v. sect, vi. CHAP. XV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 75 speak to him any more about tiem, for that he himself, together with the principal men among the Egyptians, should desire the He- brews to go away. So when Moses had said this, he went his way. 6 But when God had signified, that withone more plague he would compel the Egyptians to let the Hebrews go, he commanded Mo^es to tell the people that they should have a sacrifice ready, and that they should prepare them- selves on the tenth day of the month Xan- thicus, agjkinst the fourteenth (which month is culled by the Egypiians Pharmuth, and Nisan by the Hebrews; but the Mucedonians call it XanthicusJ and that he should carry away the Hebrews with all they had. Accord- ingly, he having got the Hebrews ready for their departure, and having sorted the people into tribes, he kept them together in one place: but when the fourteenth day was come, and all were ready to depart, they offered the sacrifice, and purified their houses with the blood, using bunches of hyssop for that pur- pose; and when they had supped, they burnt the remainder of the flesh, as just ready to de- part. Whence it is that we do still offer this sacrifice in like manner to this day, and call this festival Pascha, which signifies the feast of the passover; because on that day God passed us over, and sent the plague upon the Egyp- tians ; for the destruction of the first-born came upon the Egyptians that night, so that many of the Egyptians who lived near the king's palace, persuaded Pharaoh to let the Hebrews go. Accordingly he called for Mo- ses, and bid them begone; as supposing, that if ORce the Hebrews were gone out of the country, Egypt should be freed from its miseries. They also honoured the Hebrews with gifts;* some, in order to get them to depart quickly, and others on account of their neighbourhood, and the friendship they had with them. CHAPTER XV. HOW THE HEBREWS, UNDER THE CONDUCT OF MOSES, LiFT EGYPT. § 1. So the Hebrews went out of Egypt, while the Egyptians wept, and repented that they had treated them so hardly. — ^^Now they • Thes« large presents made to the Fsraelltes, of ves- sels of silver, and vessels of ^old. and raiment, were, as Josfphus truly calls them, gifts really given them; not lent tliem, as our Enijlish falsely renders thera. They were spoils required, not borrowed of them. Gen. xv. 14, Kxod. iii. 22, xi. 2, Psalm cv. 37, as the same version falsely renders the Hebrew word here used, Exo<i. xii. ai, 3tj. (jod had ordered the Jews to demand these as their pay and reward, during their long and bitter slavers in K»iypt, as atonements for the lives of the Egyptians, and as the condition of the Jews' departure, and of the Egyptians' deliverance from these teriii);e judgments which bad they not now ceased, they had soon been ali dead men. as ihev themselves confess, cti xii. 3'-i. Noi was there any sense in borrowiiii; #r lending, when the iMachtes were fiaaUy depurtiag out of the land for ever. took their journey by Letopolis, a place at that time deserted, but where Babylon was built afterwards, when Cambyses laid Egypt waste : but as they went away hastily, on the third day they came to a place called Baalzephon, on the Red Sea ; and when they had no food out of the land, because it was a desert, they eat of loaves kneaded of flour, only warmed b> a gentle heat; and this food they made use ot for thirty days; for what they brought with them out of Egypt; would not suffice them any longer time; and this only while they dispensed it to each person, to use so much only as would serve for necessity, but not for satiety. Whence it is that, in memory of the want we were then in, we keep a feast for eight days, which is called the feast of uri' leavened bread. Now the entire multitude of those that went out, including the women and children, was not easy to be numbered; but those that were of an age fit for war, were six hundred thousand. 2. They left Egypt in the month Xanthi- cus, on the fifteenth day of the lunar months four hundred and thirty years after our fore- father Abraham came into Canaan, but two hundred and fifteen years only after Jacob re- moved into Egypt.f It was the eightieth year of the age of Moses, and of that of Aaron three more. They also carried out the bones of Joseph with them, as- he had charged his sons to do. 3. But the Egyptians soon repented 'that the Hebrews were gone; and the king also was mightily concerned that this had been procured by. the magic arts of Moses; so they resolved to go after them. Accordingly they took their weapoits, and other warlike furniture, and pursued after them, in order to bring them back, if once they overtook them, because they would now have no tJre- tence to pray to God against them, since they had already been permitted to go out ; and they thought they should easily overcome them, as they had no armour, and would be weary with their jour?ley; so they made haste in their pursuit, and asked of every one they met which way they were gone. And indeed that land w^as difficult to be travelled over, not only by armies, but by single persons. Now Moses led the Hebrews this way, that in case the Egyptians should repent and be desirous to pursue after them, they might undergo the punishment of their wickedness, and of the breach of those promises they had made to them. As also he led them this way on account of the Philistines, who had quar- + Why our Masorete copy so gronndlessly abridges this account in Exod. xii. 40. as to ascribe 4:30 years to the sole peregrination of the Israelites in >Egvpt when it is clear even by that Masorete chronology elsewhere, as well as from the express text itself, in the Samaritan, .*«eptuagint. and Josephus, that.they sojourned in Egypt but half that time, — and that by consequence, the other half of their peregrination was in the land of Canaan, before they came into Egypt, — is hard to say. See Essay oa the Old Testament, p. 62, 63. 76 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK a relied with them, and hated them of old, that by all means they might not know of their departure, for their country is near to that of Egypt; and thence it was that Moses led them not along the road that tended to the land of the Philistines, but he was desirous that they should go through the desert, that so after a long journey, and after many afflictions, they might enter upon the land of Canaan. Another reason of this was, that God commanded him to bring the people to mount Sinai, that there they might oifer him sacrifices. Now when the Egyptians had overtaken the Hebrews, they prepared to fight them, and by their multitude they drove them into a narrow place; for the number that pursued after them was six hundred cha- riots, with fifty thousand horsemen, and two hundred thousand footmen, all armed. They also seized upon the passages by which they imagined the Hebrews might fly, shutting them up* between inaccessible precipices and the sea ; for there was [on each side] a [ridge of] mountains that terminated at the sea, which were impassable by reason of their roughness, and obstructed their flight; where- fore they there pressed upon the Hebrews with their army, where [the ridges of] the mountains were closed with the sea; which army they placed at the chops of the moun- tains, that so they might deprive them of any passage into the plain. 4. When the Hebrews, therefore, were neither able to bear up, being thus, as it were, besieged, because they wanted provisions, nor saw any possible way of escaping ; and if they should have thought of fighting, they had no weapons; they expected a universal destruction, unless they delivered themselves up to the Egyptians. So they laid the blame on "Moses, and forgot all the signs that had been wrought by God for the recovery of * Take the main part of Reland's excellent note here, which greatly illustrates Josephus, and the Scripture, in this history, as follows : — " [A trayeller, says lieland, whM* name was] Eneman,*when he returned out of Egypt, told me that he went the same way from Egypt to mount Sinai, which he supposed the Israelites of old travelled; and that he found several mountainous tracks, that ran down towards the Red Sea. He thought the Israelites had proceeded as ftir as the desert of Eliiam (Exod. xfii. 20), when they were commanded hy God to return back (Exod. xiv. 2), and to pitch their camp between Migdql and the sea; and that when they were not able to fly, unless by sea, they were shut in on each side by mountains. lie also thought We might evidently learn hence, how it might be said that the Is- raelites were in Etham before they went over the sea. and yet might be said to have come into Etham after they had passed over the sea also. Besides, he gave me an accfjunt how he passed over a river in a boat near the city Suez, which he says must needs be the Ileroopolis of the ancients, since that city could not bo situate any- where else in that neighbourhood^" As to the famous passage produced here by Dr. Ber- nard, out of Herodotus, as the most ancient heathen testimony of the Israelites coming from th« Red Sea Into Palestine, Bishop Cumberland has shown that it t>elonKS to the old Canaanite or I'hoenician shepherds, and their retiring out of Egypt into Canaan or Phoe- nicia, long iMfore the dayi of Mosm. Saucbouiatho, their freedom; and this so far, that their in, credulity prompted them to tlurow stones a> the prophet, while he encourged them and promised them deliverance ; and they resolved that they would deliver themselves up to the Egyptians. So there was sorrow and lamen- tation among the women and children, who had nothing but destruction before their eyes, while they were encompassed with mountains, the sea, and their enemies, and discerned no way of flying from them. 5. But Moses, though the multitude looked fiercely at him, did not, however, give over the care of them, but despised all dangers, out of his trust in God, who, as he had afforded them the several steps ahead'y taken for the recovery of their liberty, which he had foretold them, would not now suflfer them to be subdued by their enemies, to be either made slaves or be slain by them : and, stand- ing in the midst of them, he said, " It is not just of us to distrust even men, when they have hitherto well managed our affair!?, as if they would not be the same men hereafter ; but it is no better than madness, at this time, to despair of the providence of God, by whose power all those things have been performed which he promised when you expected no such things: I mean all that I have been concerned in for your deliverance and escape from slavery. Nay, when we are in the ut- most distress, as you see we are, we ought rather to hope that God will succour us, by whose operation it is that we are now encom- passed within this narrow place, that he may deliver us out of such difficulties as are other- wise insurmountable, and out of which nei- ther you nor your enemies expect you can be delivered, and may at once demonstrate his own power and his providence over us. Nor does God use to give his help in small diffi- culties to those whom he favours, but in such cases where no one can see how any hope in man can better their condition. Depend, therefore, upon such a protector as is able to make small things great, and to show that this mighty force against you is nothing but weakness, and be not affrighted at the Egyp- tian army, nor do yoi^ despair of being pre- served, because the sea before, and the moun- tains behind, afford you no opportunity for flying ; for even these mountains, if God so please, may be made plain ground for you, and the sea become dry land." CHAPTER XVI. HOW TOE SEA WAS DIVIDED ASUNDER FOR THl HEBREWS, WHEN THEY WERE PURSUED BT THE EGYPTIANS, AND 80 GAVE THEM AN OPPORTUNITY OF ESCAPING FROM THEM. § 1. When Mo?cs had Raid this, he led theim to the aca, while the Egyptians looked on , CHAP. XVI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 77 for they were within sight. Now these were so distressed by the toil of their pursuit, that they thought proper to put off fighting till the next day. But when Moses was come to the sea-shore, he took his rod, and made suppli- cation to God, and called upon him to be their helper and assistant ; and said, " Thou art not ignorant, O Lord, that it is beyond human strength and human contrivance to avoid the difficulties we are now under ; but it must be thy work altogether to procure de- liverance to this army, which has left Egypt at thy appointment. We despair of any other assistance or contrivance, and have re- course only to that hope we have in thee; and if there be any method that can promise us an escape by thy providence, we look up to thee for it. And let it come quickly, and manifest thy power to us ; and do thou raise up this people unto good courage and hope of deliverance who are deeply sunk into a disconsolate state of mind. We are in a helpless place, but still it is a place that thou possessest ; still the sea is thine, the mountains also that enclose us are thine ; so that these mountains will open themselves if thou com- mandest them, and the sea also, if thou com- mahdest it, will become dry land. Nay, we might escape by a flight through the air, if thou shouldst determine we should have that way of salvation." 2. When Moses had thus addressed him- self to God, he smote the sea with his rod, which parted asunder at the stroke, and re- ceiving those waters into itself, left the ground dry, as a road and a place of flight for the Hebrews. Now when Moses saw this ap- pearance of God, and that the sea went out of its own place, and left dry land, he went first of all into it and bid the Hebrews to follow him along that divine road, and to re- joice at the danger their enemies that followed them were in; and gave thanks to God for this so surprising a deliverance which appeared from him. 3. Now, while these Hebrews made no stay, but went on earnestly, as led by God's presence with them, the Egyptians supposed at first that they were distracted, and were going rashly upon manifest destruction. But when they saw that they were gone a great way without any harm, and that no obstacle or difficulty fell in their journey, they made haste to pursue them, hoping that the sea would be calm for them also. They put their horse foremost, and went down themselves into the sea. Now the Hebrews, while these were putting on their armour, and therein spending their time, were beforehand with them, and escaped them, and got first over to the land on the other side without any hurt. Whence the others were encouraged, and more courageously pursued them, as hoping , no harm would come to them neither: but the E^ptians wer? not aware that they went into a road made for the Hebrews, and not for others; that this road was made for the deliverance of those in danger, but not for those that were earnest to make use of it for the others' destruction. As soon, therefore, as ever the whole Egyptian army was within it, the sea flowed to its own place, and came down with a torrent raised by storms of wind,* and encompassed the Egyptians. Shower.^ of rain also came do\^Jn from the sky, and dreadful thunders and lightning, with flashes of fire. Thunder-bolts also were darted upon them ; nor was there any thing which used to be sent by God upon men, as indications of his wrath, which did not happen at this time ; for a dark and dismal night oppressed them. And thus did all these men perish, so that there was not one man left to be a messenger of this calamity to the rest of the Egyptians. 4. But the Hebrews were not able to con- tain themselves for joy at their wonderful deli- verance, and destruction of their enemies. Nov indeed, supposing themselves firmly delivered, when those that would have forced them into slavery were destroyed, and when they found they had God so evidently for their protector; and now these Hebrews having escaped the danger they were in, after this manner, and besides that, seeing their ene- ' mies punished in such a way as is never re- corded of any other men whomsoever, were all the night employed in singing of hymns, and in mirth.f Moses also composed a song * Of these storms of \rind, thunder and lightning, at this drowning of Pharaoh's army, almost wanting in our copies of Exodus, hut fully extant in that of David, Psalm Ixxvii. 16, 17, 18, and in that of Josephus here, see Essay on the Old Test. Append, p. 154, 155. t What some have here objected against this passage of the Israelites over the Red Sea, in this one night, from the common map?, viz. that this sea being here about thirty miles broad, so great an army could not pass over it in so short a time, is a great mistake. Mons. Thevenot, an authentic eye-witness, informs, us, that this sea, for about five days' journey, is nowhere more than about eight or nine miles over-cross, and in one place but four or five miles, according to De Lisle's map, which is made from the best travellers themselves, and not copied from others. What has been further ob- jected against this passage of the Israelites, and drown- ing of the Egj-ptians, being miraculous also, viz. that Moses might carry the Israelites over at a low tide with- out any miracle, while yet the Egyptians, not knov>ing the tide so.well as he, might be drowned upon the return of the tide, is a strange story indeed! That Moses, who never had lived there, should know the quantity and time of the flux and reflux of the Red Sea better than the Egj'ptians themselves in its neighbourhood! Yet does Artapanus, an ancient heathen historian, inform us, that this was what the more ignorant Memphites, who lived at a greater distance, pretended, though he confesses, that the more learned Ileliopolitans, who lived much nearer, owned the destruction of the Egyp- tians, and the deliverance of the Israelites, to have been miraculous ; and De Castro, a mathematician, who sur- veyed this sea with great exactness, informs us, that there is no great flux or reflux in this part of the Red Sea, to give a colour to this hj'pothesis ; nay, that at the elevation of the tide there is little above half the height of a man. See Essay on the Old Test. Append, p. 239, 240. So vain and groundless are these and the like evasions and subterfuges of our modern sceptics and unbelievers, and so certainly do thorough inquiries and authentic evidence disprove and confute such eva- sions and subterfuges upon all occaaions 1 78 ANTIQUITIES <.F THE JEWS. BOOK U unto God, containing his praises, and a thanksgiving for his kindness, in hexameter verse.* 5. As for myself, I have delivered every part of this history as I found it in the sacred to destroy the monarchy of the Persians; and this is confessed to be true by all that have writterv about the actions of Alexander; but as to these events, let every one determme as he pleases. books; nor let any one wonder at the s+range- j 6. On the next day Moses gathered to- nessofthenarration, ifavi^ay weredisco/ired getht/i* the weapons of the Egyptians, which to those men of old time, who were free from the wickedness of the modern ages, whether it happened by the will oi viod, or whether it happened of its own accord, — while, for the sake of these that accomnanied Alexander, king of ^4a»edo/Jia, who yet lived, compara- tively, but a little while ago, the Pamphylian Sea retired and afforded them a passage f through itself, when they had no other way to go ; I mean, when it was the will of God • Wbat that hexameter verse, in which Moses's tri- umphant song is here said to be written, distinctly means, our present ia:norance of the old Hebrew metre or meastire will not let us determine. Nor does it ap- pear to me certain that even Josephus himself had a dis- tinct notion of it, though he speaks of several sorts of that metre or measure, both here and elsewhere. Antiq. book iv. ch. viii. sect 44 ; and book vii. ch. xii. sect. 3. + Take here the original passages of the four old au- thors that still remain, as to this transit of Alexander the Great over the Pamphylian Sea: I mean, of Callis- ihenes, strabo, Arrian, and Appian. As to Callisthenes, who himself accompanied Alexander in this expedition, Eustathius, in his Notes on the third Iliad of Homer, (as Dr. Bernard here informs us) says. That " this Callis- thenes wrote how the Pamphylian Sea did not only open a passage for Alexander, but, by rising and elevating its waters, did pay him homage as its king." Strabo's account is this (Geog. book. xiv. p. G66): " Now about Phaselis is that narrow passage, by the sea-side, through which Alexander led his araiy. There is a mountain called Climax, which adjoins to the Sea of Pamphylia, leaving a narrow passage on the shore, which, in calm weather, is bare, so as to be passable by travellers; but when the sea overflows, it is covered to a great degree by the waves. Now then, the ascent by the mountains being round about and steep, in still weather they make use of the road along the coast; but Alexander fell into the winter season, and committing himself chiefly to fortune he marched on before the waves retired ; and so it hap- pened that they were a whole day in journeying over it, and were under water up to the navel." Arrian's account is this (book i. p. 72, 73): " When Alexander removed from Phaselis, he sent some part of his army over the mountains to Perga; which road the Thracians showed hira. A dilficult way it was, but short However ho were brought to the camp of the Hebrews by the current of the sea, and the force of the winds assisting it; and he conjectured that this also happened by Divine Providence, that so they might not be destitute o*" weapons. So when he had ordered the liei>.cv\s to arm themselves with them, he led them to mount Sinai, in order to offer sacrifice to God, and to render oblations for the salvation of the multitude, as he was charged to do beforehand, himself conducted those that were with him hy the sea- shore. This road is impassable at any other time than when the north wind blows; but if the south wind pre- vail, there is no passing by the shore. Now at this time, after strong south winds, a north wind blew; and that not without the Divine Providence (as both he and they that were with him supposed) and afforded him an easy and quick passage." Appian, when he compares Cfesar and Alexander together (De Bel. Civil, book ii. p 5-2J) says, " 1 hat they both depended on their boldness and fortune, as much as on their skill in war." As an instance of which, Alexander journeyed over a country without water, in the heat of summer, to the oracle of [JupiterJ Hammon, and quickly passed over the Bay of Pam- phylia, when, by Divine Providence, the sea was cut off: — thus Providence restraining the sea on his ac- count, as it had sent him rain when he travelled [over the desert]." N.B. — Since, in the days of Josephus, as he a.ssures ns, all the more numerous original historians of Alexander gave the account he has here ."iet down, as to the provi- dential going hack of the waters of the Pamphylian Sea, when he was going with his army to destroy the Persian monarchy, which the forenamed authors now remaining fully confirm, it is without all just foundation that Jo- sephus is here blamed hy some late writers for quoting those ancient authors upon the present occasion; nor can the reflections of Plutarch, or any other author later than Josephus, be in the least here alleged to contradict him. Josephus went by all the evidence he then had, and that evidence of the most authentic sort also So that whatever the moderns may think of the thing it.self there is hence not the least colour for finding fault with Josephus: he would rather have been macb to blamt had be omitted these quotations. BOOK ni. CONTAINING THB INTERVAL OF TWO JZAT3. FROM THE EXODUS OUT OF EGYPT, TO THE REJECTION OF THAT GENERATION. CHAPTER I. HOW MOSES, WHEN HE HAD BROUGHT THE PEOPLE OUT OF EGYPT, LED THEM TO MOUNT SINAI ; BUT NOT TILL THEY HAD SUFFERED MUCH IN THEIR JOURNEY. § 1. When the Hebrews bad obtained such a wonderful deliverance, the country was a great trouble to them, for it was entirely a desert, and without all sustenance for them ; and also had exceeding little water, so that it not only was not at all sufficient for the men, but not enough to feed any of the cattle; for it was parched up, and had no moisture that might afford nutriment to the vegetables; so they were forced to travel over this country, as having no other country but this to travel in. They had indeed carried water along with them, from the land over which they had travelled before, as their conductor had bidden them: but when that was spent, they were obliged to draw water out of wells, with pain, by reason of the hardness of the soiL Moreover, what water they found was bitter, and not fit for drinking, and this in small quantities also; and as they thus travelled, they came late in the evening to a place called Marah,* which had that name from the bad- ness of its water, for Mar denotes bitterness. Thither they came, afflicted both by the te- diousness of their journey, and by their want cf food, for it entirely failed them at that time. Now here was a well, which made them choose to stay in the place, which, al- though it were not sufficient to satisfy so great an army, did yet afford them some com- fort, as found in such desert places; for they heard from those who had been to search, that there was nothing to be found, if they tra- velled on farther. Yet was this water bitter, • Dr. Bernard taices notice here, that this place. Mar, where the waters were bitter, is called by the Syrian* and Arabians iMariri, and by the Syrians sometimes Mo- rath, all derived from the Hebrew Mar. He also takes notice, that it is called The Bitter Fountain by Pliny himself; which waters remain there to this day, and are 8tiU bitter, as Thevenot assures iisj and that there are also abundance of palm-trees- See his Travels, part i. cttap. xxvL p. 166. and not fit for men to drink; and not only so, but it was intolerable even to the cattle themselves. 2. When Moses saw how much the people were cast down, and that the occasion of it could not be contradicted, for the people were not in the nature of a complete army of men, who might oppose a manly fortitude to the necessity that distressed them; the multitude of the children, and of the women also, being of too weak capacities to be persuaded by rea- son, blunted the courage of the men them- selves, — he was therefore in great diffi- culties, and made every body's calamity his own; for they ran all of them to him, and begged of him; the women begged for their infants, and the men for the women, that he would not overlook them, but procure some way or other for their deliverance. He there- fore betook himself to prayer to God, that he would change the water from its present bad- ness, and make it fit for drinking. And when God had granted him that favour, he took the top of a stick that lay down at his feet, and divided it in the middle, and made the section lengthways. He then let it down into the well, and persuaded the Hebrews that God had hearkened to his prayers, and had pro- mised to render the water such as they desired it to be, in case they would be subservient to him in what he should enjoin him to do, and this not after a remiss or negligent manner. And when they asked what they were to do in order to have the water changed for the bet- ter, he bid the strongest men among them that stood there, to draw up water f ; and told them, + The additions here to Moses's account of the sweet- ening of the waters at Marah, seem derived from soms ancient profane author, and he such an author also a. looks less authentic than are usually followed by Jose- phus. Philo has not a syllable of these additions, nor any other ancienter writer that we know of. Had Josephu. written these his Antiquities for the use of Jews, ha would hardly have given them these veiy improbable circumstances; but writinc; to Gentiles, that they inigh- not complain of his omission of any accounts of such miracles derived from Gentiles, he did not think proper to conceal what he had met with there about this mat ter: which procedure is perfectly agreeable to the cha. acter and usace of Josephus upon many occasions. Thi» note is. I confess, barely conjectural, and since Jos»\ phus never tells us when his own copy, taken out of tlk 80 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK III that when the greatest part was drawn up, the reipainder would be fit to drink : so they la- boured at it till the water was so agitated and purged as to be fit to drink. 3. And now removing from thence they came to Elim ; which place looked well at a distance, for there was a grove of palm-trees ; but when they came near to it, it appeared to be a bad place, for the palm-trees were no more than seventy ; and they were ill grown and creeping trees, by the want of water, for the country about was all parched, and no moisture sufficient to water them, and make them hopeful and useful, was derived to them from the fountains, which were in number twelve : they were rather a few moist places than springs, which not breaking out of the ground, nor running over, could not suffi- ciently water the trees. And when they dug into the sand, they met with no water ; and if they took a few drops of it into their hands, they found it to be useless, an account of its mud. The trees also were too weak to bear fruit, for want of being sufficiently cherished and enlivened by the water. So they laid the blame on their conductor, and made heavy complaints against him ; and said that this their miserable state, and the experience they had of adversity, were owing to him ; for that they had then journeyed an entire thirty days and had spent all the provisions they had brought with them ; and meeting with no re- lief, they were in a very desponding condition. And by fixing their attention upon nothing but their present misfortunes, they were hin- dered from remembering what deliverances they had received from God, and those by the virtue and wisdom of Moses also ; so they were very angry at their conductor, and were zealous in their attempt to stone him, as the direct occasion of their present miseries. 4. But as for Moses himself, while the multitude were irritated and bitterly set against him, he cheerfully relied upon God, and upon his consciousness of the care he had taken of these his own people : and he came into the midst of them, even while they clam- oured against him, and had stones in their hands in order to dispatch him. Now he was of an agreeable presence, and very able to per- suade the people by his speeches; according- ly he began to mitigate their anger, and ex- horted them not to be over-mindful of their present adversities, lest they should thereby suffer the benefits that had formerly been be- stowed on them to slip out of their memo- ries ; and he desired them by no means, on ac- temple, had such editions, or when any ancient notes ■applied them; or indeed when they are derived from Jewish, and when from Gentile antifiulty, — ^we can go no farther than bare conjectures in such cases ; only the Botions of Jews were generally so dilTerent from those of Gentiles; that we may sometimes make no improba- ble ooDJecturen to which sort such additions belong. See also somewhat like these additions in Joscphus's aeeonnt of Elisha'e making sweet the bitter and barren •priog near Jericho, War, b. iv. oh. Tiii sect. 3. count of their present uneasiness, to cast those great and wonderful favours and gifts, which they had obtained of God, out of their mind^ but to expect deliverance out of those thei? •present troubles which thoy could not free themselves from, and this by the means of that Divine Providence which watched over them ; seeing it is probable that God tries their vir- tue, and exercises their patience by these ad- verMties, that it may appear what fortitude they have, and what memory they retain of his former wonderful works in their favour, and whether they will not think of them upon occasion of the miseries they now feel. He told them, it appeared they were not really good men, either in patience, or in remember- ing what had been successfully done for them, sometimes by contemning God and his com- mands, when by those commands they left the land of Egypt; and sometimes by behaving themselves ill towards him who was the ser- vant of God, and this when he bad never de- ceived them, Either in what he said, or had or- dered Hhem to do by God's command. He also put them in mind of all that had passed i how the Egyptians were destroyed when they attempted to detain them, contrary to the com- mand of God; and afte» what manner the very same river was to the others bloody, and not fit for drinking, but was to them sweet and fit for drinking; and how they went a new road through the sea, which fled a long way from them, by which very means they were themselves preserved, but saw their enemies destroyed; and that when they were in want of weapons, God gave them plenty of them r — and so he recounted all the particular in- stances, how when they were, in appearance, just going to be destroyed, God had saved them in a surprising manner; that he had still the same power; and that they ought not even now to despair of his providence over them ; and accordingly he exhorted them to continue quiet, and to consider that help would not come too late, though it come not immediately, if it be present with them before they suffer any great misfortune ; that they ought to reason thus ; that God delays to assist them, not be- cause he has no regard to them, but because he will first try their fortitude, and the plea- sure they take in their freedom, that he may learn whether you have souls great enough to bear want of food, and scarcity of water, on its account ; or whether you rather love to be slaves, as cattle arc slaves to such as own them, and feed them liberally, but only in order i<j make them more useftil in their service. That as for himself, he shall not be so much con- cerned for his own preservation ; for if he die unjustly, he shall not reckon it any afiliction ; but that he is concerned for them, lost, by casting stones at him, they should bo thought to con<lemn God himself. 5, By this means Mosps pacified the people, and restrained them from stoning him, and CHAP. I. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JET^S. 8i brought them to repent of what they were go- ing to do ; and because he thought the neces- sity they were under made their passion less unjustifiable, he thought he ought to apply himself to God by prayer and supplication ; and, going up to an eminence, he requested of God ibr some succour for the people, and some way of deliverance from the want they were in, because in him, and in him alone, was their hope of salvation: and he desired that he would forgive what necessity had forced the people to do, since such was the nature of mankind, hard to please, and very complain- ing under adversities. Accordingly, God pro- mised he would take care of them, and afford them the succour they were desirous of. Now when Moses had heard this from God, he came down to the multitude : but as soon as they saw him joyful at the promises he had received from God, they changed their sad countenances into gladness. So he placed himSelf in the midst of them, and told them he came to bring them from God a deliverance from their present distresses. Accordingly, a little after came a vast number of quails, which is a bird more plentiful in this Arabian gulf than anywhere else, flying over the sea, and hovered over them, till, wearied with their laborious flight, and, indeed, as. usual, flying very near to the earth, they fell down upon the Hebrews, who caught them, and satisfied their hunger with them, and supposed that this was the method whereby God meant to sup- ply them with food. Upon which Moses re- turned thanks to God for affording them his assistance so suddenly, and sooner than he had promised them. 6. But presently aft«r this first supply of food, he sent them a second; for as Moses was lifting up his hands in prayer, a dew fell down : and Moses, when he found it stick to his hands, supposed this was also come for food from God to them : he tasted it ; and' perceiving that the people knew not what it was, and thought it snowed, and that it was what usually fell at that time of the year, he informed them that this dew did not fall from heaven after the manner they irfiagined, but came for their preservation and sustenance. So he tasted it, and gave them some of it, that they might be satisfied about what he told them. They also imitated their con- ductor, and were pleased with the food, for it was like honey in sweetness and pleasant taste, but like in its body to bdellium, one of the sweet spices, and in bigness equal to cori- ander seed. And very earnest they were in gathering it ; but they were enjoined to gather it equally ;* the measure of an omer for each one every day, because this food should not * It seems to me, fi-om what Moses (Exod. xvi. 18), St. Paul (2 Cor. viii. 15), and Jo?ephu8 here, say, com- pared together, that the quantity of manna that fell daily, and did not putrefy, was just so much as came to an omer a-piece, through the whole host of Israel, and no more. come in too small a quantity, lest the weaker might not be able to get their share, by rea- son of the overbearing of the strong in col- lecting it. However, these strong men, when they had gathered more than the measure ap- pointed for them, had no more than others, but only tired themselves more in gathering it, for they found no more than an ome a-piece ; and the advantage they gut oy wha was surperfluous was none at all, it corrupting, both by the worms breeding in it, and by its bitterness. So divine and wonderful a food was this ! It algo supplied the want of other sorts of food to those that fed on it,- and even now, in all that place, this manna comes down in rain,t according to what Moses then ob- tained of God, to send it to the people for their sustenance. Now the Hebrews call this food manna; for the particle ma.i, in our language, is the asking of a question. What is this? So the Hebrews were very joyful at what was sent them from heaven. Now they made use of this food for forty years, or as long as they wer^in the wilderness. 7. As soon as they were removed thence, they came to Rephidim, being distressed to the last degree by thirst ; and while in the fore- going days they had lit on a few small foun- tains, but now found the earth entirely desti- tute of water, they were in an evil case. They again turned their anger against Moses ; but he at first avoided the fury of the multi- tude, and then betook himself to prayer to God, beseeching him, that as he had given them food when they were in the greatest want of it, so he would give them drink, since the favour of giving them food was of no va- lue to them while they had nothing to drink : and God did not long delay to give it them, but promised Moses that he would procure them a fountain, and plenty of water from a place they did not expect any ; so he com- manded him to smite the rock which they saw lying there,J with his rod, and out of it to re- ceive plenty of what they wanted; for he had t This supposal, that the sweet honey dew or manna, so celebrated in ancient and modern authors, as falling usually in Arabia, wa.s of the very same i^ort with this manna sent to the Israelites, savours more of Gentilism than of Judaism or Christianity. It is not improbable that some ancient Gentile author, read by Josephus, so thought ; nor would he here contradict hiin : though just before, and Antiq. b. iv. chap. iii. sect. 2. he seems directly to allow that it had not been seen before. How- ever, this food from heaven is here described to be like snow ; aud in Artapanus, a heathen writer, it is com- pared to meal, -like to oatmeal, in colour like to snow, rained down by God" (Essay on the Old Test. Append, p. 2.j0 •; but as to the derivation of the word manwa, whether from man, which Josephus says then signiBed ^^llal is it t or from mavnah, to divide, i. e. a dividend or portion allotted to everj- one, it is uncertain : I in- cline to the latter derivation. This manna is called angels' food (Psalm Ixxviii. 26>, and by our Saviour (John vi. 31, 4c.), as well as by Josephus here and else- where (Antiq. b. iii. ch. v. sect. 3), said to be sent ihe Jews from heaven. t This rock is there at this day, as the travellers agree, and must be the same that was there in the days of .Mo.=es. as being too large to be brought thither by our motlern carriages. 82 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK III. taken care that drink should come to them without any labour or pains-taking. When Moses had received this command from God, he came to the people, who waited for him, and looked upon him ; for they saw already that he was coming apace from his eminence. As soon as he was come, he told them that God would deliver them from their present distress, and had granted them an unexpec- ted favour; and informed them, that a river should run for their sakes out of the rock ; but they were amazed at that hearing, sup- posing they were of necessity to cut the rock in pieces, now they were distressed by their thirst, and by their journey — while Moses, only smiting the rock with bis rod, opened a passage, and out of it burst water, and that in great abundance, and very clear ; but they were astonished at this wonderful effect, and, as if were, quenched their thirst by the very sight of it. Sd they drank this pleasant, this sweet water; and such it seemed to be, as might well be expected where God was the donor. They were also in admiration how Moses was honoured by God; and they made grateful returns of sacrifice to God for his providence towards them. Now that Scrip- ture which is laid up in the temple,* informs us, how God foretold to Moses, that water should in this manner be derived out of the rock. CHAPTER II. HOW THE AMALEKITES, AND THE NEIGHBOUR- ING NATIONS, MADE WAR WITH THE HE- BREWS, AND WERE BEATEN, AND LOST A GREAT PART OF THEIR ARMY. § 1. The name of the Hebrews began already to be everywhere renowned, and rumours about them ran abroad. This made the in- habitants of those countries to be in no small fear. Accordingly, they sent ambassadors to one another, and exhorted one another to de- fend themselves, and to endeavour to destroy these men. Those that induced the rest to do so, were such as inhabited Gobolitis and Petra. ' They were called Amalekites, and were the most warlike of the nations that lived thereabout; and whose kings exhorted one another and their neighbours to go to this war against the Hebrews; telling them that an army of strihgers, and such a one as bad run away from slavery under the Egyp- tians, lay in wait to ruin them ; which army they were not, in common prudence and re- gard to their own safety, to overlook, but to crush them before they gather strength, and • Note here, that the small book of the principal law* of Mosf:»i!< ever said to be laid up .n llie holy house *. Itself; but the larger I'entuteuch, as here, somewhere within the limits of the temple uud its courts only. See Antiq. b. V. cb. i. sect 17. come to be in prosperity ; and perhaps attack them first in a hostile manner, as presuming upon our indolence in not attacking them before; and that we ought to avenge our- selves of them for what they have done in the wilderness, but that this cannot be so well done when they have once laid their hands oa our cities and our goods : that those w^o en- deavour to crush a power in its first rise, are wiser than those that endeavour to put a stop to its progress when it is become formidable; for these last seem to be angry only at the flourishing of others, but the former do not leave any room for their enemies to become troublesome to them. After they had sent such ambassages to the neighbouring nations, and among one another, they resolved to at- tack the Hebrews in battle. 2. These proceedings of the people of those countries occasioned perplexity and trouble to Moses, who expected no such war- like preparations; and when these nations were ready to fight, and the multitude of the Hebrews were obliged to try the fortune of war, they were in a mighty disorder, and in want of all necessaries, and yet were to make war with men who were thoroughly well pre- pared for it. Then, therefore, it was that Moses began to encourage them, and to ex- hort them to have a good heart, and rely on God's assistance, by which they had been ad- vanced into a state of freedom, and to hope for victory over those who were ready to fight with them, in order to deprive them of that blessing: that they were to suppose their own army to be numerous, wanting nothing, nei- ther weapons, nor money, nor provisions, nor such other conveniences as, when men are in possession of, they fight undauntedly; and that they are to judge themselves to have all these advantages in the divine assistance. They are also to suppose the enemy's army to be small, unarmed, weak, and such as wan( those conveniences which they know must h& wanted, when it is God's will that they shall be beaten ; and how valuable God's assistance is, they had experienced in abundance of trials ; and those such as were more terrible than war, for that is only against men ; but these were against famine and thirst, things indeed that are in their own nature insupe- rable ; as also against mountains, and that sea which afforded them no way of escaping; yet had all these difficulties been conquered by God's gracious kindness to them. So he ex- horted them to be courageous at this time, and to look upon their entire prosperity to depend on the present conquest of their ene- mies. 3. And with these words did Moses encou- rage the multitude, wRo then called together the princes of their tribes and their chief men; both separately and conjointly. The young men he charged to ohey tbeir elders, and the elders to hearken to their leader. So the CHAP. II. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 83 people were elevated in their minds, and ready to try their fortune in battle, and hoped to be thereby at length delivered from all their miseries : nay, they desired that Moses would immediately lead them against their enemies without the least delay, that no back- wardness might be a hinderance to their pre- sent resolution. So Moses sorted all that were fit for war into different troops, and set Joshua, the son of Nun, of the tribe of Eph- raim, over them ; one that was of great cou- rage, and patient to undergo labours; of great abilities to understand, and to speak what was proper; and very serious in the worship of God ; and indeed made, like another Moses, a teacher of piety towards God. He also appointed a small party of the armed men to be near the water, and to take care of the children, and the women, and of the entire camp. So that whole night they prepared themselves for the battle ; they took their weapons, if any of them had such as were well made, and attended to their commanders as ready to rush forth to the battle as soon as Moses should give the word of command. Moses also kept awake, teaching Joshua after what manner he should order his camp. But when the day began, Moses called for Joshua again, and exhorted him to approve himself in deeds such a one as his reputation made men expect from him ; and to gain glory by the present expedition, in the opinion of those under him, for his exploits in this battle. He also gave a particular exhortation to the principal men of the Hebrews, and encouraged the whole army as it stood armed before him. And when he had thus animated the army, both by his words and works, and prepared every thing, he retired to a mountain, and committed the army to God and to Joshua. 4. So the armies joined battle, and it came to a close fight, hand to hand, both sides showing great alacrity, and encouraging one another. And indeed while Moses stretched out his hands towards heaven,* the Hebrews were too hard for the Amalekites: but Moses not being able to sustain his hands thus stretched out (for as often as he let down his hands, so often were his own people worsted), be had his brother Aaron, and Hur their sister Miriam's husband, to stand on each * This eminent circumstance, that while 'Moses's hands were lifted up towards heaven, the Israelites pre- vailed, and while they were letdown towards the earth, the Amalekites prevailed, seems to me the earliest intima- tion we have of the proper posture used ot old in solemn prayer, which was the stretchini; out of the hands [and eyes] towards heaven, as other passajjes of the Old and New Testament inform us Nay. by the way, this pos- ture seem« to have continued in the Christian church, till the clergy, instead of learning their prayers by heart, read them out of a hook, which is in a great measure inconsistent with such an elevated posture, and which seems to me to have been only a later practice, intro- diiired under the corrnpt state of the church; though the constant use ol divine forms of prayer, praise, and Ihanksgivins, appears to me to have ht-en the practice of God's people, patriarchs. Jews>, and Christians, in all the past :i2es side of him, and take hold of his hands, and not permit his weariness to prevent it, but to assist him in the extension of his hands. When this was done, the Hebrews conquered the Amalekites by main force ; and indeed they had all perished, unless the approach of the night had obliged the Hebrews to desist from killing any more. So our forefathers obtained a most signal and most seasonable victory for they not only overcame those that fough against them, but terrified also the neighbour- ing nations, and got great and splendid advan tages, which they obtained of their enemies by their hard pains in this battle: for when they had taken the enemy's ramp, they got ready booty for the public, and for their own private families, whereas till then they had next any sort of plenty, of even necessary food. The forementioned battle, when they had once got it, was also the occasion of their prosperity, not only for the present, but for the future ages also; for they not only made slaves of the bodies of their enemies, but subdued their minds also, and after this battle, became terrible to all that dwelt round about them. Moreover, they acquired a vast quantity of riches; for a great deal of silver and gold was left in the enemy's camp ; as also brazen vessels, which they made common use of in their families ; many utensils also that were embroidered, there were of both sorts, that is of what were weaved, and what were the or- naments of their armour, and other things that served for use in the family, and for the fur- niture of their rooms; they got also the prey of their cattle, and of whatsoever uses to follow camps, when they remove from one place to another. So the Hebrews now valued themselves upon their courage, and claimed great merit for their valour; and they perpet- ually inured themselves to take pains, by which they deemed every difficulty might be surmounted. Such were the consequences of this battle. 5. On the next day, Moses stripped the dead bodies of their enemies, and gathered together the armour of those that were fled, and gave rewards to such as had signalized themselves in the action ; and highly com- mended Joshua, their general, who was at- tested to by all the army, on account of the great actions he had done. Nor was any one of the Hebrews slain ; but the slain of the enemy's army were too many to be enumera- ted. So Moses offered •sacrifices of thanks- I giving to God, and built an altar, which he named The Lord the Conqueror. He also ' foretold that the Amalekites should utterly be ! destroyed ; and that hereafter none of them should remain, because they fought against the Hebrews, and this when they were in the wilderness, and in their distress also. More over, he refreshed the army with feasting. And thus did they fight this first battle with those that ventured to oppose them, after the^ 84 ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS. BOOK III. were gone out of Egypt But when Moses had celebrated this festival for the victory, he permitted the Hebrews to rest for a few days, and then he brought them out after the fight, in order of battle; for they had now many soldiers in light armour. And going gradually on, he came to mount Sinai, in three months' time after they were removed out of Egypt ; at which mountain, as we have before related, the vision of the Bush, and the other wonder- ful appearances, had happened. CHAPTER HI. THAT MOSES KINDLY RECEIVED HIS FATHER-IN- LAW, JETHRO, WHEN H« CAME TO HIM TO MOUNT SINAI. Now when Raguel, Moses's father-in-law, understood in what a prosperous condition his affairs were, he willingly came to meet him. And Moses took Zipphorah, his wife, and his children, and pleased himself with his com- ing. And when he had offered sacrifice, he made a feast for the multitude, near the Bush he had formerly seen ; which multitude, every one, according to their families, partook of the feast. But Aaron and his family took Raguel, and sung hymns to God; as to him who had been the author and procurer of their deliverance, and their freedom. They also praised their conductor, as him by whose virtue it was that all things had succeeded so well with them. Raguel also, in his eucha- ristical oration to Moses, made great enco- miums upon the whole multitude: and he could not but admire Moses for his fortitude, and that humanity he had shown in the deli- very of his friends. CHAPTER rV. HOW RAGUEL SUGGESTED TO MOSES TO SET HIS PEOPLE IN ORDER, UNDER THEIR RULERS OF THOUSANDS, AND RULERS OF HUNDREDS, WHO LIVED WITHOUT ORDER BEFORE ; AND HOW MOSES COMPLIED IN ALL THINGS WITH HIS FATHER-IN-LAW'S ADMONITION. § 1. The next day, as Raguel saw Moses in the midst of a crowd of business (for he deter- mined the differences of those that'referred them to him, every one still going to him, and sup- posing that they should then only obtain jus- tice, if he were the arbitrator ; and those that lost their causes thought it no harm while they thought they lost them justly, and not by par- tiality); Raguel, however, said nothing to him at *hat time, as not desirous to be any hinderance to such as had a mind to make use of the virtue of their conductor. But after- ward he took him to himself, and when he had him alone, he instructed him in what he ought to do; and advised him to leave the trouble of lesser causes to others, but himself to take care of the greater, and of the people's safety ; for that certain others of the Hebrews might be found that were fit to determine causes, but that nobody but a Moses could take care of the safety of so many ten thou- sands. " Be not, therefore," says he, " insen- sible of thine own virtue, and what thou hast done by ministering under God to the people's preservation. Permit, therefore, the deter- mination of common causes to be done by others, but do thou reserve thyself to the atten- dance on God only, and look out for methods of preserving the multitude from their pre- sent distress. Make use of the method I suggest to you, as to human affairs ; and take a review of the army, and appoint chosen rulers over tens of thousands, and then over thousands; then divide them into five hun- dreds, and again into hundreds, and into fifties ; and set rulers over each of them, who may distinguish them into thirties, and keep them in order ; and at last number them by twenties and by tens: and let there be one commander over each number, to be denomi- nated from the number of those over whom they are rulers, but such as the whole multi- tude have tried, and do approve of, as being good and righteous men ;* and let these rulers decide the controversies they have one with another. But if any great cause arise, let them bring the cognisance of it before the rulers of a higher dignity ; but if any great difficulty arise that is too hard for even their determination, let them send it to thee. By these means two advantages will be gained ; the Hebrews will have justice done them, and thou wilt be able to attend constantly on God, and procure him to be more favour- able to the people." , 2. This was the admonition of Raguel; and Moses received his advice very kindly, and acted according to his suggestion. Nor did he conceal the invention of this method, nor pretend to it himself, but informed the multitude who it was that invented it: nay, he has named Raguel in the books he wrote, as the person who invented this ordering of the people, as thinking it right to give a true testimony to worthy persons, although he might have gotten reputation by ascribing to himself the inventions of -other men ; whence we may learn the virtuous disposition of Moses : but of such his disposition, we shall have proper occasion to speak in other places of these books. * This manner of electing the jiuljres and officers of the Israelites by the testimonies and sufTrap:es of the people, before they were ordained liy (Jod, or l)y Mo>!es, deserves to bo carefully noted, because it was the pat- tern of the like manner of tbe choice and ordination of Uinhops, Presbytera, and Deacons, in the ChristiaQ church. - ■i CHAP. V. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 85 CHAPTER V. HOW MOSES ASCENDED UP TO MOUNT SINAI, AND RECEIVED LAWS FROM GOD, AND DE- LIVERED THEM TO THE HEBREWS. § 1. Now Moses called the multitude to- gether, and told them that he was going from them unto mount Sinai to converse with God ; to receive from him, and to bring back, with him, a certain oracle ; but he enjoined them to pitch their tents near the mountain, and prefer the habitation that was nearest to God, before one more remote. When he had said this, he ascended up to mount Sinai, which is the highest of all the mountains that are in that country,* and is not only very difficult to be ascended by men, on account of its vast altitude, but because of the sharpness of its precipices also ; nay, indeed, it cannot be looked at without pain of the eyes : and be- sides this, it was terrible and inaccessible, on account of the rumour that passed about, that God dwelt there. But the Hebrews removed their tents as Moses had bidden them, and took possession of the lowest parts of the mountain ; and were elevated in their minds, in expectation that Moses would return from God with promises of the good things he had proposed to them. So they feasted and waited for their conductor, and kept themselves pure as in other respects, and not accompanying with their wives for three days, as he had before ordered them to do. And they prayed to God that he would favourably receive Moses in his conversing with him, and be- stow some such gift upon them by which they might live well. They also lived more plentifully as to their diet ; and put on their wives and children more ornamental and de- ' cent clothing than they usually wore. 2. So they passed two days in this way of feasting; but on the third day, before the sun was up, a cloud spread itself over the whole camp of the Hebrews, such a one as none had before seen, and encompassed the place where they had pitched their tents ; and while all the rest of the air was clear, there came strong winds, that raised up large showers of rain, which became a mighty tem- pest. There was also Such lightning, as was * Since this mountain, Sinai, is here said to he the highest of all the mountains that are in that country, it must be that now called St. Katherine's, which is one- third higher than that within a mile of it, now called Sinai, as Mons. Thevenot informs us, Travels, part i. chap, xxiii. p. 168. The other name of it, Horeb, is never used by Jesephus. and perhaps was its name among the Egyptians only, whence the Israelites were lately come, as Sinai was its name among the Arabians, Canaanites, and other notions. Accordingly, when (1 Kings ix. 8) the Scripture says that Elijah came to Horeb, the mount of God. Josephus justly says (Antiq. b. v. iii. chap. xiii. sect. 7), that he came to the moun- tain called Sinai : and Jerome, here cited by Dr. Hud- son, says, that he took this mountain to have two tiames, Sinai and Choreb. De Nomin. Heb.p. 427. terrible to those that saw it; and thunder, with its thunder-bolts, was sent down, and declared God to be there present in a gra- cious way to such as Moses desired he should be gracious. Now, as to those matters, every one of my readers may think as he pleases : but I am under a necessity of relating this history as it is described in the sacred books. This sight, and the amazing sounds that came to their ears, disturbed the Hebrews to a pro- digious degree, for they were not such as they were accustomed to ; and then the ru- mour that was spread abroad, how God fre- quented that mountain, greatly astonished their minds, so they sorrowfully contained themselves within their tents, as both suppos- ing Moses to be destroyed by the divine wrath, and expecting the like destruction for themselves. 3. When they were under these apprehen- sions, Moses appeared as joyful and greatly exalted. When they saw him, they were freed from their fear, and admitted of more comfortable hopes as to what was to come. The air also was become clear and pure of its former disorders, upon the appearance of Moses; whereupon he called together the people to a congregation, in order to their hearing what God would say to them ; and when they were gathered together, he stood on an eminence whence they might all hear him, and said, " God has received me gra- ciously, O Hebrews, as he has formerly done, and has suggested a happy m^fcod of living for you, and an order of political government, and is now present in the camp ; I therefore" charge you, for his sake and the sake of his works, and what we have done by his means, that you do not put a low value on what I am going to say, because the commands have been given by me that now deliver them to you, nor because it is the tongue of a man that delivers them to you ; but if you have a due regard to the great importance of the things themselves, you will understand the greatness of him .whose institutions they arC; and who has not disdained to communicate them to me for our common advantage ; for it is not to be supposed that the author of these institutions is barely Moses, the son of Amram and Jochebed, but he who obliged the Nile to run bloody for your sakes, and tamed the haughtiness of the Egyptians by various sorts of judgments; he who pro- vided a way through the sea for us ; he whc contrived a method of sending us food from heaven, when we were distressed for want of it ; he who made the water to issue out of a rock, when we had very little of it before; he by whose means Adam was made to par- take of the fruits both of the land and of the sea; he by whose means Noah escaped the deluge ; he by whose means our forefather Abraham, of a wandering pilgrim, was made the heir of the land of Canaan , he by whose 86 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK III. means Isaac was born of parents that were very old ; he by whose means Jacob was adorn- ed with twelve virtuous sons; he by whose means Joseph became a potent lord over the Egyptians: he it is who conveys these instruc- tions to you by me as his interpreter. And let them be to you venerable, and contended for more earnestly by you than your own children and your own wives; for if you will follow them, you will lead a happy life; you will enjoy the land fruitful, the sea calm, and the fruit of the womb born complete, as na- ture requires; you will be also terrible to your enemies : for I have been admitted into the presence of God, and been made a hearer of his incorruptible voice; so great is his con- cern for your nation, and its duration." 4. When he had said this, he brought the people, with their wives and children, so near the mountain, that they might hear God him- self speaking to them about the precepts which they were to practise; that the energy of what should be spoken might not be hurt by its utterance by the tongue of a man, which could but imperfectly deliver it to their un- derstanding. And they all heard a voice that came to all of them from above, insomuch that no one of these words escaped them, which Moses wrote on two tables; which it is not lawful for us to set down directly, but their import we will declare.* 5. The first commandment teaches us. That there is but one God, and that we ought to worship hi%only; — the second commands us not to make the image of any living crea- ture to worship it; — the third, That we must not swear by God in a false matter; — the fourth, That we must keep the seventh day, by resting from all sorts of work; — the fifth, That we must honour our parents; — the sixth. That we must abstain from murder; — the seventh. That we must not commit adul- tery; — the eighth. That we must not be guil- ty of theft ; — the ninth. That we must not bear false witness; — the tenth. That we must not admit of the desire of any thing that is another's. 6. Now when the multitude had heard God himself giving those precepts which Moses had discoursed of, they rejoiced at what was said; and the congregation was dissolved: but on the following days they came to his tent, and desired him to bring them, besides, other laws from God. Accordingly he ap- pointed such laws, and afterwards informed them in what manner they should act in all cases ; which laws I shall make mention of in their proper time ; but I shall reserve most of those laws for another vvork,f and make there a distinct explication of them. • Of this and %nother like snperutitions notion of the Pharis*^s. wliict) .losfphiiR complied wilh, see the note on Antlq. h. ii. cip. xii. sect. iv. + Tbi» other work of .loRephuii. here rrft-rn-d to, •eems to be that whicli Atw* not iif>p»-ar to have been «Ter oublished, which >et he intrndrd to publish, about 7. When matters were brought to this state, Moses went up again to Mount Sinai, of which he had told them beforehand. He made his ascent in their sight; and while he staid there so long a time (for he was absent from tbem forty days), fear seized upon the Hebrews, lest Mo?es should have come to any harm ; nor was there any thing else so sad, and that so much troubled them, as this supposai that Moses was perished. Now there was a va- riety in their sentiments about it; some say ing that he was fallen among wild beasts; and those that were of this opinion were chiefly such as were ill-disposed to him ; but others saying that he was departed, and gone to God; but the wiser sort were led by their reason to embrace neither of those opinions with any satisfaction, thinking, that as it was a thing that sometimes happens to men to fall among wild beasts, and perish that way so it was probable enough that he might de- part and go to God, on account of his virtue; they therefore were quiet, and expected the event: yet were they exceeding sorry upon the supposai that they were deprived of a go- vernor and a protector, such a one indeed as they could never recover again; nor would this suspicion give them leave to expect any comfortable event about this man, nor could they prevent their trouble and melancholy upon this occasion. However, the camp durst not remove all this while, because Mo- ses had bidden them afore to stay there. 8. But when the forty days, and as many nights, were over, Moses came down, having tasted nothing of food usually appointed for the nourishment of men. His appearance filled the army with gladness, and he declared to them what care God had of them, and by what manner of conduct of their lives they might live happily; telling them, that during these days of his absence he had suggested to him also that he would have a tabernacle built for him, into which he would descend when he came to them ; and how we should carry it about with us when we remove from this place; and that there would be no longer ary occasion for going up to mount Sinai, but that he would himself come and pitch his ta- bernacle amongst us, and be present at our prayers; as also, that the tabernacle should be of such measures and construction as he had shown him ; and that you are to fall to the work, and prosecute it diligently. When he had said this, he showed them the two tables, with the ten commandments engraven upon them, five upon each table; and the writing was by the hand of God. the reasons of many of the laws of Mows: of wblch MO i the note on the Preface, sect. 4. CHAP. vr. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 87 CHAPTER VI. CONCERNING THE TABERNACLE WHICH MOSES BCILT IN THE WILDERNESS FOR THE HO- NOUR OF GOD, AND WHICH SEEMED TO BE A TEMPLE. § 1. Heredpon the Israelites rejoiced at what tbey bnd seen and heard of their conductor, and were not wanting in diligence according to their ability; for they brought silver, and gold, and brass, and of the best sorts of wood, and such as would not at all decay by putre- faction ; camels' hair also, and sheep-skins, some of them dyed of a blue colour, and some of a scarlet; some brought the flower for the purple colour, and others for white, with wool dyed by the flowers aforemention- ed; and tine linen and precious stones, which those that use costly ornaments set in ouches of gold; they brought also a great quantity of spices; for of these materials did Moses build the tabernacle, which did not at all dif- fer from a moveable and ambulatory temple. Now when these things were brought together with great diligence, (for every one was am- bitious to further the work even beyond their ability,) he set architects over the works, and this by the command of God ; and indeed the very same which the people themselves would have chosen, had the election been allowed to them. Now their names are set down in writing in the sacred books; and they were these : Besaleel the son of Uri, of the tribe of Judah, the grandson of Miriam, the sister of their conductor; and Aholiab, the son of Ahisamach, of the tribe of Dan. Now the people went on with what they had under- taken with so great alacrity, that Moses was obliged to restrain them, by making procla- mation, that what had been brought was suf- ficient, as the artificers had informed him ; so tho.y fell to work upon the building of the tabernacle. Moses also informed them, ac- cording to the direction of God, both what the measures were to be, and its largeness; • and how many vessels it ought to contain for the use ^ the sacrifices. The women also I were amoitious to do their parts, about the ^ garments of the priests, and about other things that would be wanted in this work, both for ornament, and for the divine service itself. 2. Now when all things were prepared, the gold, and the silver, and the brass, and what WHS woven, Moses, when he had appointed beforehand that there should be a festival, and that sacrifices should be offered according to every ones ability, reared up the tabernacle;* and when he had measured the open court, * <lf th.s tabernacle t aii'l iuriij'ure, sfe nty di *ui. i .. X. xi. \'u. hereto beloUijiug. f Moses, with its several p irts s<Ti|)ti >!! it lar«;<» chap. vi. vii fifty cubits broad and a hundred long, he set up brazen pillars, five cubits high, twenty on each of the longer sides, and ten pillars for the breadth behind; every one of the pillars also had a ring. Their chapiters were of sil- ver, but their bases were of brass: they re- sembled the sharp ends of spears, and were of brass, fixed into the ground. Cords were also put through the rings, and were tied at their farther ends to brass nails of a cubit long, which, at every pillar, were driven into the floor, and would keep the tabernacle from being shaken by the violence of winds; but a curtain of fine soft linen went round all the pillars, and hung down in a flowing and loose manner from their chapiters, and enclosed the whole space, and seemed not at all unlike to a wall about it. And this was the structiue of three of the sides of this enclosure ; but as fur the fourth side, which was fifty cubits in ex- tent, and was the front of the whole, twenty cubits of it were for the opening of the gates, wherein stood two pillars on each side, after the resemblance of open gates. These were made wholly of silver, and polished, and that all over, excepting the bases, which were of brass. Now on each side of the gates there stood three pillars, which were inserted into the concave bases of the gates, and were suited to them; and round them was drawn a curtain of fine linen; but to the gates them- selves, which were twenty cubi-ts in extent, and five in height, the curtain was composed of purple, and scarlet, and Ifiue, and fine linen, and embroidered with many and divers sorts of figures, excepting the figures of ani- mals. Within these gates was the brazen laver for purification, having a basin beneath of the like matter, whence the priests might wash their hands and sprinkle their feet; and th's was the ornamental construction of the inclo«'ire about the court of the tabernacle,, which was exposed to the open air. 3. As to the tabernacle itself, Moses placed it in the middle of that court, with its front to the east, that, when the sun arose, it might send its first rays upon t. Its mgth, when it was set up, was t'liirty cioits, and its breadth was twelve [ten] cuoits. The one of its walls was on the south, and the other was exposed to the north, and on the back part of it remained the west. It was neces- sary that its height should be equal to its breadth [ten cubits]. There were also pillars made of wood, twenty on each side; they were wrought into a quadrangular figure, in breadth a cubit and a half, but the thickness was four fingers: they had thin plates of gold affixed to them on both sides, inwardly and outwardly : they had each of them two tenons belonging to them, inserted into their bases, and these were of silver, in each of which bases there was a socket to receive the tenon; but the pillars on the west wall were six. Now all thesH tenons and sockets accurately .88 ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS. BOOK m. fitted one another, insomuch that the joints were invisible, and both seemed to be one entire and united wall. It was also covered with gold, both within and without. The number of pillars was equal on the opposite sides, and there were on each part twenty, and every one of them had the third part of a span in thickness ; so that the number of thirty cubits were ifully made up between them ; but as to the wall behind, where the six pillars made up together only nine cu- bits, they made two other pillars, and cut them out of one cubit, which they placed in the corners, and made them equally fine with the other. Now every one of the pillars had rings of gold afiixed to their fronts outward, as if they had taken root in the pillars, and stood one row over against another round about, through which were inserted bars gilt over with gold, §ach of them five cubits long, and these bound together the pillars, the head of one bar running into another, after the nature of one tenon inserted into another ; but for the wall behind, there was but one row of bars that went through all the pillars, into which row ran the ends of the bars on each side of the longer walls ; the male with its female being so fastened in their joints, that they held the whole firmly together; and for this reason was all this joined so fast together, that the tabernacle might not be shaken, either by the winds, or by any other means, but that it might preserve itself quiet and immovable (jbntinually. 4. As for the inside, Moses parted its length into three partitions. At the distance of ten cubits from the most secret end, Moses placed four pillars, the workmanship of which was the very same with that of the rest ; and they stood upon the like basis with them, each a small matter distant from his fellow. Now the room within those pillars was the most holy place ; but the rest of the room was the tabernacle, which was open for the priests. However, this proportion of the measures of the tabernacle proved to be an imitation of the system of the world: for that third part thereof which was within the four pillars, to which the priests were not admitted, is, as it were, a Heaven peculiar to God ; but the space of the twenty cubits, is, as it were, sea and land, on which men live, and so this part is peculiar to the priests only; but at the front, where the entrance was made, they placed pillars of gold, that stood on bases of brass, in number seven ; but then they spread ever the tabernacle veils of fine linen and purple, and blue, and scarlet colours, embroi- dered. The first veil was ten cubits every way, and this they spread over the pillars which parted the temple, and kept the most holy place concealed within ; and this veil was that which made this part not visible to any. Now the whole temple was called The Holy Place ,- but that part which was within tne four pillars, and to which none were ad- mitted, was called The Holy of Holies. This veil was very ornamental, and embroidered with all sorts of flowers which the earth pro- duces ; and there were interwoven into it all sorts of variety that might be an ornament, excepting the forms of animals. Another veil there was which covered the five pillars that were at the entrance. It was like the former in its magnitude, and texture, and colour; and at the corner of every pillar a ring retained it from the top downwards half the depth of the pillars, the othfer half afford- ing an entrance for the priests, who crept un- der it. Over this there was a veil of linen, of the same largeness with the former : it was to be drawn this way or that way by cords, the rings of which, fixed to the texture of the veil, and to the cords also, were subservient to the drawing and undrawing of the veil, and to the fastening it at the corner, that then it might be no hinderance to the view of the sanctuary, especially on solemn days ; but that on other days, and especially when the wea- ther was inclined to snow, it might be ex- panded, and afford a covering to the veil of divers colours; whence that custom of ours is derived, of having a fine linen veil, after the temple has been built, to be drawn over the entrances ; but the ten other curtains were four cubits in breadth, and twenty-eight in, length; and had golden clasps, in order to join the one curtain to the other, which was done so exactly that they seemed to be one entire curtain. These were spread over the temple, and covered all the top and parts of the walls, on the sides and behind, so far as within one cubit of the ground. There were other curtains of the same breadth with these, but one more in number, and longer, for they were thirty cubits long ; but these were woven of hair, with the like subtilty as those of wool were made, and were extended loosely down to the ground> appearing like a triangular front and elevation at the gates, the eleventh curtain being used for this very purpose. There were also other curtains made of skins above these, which afforded covering and pro- tection to those that were woven, both in hot weather and when it rained ; and great was the surprise of those who viewed these cur- tains at a distance, for they seemed not at all to differ from the colour of the sky ; but those that were made of hair and of skins, reached down in the same manner as did the veil at the gates ; and kept off" the heat of the sun, and what injury the rains might do ; and after this manner was the tabernacle reared. 5. There was also an ark made sacred to God, of wood that was naturally strong, and could not be corrupted. This was called Eron, in- our own language. Its construction was thus: Its length was five spans, but its breadth and height was each of them three spana It was covered all over with gold, both with- 2j!^^^ Higli Priest in his Robes.— Page 89. CHAP. vn. ANTIQXHTIES OF l-HE JEWS. 89 in and without, so that the wooden part was not seen. It had also a cover united to it, by golden hinges, after a wonderful manner; which cover was every way evenly fitted to it, and had no eminences to hinder its exact con- junction. There were also two golden rings belonging to each of the longer boards, and passing through the entire wood, and through them gilt bars passed along each board, that it might tljereby be moved, and carried about, as occasion should require; for it was not drawn in a cart by beasts of burden, but borne on the shoulders of the priests. Upon this its cover were two images, which the Hebrews call Cherubims ,• they are flying creatures, but their form is not like to that of any of the crea- tures which men have seen, though Moses said he had seen such beings near the throne of God. In this ark he put the two tables whereon the ten commandments were writ- ten, five upon each table, and two and a half upon each side of them ; and this ark he placed in the most holy place. 6. But in the holy place he placed a table, like those at Delphi ; its length was two cu- ♦ bits, and its breadth one cubit, and its height three spans. It had feet also, the lower part of which were complete feet, resembling those which the Dorians put to their bedsteads ; but the upper parts towards the table were wrought into a square form. The table had a hollow towards every side, having a ledge of four fingers' depth, that went round about like a spiral, both on the upper and lower part of the body of the work. Upon enery one of the feet was there also inserted a ring, not far from the cover, through which went bars of wood beneath, but gilded, to be taken out upon occasion, there being a cavity where it was joined to the rings ; for they were not en- tire rings ; but before they came quite round they ended hi acute points, the one of which was inserted into the prominent part of the table, and the other into the foot; and by these it was carried wjhen they journeyed. Upon this table, which was placed on the north side of the temple, not far from the most holy place, were laid twelve unleavened loaves of bread, six upon each heap, one above another : they . were made of two tenth-deals of the purest flour, which tenth-deal [an omer] is a mea- sure o!" the Hebrews, containing seven Athe- nian cotylse; and above those loaves were put two vials full of fi-ankincense. Now after seven days other loaves were brought in their stead, on the day which is by us called the Sabbath; for we call the seventh day the Sabbath. But for the occasion of this inven- tion of placing loaves here, we will speak to it in another place. 7. Over against this table, near the south- ern wall, was set a candlestick of cast gold, hollow within, being of the weight of one hundred pounds, which the Hebrews call Chinchares ; if it be turned into the Greek lan- guage, it denotes x talent. It was made "with its knobs, and lilies, and pomegranates, and bowls (which ornaments amounted to seventy in all) ; by which means the shaft elevated itself on high from a single base, and spread itself into as many branches as there are pla- nets, including the sun among them. It ter- minated in seven heads, in one row, all stand- ing parallel to one another ; and these branches carried seven lamps, one by one, in imitation of the number of the planets. These lamps looked to the east and to the south, the candlestick being situate obliquely. 8. Now between this candlestick and the table, which, as we said, were within the sanc- tuary, was the altar of incense, made of wood indeed, but of the same wood of which the foregoing vessels were made, such as was not liable to corruption ; it was entirely crusted over with a golden plate. Its breadth on each side was a cubit, but the altitude double. Upon it was a grate of gold, that was extant above the altar, which had a golden crown en- compassing it round about, whereto belonged rings and bars, by which the priests carried it when they journeyed. Before this tabernacle there was reared a brazen altar, but it was within made of wood, five cubits by measure on each side, but its height was but three, in like manner adorned with brass plates as bright as gold. It had also a brazen hearth of net-work; for the ground underneath re- ceived the fire from the hearth, because it had no basis to receive it. Hard by this altar lay the basins, and the vials, and the censers, and the chaldrons, made of gold ; but the other ves- sels, made for the use of the sacrifices, were all of brass. And such was the construction of the tabernacle ; and these were the vessels thereto belonging. CHAPTER VII. CONCERNING THE GARMENTS OF THE PRIESTS, AND OP THE HIGH-PRIEST. § 1. There were peculiar garments appoint- ed for the priest?, and for all the rest, which they call Cahansess [priestly] garments, as also for the high-priest, which they call Cahanaeae Rabbae, and denote the high-priest's garments. Such was therefore the habit of the rest ; but when the f riest approaches the sacrifices, he purifies himself with the purification which the law prescribes; and, in the first place, he puts on that which is called Machanase, which means somewhat that is fast tied. It is a girdle, composed of fine twined linen, and is put about the privy parts, the feet being to be inserted into them, in the nature of breeches ; but about half of it is cut off, and it ends at the thighs, and is there tied fast 90 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK II) 2. Over this he wore a linen vestment, made of fine flax doubled: it is called Chethone, and denotes linen, for we call Unen by the name of Chethone. This vestment reaches down to the feet, and sits close to the body; and has sleeves that are tied fast to the arms: it is girded to the breast a little above the elbows, by a girdle often going round, four fingers broad, but so loosely woven, that you would think it were the skin of a serpent. It is em- broidered with flowers of scarlet, and purple, and blue, and fine twined linen; but the warp was nothing but fine linen. The beginning of its circumvolution is at the breast ; and when it has gone often round, it is there tied, and hangs loosely there down to the ancles : I mean this, all the time the priest is not about any laborious service, for in this position it appears in the most agreeable manner to the spectators; but when he is obliged to assist at the offering sacrifices, and to do the appoint- ed service, that he may not be hindered in his operations by its motion, he throws it to the left, and bears it on his shoulder. Moses in- deed calls this belt Ahaneth; but we have learned from the Babylonians to call it Emia, for so it is by them called. This vestment has no loose or hollow parts any where in it, but only a narrow aperture about the neck ; and it is tied with certain strings hanging down from the edge over the breast and back, and is fastened above each shoulder: it is called Massabazanes. . , 3. Upon, his head he wea.^"a^'cap, not brought to a conic form nor encircling the whole head, but still covering more than the half of it, which is called Masnaei/iphthes : and its make is such that it seems to be a crown, being made of thick swathes, but the contex- ture is of linen ; and it is doubled round many times, and sewed together : besides which, a piece of fine linen covers the whole cap from the upper part, and reaches down to the fore- head, and hides the seams of the swathes, which would otherwise appear indecently: this ad- heres closely upon the solid part of the head, and is thereto so firmly fixed, that it may not fall off during the sacred service about the sacrifices. So we have now shown you what is the habit of the generality of the priests. 4. The high-priest is indeed adorned with the same garments that we have described, without abating one: only over these he puts oti a vestment of a blue colour. T)iis also is a long robe, reaching to his feet [in our lan- guage it is called Meeir^, and is tied round with a girdle, embroidered with the same co- lours and flowers as the former, with a mixture of gold interwoven. To the bottom of which garment are hung fringes, in colour like pomegranates, with golden bells,* by a curi- ous and beautiful contrivance; so that be- • Till- hm; of thrwf gnlden belli at the bottom of tlie li!|th-prie»t'a long Kunueut, Kems to nic to buvr been tbiM: tween two bells hangs a pomegranate, and be- tween two pomegranates a bell. Now thi^ vesture was not composed of two pieces, nor was it sewed together upon the shoulders and the sides, but it was one long vestment so woven as to have an aperture for the neck ; not an oblique one, but parted all along the breast and the back. A border also was sewed to it, lest the aperture should look too indecently: it was also parted where the hands were to come out. 5. Besides these, the high-priest put on a - third garment, which is called the Ephod, which resembled the Epomis of the Greeks. Its make was after this manner: it was wo- ven to the depth of a cubit, of several colours, with gold intermixed, and embroidered, but it left the middle of the breast uncovered : it was made with sleeves also; nor did it appear to be at all differently made from a short coat. But in the void place of this garment there was inserted a piece of the bigness of a span, embroidered with gold, and the other colours of the ephod, and was called Essen [the breast- plate], which in the Greek language signifies the Oracle. This piece exactly filled up the ^ void space in the ephod. It was united to it by golden rings at every corner, the like rings being annexed to the ephod, and a blue riband was made use of to tie them together by those rings: and that the space between the rings might not appear empty, they contrived to fill it up with stitches of blue ribands. There were also two sardonyxes upon the ephod, at the shoulders, to fasten it in the nature of but- tons, having each end running to the sardo- nyxes of gold, that they might be buttoned by them. On these were engraven the names ot the sons of Jacob, in our own country letters, and in our own tongue, six on each of the stones, on either side; and the elder sons' names were on the right shoulder. Twelve stones also were there upon the breast-plate, extraordinary in largeness and beauty; and they were an ornament not to be purchased by men, because of their immense value. These stones, however, stood in three rows, by four in a row, and wece inserted into the breast-plate itself, and they were set in ouches of gold, that were themselves inserted in the breast-plate, and were so made that they might not fall out. Now the first three stones were a sardonyx, a topaz, and an emerald. The second That by shaking his garment at the time of his oflerlng incense in the temple, on the jjreat day of expiation, of at other proper perio<ls of his sacred ministrations there, on the ureal festivals the people miKht have notice ot it, and might full to tiieir own prayers at the time of in- r.enst* or »ther proper periods; and so the whole con- ifrejjation might at once oiler those common prayers jointly with the high priest himself to the Almighty. See Lu^^e i. 10. Hev. viii. 3,4. Nor probably is the son of Sirarh to be otherwise understood, when he says of Aaron the first high-priest. Ecclus xlv. y. " And God encompassed Aaron with pomegranates, and with many golden ImjIIs round about, that as he went there inij;ht l>e a sound, iiid a noise made that niiglit be heard in th9 temple, fui a tnt-iuorial to tbe ctiildren of bis people.'* CHAP. VI ANTIQUITIES V)F TU^ JEWS, 91 row contained a carbunt-le, a jasper, and a sapphire. The first of the third row was a ligure, then an amethyst, and the third an agate, being the ninth of the whole number. The first of the fourth row was a chrysolite, the next was an onyx, and then a beryl, which was %e last of all. Now the names of all those sons of Jacob were engraven in these stones,whom we esteem the heads of our tribes, each stone having the honour of a name, in the order according to which they were born. And whereas the rings were too weak of them- selves to bear the weight of the stones, they made two other rings of a larger size, at the edge of that part of the breast-plate which reached to the neck, and inserted into the very texture of the breast-plate, to receive chains finely wrought, which connected them with golden bands to the tops of the shoul- ders, whose extremity turned backwards, and went into the ring, on the prominent back part of the ephod ; and this was for the secu- rity of the breast-plate, that it might not fall out of its place. There was also a girdle sewed to the breast-plate, which was of the fore- mentioned colours, with gold intermixed, which, when it had gone once round, was tied again upon the seam, and hung down. There were also golden loops that admitted its fringes at each extremity of the girdle, and included them entirely. f). The high-priest's mitre was the same that we described before, and ^as wrought like that of all the other priests; above which there was another, with swathes of blue em- broidered, and round it was a golden crowa polished, of three rows, one above another; out of which arose a cup of gold, which re- sembled the herb which we call Saccharus; but those Greeks that are skilful in botany call it Ht/osci/amus. Now, lest any one that has seen this herb, but has not been taught its name, and is unacquainted with its nature, or, having known its name, knows not the herb when he sees it, I shall give such as these are a description of it. This herb is oftentimes in tall- ness above three spans, but its root is like that of a turnip (for he that should compare it there- to would not be mistaken) ; but its leaves are like the leaves of mint. Out of its branches it sends out a calyx, cleaving to the branch ; and a coat encompasses it, which it naturally ()uts off when it is changing, in order to pro- duce its fruit. This calyx is of the bigness of the bone of the little finger, but in the com- pass of its aperture is like a cup. This I will farther describe, for the use of those that are unacquainted with it. Suppose a sphere be divided into two parts, round at the bottom, but having another segment that grows up to a circumference from that bottom; suppose it become narrower by degrees, and that the cavity of that part grow decently smaller, and then gradually grow wider af^ai;! at the brim. •ucb as we see in the naval of a pomeg'anate. with its notches. And indeed such a coat grows over this plant as renders it an hemi- sphere, and that, as one may say, turned ac- curately in a lathe, and having its notches ex- tant above it, which, as I said, grow like a pomegranate, only that they are sharp, and end in nothing but prickles. Now the fruit is preserved by this coat of the calyx, which fruit is like the seed of the herb Sideritis: it sends out a flower that may seem to resemble that of poppy. Of this was a crown made, as far as from the hinder part of the head to each of the temples ; but this Ephielis, for so this calyx may be called, did not cover the fore- head, but it was covered with a golden plate,* which had inscribed upon it the name of God in sacred characters. And su^.h were the or- naments of the high-priest. 7. Now here one may wnnder at the ill- will which men bear to «s, and which they profess to bear on account of our despising that Deity which they pretend to honour ; for if any one do but consider the fabric of the tabernacle, and take a view of the gar- ments of the high-priest, and of those vessels which we make use of in our sacred minis- tration, he will find that our legislator was a divine man, and that we are unjustly re- proached by others: for if any one do without prejudice, and with judgment, look upon these things, he will find they were every one made in way of imitation and representation of the universe. When Moses distinguished the tabernacl v-i'V^'three parts.f and allowed two of them to the priests, as a place accessi- ble and common, he denoted the land and the sea, these being of general access to all ; but he set apart the third division for God, because heaven is inaccessible to men. And when he ordered twelve loaves to be set on the table, he denoted the year, as distinguished into so many months. By branching out the candlestick into seventy parts, he secretly in- timated the Decani, or seventy divisions of the planets; and as to the seven lamps upon the candlesticks, they referred to the course of the planets, of which that is the number. The veils, too, which were composed of four things, they declared the four elements ; for the fine linen was proper to signify the earth, because the flax grows out of the earth; the purple signified the sea, because that co- lour is dyed by the blood of a sea shell-fish ; • The reader oueht to take notice here, that the very Mosaic Petalo'1, or golden plate, for the forehead of the Jewish hiffh-priest, was itself preserved, not only till the daysof Josephii's. butof Orig;en; and that its inscription, Holiness to the Lord^ was in the Samaritan characters. — See Antiq. b. viii. ch, iii. sect. 8, Essay on the Old Test. p. 154, and Reland, l)e Spol. Templi, p 132. + When Josephus, both here and chap. vi. sect. 4, supposes the tabernacle to have been parted into three parts, he seems to esteem the bare entrance to be a third division, distinct from the ho'iy and tiie most holy pbcesj and this the rather, because in the temple afterwarn there was a real distinct third part, which was called the Porch otherwise Josephus would contradict his own descriptioa of tlir taliernacle, which givM us a particular account ol D.) more than two parts. 92 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK m. the blue is fit to signify the air; and the scarlet will naturally be an indication of fire. Now the vestment of the high-priest being made of linen, signified the earth; the blue denoted the sky, being like lightning in its pomegranates, and in the noise of the bells resembling thunder. And for the ephod, it showed that God had made the universe of four [elements] ; and as for the gold inter- woven, I suppose it related to the splendour by which all things are enlightened. He also appointed the breast-plate to be placed in the middle of the ephod, to resemble the earth, for that has the very middle place of the world. And the girdle which encompassed the high-priest round, signified the ocean, for that goes round about and includes the universe. Each of the sardonyxes declares to us the sun and the moon ; those, I mean, that were in the nature of buttons on the high-priest's shoulders. And for the twelve stones, whether we understand by them the months, or whether we understand the like number of the signs of that circle which the Greeks call the Zodiac, we shall not be mis- taken in their meaning. And for the mitre, which was of a blue colour, it seems to me to mean heaven ; for how otherwise could the name of God be inscribed upon if? That it was aJipo illustrated with a crown, and that of gold also, is because of that splendour with which God is pleased. Let this explication* suffice at present, since the course of my nar- ration will often, and on many occasions, afford me the opportunity of enlarging upon the virtue of our legi&lator. CHAPTER Vm. OP THE PRIESTHOOD OP AARON § 1. When what has been described was brought to a conclusion, gifts not being yet presented, God appeared to Moses, and en- joined him to bestow the high-priesthood upon Aaron his brother, as upon him that best of * This explication of the mystical meaning of the Jewish tabernacle and its vessels, with the garments of the high-jjriest, is taken out of Philo, and fitted to Gen- tile philosophical notions. This may possibly be for- given in Jews, greatly versed in heathen learning and philosophy, as Philo had ever been, and as Josephus had long been when he wrote these Antiquities. In the mean time, it is not to be doubted, but in their edu- cation they must have both learned more Jewish inter- pretations, such as we meet with in the Epistle of Bar- nabas, in that to the Hebrews, and elsewhere among the old Jews. Accordingly, when Josephus wrote his books of the Jewish War, for the use of the Jews, at which time he was comparatively young, and less used to Gen- tile books, we find one specimen of such a Jewish in- terpretation ; for there (b. vii. ch. v. sect. 5,) he makes the seven branches of the temple-candlestick, with their •even lamps, an emblem of the seven days of creation and rest, which are here emblems of the seven planets. Nor certainly ought ancient Jewish emblems to be ex- plained any other way than according to ancient Jewish, and not GentiU, notionv. Sea of the War, b. i. ch. UxiU. Met. 2. them all deserve to obtain that honour, on account of its virtue. And when he had gathered the multitude together, he gave them an account of Aaron's virtue, and of his good-will to them, aad of the dangers he had undergone for their sakes. Upon which, when they had given testimony to him in all respects, and showed their readiness to receive him, Moses said to them, " O you Israelites, this work is already brought to a conclusion, in a manner most acceptable to God, and accord, ing to our abilities. And now since you see that he is received into this tabernacle, we shall first of all stand in need of one that may officiate for us, and may minister to the sacri- fices, and to the prayers that are to be put up for us ; and indeed had the inquiry after such a person been left to me, I should have thought myself worthy of this honour, both because all men are naturally fond of them- selves, and because I am conscious to myself that I have taken a great deal of pains for your deliverance; but now God himself has determined that Aaron is worthy of this ho- nour, and has chosen him for his priest, as knowing him to be the most righteous person among you. So that he is to put on the vest- ments which are consecrated to God ; he is to have the care of the altars, and to make provision for the sacrifices ; and he it is that must put up prayers for you to God, who will readily hear them, not only because he is himself solicig)us for your nation, but also because he will receive them as offered by one that he hath himself chosen to this office.""!" The Hebrews were pleased with what was said, and they gave their approba- tion to him whom God had ordained ; for Aaron was, of them all, the most deserving of this honour, on account of his own stock and gift of prophecy, and his brother's virtue. He had at that time four sons, Nadab, Abihu, I Eleazer, and Ithamar. t 2. Now Moses commanded them to makoi use of all the utensils which were more than-^ were necessary to the structure of the taber*?» nacle, for covering the tabernacle itself, thes candlestick, and altar of incense, and the others vessels, that they might not be at all hurt f when they journeyed, either by the rain, oi I by the rising of the dust. And when he had ; gathered the multitude together again, he or-<^ dained that they should offer half a shekel | for every man, as an oblation to God ; whichli- shekel is a piece among the Hebrews, and i9# equal to four Athenian drachmae.J Where- 1| t It is well worth our observation, that the two prin» i cipal qualifications required in this section, for the con-*| stitution of the first high-priest, (viz. that he should have an excellent character for virtuous and -good ac- tions ; OS also that he nhould have the approbation of the people,) are here noted by Josephus, even where the nomination belonged toGoil himself, which are the very same qualifications which the Christian religion requirei^ in the choice of CliriHtiiin Itishops, priests, and deacons;', as the Apostolical Const it utions inform us, b. ii. chap. iiL * X This weight and vnluc of the Jewish shekel, in th« *^ days of Jo8«phus, equal to ubout 2». lUd. atttriing, is, by ^ €HAP. vm. ant:iquities of the jews. 93 upon they readily obeyed what Moses had r-ommanded ; and the number of the offerers was six hundred and five thousand five hun dred and fifty. Now this money that was brought by the men that were free, was given by such as were above twenty years old, but under fiftyi and what was collected was spent in the uses of the tabernacle. 3. Moses now purified the tabernacle and the priests; which purification was performed after the following manner : — He commanded them to take five hundred shekels of choice myrrh, an equal quantity of cassia, and half the foregoing weight of cinnamon and cala- mus (this last is a sort of sweet spice); to beat them small, and wet them with an hin of oil of olives (an hin is our own country mea- sure, and contains two Athenian ckoas, or congiuses),' then mix them together, and boil them, and prepare them afrer the art of the apothecary, and make them into a very sweet ointment; and afterward to take it to anoint and to purify the priests themselves, and all the tabernacle, as also the sacrifices. There were also many, and those of various kinds, of sweet spices, that belonged to the tabernacle, and such as were of very great price, and were brought to the golden altar of incense, the na- ture of which I do not now describe, lest it should be troublesome to my readers ; but in- cense* was to be flj(|fered twice a-day, both be- fore sun-rising and at sun-setting. They were also to keep oil ready purified for the lamps ; three of which were to give light all day long,']' upon the sacred candlestick, before God, and the rest were to be lighted at the evening, 4. Now all was finished. Besaleel and Aholiab appeared to be the most skilful of the workmen ; for they invented finer works than what others had done before them, and were of great abilities to gain notions of what they were formerly ignorant of; and of these, Besaleel was judged to be the best. Now the whole time they were about this work was the interval of seven months; and after this it was that was ended the first year since their departure out of Egypt. But at the beginning of the second year, on the month Xanthicus, as the Macedonians call it, but on the month Nisan, as the Hebrews call it, on the new moon, they consecrated the tabernacle, and all its vessels, which I have already described, the learned Jews, owned to be one-fifth larger than were their old shekels; which determination agrees perfectly with the remaining shekels that have Sama- ritan inscriptions, coined generally by Simon the Mac- cabee, about 230 years before Josephus published his Antiquities, which never weigh more than 2s. 4id., and commonly but 2s. 4id. See Reland De Nummia Sama- ritanorum, p. 188. * The incense was here offered, according to Jose- E bus's opinion, before sun-rising, and at sun-setting ; ut in the days of Pompey, according to the same Jose- phus, the sacrifices were offered in the morning, and at the ninth hour. Antiq. b. xiv. ch. iv. sect. 3. t Hence Ave may correct the opinion of the modem Rabbins, who say that only one of the seven lamps burned in the day-time ; whereas our Josephus, an eye witiwss, says there were thriae. 5. Now God showed himself pleased with the work of the Hebrews, and did not permit their labours to be in vain; nor did he dis- dain to make use of what they had made, but he came and sojourned with them, and pitched his tabernacle in the holy house. And in the following manner did he come to it: — The «ky was clear, but there was a mist over the tabernacle only, encompassing it, but not with such a very deep and thick cloud as is seen in the winter season, nor yet in so thin a one as men might be able to discern any thing through it; but from it there drooped a sweet dew, and such a one as showed the presence of God to those that desired and believed it. 6. Now when Moses had bestowed such honorary presents on the workmen, as it was fit they should receive, who had wrought so well, he offered sacrifices in the open court of the tabernacle, as God commanded him; a bull, a ram, and a kid of the goats, for a sin-offering. Now I shall speak of what we do in our sacred offices in my discourse about sacrifices; and therein shall inform men in what cases Moses bid us offer a whole burnt- offering, and in what cases the law permits us to partake of them as of food. And when Moses had sprinkled Aaron's vestments, him- self, and his sons, with the blood of the beasts that were slain, and had purified them with spring waters and ointment, they became God's priests. After this manner did he con- secrate them and their garments for seven days together. The same he did to the taber- nacle, and the vessels thereto belonging, both with oil first incensed, as I said, and with the blood of bulls and of rams, slain day by day one, according to its kind. But on the eighth day he appointed a feast for the people, and commanded them to offer sacrifice according to their abiUty. Accordingly they contended one with another, and were ambitious to ex- ceed each other in the sacrifices which they brought, and so fulfilled Moses's injunctions. But as the sacrifices lay upon the altar, a sud- den fire was kindled from among them of its own accord, and appeared to the sight like fire from a flash of lightning, and consumed whatsoever was upon the altar. 7. Hereupon an affliction befell Aaron, con- sidered as a man and a father, but was un- dergone by him with true fortitude; for he had indeed a firmness of soul in such acci- dents, and he thought this calamity came upon him according to God's will; for whereas he had four sons, as I have said before, the two elder of them, Nadab and Abihu, did not bring those sacrifices which Moses bade them bring, but which they used to offer formerly, and were burnt to death. Now when the fire rushed upon them, and began to bum them, nobody could quench it. Accordingly they died in this manner. And Moses bid theu: father and their brethren to take up their bodies, to carry them out of the camp, and to 94 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, ot BOOK III. bury them magnificently. Now the multi- tude lamented them, and were deeply affected at this their death, which so unexpectedly be- fell them. But Moses entreated their breth- ren a»d their father not to be troubled for them, and to prefer the honour of God before their grief about them ; for Aaron had already put on his sacred garments. 8. But Moses refused all that honour which he saw the multitude ready to bestow upon him, and attended to nothing else but the ser- vice of God. He went no more up to mount Sinai ; but he went into the tabernacle, and brought back answers from God for what he prayed for. His habit was also that of a pri- vate man ; and in all other circumstances be behaved himself like one of the common peo- ple, and was desirous to appear without dis- tinguishing himself from the multitude, but would have it known that he did nothing else but take care of them. He also set down in writing the form of their government, and those laws, by obedience whereto they would lead their lives so as to please God, and so as to have no quarrels one among another. However, the laws he ordained were such as God suggested to them; so I shall now discourse concern- ing that form of government, and those laws. 9. 1 will now treat of what I before omit- ted, the garment of the high-priest: for he [Moses] left no room for the evil practices of [false] prophets; but if some of that sort should attempt to abuse the divine authority, he left it to God to be present at his sacrifices when he pleased, and when he pleased to be absent.* And he was willing this should be known, not to the Hebrews only, but to those foreigners also who were there. For as to those stones,f which we told you before the ♦ Of this strange expression, that Moses " left it to God to he present at his sacrifices when he pleased, and when he pleassed to be abs'.>nt," see the note on b. ii. ai^ainst Apion, sect. 16. + These answers by the oracle of Urim and Thum- mim, which words sijjHify light and perjection, or, as the .Septuugint render thera, revelation and truth, and denote nothing further, that I see, but the shining; stones themselves, whicii were used, in this method of illumin- ation, m revealing the will of God, after a perfect and true manner, to his people Israel: I say, these answers were not made by the shining of the precious stones, after an awkward manner, in the high-priest's breast- plate, as the modern Kabbins vainly suppose; for cer- tainly the shining of the stones might precede or ac- ciiipany the oracle, without itself delivenug that oracle ;>.'e Aiitiq. b vi. chap. vi. se^t. 4), but rather by an nudible voice from the mercy-seat between the cheru- hiuis. See Prideaux's Connect, at the year 531. This orach- had been sileat, as Josephus here infurm^i us, two bundled years before he wrote his Antiquities, or ever since the days of the last good high-priest of the family III (lie Maccabees, John Hyrcanus. Now it is here very well worth our observation, that the oracle before us was TiKt by which God appeared to be present with, and gave directions to, his people Israel as their king, all the while tliey submitted to him in that capacity; and did not set over them such independent kings as governed accord- ing to their own wills and political maxims, instead of divine directions. Accordingly, we meet with this ora- cle (Ijesides anKelic and prophetic admonitions) all along from the ddys of ^1ose4 ai:rt Joshua to the anointing of »ftnl, the fir«t of the snccessioii ut the kings (Numb, xxvii. 21{ Josh.vi 0,&c i xix 60; Judges, i 1; xviii.4, 1»«U li, aa, ^ a7, tn, x*i. l, &«., J Smn. L high-priest bare on his shoulders, which were sardonyxes (and I think it needless to describe their nature, they beingknown to every body), the one of them shiited out when God was present at their sacrifices; I mean that which was in the nature of a button on his right shoulder, bright rays darting out thence, a:^!) 17, 18; iii. per tot, iv. per tot.); nay, till Saul's rejec- tion of the divine commands in the war with Amaiek, when he took upon him to act as he (bought fit (1 Sam. xiv. a, 18, 19, 3ti, 37), then this oracle left Saul entirely . (which indeed he had seldom consulted before, 1 Sam. xiv. 3o; I Cliron. x. 14; xiii. 3, Antiq. b. vii. chap. iv. sect. 2). and accompanied David, who was anointed to succeed him, and who consulted God by it frequently, and complied with its directions constantly (1 Sam. xiv. 37, 41; sv. 26; xxii. 13, 16; xxiii. 9, 10; xxx 7, H, Itf,- 2 Sam. ii. 1, v. lit, 23; xxi. 1; xxiii. 14; 1 Chron. xiv. 10, 14; Antiq. b. vi. chap. xii. sect. 5). Saul, indeed, long after his rejection by God, and when God had given him up to destruction for his disobedience, did once after- wards endeavour to consult God when it was too late ; but God would not then answer him, neither by dreams, nor by Urim, nor by prophets ( 1 Sam. xxviii. G). ^«r did any of David's successors, the kings of Juda, that^ we know of, consult God by this oracle, till the very* Babylonish captivity itself, when those kings were at an end; they taking upon them, I suppose, too much of despotic power and royalty, and too little owning the God of Israel for the supreme King of Israel, though a few of them consulted the prophets sometimes, and were answered by them. At the return of the two tribes, with- out the return of the kingly government, the restoration of this oracle was expected (Neh. vii. 6-3; 1 Esd. v, 40; 1 Mace. iv. 46; xiv. 41). And indeed it may seem to have been restored for some time alter the Babylonish capti- vity, at least in the days of that excellent high-priest, John Hyrcanus, whom Josephus esteemed as a king, a priest, and a prophet; and who, he says, foretold several things that came to pass accordingly; but about the time of his death, he here implies, that this oracle quite ceased, and not before. The following hii;h-priests now 1 utting diadems on their heads, and ruling according to their own will, and by their own authority, like the other kings of the I'agan countries about them; so that while the tiod of Israel was allowed to be the supreme King of Israel, and his directions to be their authentic guides, God gave them such directions as their supreme kiiM» and governor; and they were properly under a theocracy, by this oracle of Urim, but no longer (see Dr. Bernard's notes here), though I confess 1 caiawt but esteem thr high-priest Jaddns's divinu dream (Antiq. b. xi. chap, viii. .sect. 4), and the high-priest Caiaphas's most remark- able prophecy (John xi 47— 5'.i),as two small remains or specimens of this ancient oracle, which properly behmced to the Jewish high-priests: nor perhaps ought we en- tirely to lorget that eminent prophetic dream of our Josephus him.seli (one next to a high-priest, as of the family of the Asamoneans or Maccabees), as to the suc- cession of Vespasian and Titus to the Koman Empire, and that in the days of Nero, and before either Galba, Otho. or Vitellius were thought of to succeed him. (Of the War, b. iii. chap. viii. sect. U.) This, i think, may well be looked on as the very last instance of any thing like the prophetic Urim among the Jewish nation, and just preceded their fatal desolation: but how it could possibly come to pass that such great men as Sir John Marsham and Dr. Spenser, should imagine that this oracle of (JrimandTbuinmim. with other practices, at old or older than the law of Moses, should have been ordstined in imitation of somewhat like them among the Egyptians, which we never hear of till the days of Dio- dorus siculus, Ml\a.n, and Maimonides, or little earlier than the Christian era at the highe.st. is almost unac- countable; while the main business of the law of Moset was evidently to preserve the Israelites Iroin the idola- tious and superstitious practices of the neighbouring Pagan nations; and while it is so undeniable, that the evidence for the great antiquity of Moses's law is incom- parably beyond that fi>r the like or greater antiquity of such customs in Egypt or other nation.s, which indeed is ginerally none at all. it i.n most ub!>u.'d to derive iiny of Moses'* law.'< Irom tl.e iiiniutioii i>l those heailion practices, such h)p.ilUi sf.» dt'iiioii>tiati- t<; us huw lar inclination ran piev,,il nvor evMltnce, m e\eu some ot tU« miMt Wtiriiwd pad ul luaukiud. OP T] CHAP. IX. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 95 been seen even by thosis that were most re- mote; which splendour yet was not before natural to the stone. This his appeared a wonderful thing to such as have not so far indulged themselves in philosophy, as to de- spise Divine Revelation. Yet will I mention what is still more wonderful than this: for God declared beforehand, by those £welve stones which the high- priest bare on his breast, and which were inserted into his breast-plate, when they should be victorious in battle; for so great a splendour shone forth from them before the army began to march, that all the people were sensible of God's being present for their assistance. Whence it came to pass that those Greeks, who had a veneration for our laws, because they could not possibly contradict this, called that breast-plate the Oracle. Now this breast-plate, and this sar- donyx, left off shining two hundred years be- fore I composed this book, God having been displeased at the transgression of his laws. Of which things we shall further discourse on a fitter opportunity; but I will now go on with my proposed narration. 10. The tabernacle being now consecrated, and a regular order being settled for the priests, the multitude judged that God now d^velt among them, and betook themselves to sacrifices and praises to God, as being now delivered from all expectation of evils, and as entertaining a hopeful prospect of better tnnes hereafter. They offered also gifts to God, some as common to the whole nation, and others as peculiar to themselves, and these tribe by tribe ; for the heads of the tri!)es combined together, two by two, and brought a waggon and a yoke of oxen. These auiouMtetl to six, and they carried the taber- nacle when they journeyed. Besides which, each head of a tribe brought a bowl, and a charger, and a spoon, of ten darics, full of incense. Novv the charger and the bowl were of silver, and together they weighed two hun- dred shekels, but the bowl cost no more than seventy shekels; and these were full of fine flojr mingled with oil, such as they used on the altar about the sacrifices, Tbey brought also a young bullock, and a ram, with a lamb of a year old, for a wbole burnt-offering; as also a goat for the forgiveness of sins. Every one of the heads of the tribes brought also o:her sacrifices, cdWeA peace-p^'erinysioT every diy two bulls, and five rams, with lambs of a year old, and kids of the goats. These heads of tribes were twelve days in sacrificing, one sacrificing every day. Now Moses went no longer up to mount Sinai, but went into the tabernacle, and learned of God what they were to do, and what laws. should be made; which laws were preferable to what have been devised by human understanding, and proved to be firmly observed for all time to come, as l»eing believed to h the gift of God, inso- much tbiit the Hel>rt;ws did not trans^jrcss any of those laws, either as tempted in times of peace by luxury, or in times of war by dis- tress of affairs. But I say no more here con- cerning them, because I have resolved to conv- pose another work concerning our laws. CHAPTER IX. THE MANNER OF OUR OFFERING SACRIFICES. § 1. I WILL now, however, make mention of a few of our laws which belong to purifica- tions, and the like sacred offices, since I am accidentally come to this matter of sacrifices. These sacrifices were of two sorts; of those sorts one was offered for private persons, and the other for the people in general; and they are done in two different ways : in the one case, what is slain is burnt, as a whole burnt- offering, whence that name is given to it; but the other is a thank-offering, and is designed for feasting those that sacrifice. I will speak of the former. Suppose a private man offer a burnt-offering, he must slay either a bull, a lamb, or a kid of the goats, and the two latter of the first year, though of bulls he is per- mitted to sacrifice those of a greater age; but all burnt-offerings are to be of males. When they are slain the priests sprinkle the blood round about the altar: they then cleanse the bodies, and divide them into parts, and salt them with salt, and lay them upon the altar, while the pieces of wood are piled one upon another, and the fire is burning; they next cleanse the feet of the sacrifices and the in- wards in an accurate manner, and so lay them to the rest to be purged by the tire, while the priests receive the hides. This is the way of offering a burnt-offering. 2. But those that offer thank-offerings do indeed sacrifice the same creatures, but such as are unblemished, and above a year old; however, they may take either males or fe- males. They also sprinkle the altar with their blood; but they lay upon the altar the kid- neys and the caul, and all the fat, and the lobe of the liver, together with the rump of the lamb ; then, giving the breast and the right shoulder to the priest, the offerers feast upon the remainder of the flesh for two days; and what remains they burn. 3. The sacrifices for sins are offered in the same manner as is the thank-offering. But those who are unable to purchase complete sacrifices, offer two pigeons, or turtle doves; the one of which is made a burnt-offering to God, the other they give as food to the priests. But we shall treat more accurately about the oblation of these creatures in our discourse concerning sacrifices. But if a person fall into sin by ignorance, he offers an ewe lamb, of a female kid of the goats, of the same age; and the priests sprinkle the blood at the altar, not after the former manner, but at the corners of iu Thev also bring the kidneys and th« 9« ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK III. ;est of the fat, together with the lobe of the liver, to the altar, while the priests bear away the hides and the flesh, and spent it in the holy place, on the same dayj* for the law does hot permit them to leave of it until the morning. But if any one sin, and is conscious of it himself, but hath nobody that can prove it upon him, he offers a ram, the law enjoin- ing him so to do ; the flesh of which the priests eat as before, in the holy place, on the same da;^. And if the rulers offer sacrifices for their sins, they bring the same oblations that private men do ; only they so far differ, that they are to bring for sacrifice a bull or a kid of the goats, both males. 4. Now the law requires, both in private and public sacrifices, that the finest flour be also brought ; for a lamb the measure of one tenth-deal, — for a ram two, — and for a bull three. This they consecrate upon the altar, when it is mingled with oil; for oil is also brought by those that sacrifice ; for a bull the half of an hin, and for a ram the third part of the same measure, and one quarter of it for a lamb. This hin is an ancient Hebrew mea- sure, and is equivalent to two Athenian choas (or congiuses). They bring the same quantity of oil which they do of wine, and they pour the wine about the altar ; but if any one does not offer a complete sacrifice of animals, but brings fine flour only for a vow, he throws a handful upon the altar as its first fruits, while the priests take the rest for their food, either boiled or mingled with oil, but made into cakes of bread. But whatsoever it be that a priest himself of- fers, it must of necessity be all burnt. Now the law forbids us to sacrifice any animal at the same time with its dam: and, in other cases, not till the eighth day after its birth. Other sacrifices there are also appointed for escaping distempers, or for other occasions, in which meat-off*erings are consumed, together with the animals that are sacrificed ; of which it is not lawful to leave any part till the next day, only the priests are to take their own share. CHAPTER X. CONCERNING THE FESTIVALS; AND HOW EACH DAY OP SUCH FESTIVAL 18 TO BE OBSERVED. § 1. The law requires, that out of the pub- lic expenses a Iamb of the first year be killed every day, at the beginning and at the" ending * What Reland well observefl here, out of Josephus, as compared with the law of Moses, Lev. viii. 15 (that the eatinj? of the sacrifice the some day it was offered, seems to mean only before the morning of the next, al- though the latter part, i. e. ^he night, be in gtrictness port of the next day, according to the Jewish reckoning) la greatly to be observed upon other occasions also. The Jewish maxim, in such cases, it seems, is this : That the day goes before the night ; and this appears to me to be the language both of the Old and New Testament. See also the note on Antiq. b. iv. ch. iv. 8e«t. 4, and Roland's sole vu h. iv. ebap. vUi. sect. 98, of the day ; but on the seventh day, which is called the Sabbath, they kill two, and sacrifice them in the same manner. At the new moon, they both perform the daily sacrifices, and slay two bulls, with seven lambs of the first year, and a kid of the goats also, for the expiation of sins ; that is, if they have sinned through ignorance. 2. But on the seventh month, which the Macedonians call Hyperberetseus, they make an addition to those already mentioned, and sacrifice a bull, a ram, and seven lambs, and a kid of the goats, for sins. 3. On the tenth day of the same lunar month, they fast till the evening ; and this day they sacrifice a bull, and two rams, and seven lambs, and a kid of the goats, for sins. And, besides these, they bring two kids of the goats ; the one of which is sent alive out of the limits of the' ca^pp into the wilderness for the scape- goat, and to be an expiation for the sins of the whole multitude; but the other is brought into a place of great cleanness within the limits of the camp, and is there burnt, with its skin, without any sort of cleansing. With this goat was burnt a bull, not brought by the people, but by the high-priest, at his own charges ; which, when it was slain, he brought of the blood into the holy place, together with the blood of the kid of the goats, and sprinkled the ceiling with his finger seven times, as also its pavement, and again as often toward the most holy place, and about the golden altar : he also at last brings it into the open court; and sprinkles it about the great altar. Besides this, they set the extremities, and the kidneys, and the fat, with the lobe of the liver, upon the altar. The high-priest likewise presents a ram to God as a burnt-offering. 4. Upon the fifteenth day of the same month, when the season of the year is chang- ing for winter, the law enjoins us to pitch tabernacles in every one of our houses, so that we preserve ourselves from the cold of that time of the year ; as also that when we should arrive at our own country, and come to that city which we should have then for our metro- polis, because of the temple therein to be built, and keep a festival for eight days, and offer burnt-offerings, and sacrifice thank-offerings, that we should then carry in our hands a branch of myrtle, and willow, and a bough of the palm-tree, with the addition of the pome- citron. That the burnt-offering on the first of those days was to be a sacrifice of thirteen bulls, and fourteen lambs, and fifteen rams, with the addition of a kid of the goats, as an expiation for sins: and on the following days the same number of lambs, and of rams, with the kids of the goajts ; but abating one of the bulls every day till they amounted to seven only. On the eighth day all work was laid aside, and then, as we said before, they sacri- ficed to God a bullock, a ram, and seven lambs, with a kid of tho goats, for an expiation oi CHAP. X/. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 97 sins. And this « the accustomed solemnity of the Hebrews, when they pitch their taber- nacles. 5. In the month of Xanthicus, which is by us called Nisan, and is the beginning of our year, on the fourteenth day of the lunar month, when the sun is in Aries (for in this month it Was that we were delivered from bondage un- der the Egyptians), the law ordained that we should every year slay that sacrifice which I before Oohl you we slew when we came out of Egyp',an<i which was called tne Passover; hnd so we do celebrate this passover in com- panie., leaving nothing of what we sacrifice till tlje day following. The feast of unlea- vened bread succeeds that of the passover, and foils on the fifteenth day of the month, and conwmues seven days, wherein they feed on un/ ravened bread ; on every one of which days tv i) bulls are killed, and one ram, and seven lr.nbs. Now these lambs are entirely burnt, ) esides the kid of the goats which is added to til the rest for sins; for it is intended as a feast for the priests on every one of those days. But on the second day of unleavened bread, which is the sixteenth day of the month, they first partake of the fruits of the earth, for be- fore that day they do not touch them. And while they suppose it proper to honour God, from whom they obtain a plentiful provision, in the first place, they o3er the first-fruits of their barley, and that in the manner following: They take a handful of the ears, and dry them, then beat them small, and purge the barley from the bran ; they then bring one tenth deal to the altar, to God; and, casting one handful of it upon the fire, they leave the rest for the use of the priests; and after this it is that they may publicly or privately reap their harvest. They also at this participation of the first-fruits of the earth, sacrifice a lamb, as a burnt-offer- ing to God. 6. When a week of weeks has passed over after this sacrifice ('which weeks contain forty and nine days), on the fiftieth day, which is Pentecost, but is called by the Hebrews Asar- tha which signifies Pentecost, they bring to God a loaf, made of wheat flour, of two tenth deals, with leaven; and for sacrifices they bring two lambs; and when they have only present- ed them to God, they are made ready for sup- per for the priests; nor is it perncitted to leave any thing of them till the day following. They also slay three bullocks for a burnt-offering, and two rams; and fourteen lambs, with two kids of the goats, for sins; nor is there any one of the festivals but in it they offer burnt- otlerings; they also allow themselves to rest on every one of them. Accordingly, the law prescribes in them all what kinds they are to sacrifice, and how they are to rest entirely, and must slay sacrifices, in order to feast upon them. 7. However, out of the common charges, baked bread [was set on the table of shew- bread], without leaven, of twenty-four tenth deals of flour, for so much is spent upon this bread; two heaps of these were baked; they were baked the day before the Sabbath, but were brought into the holy place on the morn- irg of the Sabbath, and set upon the noly ta- ble, six on a heap, one loaf still standing over- against another; where two golden cups full of frankincense were also set upon them, and there they remained till another Sabbath, and then other loaves were brought in their st^ad, while the loaves were given to the priests for tBeir food, and the frankincense was burnt in that sacred fire wherein all their offerings were burnt also; and so other frankincense was set upon the loaves instead of what was there before. The [high] priest also, of his own charges, offered a sacrifice, and that twice every day. It was made of flour mingled with oil, and gently baked by the fire; the quantity was one tenth deal of flour; he brought the half of it to the fire in the morn- ing, and the other half at night. The account of these sacrifices I shall give more accurately hereafter; but I think I have premised what for the present may be sufficient concerning them. CHAPTER XL OF THE PURIFICATIONS. § 1. Moses took out the tribe of Levi from communicating with the rest of the people, and set them apart to be a holy tribe ; and purified them by water taken from perpetual springs, and with such sacrifices as were usu- ally offered to God on the like occasions. He delivered to them also the tabernacle, and the sacred vessels, and the other curtains, which were made for covering the tabernacle, that they might minister under the conduct of the priests, who had been already consecrated to God. 2. He also determined concerning animals; which of them might be used for food, and which they were obliged to abstain from; which matters, when this work shall give me occasion, shall be farther explained ; and the causes shall be added, by which he was moved to allot some of them to be our food, and en- joined us to abstain from others. However, he entirely forbade us the use of blood for food, and esteemed it to contain the soul and spirit. He also forbade us to eat the flesh of an animal that died of itself, as also the caul, and the fat of goats, and sheep, and bulls. 3. He also ordered, that those whose bodies were aflJicted with leprosy, and who had a gonorrhoea, should not come into the city ;* • We may here note, that Josephus frequently calls the camp tke city, and the ccMirt of the Mosaic taberna- cle a temple, and the tabernacle itself a holy house, with allusion to the latter city, temple, and holy house, whicb he knew so well long afterwards. G 98 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK Uh nay, he removed the women, when they had their natural purgations, till the seventh day; after which he looked on them as pure, and permitted them to come in again. The law permits those also who have taken care of fu- nerals to come in after the same manner, when this number of days is over; but if any con- tinued longer than that number of days in a state of pollution, the law appointed the of- fering two lambs for a sacrifice; the one of which they are to purge by fire, and for the other, the priests take it for themselves. In the same manner do those sacrifice who hdve had the gonorrhoea. But he that sheds his seed in his sleep, if he go down into cold wa- ter, has the same privilege with those that have lawfully accompanied with their wives. And for the lepers, he suffered them not to come into the city at all, nor to live with any others, as if they were in effect dead persons; but if any one had obtained, by prayer to God, the recovery from that distemper, and had gained a healthful complexion again, such a one re- turned thanks to God, with several sorts of sacrifices; concerning which we will speak hereafter, 4. Whence one cannot but smile at those who say that Moses was himself afflicted with the leprosy when he fled out of Egypt, and that he became the conductor of those who on that account left that country, and led them into the land of Canaan ; for, had this been true, Moses would not have made these laws to his own dishonour, which indeed it was more likely he would have opposed, if others had endeavoured to introduce them; and this the rather, because there are lepers in many nations, who yet are in honour, and not only free from reproach and avoidance, but who have been great captains of armies, and been entrusted with high offices in the common wealth, and have had the privilege of enter- ing into holy places and temples; so that no- thing hindered, but if either Moses himself, or the multitude that was with him, had been liable to such a misfortune in the colour of his skin, he/night have made laws about them for their credit and advantage, and have laid no manner of difficulty upon them. Accord- ingly, it is a plain case, that it is out of vio- lent prejudice only that they report these things about us; but Moses was pure from any such distemper, and lived with countrymen who were pure of it also, and thence made the laws which concerned others that had the dis- temper. He did this for the honour of God; but as to these matters, let every one consider them after what manner he pleases. 5. As to the women, when they have born a child, Moses forbade them to come into the temple, or touch the sacrifices, before forty ^ays were over, supposing it to be a boy; but if she has born agiil, the law is that she can- not De admitted before twice tliat number of days be ovgr; and when {jftfr U'*' l/i'fpi-e-mi'n- tioned time appointed for them, they perform their sacrifices, the priests distribute them De- lore God. 6. But if any one suspect that his wite has been guilty of adultery, he was to bnng a tenth deal t>f barley flour; thoy ther cast one handful to God, and gave the rest of it to Ih'? priests for food. . One of the priests set the woman at the gates that are turned towards the temple, and took the veil from her head, and wrote the name of God on parchment, and enjoined her to swear that she had not at all injured her husband ; and to wisfi that, if she had violated her chastity, her right thigh might be put out of joint; that her belly might swell, and that she might die thjjs: but that if her husband, by the violence of his affec- tion, and of the jealousy which arose from it, had been rashly moved to this suspicion, that she might bear a male child in the tenth month. Now when these oaths were over, the priest wiped the name of Gov out of tho parchment, and wrung the water into a viai. He also took some dust out of the temple Cif any happened to be there), and put a little of it into the vial, and gave it her to drink ; whereupon the woman, if she were unjustly accused, conceived with child, and brought it to perfection in her womb: but if ?he had broken her faith of wedlock to her husband, and had sworn falsely before God, she died in a reproachful manner: her thigh fell off from her, and her belly swelled with a dropsy And these are the ceremonies about sacrifices, and about the purifications thereto belonging, which Moses provided for his countrymen. He also prescribed the following laws to them : — CHAPTER XH. BBVERAL LAWS. § 1. As for adultery, Moses forbade it en tirely, as esteeming it a happy thing that men should be wise in the affairs of wedlock ; and that it was profitable both to cities and fami lies that children should be known to be ge nuine. He also abhorred men's lying with their mothers, as one of the greatest crimes and the like for lying with the father's wife and with aunts, and sisters, and son's wives as all instances of abominable wickedness He also forbade a man to lie with his wif* when she was defiled by her natural purga tion: and not to come near brute beasts; noi to approve of the lying with a male, which was to hunt after unlawful pleasures on ac count of beauty. To those who were guilty of such insolent behaviour, he ordained death for their punishment. 2, As for the priests, he prescribed to theip CWAP. XU. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 99 * double degree of purity:* for he restrained tneir. in the instances above, and moreover for- oade tfiem to oiarry harlots. He also forbade them to marry a slave, or a captive, and such as got their living by cheating trades, and by keeping inns: as also a woman parted from her husband, on any account whatsoever. ISay, he did not think it proper for the hi^^h- priest to marry even the widow of one that was dead, though he allowed that to the priests^ but he permitted him only to marry & virgin, and to retain her. Whence it is that the high-priest is not to come near to one that is dead, although the rest are not prohi- bited from coining near to their brethren, or parents, or children, when they are dead; but they are to be unblemished in all respects. He ordered that the priest, who had any blem- ish, should have his portion indeed among the priests; but he forbade him to ascend the al- tar, or to enter into the holy house. He also enjoined them, not only to observe purity in their sacred ministrations, but in their daily conversation, that it might be unblameable also; aiid on this account it is that those who wear the sacerdotal garments are without spot, and eminent for their purity and sobriety : nor are they permitted to drink wine so long as they wear those garments.f Moreover, they offer sacrifices that are entire, and have no defect whatsoever. 3. And truly Moses gave them all these precepts, being such as were observed dufing his own life-time; but though he lived now in the wilderness, yet did he make provision how they might observe the same laws when they should have taken the land of Canaan. He gave then rest to the land from plough- ing and planting every seventh year, as he had prescribed to them to rest from working every seventh day; and ordered, that then what grew of its own accord out of the earth, should in common belong to all that pleased to use it, making no distinction in that respect between their own countrymen and foreigners : and he ordained, that they should do the same after seven times seven years, which in all are fifty years; and that fiftieth year is called by the Hebrews The Jubilee, wherein debtors are freed from their debts, and slaves are set at Jiberty; which slaves became such, though they were of the sara6 stock, by transgressing some of those laws the punishment of which was not capital, but they were punished by • These words of Josephus are remarkable, that the lawtjiver of the Jews required of the priests a double desjree of'purity, in comparison of tliut require*! of the peoole, of which he gives seyeral instances immediately. It was for certain tiie case also amoiiij the first Christians, of the clersjy, in comparison of the iaity. as the Aposto- lical Constitutions and Canons everywhere inform us. + We must here note, with Reland, that the precept given to the prie«ls of not driukins; wine while they wore tlie sacred garments, is equivalent to their abstinence &ora it all the while they ministeied in ihe temple; be- cause they then always, and thi-u oily, wore those Siicred garments, whicli were laid u;» lliere from one time of aiiuutratioii to vuuUter this method of slavery. This year also re- stores the land to its former possessors in the maimer following : — When the Jubilee is come, which name denotes liberty, he that sold the land, and he that bought it, meet to- gether, and make an estimate, on one hand, of the fruits gathered; and, on the other hand, of the expenses laid out upon it. If the fruits gathered come to more than the expenses laid out, he that sold it takes the land again; but if the expenses prove more than the fruits, the present possessor receives of the former owner the difference that was wanting, and leaves the land to him ; and if the fruits re- ceived, and the expenses laid out, prove equal to oixe another, the present possessor relin- quishes it to the former owners. Moses would have the same law obtain as to those houses also which were sold in villages; but he made a different law for sucb as were sold in a city; for if he that sol'l it tendered the purchaser his money again within a year, he was forced to restore it; but m case a whole year had in- tervened, the purchaser was to enjoy what he had bought. This was the constitution of the laws which Mcscs learned of God when the camp lay under mount Smai; and this he de- livered in writing to the Heb'*ew?, 4. Now when thissettlement of laws seemed to be well over, Moses thought fit at length to take a review of the host, as thinking it proper to settle the affairs of war So he charged the heads oi the tribes, exceptmy- the tribe of Levi, to take an exact account ol tn«j number of those that were able to go to wa;-; for as to the Levites they were tioly, and tree from all such burdens. Now wben tne peo- ple had been numbered, there were found six hundred thousand that were able to go to war, from twenty to^ifty years of age, besides three thousand six hundred and tiily. Instead of Levi, Moses took Manasseh, the son of Joseph, among the heads of tribes ; and Eph- raim instead of Joseph. It was indeed the de- sire of Jacob himself to Joseph, that he would give him his sons to be his own by adoption, as I have before related. 5. When they set up the tabernacle, they received it into the midst of their camp, three of the tribes pitching their tents on each side of it ; and roads were cut througb the micist of these tents. It was hke a well-appointed market ; and every thing was there ready for sale in due order; and all sorts of artificers were in the shops; and it resembled nothmg so much as a city that sometimes was move- able, and sometimes fixed. The priests had the first places about the tabernacle; then the Levites, who, because their whole midtitude was reckoned from thirty days old, were twenty-three thousand eight hundred and eighty males; and, during the time that the cloud stood orer the tabernacle, they thought proper to stay in the same place, as suppos- i ing that God there inhabited among them ; 100 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEW». BOOK ITI. but when that removed th«y journeyed also. 6. Moreover, Moses was the inventor of the form of their trumpet, which was made of silver. Its description is this: — In length it was little less than a cubit. It was com- posed of a narrow tube, somewhat thicker than a flute, but with so much breadth as was sufficient for admission of the breath of a man's mouth: it ended in the form of a bell, like common trumpets. Its sound was called in the Hebrew tongue Asosra. Two of these being made, one of them was sounded when they required the multitude to come together to congregations. When the first of them gave a signal, the heads of the tribes were to assemble, and consult about the affairs to them properly belonging; but when they gave the signal by both of them, they called the multitude together. Whenever the tabernacle was removed, it was done in this solemn or- der: — At the first alarm of the trumpet, those whose tents were on the east quarter prepared to remove; when the second signal was given, those that were on the south quarter did the like; in the next place, the tabernacle was taken to pieces, and was carried in the midst of six tribes that went before, and of six that followed, all the Levites assisting about the tabernacle; when the third signal was given, that part which had their tents towards the west put themselves in motion ; and at the fourth signal those on the north did so like- wise. They also made use of these trumpets in their sacred ministrations, when they were bringing their sacrifices to the altar, as well on the Sabbaths as on the rest of the [festival] days; and now it was that Moses offered that sacrifice which was called the Passover in the Wilderness, as the first he had offered after the departure out of Egypt. CHAPTER XIII. HOW MOSES REMOVED FROM MOUNT SINAI, AND CONDUCTED THE PEOPLE TO THE BORDSaS OF THE CANAANITK3. A LITTLE while afterwards he rose up, an(f went from mount Sinai; and, having passed through several mansions, of which we will speak anon, he came to a place called Hazeroth, where the multitude began again to be mutinous, and to blame Moses for the mis- fortunes they had suffered in their travels; aud that when he had persuaded them to leave a good land, they at once bad lost that land, mid instead of that happy state he had pro- mised them, they were still wandering in their present miserable condition, being already in want of water; and if the manna should bap- pen to fail, they must then utterly perish. Jfet while they generally spake many and 8or« t-bings s^fainst the iBan„ there was ooe of them who exhorted them not to be unmind^ ful of Moses, and of what great pains he ha5 been at about their common safety; and not to despair of assistance from God. The mul- titude thereupon became still more unruly,, and more mutinous against Moses than be- fore. Hereupon Moses, although he vvas so- basely abused by them, encouraged ibem in their despairing condition, and promised that he would procure them a great quantity o^ flesh-meat, and that not for a few days only, but for many days. This they were not will- ing to believe; and when one of them asked whence he could obtain such vast plenty of what he promised, he replied, " Neither God nor I, although we hear such opprobrious Ian- guage from you, will leave off our labours for you ; and this shall soon appear also." As soon as ever be had said this, the whole camp was filled with quails, and they stood round about them, and gathered them in great numbers. However, it was not long ere God punished the Hebrews for their inso- lence, and those reproaches they had used to- wards him, for no small number of then* died ; and still to this day the place retain* the memory of this destruction, and is named Kibroth-hattaavah,. which is. The Graves oj Lust. CHAPTER XIV. HOW MOSES SENT SOBfE PERSONS TO SEARCB OUT THE LAND OF THE CANAANITES, ANl> THE LARGENESS OF THEIR CITIES; ANO FARTHER, THAT WHEN THOSE WHO WB'iB SENT WERE RETURNED, AFTER FORTY DA YS^ AND REPORTED THAT THEY SHOULD NOT BE A MATCH FOR THEM, AND EXTOLLED THE STRENGTH OF THE CANAANITES, THB MULTITUDE WERE DISTURBED, AND FELL INTO DESPAIR; AND WERE RESOLVED TO STONE MOSES, AND TO RETURN BACK AGAIN INTO EGYPT, AND SERVE THE EGYPTIANS, § 1. When Moses had led the Hebrews away from thence to a place called Paran, which was near to the borders of the Canaanites, and a place difficult to be coiitiBued in, he gathered the miiltitiule together to a congregation ; and standing in the midst of them, he said, " Of the two things that God determined to bestow upon us, Liberty, and the Possession of a Happy Country,, the one of them ye al- ready are partaiiers of, by the gift of God» and the other you will quickly i^btain ; fop we now have our abode near the borders ol the Canaanites, and nothing can hinder the acquisition of it, when we now at last are fallen upon it : I say, not only no king nor city, but neither the whole race of mankind,, if they were all gathered together, could du it. Let us therefore prepare ourselves fo» the work, for the Caua;xnitu» will uoi resign CHAP. XV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 101 up their land to us wthout fighting, but it must be wrested from them by great struggles in war. Let us then send spies, who may take a view of the goodness of the land, and what strength it is of; but, above all things, let us be of one mind, and let us honour God, who above all is our helper and assister." 2. When Moses had said thus, the multi- tude requited him with marks of respect ; and chose twelve spies, of the most eminent men, one out of each tribe, who, passing over all the land of Canaan from the borders of Egypt, came to the city Hamath, and to mount Lebanon; and having learned the na- ture of the land, and of its inhabitants, they came home, having spent forty days in the whole work. They also brought with them of the fruits which the land bare; they also showed them the excellency of those fruits, and gave an account of the great quantity of the good things that land afforded, which were motives to the multitude to go to war. But then they terri6ed them again with the great difficulty there was in obtaining it; that the rivers were so large and deep that they could not be passed over; and that,the hills were so high that they could not travel along for them; that the cities were strong with walls, and their firm fortifications round about them. They told them also, that they found at Hebron, the posterity of the giants. Ac- cordingly these spies, who had seen the land of Canaan, when they perceived that all these dilficulties were greater there than they had met with since they came out of Egypt, they were affrighted at them themselves, and en- deavoured to affright the multitude also. 3. So they supposed, from what they had heard, that it was impossible to get the pos- session of the country. And when the congre-- gation was dissolved, they, their wives and children, continued their lamentation, as if God would not indeed assist them, but only promised them fair. They also again blamed Moses, and made a clamour against him and his brother Aaron, the high-priest. Accordingly they passed that night very ill, and with contumelious language against them; but in the morning they ran to a congregation, in- tending to stone Moses and Aaron, and so to return back into Egypt. 4. But of the spies, there were Joshua, the Bon of Nun, of the tribe of Ephraim, and Caleb of the tribe of Judah, that were afraid ot the consequence, and came into the midst of them, and stilled the multitude, and\de- sired them to be of good courage; and nei- ther to condemn God as having told them lies, nor to hearken to those who had affright- ed them, by telling them what was not true concerning the Canaanites, but to those that encouraged them to hope for good success; and that they should gain possession of the happiness promised them, because neither the height of mountains nor the depth of risers could hinder men of true courage from at- tempting them, especially while God would take care of them beforehand, and be assis- tant to them. " Let us then go," said they, "against our enemies, and have no suspicion of ill success, trusting in God to conduct us, and following those that are to be our lead- ers." Thus did these two exhort them, and endeavour to pacify the rage they were in. But Moses and Aaron fell on the ground, and besought God, not for their own deliverance, but that he would put a stop to what the people were unwarily doing, and would bring their minds to a quiet temper, which were now disordered by their present passion. The cloud also did now appear, and stood over the tabernacle, and declared to them the presence of God to be there. CHAPTER XV. HOW MOSES WAS DISPLEASED AT THIS, AND FORETOLD THAT GOD WAS ANGRY, AND THAT THEY SHOULD CONTINUE IN THE WIL- DERNESS FOR FORTY YEARS, AND NOT, DURING THAT TIME, EITHER RETURN INTO EGYPT, OR TAKE POSSESSION OF CANAAN, § I. MosES came now boldly to the multi- tude, and informed them that God was moved at their abuse of him, and would inflict pun- ishment upon them, not indeed such as they deserved for their sins, but such as parents inflict on their children, in order to their cor- rection : For, he said, that when he wasin the tabernacle, and was bewailing with tears that destruction which was coming upon them, God put him in mind what things he had done for them, and what benefits they had received from him, and yet how ungrateful they had been to him; that just now they had been in- duced, through the timorousness of the spies, to think that their words were truer than his own promise to them ; and that on this ac- count, though he would not indeed destroy them all, nor utterly exterminate their nation, which he had honoured more than any other part of mankind, yet he would not permit them to take possession of the land of Canaan, nor enjoy itd happiness ; but would make them wander in the wilderness, and live with- out a fixed habitation, and without a city, for forty years together, as a punishment for this their trangression ; but that he hath promised to give that land to our children, and that he would make them the possessors of those good things which, by your ungoverned pas- sions, you have deprived yourselves of 2. When Moses had discoursed thus to them, according to the direction of God. the multitude grieved, and were in atlliction; and entreated Moses to procure their reroncilia. tion to God. and to permit them no longe- 102 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK IV. wander in the wilderness, but to bestow cities upon them; but he replied, that God would not admit of any such trial, for that God was not moved to this determination from any hu- man levity or anger, but that he had judici- ally condemned them to that punishment. Now we are not to disbelieve that Moses, who was but a single person, pacified so many ten thousands when they were in anger, and converted them to a mildness of temper; for God was with him, and prepared the way to his persuasions of the multitude; and as they had often been disobedient, they were now sensible that such disobedience was disadvan- tageous to them, and that they had still there- by fallen into calamities. 3. But this man was admirable for his vir- tue, and powerful in making men give credit to what he delivered, not only during the time of his natural life, but even there is still 130 one of the Hebrews who does not act even now as if Moses were present, and ready to punish him if he should do any thing that is indecent; nay, there is no one but is obe- dient to what laws he ordained, although they might be concealed in their transgressions. There are also many other demonstrations that his power was more than human, for still some there have been, who have come from the parts beyond Euphrates, a journey of four months, through many dangers, and at great expenses, in honour of our temple ; and yet, when they had offered their oblations, could not partake of their own sacrifices, because Moses had forbidden it, by somewhat in the law that did not permit them, or somewhat that had befallen them, which our ancient cus- toms made inconsistent therewth ; some of these did not sacrifice at all, and others left their sacrifices in an imperfect condition ; nay, many were not able, even at first, so much as to enter into the temple, but went their ways in this state, as preferring a submission to the laws of Moses before the fulfilling of their own inclinations, even when they had no fear upon them that any body could convict them, but only out of a reverence to their own con- science. Thus this legislation, which appeared to be divine, made this man to be esteemed as one superior to his own nature. Nay, far- ther, a little before the beginning of this war, when Claudius was emperor of the Ro- mans, and Ismael was our high-priest, and when so great a famine* was come upon us, that one tenth deal [of wheat] was sold for four drachmae, and when no less than seventy cori of flour were brought into the temple, at the feast of unleavened bread (these cori are thirty-one Sicilian, but forty-one Athenian medimni), not one of the priests was so hardy as to eat one crumb of it, even while so great a distress was upon the land; and this out of a dread of the law, and of that wrath which God retains against acts of wickedness, eveij when no one can accuse the actors. Whence we are not to wonder at what was the-n done, while to this very day the writings left by Mo- ses have so great a force, that even those that hate us do confess, that he who established this settlement was God, and that it was by the means of Moses, and of his virtue: but as to these matters, let every one take them as he thinks fit. BOOK IV. OONTAININO THE INTERVAL OF THIRTY-EIGHT YEARS. FROM THE REJECTION OF THAT GENERATION, TO THE DEATH OF MOSES. CHAPTER I. THE FIGHT OF THE HEBREWS WITH THE NAANITE8, WITHOUT THE CONSENT OF SES; AND THEIR DEFEAT. OA- MO- the § 1. Now this life of the Hebrews m wilderness was so disagreeable and trouble- some to them, and they were so uneasy at it, that although God had forbidden them to ' meddle with the Canaanites, yet could they not be persuaded to be obedient to the words of Moses, and to be quiet; but supposing they should be able to beat their enemies, even without his approbation, they accused * This gfreat famine in the days of Claxulius, is ngain mentioned in Autiq. b. xx. chap. ii. sect. 6 : aad Acti xi. 28. CHAP. II, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 103 him, and suspected that he made it his busi- ness to keep them in a distressed condition that they might always stand in need of his assistance. Accordingly they resolved to fight with the Canaanites, and said that God gave them his assistance, — not out of regard to Moses's intercessions, but because he took care of their entire nation, on account of then forefathers, whose aflfairs he took under his own conduct; as also, that it was on account of their own virtue that he had formerly pro- cured them their liberty, and would be assist- ing to them, now they were willing to take pains for it. They also said that they were pos- sessed of abilities sutiicient for the conquest of their enemies, although Moses should have a mind to alienate God from them ; that, how- ever, it was for their advantage to be their own masters, and not so for to rejoice in their deliverance from the indignities they endured under the Egyptians, as to bear the tyranny of Moses over them, and to suffer themselves to be deluded, and live according to his plea- sure, as though God did only foretell what con- cerns us out of his kindness to him, as if they were not all the posterity of Abraham ; that God made him alone the author of all the Knowledge we have, and we must still learn t from him; that it would be a piece of pru- dence to oppose his arrogant pretences, and to put their confidence in God, and to resolve to take possession of that land which he had promised them, and not to give ear to him, who, on this account, and under the pretence of divine authority, forbade them so to do. Considering, therefore, the distressed state they were in at present, and that in those de- sert places they were still to expect things would be worse with them, they resolved to fight with the Canaanites, as submitting only to God, their supreme commander, and not waiting for any a-sistance from their legislator. 2. When, therefore, they had come to this resolution, as being best for them, they went against their enemies; but those enemies were not dismayed either at the attack itself, or at the great multitude that made it, and received rhein with great courage. Many of the He- brews were slain ; and the remainder of the army, upon the disorder of their troops, were pursued, and fled, after a shameful manner, tJ their camp. Whereupon this unexpected misfortune made them quite despond ; and they hoped for nothing that was good; as ga- thering from it, that this afl3iction came from the wrath of God, because they rashly went out to war without his approbation. 3. But when Moses saw how deeply they were affected with this defeat, and being afraid lest the enemies should grow insolent upon this victory, and should be desirous of gaining still greater glory, and should attack them, be resolved that it was proper to withdraw the army into the wilderness to a farther distance froju the Cana/^ites: so the multitude gave themselves up again to his conduct ; for they were sensible that, without his care for them, their affairs could not be in a good coj»diiiou; and he caused the host to remove, and he went farther into the wilderness, as intending there to let them rest, and not to permit them to fight the Canaanites before God should afford them a more favourable opportunity. CHAPTER IL THE SEDITION OF CORAH AND OF THE MULTI- TUDE AGAINST MOSES, AND AGAINST HIS BROTHER, CONCERNING THE PRIESTHOOD. § 1. That which is usually the case of great armies, and especially upon ill success, to be hard to be pleased, and governed yvith diffi- culty, did now befall the Jews ; for they be- ing in number six hundred thousand^ and, by reason of their great multitude, not readily subject to their governors, even in prosperity, they at this time were more than usually an- gry, both against one another and against their leader, because of the distress they were in, and the calamities they then endured. Such a sedition overtook them, as w^e have not the like example either among the Greeks or the Barbarians, by which they were in danger of being all destroyed, but were notwithstanding saved by Moses, who would not remember that he had been almost stoned to death by them. Nor did God neglect to prevent their ruin ; but, notwithstanding the indignities they had offered their legislator and the laws, and their disobedience to the commandments which he had sent them by Moses, he delivered them from those terrible calamities, which, without his providential care, had been brought upon them by this sedition. So I will first explain the cause whence this sedition arose, and then will give an account of the sedition itself; as also of what settlements Moses made for their government, after it was over. 2. Corah, a Hebrew of principal account, both by his family and by his wealth, one that was also able to speak well, and one that could easily persuade the people by his speeches, saw that Moses was in an exceeding great dignity, and was uneasy at it, and envied him on that account (he was of the same tribe with Moses, and of kin to him), was particularly grieved, because he thought he better deserved that honourable post on account of his great riches, and not inferior to him in his birth. So he raised a clamour against him among the Le- vites, who were of the same tribe, and espe- cially among his kindred, saying, " That it wa« a very sad thing that they should overlook Moses, while he hunted after, and paved the way to glory for himself, and by ill arts should obtain it, under the pretence of God's coni- mund, while, contrary to the lawsj he had 104 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK IV given the priesthood to Aaron, not by the common suffrage of the multitude, but by his own vote, as bestowing dignities in a tyrannical way on whom he pleased." He aclded, " That this concealed way of impos- ing on them was harder to be borne than if it had been done by an open force upon them, because he did now not only take away their power without their consent, but even /while they were unapprised of his contri- . vances against them; for whosoever is con- scious to himaelf that he deserves any dig- nity, aims to get it by persuasion, and not by an arroaant method of violence; but those that believe it impossible to obtain those honours justly, made a show of good- ness, and do not introduce force, but by cun- ning tricks grow wickedly powerful: that it was proper for the multitude to punish such men, even while they think themselves concealed in their designs, and not suffer them to gain strength till they have them for their open enemies. " For what account," added he, " is Moses able to give, why he has bestowed the priesthood on Aaron and his sons? for if God had determined to be- stow that honour on one of the tribe of Levi, I am more worthy of it than he is; I myself being equal to Moses by my family, and superior to him both in riches and m age: but if God had determined to bestow it on the eldest tribe, that of Reuben might have it most justly; and then Dathan, and Abiram, and [On, the son of] Peleth, would have it; for these are the oldest men of that tribe, and potent on account of their groat wealth also." 3. Now Corah, when he said this, had a mind to appear to take care of the public wolfare; but in reality he was endeavouring to procure to have that dignity transferred by the multitude to himself. Thus did he, out of a malignant design, but with plausi- ble words, discourse to those of his own tribe; and when these words did gradually spreaxl to more of the people, and when the hearers still added to what tended to the scandals that were cast upon Aaron, the wh ole army was full of them. Now of those that conspired with Corah, there were two hundred and fifty, and those of the principal men also, who were eager to have the priesthood taken away from Moses's bro- ther, and to bring him into disgrace: nay, the multitude themselves were provoked to be seditious, and attempted to stone Moses, and gathered themselves together after an indecent manner, with confusion and dis- order. And now they all were, in a tumul- tuous manner, raising a clamour before the tabernacle of God, to prosecute the tyrant, and to relieve the multitude from their slavery under him who, under colour of the divine commands, laid violent injunctions upon them ; for that had it been God who chose one that was to perform the office of a priest, he would have raised a worthy person to that dijinity, and would not have produced such a one as was inferior to many others, nor have given him that officej and that in case he had jcudged it fit to bestow it on Aaron, he would have permitted it to the multitude to bestow it, and not have left it to be bestowed by his own brother. 4. Now although Moses had a great while ago foreseen this calumny of Corah, and had seen that the people were irritated, yet was he not affrighted at it; but being of good courage, because he had given them right advice about their affairs, and know- ing that his brother had been made par- taker of the priesthood at the command oi God, and not by his own favour to him, he came to the assembly; and, as for the mul- titude, he said not a word to them, but spake as loud to Corah as he could; and being very skilfulin making speeches, and having this natural talent, among others, that he could greatly move the multitude with his discourses, he said, " O Corah, both thou and all these with thee (pointing to the two hundred and fifty men) seem to be worthy of this honour; nor do I pretend but that this whole company may be worthy of the like dignity, although they may not be so rich, or so great as you are; nor have I taken and given this office to my brother, because he excelled others in riches, for thou exceedeth us both in the greatness of thy wealth;* nor indeed because he was of an eminent family, for God, by giving us the same common ancestor, has made our families equal; nay, nor was it out of brotherly affection, which another might yet have justly done; for certainly, unless I had bestowed this honour ©ut of regard to God, and to his laws, I had not passed by myself and given it to another, as being nearer of kin to myself than to my brother, and having a closer intimacy with myself than I have with him; for surely it wbui(i not be a wise thing for me to expose myself to the dangers of offending, and to btistow the happy employment on this account upon another. But 1 am above such base pi ac- tices; nor would God have overlooked this matter, and seen himself thus despised; uov would he have suffered you to be ignorant of what you were to do in order to pkabo him ; but he hath himself chosen one tiuit is to perform that sacred office to him, ami thereby freed us from that care. So that it was not a thing that 1 pretend to give, but only according to the determination oi God; I therefore propose it still to be con- tended for by sueh as please to put in for it, only desiring, that he who has been al- ready preferred, and has already obtained it, may be allowed now also to offer himself for a candidate. He prefers your })eace, and your living without sedition, to this honourable employment, althougti in truth • Reland here tttl>f» n<'»ice, thnt al>h<»m;li our Bible* say little or nothii»g o! \hv»f riches <4 ('on*h, yet thai both thtf Jf wsand Mahumniedann.as well a» JoMiphtM are full of it. CHAP. III. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. lOi it was with your approbation that he obtained it; for though God were the donor, yet do we not oflFend when we think fit to accept it with your good- will; yet would it have been an instance of impiety not to have taken that ho- nourable employment when he offered it; nay, it had been exceedingly unreasonable, when God had thought fit any one should have it for all time to come, and had made it secure and firm to him, to have refused it. How- ever, he himself will judge again who it shall be whom he would have to offer sacrifices to him, and to have the direction of matters of religion; for it is absurd that Corah, who is ambitious of this honour, should deprive God of the power of giving it to whom he pleases. Put an end, therefore, to your sedition and disturbance on this account; and to-morrow morning do every one of you that desire the priesthood bring a censer from home, and come hither with incense and fire: and do thou, O Cornh, leave the judgment to God, and await to see on which side he will give his determin- ation upon this occasion, but do not thou make thyself greater than God. Do thou also come, that this contest about this honourable employ- ment may receive determination. And I sup- pose we may admit Aaron without offence, to offer himself to this scrutiny, since he is of the same lineage with thyself, and has done nothing in his priesthood that can be liable to exception. Come ye therefore together, and offer your incense in public before all the people ; and when you offer it, he whose sacrifice God shall accept shall be ordained to the priesthood, and shall be clear of the present calumny on Aaron, as if I had granted him that favour because he was my brother." CHAPTER III. HOW THOSE THAT STIRRED UP THIS SEDITION WERE DESTROYED, ACCORDING TO THE WILL OF GOD; AND HOW AARON, MOSEs's BRO- THER, BOTH liE AND HIS POSTERITY, RE- TAINED THE PRIESTHOOD. § I. When Moses had said this, the multi- tude ]^h off the turbulent behaviour they had indulged, and the suspicion they had of Mo- ses, and commended what he had said; for those proposals were good, and were so es- teemed of the people. At that time therefore they dissolved the assemble ; but on the next day they came to the contrregation, in order to be present at the sacrifice, and at the de- termination that was to be made between the candidates for the priesthood. Now this congregation proved a turbulent one, and the multitude were in great suspense in ex- pectuxion of what was to be done; for some of them would have been pleased if Moses had been convicted of evil practices; but the wiser sort desired that they might be delivered from the present disorder and disturbance: for they were afraid, that if this sedition went on, the good order of their settlement would rather be destroyed; but the whole body of the people do naturally delight in clamours against their governors, and, by changing their opinions upon the harangues of every speaker disturb the public tranquillity. And now Mo ses sent messengers for Abiram and Dathan, and ordered them to come to the assembly, and wait there for the holy offices that were to be performed. But they answered the messengers, that they would not obey his sum- mons; nay, would not overlook Moses's be- haviour, who was^rowing too great for them by evil practices. Now when Moses heard of this their answer, he desired the heads of the people to follow him, and he went to the faction of Dathan, not thinking it any fright- ful thing at all to go to these "insolent people; so they made no opposition, but went along with him. But Dathan and his associates, when they understood that Moses and the principal of the people were coming to them, came out, with their wives and children, and stood before their tents, and looked to see what Moses would do. They had also their servants about them to defend themselves, in case Moses should use force against them. 2. But he came near, and lifted up his hands to heaven, and cried out with a loud voice, in order to be heard by the whole mul- titude, and said, " O Lord of the creatures that are in the heaven, in the earth, and in the sea; for thou art the most authentic witness to what I have done, that it has all been done by thy appointment, and that it was thou that affordedst us assistance when we attempted any thing, and shovvedst mercy to the Hebrews in all their distresses, do thou come now, and hear all that I say, for no action nor thought escapes thy knowledge; so that thou wilt not disdain to speak what is true for my vindica- tion, without any regard to the ungrateful im- putations of these men. As fpr what was done before I was born, thou knowest best, as not learning them by report, but seeing them, and being present with them when they were done; but for what has been done of late, and which these men, although they know them well enough, unjustly pretend to suspect, be thou my witness. When I lived a private quiet life, I left those good things, which by my own dilij^ence, and by thy counsel, 1 en- joyed with Raguel my father-in-law; and I gave myself up to this people, and underwent many miseries on their account. I also bore great labours at first, in order to obtain liberty for them, and now in order to their preser- vation; and have always showed mysell ready to assist them in every distress of theirs. Now, therefore, since I am suspected by those very men whose being is owing to my labours, come thou, as it is reasonable to hope thou . 106 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK IV. wilt; thou, I say, who showedst me that lire at mount Sinai; and madest me to bear its voice, and to see the several wonders which that place afforded me; thou who command- edst me to go to Egypt, and declare thy w?ll to this people; thou who disturbedst the happy estate of the Egyptians, and gavest us the op- portunity of tiying away from our slavery un- der them, and madest the dominion of Pha- raoh inferior to my dominion; thou who didst make the sea dry land for us, when we knew not whither to go, and didst overwhelm the Egyptians with those destructive waves which had been divided for us; thou who didst be- stow upon us the security of weapons when we were naked ; thou who didst make the founlfains that were corrupted to flow, so as to be fit for drinking, and didst furnish us with water that came out of the rocks, when we were in the greatest want of it; thou who didst preserve our lives with [quails, which was] food from the sea, when the fruits of the ground failed us ; thou who didst send us Buch food from heaven as had never been seen before ; thou who didst suggest to us the knowledge of thy laws, and appoint to us a form of government, — come thou, I say, O Loqd of the whole world, and that as such a Judge and a Witness to me as cannot be bribed, and show how I have never admitted of any gift against justice from any of the He- brews, and have never condemned a poor man that ought to have been acquitted, on account of one that was rich ; and have never attempted to hurt this commonwealth. I am now here present, and am suspected of a thing the remotest from my intentions, as if I had given the priesthood to Aaron, not at thy command, but out of my own favour to him; do thou at this time demonstrate that all things are ad- ministered by thy providence, and that no- thing happens by chance, but is governed by thy will, and thereby attains its end: as also demonstrate that thou takest care of those that have done good to the Hebrews; demonstrate this, I say, by the punishment of Abiram and Dathan^ who condemn thee as an insensible Being, and one overcome by my contrivances. This wilt thou do by inflicting such an open punishment on these men who so madly fly in the face of thy glory, as will take them out of the world, not in an ordinary manner, but so that it may appear they do not die after the manner of other men: let that ground which they tread upon open about them and con- sume them, with" their families and goods. This will be a demonstration of thy power to all men : and this method of their sufferings ■will be an instruction of wisdom for those that entertain profane s- ntiments of thee. By this means I shall be found a good servant, in the precepts thou hast given by me. But if the calumnies they have raised against me be true, mayst thou preserve these men from every evil accident, and bring all that destruc- tion on me which I have imprerate<^ 'ipon them. And when thou hast inflicted ounish- ment on those that have endeavoured to deal unjustly with this people, bestow upc^ ♦hem concord and peace. Save this multitude that follow thy commandments, and preserve them free from harm, and let them not partake of the punishment of those that have sinned; for thou knowest thyself it is not just, that for the wickedness of those men the whole body of the Israelites should suffer punishment." 3. When Moses had said this, with tears in his eyes, the ground was moved on a sudden; and the agitation that set it in motion was like that which the wind produces in waves of the sea. The people were all affrighted; and the ground that was about their tents sunk down at the great noise, with a terrible sound, and carried whatsoever was dear to the seditious into itself, who so entirely perished, that there was not the least appearance that any man had ever been seen there, the earth that had opened itself about them, closing again, and be- comiiig entire as it was before, insomuch that such as saw it afterward, did not perceive that any such accident had happened to it. Thu3 did these men perish, and become a demon- stration of the power of God. And truly, any one would lament them, not only on ac- count of this calamity that befell them, which yet deserves our commiseration, but also oe- cause their kindred were pleased with their sufferings ; for they forgot the relation they bare to them, and at the sight o/ this sad ac- cident approved of the judgment given against them ; and because they looked upon the people about Dathan as pestilent men, they thought they perished as such', and did not grieve for them. 4. And now Moses called for those that contended about the priesthood, that trial might be made who should be priest, and that he whose sacrifice God was best pleasefl with might be ordained to that function. There attended two hundred and tifty men, who in- deed were honoured by the oeopie, not only on account of the power ot their ancestors, but also on account of their own, in which they excelled the others : Aaron also and Corah came forth, and they all offered incense, in those censers of theirs which they bfouwht with them, before the tabernacle. Here- upon so great a lire shone out as no one ever saw in any that is made by the hand ot man, neither in those eruptions out ot the earth that are caused by subterraneous burnings, nor in such fires as arise of their own accord in the woods, when the agitation is caused by the trees rubbing one agauist anotner : but this fire was very bright, and han a ternnlu flame, such as is kindled at the command of God; by whose irruption on them, ali rhe company, and Corah himself, were destroy- CHAP. IV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 107 ed,* and this so entirely, that their very bodies left no remains behind them. Aaron alone was preserved, and not at all hurt by the fire, because it was God that sent the fire to burn those only who ought to be burned. Hereupon Moses, after these men were de- stroyed, was desirous that the memory of this judgment might be delivered down to poster- ity, and that future ages mi^'bt be acquainted with it ; and so he comina'-ided Eleazar, the son of Aaron, to put their censers near the brazen altar, that they might be a memorial to posterity of whet these men suffered, for supposing that the power of God might be eluded. And thus Aaron was now no longer esteemed to have the priesthood by the fa- vour of Moses, but by the public judgment of God; and thus he and his children peace- ably enjoyed the honour afterward. CHAPTER IV? WHAT HAPPENED TO THE HEBREWS DURING THlttTY-EIGHT YEARS IN THE WILDERNESS. § 1. However, this sedition was so far from ceasing upon this destruction, that it grew much stronger, and became more intolerabie. And the occasion of its growing worse was of that nature, as made it likely the calamity would never cease, but last for a long time ; for the men, believing already that nothing is done without the providence of God, would have it that these things came thus to pass, not without God's favour to Moses ; they therefore laid the blame upon him, that God was so angry, and that this happened, not so much because of the wickedness of those that were punished, as because Moses procured the punishment; and that these men had been destroyed without any sin of theirs, only be- cause they were zealous about the divine wor- ship; as also, that he who had been the cause of this diminution of the people, by destroy- ing MO many men, and those the most excel- lent of them all, besides his escaping any pun- ishu.ent himself, had now given the priest- hood to his brother so firmly, that nobody oould any longer dispute it with him ; for no one else, to be sure, could now put in for it, since he must have seen those that first did so to have miserably perished. Nay, besides this, the kindred of those that were destroyed made great entreaties to the multitude to abate the arrogance of Moses, because it would be safest for them so to do. 2. Now Moses, upon his hearing for a • It appears here, and from the Samaritan Pentateuch, and ill elFect. from the Psalmist, as als.> from the Apos- tolical Consfitutioiig, from t lement's first episUe to the Corinthians, from Itrnatius's epistle to the .Maijnesians, Bn«l from Kusebius. that (-orah was not swallowed up with the Keubenites, but burned with the Levites of his owa tnb«. See £s.say on the Old I'estameut, p. (>1, 66. good while that the people were fumitltuous, was afraid that they would attempt seme ocner innovation, and that some great and sad caiaiiaty would be the consequence. He called the multitude to a congregation, and patiently heard what apology tney had to make for themselves, witnout opposing them, and this lest he should imbittcj the multi- tude: he only desired the heads of the tribe to bring their rods,! with the names of their tribes inscribed upon them, and that he should receive the priesthood in wuose rod God should give a sign. This was agreed to. So the rest brought their rods, as did Aaron also, who had written the tribe of Levi on his rod, T'oese rods Moses laid up in the tabernacle of God. On the next day he brought out the rods, which were known from one another by those who brought them, they having dis- tinctly noted them, as had the multitude also; ana as to the rest, in the same form Moses had received them, in that they saw them still ; but they also saw buds and branches grown out of Aaron's rod, with ripe fruits upon them: they were almonds, the rod hav- ing been cut out of that tree. I'he people were so amazed at this strange sight, that though iVloses and Aaron were bei'ure under sotne degree of hacred, they now laid that hatred aside, and oe#jan to aiimire the judg- ment of God concerning them ; so tVvat iiere- atter they applauded wuai God had decieed, ana permitted Aaron to er.joy the priesthood peaceably. And thus God ordttiiied* him priest three several times, u:iu he retained that honour without farther Gisturoance. And hereby this sedir.ion of the Kebrews, which had been a great one, and had lasted a great while, was at last composed, 3. And now Moses, because the tribe of Levi was made free from war and warlike expeditions, and was set apart for the divine worship, lest they should wani and seek after the necessaries of life, and so neglect the temple, commanded the Hebrews, accordijig to the will of God, that when they should gain the possession of the land of Canaarj, they should assign forty-eight good and fair cities to the Levites; and penniv; them to en- joy their suburbs, as far as the limit of two thousand cubits would extend from the walls of the city. And besides this, he appointed that the people should pay the lithe of their annual fruits of the earth, both to the Levites and to the priests. And this is what that tribe receives of the muititJtit,-; but 1 think it necessary to set down what isj paid by ail, peculiarly to the priests. 4. Accordingly he commanded the Levites to yield up to the priests thirteen of their forty-eight cities, and to set apart for theta + Concernine these twelve rods of the twelve tribe* of Israel, see St. Clement's account, ciuca laijjsr Itap that in our Bibles, 1 Epist. sect. 45; as is JusepUus's pr» sent account in some mecsure larger also. 108 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK TV the tenth part of the tithes which they every year receive of the people; as also, that it was but just to otfer to God the first-fruits of the entire product of the ground; and that they should oflfer the first-born of those four-footed beasts that are appointed for sacrifices, if it be a male, to the priests, to be slain, that they and their entire families may eat them in the holy city; but that the owners of those first- born which !i' not appointed for sacrifices in the laws of our country, should bring a shekel and a half in their stead : but for the first- born of a man, five shekels: that they should also have the first-fruits out of the shearing of the sheep; and that when any baked bread-corn, and made loaves of it, they should give somewhat of what they had baked to them. Moreover, when any have made a sa- cred vow, I mean those that are called Naza- rites, that suffer their hair to grow long, and use no wine, when they consecrate their hair,* and offer it for a sacrifice, they are to allot • that hair for the priests [to be thrown into the fire]. Such also as dedicate themselves to God, as a corban, which denotes what the Greeks call a gift, when they are desirous of being freed from that ministration, are to lay down money for the priests; thirty shekels if it be a woman, and fifty if it be a man ; but if any be too poor to pay the appointed sum, it shall be lawful for the priests to determine that sum as they think fit. And if any slay beasts at home for a private festival, but not for a religious one, they are obliged to bring the maw and the cheek [or breast], and the right shoulder of the sacrifice, to the priests. With these Moses contrived that the priests should be plentifully maintained, besides what they bad out of those offerings for sins, which the people gave them, as I have set it down in the foregoing book. He also ordered, that out of every thing allotted for the priests, their servants, [their sons,] their daughters, and their wives, should partake, as well as themselves, excepting what came to them out of the sacrifices that were offered for sins; for of those none but the males of the family cf the priests might eat, and this in the temple also, and that the same day they were offered. 5. When Moses had made these constitu- tions, after the sedition was over, he removed, together with the whole army, and came to the borders of Idumea. He then sent am- bassadors to the king of the Idumeans, and desired him to give him a passage through his country; and agreed to send him what hos- tages he should desire, to secure him from an injury. He desired him also, that he would allow bis army liberty to buy provisions; and if he insisted upon it^ he would pay down a price for the very water they should drink. But the king was not pleased with this ambas- • OrotlQB, on Numb. vi. 18, take* notice that the Grreka also, as well an the Jews, sometiaies coDoecraled tbc hair of tlieir l>eads tu the k^^ sage from Moses.: nor did he allow a passag* for the army, but brought his people armed to meet Moses, and to hinder them, in case they should endeavour to force their passage. Up- on which Moses consulted God by the oracle, who would not have him begin the war first, and so he withdrew his forces, and travelled round about through the wilderness. 6. Then it was that Miriam, the sister of Moses, came to her end, having completed her fortieth year f since she left Egypt, on the first day J of the lunar month Xanthicus. They then made a public funeral for her, at a great expense. She was buried upon a certain mountain, which they call Sin ; and when they had mourned for her thirty days, Moses puri- fied the people after this manner: He brought a heifer that had never been used to the plough or to husbandry, that was complete in all its parts, and entirely of a red colour, at a little distance from the camp, into a place perfectly clean. This ^ifer was slain by the high-priest, and her blood sprinkled with his finger seven times before the tabernacle of God; after this, the entire heifer was burnt in that state, to- gether with its skin and entrails; and they threw cedar-wood, and hyssop, and scarlet wool, into the midst of the fire; then a clean man gathered all her ashes togethc, and laid them in a place perfectly clean. When there- fore any persons were defiled by a dead body, they put a little of these ashes into spring water, with hyssop, and, dipping part of these ashes in it, they sprinkled them with it, both on the third day, and on the seventh, and af- ter that they were clean. This he CTijoined them to do also when the tribes should come into their own land. 7. Now when this purification, which their leader made upon the morning for his sister, as it has been now described, was over, he caused the army to remove and to march through the wilderness and through Arabia ; and when he came to a place which the Ara- bians esteem their metropolis, which was for- merly called Arce, but has now the name of Petra, at this place, which was encompassed with high mountains, Aaron went up one of them in the sight of the whole army, Moses having before told him that he was to die, for this place was over against them. He put off his pontifical garments, and delivered them to Eleazar his son, to whom the high-priesthood belonged, because he was the elder brother; and died while the multitude looked upon him. He died in the same year wherein he + Josephns here uses this phrase "whet^the fortieth year was completed," for when it washe^un; as does St. Luke, " wlicii tlie day of Pentecost was completed," Acts ii 1. X Whethtr Miriam died, as Josephus's Greek copies imply, on the f^rst day of the month, may be doubted, because the Latin copies say it was on the tenth, and so si^y the .Inwish calendars also, as Dr. iternard assures us. It is said lief sepiilchic is still extant near Petia, the old ciipi<Al city of Arabia Petrica, at this day; as also that oi Aaron, not fir off. CHAP. V. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 109 lost bis sister, having lived m all a hundred twenty and three years. He died on the first day of that lunar month which is called by the Athenians Hecatombaeon, by the Mace- donians Lous^ but by the Hebrews Abba. CHAPTER V. HOW MOSES CONQUERED SIHON AND OG, KINGS OF THE AMORITES, AND DESTROYED THEIR WHOLE ARMY, AND THEN DIVIDED THEIR LAND BY LOT TO TWO TRIBES AND A HALF OF THE HEBREWS. § 1. The people nnourned for Aaron thirty days, and when this mourning was over, Mo- ses removed the army from that place, and came to the river Arnon, which, issuing out of the mountains of Arabia, and running through all that wilderness, falls into the lake Asphaltitis, and becomes the limit between the land of the Moabites and the land of the Amorites. This land is fruitful, and suffi- cient to maintain a great number of men, with the good things it produces. Moses therefore sent messengers to Sihon, the king of , this country, desiring that he would grant his army a passage, upon what security he should please to require; he promised that he should be no way injured, neither as to that country which Sihon governed, nor as to its inhabitants; and that he would buy his provi- sions at such a price as should be to their ad- vantage, even though he should desire to sell them their very water. But Sihon refused his offer, and put his army into battle array, and was preparing every thing in order to hinder their passing over Arnon. 2. When Moses saw that the Amorite king ,vas disposed to enter upon hostilities with them, he thought he ought not to bear that insult; and, determining to wean the Hebrews from their indolent temper, and prevent the disorders which arose thence, which had been the occasion of their former sedition (nor in- deed were they now thoroughly easy in their minds), he inquired of God, whether he would give him leave to fight? which when he had done, and God also promised him the victory, he was himself very courageous, and ready to proceed to fighting. Accordingly he encou- raged the soldiers; and he desired of them that they would take the pleasure of fighting, now God gave them leave so to do. They then upon the receipt of this permission, which they so much longed for, put on their whole armour, and set about the work with- out delay. But the Amorite king was not now like to himself when the Hebrews were ready to attack him; but both he himself was atfrighted at the Hebrews, and his army, which before had showed themselves to be of good courage, were then found to be tim r ous: so they could not sustain the first onset, nor bear up against the Hebrews, but lied away, as thinking this would afford them a more likely way for their escape than fighting; for they depended upon their cities, which were strong, from which yet they reaped no advantage when they were forced to fly to them; for as soon as the Hebrews saw them giving ground, they immediately pursued them close; and when they had broken their ranks, they greatly terrified them, and some of them broke off from the rest, and ran away to the cities. Nowthe Hebrews pursued them briskly, and obstinately persevered in the labours they had already undergone; and being very skilful in slinging, and very dexterous in throwing of darts, or any thing else of that kind ; and also having nothing but light armour, which made them quick in the pursuit, they overtook their enemies; and for those that were most remote, and could not be overtaken, they reached them by their slings and their bows, so that many were slain ; and those that escaped the slaugh- ter were sorely wounded, and these were more distressed with thirst than with any of those that fought against them, for it was the sum- mer season; and when the greatest number of them were brought down to the river out of a desire to drink, as also when others fled away by troops, the Hebrews came round them, and shot at them ; so that, what with darts and what with arrows, they made a slaughter of them all. Sihon their king was also slain. So the Hebrews spoiled the dead bodies, and took their prey. The land also which they took was full of abundance of fruits, and the army went all over it without fear, and fed their cattle upon it; and they took the enemies pri- soners, for they could no way put a stop to them, since all the fighting men were destroy- ed. Such was the destruction which overtook the Amorites, who were neither sagacious in counsel, nor courageous in action. Hereup>on the Hebrews took possession of their land, which is a country situate between three rivers, and naturally resembling an island: the river Arnon being its southern limit; the river Jab- bok determining its northern side, which, running into Jordan, loses its own name, and takes the other; while Jordan itself runs along by it, rn its western coast. 3. When matters were come to this state, Og, the king of Gilead and Gaulanitis, fell upon the Israelites. He brought an array with him, and came in haste to the assistance of his friend Sihon ; but though he found him al- ready slain, yet dftl he resolve still to come and fight the Hebrews^ supposing he should ^e too hard for them, and being desirous to try their valour; but failing of his hope, he was both himself slain in the battle, and all his army was destroyed. So Moses passed over the river Jabbok, and overran the king- dom of Og. He overthew their cities, and >".• V all their inhibitants, who yet exceeded in no ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK IV. riches all ibe men in that part of the eonti- iieiit, on Hccount of the goodness of the soil, and the great quantity of their wealth. Now Og hail very few equals, either in the large- ness of his body or handsomeness of his appearance. Ha was also a man of great activity in toe use of his hands, so that his actions were not unequal to the vast largeness and handsome appearance of his body; and men could easily guess at his strength and magnitude when they took his bed at Rabbath, the royal city of the Ammonites; its structure was of iron, its breadth four cubits, and its length a cubit more than double thereto. However, his iali did not only improve the circumstances of the Hebrews for the present, but by his death he was the occasion of fur- ther good success to tnem; for they presently took those sixty cities which were encom- passed with excellent walls, and had been suuject to mm; and ail got ootu in general and in particidar a great prey. CHAPli^R Yi. CONCERNING i>Al.AAM IHF. fKOPHET, AND WH^T KIND OF MAN HE W.VS. ^ I. "Now Closes, when he had brought his army to Joraan, ritcned his ramn in the great pjaii. over apainst Jencno. 'i'nis city is a very happy situation., ana very fit for producing palm.-treetf ana oaisam; and now the Israel- ites Degan to be very proud of themselves, and were very eager for figfatuig. Moses then, after he had oiT'jrcd for a few days sacrifices of thanksgiving to God, and feasted the peo- ple, sent a party of armed men to lay waste the country of the Midianites, and to take their cities^ Now the occasion which he took for making war upon them was this that fol- lows; — 2. When Balak, the king of the Moabites, who had from his ancestors a friendship and league with the Miaianite>, saw how great the Israelites were grown, he was much af- frighted on account of his own and his king- dom s dantjer; for he was not acquainted with thjs, that the Hebrews would not meddle with any otner country, hut were to be con- tented with the possession of the land of Ca- naan, God having forbidden them to go any farther.* So he, with more haste than wis- dom, resolved to make an attempt upon them • WJ.at Jobephiis hf le remarks i« well worth our re- nwri ill lliiw \,Wci- aWopxi/.. That th<; Israditts were rev»r to meiiillf with the Moahites or Amiiionitfs. .or »ny ptner pei>pl«. hut those bt-hmKin^ to Ihf l.md of Ckiiauii. uud tiif countrieii ofSihon anrl Oj; beyond .lor- dan. M f.ir K* ttie deM-it and Kuphrales; and that th»re- fore no other people hud reujion to fear the coiKiuestrt ol thr iMurliteH; hut that thtme countries (jivi-n them h\ Gt«'. *'tre th-ir prop.-r and iwinliar porti. n n.i.orm I'-i natKT*; wn I ih.ii a I who fiidctMiured in di.sposM-Hrt thi-i^ BiKht c»er lie ju^n^ de»tr.ij.d hy liieni. by words: but he did not judge it prudent to fight against them, after they had such pros- perous successes, and even became out of ill successes more happy than before ; but he thought to hinder them, if he could, trom growing greater, and so he resolved to send ambassadors to the Midianites about faein. Now these Midianites knowing there was one Balaam, who lived by Euphrates, and was the greatest of the prophets at that time, and one that was in friendship with them, sent some of their honourable princes along with the ambassadors of Balak, to entreat the prophet to come to them that he might imprecate curses to the destruction of the Israelites. So Balaam received the ambassadors, and treated them very kindly; and when he had supped, he inquired what was God's will, and what this matter was for which the Midianiies en- treated him to come to them. But when God opposed his going, he came to the ambassa- dors, and told them that he was himself very willing and desirous to comply with their re- quest, but informed them that God was oppo- site to his intentions, even that God who had raised him to great reputation on account of the truth of his predictions; for that this army, which they entreated him to come and curse, was in. the favour of God; on which acc9unt he advised them to go home again, and not to persist in their enmity against the Israelites: and when he had given them that answer, he dismissed the ambassadors. 3. Now the Midianites, at the earnest re- quest and fervent entreaties of Balak, sent other ambassadors to Balaam, who, desiring to gratify the men, inquired again of God ; but he was displeased at this [second] trial, f and bid him by no means to contradict the ambassadors. Now Balaam did not imagine that God gave this injunction in order to de- ceive him, so he went along with the ambas- sadors; but when the divine angel met him in the way, when he was in a narrow passage, and hedged in with a wall on both sides, the ass on which Balaam rode understood that it + Not^, that .losephns never supposes Balaam to he an idolater. Jjur to seek idolatrous enchantnienis, or to P'-opliesy faLsely, but to be no other tlian an ill-dispos«;d proyhet ol the ♦rue <»od; and intiniutes that God's an- swer the -vcond time, permitting him to go, was ironi- cal, and on desitfn that he should he deceived (which sort of deception, by way of punishment for former crimes, Josephus nev^r scruples to admit, as ever esteeminfj such wicked men justly and providentially deceived). But perhaps we had better keep heie cIom*: to the text, which says (Numb, xxiii. 20. il,) that (lod only permitted Balaam to go along with the ambassa- dors, in case they came and called him, or positively insisted on his going along with them on any terms; whereas Balaam seems out o( impatience to have nsen up in the morning, and saddled his ass, and rather to have called them, than staid for their calling him; s<» Jiealous does lie seem to have been for his reward for di vinatiun, his wages of unrighteousness (Numb xxii. 7, 17, 18,37; a IVt. ii. h^; Jude v. II); which rewaid or wages the truly religious prophets of God never required nor acopted, as our Josephus justly takes notice m the cases of Samuel, Antiq. h. v cliap. iv. sett. I, and Daniel, Antiq. h. x chap. xi. sec». 'X See al.so (-en. XIV. tJ, •Xi; -^ KiiiRS V. li>, lo, 20, 27- Acts viii. l«~;^4 CHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 111 was a divine spirit that met him, and thrust Balaam to one of the walls, without regard to the stripes which Balaam, when he was hurt by the wail, gave her; but when the ass, upon the angel's continuing to distress her, and upon the stripes which were given her, fell down, by the will of God she made use of the voice of a man, and complained of Ba- laam as acting unjustly to her; that vvhereas he bad no fault. to find with her in her former service to him, he now inflicted stripes upon her, as not understanding that she was hin- dered from serving him in what he was now going about, by the providence of God. And when he was disturbed by reason of the voice of the ass, which was that of a man, the an- gel plainly appeared to him, and blamed him for the stripes he had given his ass; and in- formed him that the brute creature was not in fault, but that he was himself come to ob- struct his journey, as being contrary to the will of God. Upon which Balaam was afraid, and was preparing to return back again : yet did God excite him to go on his intended journey, but added this injunction, that he should declare nothing but what he himself should suggest to his mind. 4. When God had given him this charge, he came to Balak; and when the king had entertained him in a magnificent manner, he desired him to go to one of the mountains to take a view of the state of the camp of the Hebrews. Balak himself also came to the mountain, and brought the prophet along with him, with a royal attendance. This mountain lay over their heads, and was dis- tant sixty furlongs from the camp. Now when he saw them, he desired the king to build him seven altars, and to bring him as many bulls and rams; to which desire the king did presently conform. He then slew the sacrifices, and oflfered them as burnt-offer- ings, that he might observe some signal of the flight of the Hebrews. Then said he, " Happy is this people, on whom God be- stows the possession of innumerable good things, and grants them his own providence to he their assistant and their guide ; so that there is not any nation among mankind but you will be esteemed superior to them in vir- tue, and in the earnest prosecution of the best rules of life, and of such as are pure from wickedness, and will leave those rules to your excellent children, and this out of the regard that God bears to you, and the provi- sion of such things for you as may render you happier than any other people under the sun. You shall retain that land to which he hath sent you, and it shall ever be under the command of your children; and both all the \ earth, as well as the sea, shall be filled with • your glory : and you shall he sufficiently ' numerous to supply the world in general, and every region of it in particular, with inhabi- tants out of vour stc'ck. However. O blessed army ! wonder that you are become so many from one father: and truly, the land of Ca- naan can now hold you, as beine: vet con.pa- ratively few; but know ye that the whoie world is proposed to be your place of nam cation tor ever. The multitude of your postenty a'lso shall live as well in the islands as on the con- tinent, and that more in number than are the stars of heaven. And when you are Decoir.e so many, God will not relinquish tne care of you, but will aflford you an abundance of ail good things in times of peace, unth victory and dominion in times of war. May the chil- dren of your enemies have an inciniation to fight against you, and may they be so hardy as to come to arms, and to assault you in battle, for they will not return witd victory, nor will their .return be agreeable to their children and wives. I'o so great a degree of valour will you be raised oy the providence of God, who is able to diminish the alWuence of some, and to supply the wants ot others." 5. Thus did Balaam speak by inspiraiion, as not being in his own power, but moved to say what he did by the divine Spirit. But then Balak was displeased, and said he had broken the contract he had made, wnereby he was to come, as he and his confederates had invited him, by the promise ot great presents: for whereas he came to curse their enemies, be had made an encomium upon them, and had declared that they were the happiest of men. To which Balaam replied, " (> Balak,, it tnou rightly considerest this whoie matter, canst thou suppose that it is in our power to he si- lent, or to say any thing, when tUe Spirit of God seizes upon us? — for he puts such words as he pleases in our mouths, and such dis- courses as we are not ourselves conscious of. I well remember by what entreaties both you and the Midianites so joyfully brought me hither, and on that account I took this jour- ney. It was my prayer, that I might not put any affront upon you, as to what you desired of me; but God is more powerful than the" purposes I had made to serve you ; for those that take upon them to foretell the affairs of mankind, as from their own abilities, are en- tirely unable to do it, or to forbear to utter what God suggests to them, or to offer vio- lence to his will; for when he prevents us and enters into us, nothing that we say is our own. I then did not intend to praise this army, nor to go over the several good things which God intended to do to their race; but since he was so favourable to them, and so ready to bestow upon them a happy life and eternjil glory, he suggested the declaration of those things to me : but now, because it is ray desire to oblige thee thyself, as will as the Midianites?, whose entreaties it is not decent for me to reject, go to, let us again rear other altars, and offer the like sacrifices that we did before, that I may see whether I can persuade God to permit me to bind these men with curses." 112 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK I? Which, when Balak had agreed to, God would not even upon second sacritices, consent to his cursing the Israelites.* Then fell Ba- laam upon his face, and foretold what cala- mities would befall the several kings of the nations, and the most eminent cities, some of which of old were not so much as inha- bited; which events have come to pass among the several people concerned, both in the fore- going ages, and in this, till my own memory, both by sea and by land. From which com- pletion of all these predictions that he made, one may easily guess that the rest will have their completion in time to come. 6. But Balak being very angry that the Israelites were not cursed, sent away Balaam without thinking him worthy of any honour. Whereupon, when he was just upon his jour- ney, in order to pass the Euphrates, he sent for Balak, and for the princes of the Midian- ites, and spake thus to them: — O Balak, and you Midianites that are here present (for I am obliged even without the will of God, to gratify you), it is true no entire destruction can seize upon the nation of the Hebrews, neither by war, nor by plague, nor by scar- city of the fruits of the earth, nor can any other unexpected accident be their entire ruin ; for the providence of God is concerned to preserve them from such a misfortune; nor will it permit any such calamity to come up- on them whereby they may all perish; but some small misfortunes, and those for a short time, whereby they may appear to be brought low, may still befall them ; but after that they will flourish again, to the terror of those that brought those mischiefs upon them. So that if you have a mind to gain a victory over them for a short space of time, you will ob- tain it by following my directions: — Do you therefore set out the handsomest of such of your daughters as are most eminent for beau- ty,! and proper to force and conquer the mo- desty of those that behold them, and these decked and trimmed to the highest degree you are able. Then do you send them to be near the Israelites' camp, and give them in charge, that when the young men of the Hebrews de- sire their company, they allow it them; and when they see that they are enamoured of them, let them take their leaves; and if they entreat them to stay, let them not give their consent till they have persuaded them to leave off their obedience to their own laws and the • Whether Josephus had in his copy but two attempts of Balaam in all to curse Israel; or whether by this liis twice offering sacrifice, he meant twice besides that first time already mentioned, which yet is not very probable cannot now be certainly determined. In the mean time, all other copies have three such attempts of Balaam to curse them in the present history. + Such a large and distinct account of this perversion of Jhe Israelites by the Midiauite women, of which our ether copies give us but short intimations (Numb xxxi. J6j a Pet. ii. I5{ Jude 11; Rev. ii. 14j. is preserved, %» Ileland informs us, in the Samaritan Chronicle, in Fhilo, and in other writings of the Jews, as well at htre by Joscphu* worship of that God who established them, anil to worship the gods of the Midianites and Moabites; for by this means God will be angry at them." J Accordingly, when Ba- laam had suggested this counsel to thein, be went his way. 7. So when the Midianites had sent thei* daughters, as Balaam had exhorted them, the Hebrew young men were allured by their beauty, and came to discourse with them, and besought them not to grudge them the enjoy- ment of their beauty, nor to deny them their conversation. These daughters of the Midi- anites received their words gladly, and con- sented to it, and staid with them; but when they had brought them to be enamoured of them, and their inclinations to them were grown to ripeness, they began to think of departing from them: then it was that these men be- came greatly disconsolate at the women's de- parture, and they were urgent with them nv^, to leave them, but begged they would o« - tinue there, and become their wives; and tl y promised them they should be owned as m s tresses of all they had. This they said wit\ an oath, and called God for the arbitrator o what they promised; and this with tears 'n their eyes, and ajl other such marks of concern as might show how miserable they though, themselves without them, and so might move their compassion for them. So the women, a/ soon as they perceived they had made the'/i their slaves, and had caught them with tb/ir conversation, began to speak thus to them:- . 8. " O you illustrious young men! we ha e houses of our own at home, and great plei.ty of good things there, together with the n» tural affectionate love of our parents at d friends; nor is it out of our want of any si-cb things that we came to discourse with yoi/ . nor did we admit of your invitation with d^- sign to prostitute the beauty of our bodies foi gain; but taking you for brave and wortl/ men, we agreed to your request, that we m\(jt)t treat you with such honours as hospitality n> quired: and now seeing you say that you have a great affection for us, and are troublei^ when you think we are departing, we are n t averse to your entreaties; and if we may re- ceive such assurance of your good-will as w ; think can be alone sufficient, we will be g'.ad to lead our lives with you as your wives; but we are afraid that you will in time be iveary of our company, and will then abuse us, and send us back to our parents, nfter an ignonii- nious manner." And they desired that the" wouhi excuse them in their guarding against that danger. But the young men professed they would give them any assurance they should desire ; nor did they at all contradict t This grand maxim, That Go<J'8 people of Israel could never be hurt nor destroyed, but by drawing tli«'iii to sin against God, appears to be trtie, by the entire his- tory of that people, both in the Bible and in Josepbus; and is often taken notice of in tnem both See in parti- cular a most remarkuhle Ammoiute testimony to this purpose Judith V. 5 — '21. OHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 113 what they requested, so great was the passion they had for them. " If then," said they, "this be your resolution; since you make use of such customs and conduct of life as are en- tirely different from all other men,' insomuch that your kinds of food are peculiar to your- selves, and your kinds of drink not common to others, it will be absolutely necessary, if you would have us for your wives, that you do withal worship our gods; nor can there be any other demonstration of the kindness which you say you already have, and promise to have hereafter to us, than this, that you worship the same gods that we do. For has any one reason to complain, that now you are come into this country, you should worship the proper gods of the same country? especially while our gods are common to all men, and yours such as belong to nobody else but yourselves." So they said they must either come into such methods of divine worship as all others came into, or else they must look out for another world, wherein they may live by themselves, according to their own laws. 9. Now the young men were induced by the fondness they had for these women, to think they spake very well ; so they gave them- selves up to what they persuaded them, and transgressed their own laws; and supposing there were many gods, and resolving that they would sacrifice to them according to the laws of that country which ordained them, they both were delighted with their strange food, and went on to do every thing that the women would have them do, though in contra- diction to their own laws; so far, indeed, that this transgression was already gone through the whole army of the young men, and they fell into a sedition that was much worse than the former, and into danger of the entire abo- lition of their own institutions ; for when once the youth had tasted of these strange cus- toms, they went with insatiable inclinations into them; and even where some of the prin- cipal men were illustrious on account of the virtues of their fathers, they also were cor- rupted together with the rest. 10. Even Zimri, the head of the tribe of Simeon, accompanied with Cozbi, a Midianit- ish woman, who was the daughter of Sur, a man of authority in that country ; and being desired by his wife to disregard the laws of Moses, and to follow those she was used to, he complied with her; and this both by sacrificing « What Josephus here puts into the mouths of these Midianite women, who came to entice the Israelites to lewdness and idolatry, viz. that their worship of the God of Israel, in opposition to their idol gods, implied their livin? according to the holy laws which the true God had given thrra by Moses, in opposition to those impure laws which weie observed under their false gods, well deserves onr consideration; and gives us a substantial reason for the great concern that was ever shown, under the law of Moses, to preserve the Israelites from idolatry, and in the worship of the true God; it being of no less conse- •juence than. Whether God's people sbiiild be governed hy the holy laws of the tnie God. or hy the impure laws deriTRd from Demons under the Pagan idolatry. after a manner different from his own, and by taking a stranger to wife. When things were thus, Moses was afraid that matters should grow worse, and called the people to a con- gregation, but then accused nobody by name, as unwilling to drive those into despair who, by lying concealed, might come to repent- ance ; but he said that they did not do what was either worthy of themselves, or of their fathers, by preferring pleasure to God, and to the living according to his will ; that it wae fit they should change their courses while their affairs were still in a good state ; au^ think that to be true fortitude which offers not violence'tq their laws, but that which resists their lusts. And besides that, he said it waa not a reasonable thing, when they had lived so- berly in the wilderness, to act madly now when they were in prosperity; and that they ought not to lose, now they hare abundance, what they had gained when they had little: — and so did he endeavour, by saying this, to correct the young men, and to bring them to repent- ance for what they had done. 11. But Zimri arose up after him, and said, " Yes, indeed, Moses, thou art at liberty to make use of such laws as thou art so fond of, and hast, by accustoming thyself to them, made them firm; otherwise, if things had not been thus, thou hadst often been punished be- fore now, and hadst known that the Hebrews are not easily put upon ; but thou shalt not have me one of thy followers in thy tyran- nical commands, for thou dost nothing else hitherto but, under pretence of laws, and of God, wickedly impose on us slavery, and gain dominion to thyself, while thou deprivest us of the sweetness of life, which consists in act- ing according to our own wills, and is the right of free men, and of those that have no lord over them. Nay, indeed, this man is harder upon the Hebrews than were the Egyp- tians themselves, as pretending to punish, ac- cording to his laws, every one's acting what is most agreeable to himself; but thou thyself better deservest to suffer punishment, who presumest to abolish what every one acknow- ledges to be what is good for him, and aimest to make thy single opinion to have more force than that of all t^e rest: and what I now do, and think to be right, I shall not hereafter deny to be according to my own sentiments. I have married, as thou sayest rightly, a strange woman, and thou hearest what 1 do from myself as from one that is free ; for truly I did not intend to conceal myself. I also own that I sacrificed to those gods to whom you do not think it fit to sacrifice ; and I think it right to come at truth by inquiring of many people, and not like one that lives under tyranny, to suffer the whole hope of my life to depend upon one man ; nor shall any one find cause to rejoice who declares himself to have more authority over my actions myself." 114 ANTIQUITIES Of THE JEWS. BOOK IV. 12. Now when Zimri had said these things, about what he and some others bad wickedly done, the people held their peace, both out of fear of what might come upon them, and be- cause they saw that their legislator was not willing to bring his insolence before the pub- lic any farther, or openly to contend with him ; for he avoided that, lest many should imitate the impudence of his language, and thereby disturb the multitude. Upon this the assembly was dissolved. However, the mis- chievous attempt had proceeded farther, if Zimri had not been first slain, which came to pass on the following occasion: — Phineas, a man in other respects better than the rest of the young men, and also one that surpassed his contemporaries in the dignity of his father (for he was the son of Eleazar the high-priest, and the grandson of [Aaron] Moses's bro- ther), who was greatly troubled at what was done by Zimri, he resolved in earnest to inflict punishment on him, before his unworthy be- haviour should grow stronger by impunity, and in order to prevent this transgression from proceeding farther, which would happen if the ringleaders were not punished. He was of so great magnanimity, both in strength of •mind and body, that when he undertook any very dangerous attempt, he did not leave it off till he overcame it, and got an entire vic- tory. So he came to Zimri's tent, and slew him with his javelin, and with it he slew Cozbi also. Upon which all those young men that had a regard to virtue, and aimed to do a glorious action, imitated Phineas's boldness, and slew those that werii found to be guilty of the same crime with Zimri. Ac- cordingly, many of those that had transgressed perished by the magnanimous valour of these young men, and the rest all perished by a plague, which distemper God himself inflicted upon them. So that all tho^s their kiiidred, who, instead of hindering them from such^ wi("'. ' '^ actioniS, as they ought to have done, had peV-'' suaded them to go on, were esteemed by God as partners in their wickedness, and died. Accordingly, there perished out of the army no fewer than fourteen* [twenty-four] thou- sand at this time. 13. This was the cause why Moses was provoked to send an army to destroy the Mi- dianites, concerning which expedition we shall speak presently, when we have first related what we have omitted; for it is but just not to pass over our legislator's due encomium, on account of his conduct here, because, al- though this Balaam, who was sent for by the Midianites to curse the Hebrews, and vvnen he was hindered from doing it by divine nro- ridence, did still suggest that advice to them, • The mistake in all Josephus's copies. Greek and Lahn, which have here fourteen thousand, instead of twent)-rour thousand, is so flagrant, that our very learned ettitors, Bernard and Hudson, have put the latter num- ber directly into the text I choose rather to put it in nrat-kets. by making use of which oiir enemies had wel' nigh corrupted the whole multitude of the Hebrews with their wiles, till some of them were deeply infected with their opinions; yet did he do him great honour, by setting down his prophecies in writing. And while it was in his power to claim this glory to himself, and make men believe they were his own pre- dictions, there being no one that could be a witness against him, and accuse him for so doing, he still gave his attestation to him, and did him the honour to make mention of him oil this account. But let every one think of these matters as he pleases. CHAPTER VII. HOW THE HEBREWS FOUGHT WITH THE MIDIANITES, AND OVERCAME THEM. § 1. Now Moses sent an army against the ^ land of Midian, for the causes forementioned, _ in all twelve thousand, taking an equal num- ber out of every tribe, and appointed Phineas for their commander; of which Phineas we made mention a little before, as he that had guarded the laws of the Hebrews, and had inflicted punishment on Zimri when he had transgressed tjiem. Now the Midianites per- ceived beforehand how the Hebrews were coming, and would suddenly be upon them 60 they assembled their army together, and fortified the entrances into their country, and there awaited the enemy's coming. When they were come, and they had joined battle with them, an immense multitude of the Mi- dianites fell; nor could they be numbered,^^ they w^ere so very many: and, among them, fell all their kings, five in number, viz. Evi, Zur, Reba, Hur, and Rekem, who was of the same name with a city, the chief and capital of all Arabia, which is still now so called b}- the whole Arabian nation, Arecem, from the name of the king that built it; but is by the Greeks called Petra. Now when the enemies were discomfited, the Hebrews spoiled their country, and took a great prey, and destroyed the men that were its inhabitants, together with the women; only they let the virgins alone, as Moses had commanded Phineas to do, who indeed came back, bringing with him an army that had received no harm, and a great deal of prey; fifty -two thousand beeves, seventy -five thousand six hundred sheep, sixty thousand asses, with an immense quantity of gold and silver furniture, which the Midianites made use of in their houses; for they were so wealthy, that they were very luxurious. There were also led captive about thirty-two thousand virgins.f So Moses parted •f The slaughter of all the Midianite women that had prostituted themselves to the lewd Israeliies, and the preservation of those that had not heen RUilty therein; the last- of which were no fewer than thirty-two thou- THAP. yiT. ANTIQUITIES OK lllE JEWS. 115 the prey into parts, and gave one fiftieth purt to Eleazar and the two priests, and another fiftieth part to the Levites; and distributed the rest of the prey among the people. After which tliey lived happily, as having obtained an abundance of good things by their valour, and thtre being no mislbrtune that attended them, or iiindered their enjoyment of that happiness. 2. iiut Moses was now grown old, and appointed Joshua for his successor, both to receive directions from God as a prophet, and for a commander of the army, if they should at any time stand in need of such a one; and this was done by the conamand of God, that to him the care of the public should be committed. Now Joshua had been instructed in all those kinds of learning which concerned .the laws; and God himself, and Moses, had been his instructor. 3. At this time it was that the two tribes of Gad and Reubel, and the half tribe of Ma- nasseh, abounded in a multitude of cattle, as well as in all other kinds of prosperity ; whence they had a meeting, and in a body came and besought Moses to give them, as their pecu- liar portion, t.iat land of the Atnorites which they had taken by right of war, because it was fruitful, and good for feeciing of cattle ; but Moses, supposing that they were afraid of fighting with the O.maanites. and invented this provision tor ttieir cattle as a handsome excuse lor avoiding tlnit war. lie called them arrant cowards, and said the* had only con- trived a decent excuse tor that cowardice; and that they had a mind to live m luxury and ease, wtiile ad the rest were labouring with great pains to obtain tne land they were desirous to have ; and that they were not willing to maich along, a. id undergo the re- I maining hard service, whereby they were, under the divine promise, to pass over Jordan, and overcome those our enemies which God liad shown them, and so obtain their land. sani, both here and Numb, xxxi 1.5. 16. 17. a5, 40, 46, and both by the particular command of God; are highly remarkable, and show that, even in nations otherwise for their wickedness doomed to tlestruction, the inno- cent were sometimes particularly and providentially Liken care of, and delivered from that destruction; which directly implies, that it was the wickedness of the nations of Canaan, and noihini; else, th it occasioned their excision. See Gen. xv. 16; 1 Sam. xv. 18, 3:3. A post. Constit. b. viii ch. xii p. 402 In the first of winch places, the reason of the delay of the punishment of the Amorites is'tfiven. because " their iniquity was not yet full " In the second, Saul is ordered to go and ••destroy the sinners, the Amalekites;" plainly irr.pty- ngj that they were tlierefore to he destroyed, because they were sinners, and not otherwise. In {he third, the reason is given why king Agag was not to be spatsd, viz. because of his former cruelty: " As thy sword hath made the (Hebrew) women childless, so shall thy mother be made childless amon^ women by the Hebrews." In the last place, the apostles, or their amanuensis Ele- ment, gave this reason for the necessity of the coming of Christ, that " men had formerly perverted botn the positive law, and that of nature; and had cast out of their mind the memory of the Flood, the burning of Sodom, the plagues of the Egyp'ians. and the slaughter of the inhabitants of Palestine." as signs of the most aiiiKziiig impenitence and insen»ibilit>, under the pun- ubment of horrid wickednenv But the>e tribes, when they saw that Moses was angry with them, and when they could not deny but he had a just cause to be dis- pleased at their petition, made an apology for themselves; and said, that it was not on ac- count of their fear of dangers, nor on account of their laziness, that they made this request to him, but that they might leave the prey they had gotten in places of safety, and there- by might be more expedite, and ready to un- dergo difficulties, and to fight battles. They added this also, that when they had built cities, wherein they might preserve their chil- dren, and wives, and possessions, if he would bestow them upon them, they would go along with the rest of the army. Hereupon Moses was pleased with what they said ; so he called for Eleazar, the high-priest, and Joshua, and the chief of the tribes, and permitted these tribes to possess the land of the Amorites; but upon this condition, that they should join with their kinsmen in the war until all things wete settled. Upon which condition they took possession of the country, and built them strong cities, and put into them their children, and their wives, and whatsoever else they had that might be an impediment to the labours of their future marches. 4. Moses also now built those ten cities which were to be of the number of the forty- eight [for the Levites]; three of which he al- lotted to those that slew any persons involunta- rily, and fled to them; and he assigned the same time for their banishment with that of the life of that high-priest under whom the slaughter and flight happened; after which death of the high priest he permitted the slayer to return home. During the time of his exile, the relations of him that was slain may, by this law, kill the manslayer, if they caught him vvithout the bounds of the city to which he flef', though ^his permission was not gr^' ted to any other person. Now the cities .; uich were set apart for this flight were these : Bezer, at the borders of Arabia; Ramoth, of the land of Gilead ; and Golan, iti the land of Bashan. There were to be also, by Moses's command, three other cities allotted for the habitation of these fugitives out of the cities of the Levites, but not till after they should be in possession of the land of Canaan. 5. At this time the chief men of the tribe of Manasseh came to Moses, and informed him that there whs an eminent man of their tribe dead, w bose name was Zelophehad, who left no male children, but left daughters; and asked him whether these daughters might in- herit his land or not. He made this answer. That if they shall marry in their own tribe, they shall carry their estate along with them ; but if they dispose of themselves in marriage to men of another tribe, they shall leave their inheritance in their father's tribe. And then it was that .Muses ordained, that every one's in- heritance should continue in his own tribe. 116 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK IV CHAPTER Vlir. THE POT.ITY SETTLED BY MOSES; AND H t)W HK DISAPPEARED FUOM AMONG MANRfSD. § 1. When forty years were completed, with in thirty days, Moses gathered the congrega- tion together near Jordan, where the city Abila now stands, a place full of palm-trees; and all the people being come togethei he spake thus to them: — , 2. " O you Israelites and fellow-sol'^ iers, who have been partners with me in this long and uneasy journey ; since it is now the "will of God, and the course of old age, at a hun- dred and twenty, requires it that I should depart out of this life ; and since God has forbidden me to be a patron or an assistant to you in what remains to be done beyond Jor- dan, I thought it reasonable not to leave off my endeavours even now for your happiness, but to do my utmost to procure for you the eternal enjoyment of good things, and a me- morial for myself, when you shall be in the fruition of great plenty and prosperity: come, therefore, let me suggest to you by what means you may be happy, and may leave an eternal prosperous possession thereof to your children after you, and then let me thus go out of the world; and I cannot buttleserve to be be- lieved by you, both on account of the great things I have already done for you, and because, when souls are about to leave the body, they speak with the sincerest freedom. O children of Israel! there is but one source of happi- ness for all mankind, the favour of God,* for he alone is able to give good things to those that deserve them, and to deprive those of them that sin against him; towards whom, if you behave yourselves according to his will, and according to what I, who well understand his mind, do exhort you to, you will both be esteemed blessed, and will be admired by all men; and will never come into misfortunes, nor cease to be happy: you will then preserve the possession of the. good things you already have, and will quickly obtain those that you are at present in want of, — only do you be obedient to those whom God would have you to follow: — nor do you prefer any other con- stitution of government before the laws now given you; neither do you disregard that way of divine worship which you now have, nor j change it for any other form : and if you do this, you will be the most courageous of all men, in undergoing the fatigues of war, and will not be easily conquered by any of your • Josephus here, in this one sentence, sums up liis notion of Moses's very long and very serioiis exhortations in the book of Deuteronomy; and his words are so true, and of such importance, that they deserve to he had in •onsUnt remembrance, both by Jews and Christians : — ••O childrrn of Israel '. there is but one source of happi- MH far all mtjxkkui^-— tkt /av9ur q/ t;*^." enemies; for while God is present with you to assist you, it is to be expected that you will be able to despise the opposition of all man- kind; and great rewards of virtue are pro- posed for you, if you preserve that virtue through your whole lives. Virtue itself is indeed" the principal and the first reward, and, after that it bestows abundance of others; so that your exercise of virtue towards other men will make your own lives happy, and render you more glorious than foreigners can be, and procure you an undisputed reputation with posterity. These blessings you will be able to obtain, in case you hearken to and observe those laws which, by divine revelation, I have ordained for you; that is, in case you withal meditate upon the wisdom that is in them. I am going from you myself, rejoicing in the good things you enjoy; arid I recommend you to the wise conduct of your law, to the becoming order of your polity, and to the vir- tues of your commanders, who will take care of what is for your advantage; and that God, who has been till now your leader, and by whose good- will I have myself been useful to you, will not put a period now to his provi- dence over you, but, as long as you desire to have him your Protector in \our pursuits after virtue, so long will you enjoy his care over you. Your high-priest also Eleazar, as well as Joshua, with the senate, and chief of your tribes, will go before you, and suggest the best advices to you; by following which advices you will continue to be happy: to whom do you give ear without reluctance, as sensible that all such as know well how to be govern- ed, will also know how to govern, if they be promoted to that authority themselves; and do not you esteem liberty to consist in op- posing such directions as your governors think lit to give you for }our practice, — as at pre- sent indeed you place your liberty in nothing else but abusing your benefactors; which error if you can avoid for the time to come, \ our affairs will be in a better condition than . they have hitherto been; nor do you ever in-'^ dulge such a degree of passion in these mat- ters as you have oftentimes done when you have been very angry at me; for you know that I have been oftener in danger of death from you 'than from our enemies. What I now put you in njind of, is not done in order to reproach you; for I do not tTiink it proper, now I am going out of the world, to bring this to your remembrance, in order to leave you offended at me, since, at the time when I underwent those hardships from you, I was not angry at you; but I do it in order to make you wiser hereafter, and to teach you that this will be for \ our security : I mean, that you never be injurious to those that preside over you, even when you are become rich, as you will be to a great degree when you have pas- sed over Jordan, and are in possession of the laud of Canaun. Sinue, wh«n you shall hav« cnAP. viii. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS 117 once proceeded so far by your wealth, as to a contempt and disregard of virtue, you will also forfeit the favour of God; and when you Lave made hira your enemy, you will be beaten in war, and will have the land which you possess tAken away again from you by your enemies, and this with great reproaches upon your conduct. You will be scattered ©ver the whole world, and will, as slaves, en- tirely fill both sea and land ; ainl when once you have had the experience of what I now say, you will repent and remember the laws you have broken, when it is too late. Whence I would advise you, if yoa intend to preserve these laws, to leave none of your enemies alive when you have conquered them, but to look apon it as for your advantage to destroy them all, lest, if you permit them to live, you taste of their manners, and thereby corrupt your «wn proper institutions. I also do farther exhort you, to overthrow their altars, and their groves, and whatsoever temples they have among them, and to burn all such, their nation, and their very memory with fire; for by this means alone the safety of your own happy constitution can be firmly secured to you. And in order to prevent your ignorance of virtue, and. the degeneracy of your nature into vice, I have also ordained you laws, by divine suggestion, and a form of govern- ment, which are so good, that, if you regu- larly observe them, you will be esteemed of all men the most happy." 3. When he had spoken thus, he gave them the laws and the constitution of government written in a book. Upon which the people fell into tears, and appeared already touched with the sense that they should have a great want of their conductor, because they remem- bered what a number of dangers he had passed through, and what care he had taken of their preservation: they desponded about what would come upon them after he was dead, and thought they should never have another go- vernor like him ; and feared that God would then take less care of them when Moses was gone, who used to intercede for them. They also repented of what they had said to him in the wilderness when they were angry; and were in grief on those accounts, insomuch that the whole body of the people fell into tears with such bitterness, that it was past the power of words to comfort them in their af- fliction. However, Moses gave them some consolation; and by calling them off the thought, how worthy he was of their weeping for him, he exhorted them to keep to that form of government he had given them; and then the congregation was dissolved at thattime. 4. Accordingly, I shall now first describe this form of government which was agreeable to the dignity and virtue of Moses ; and shall thereby inform those that read these Antiqui- ties, what our original settlements were, and shall th«n proceed to the remaining historiss. Now those settlements are all still in writing, as he left them ; and we shall add nothing by way of ornament, nor any thing besides what Moses left us; only we shall so far innovate, as to digest the several kinds of laws into a regular system: for they were by him left in writing as they were accidentally scattered in their delivery, and as he upon inquiry had learned them of God. On which account I have thought it necessary to premise this ob- servation beforehand, lest any of my own countrymen should blame me, as having been guilty of an offence herein. Now part of our constitution will include the laws that belong to our political state. As for those laws which Moses left concerning our common conversa- tion and intercourse one with another, I have reserved that for a discourse concerning our manner of life, and the occasions of those laws; ^^'hich I propose to myself, ^vith God's assistance, to write, after I have finished the work I am now upon. 5. When you have possessed yourselves of the land erf Canaan, and have leisure to en- joy the good things of it, and when you have afterward determined to build cities, if you will do what is pleasing to God, you will have a secure state of happiness. Let there be then one city of the land of Canaan, and this si- tuate in the most agreeable place for its good- ness, and very eminent in itself^ and let it be that which God shall choose for himself by prophetic revelation. Let there also be one temple therein, and one altar, not reared of hewn stones, but of such as you gather to- ^^.^ gether at random ; which stones, when they are whited over with mortar, will have a hand- * some appearance, and be beautiful to the sight. Let the ascent to it be not by steps,* but by an acclivity of raised earth. And let there be neither an altar nor a temple in any other city; for God is but one, and the nation of the Hebrews is but one. 6. He that blasphemeth God, let. him be stoned, and let him hang upon a tree all that day, and then let him be buried^ in an igno- minious and obscure manner. 7. Let those that live as remote as the bounds of the land which the Hebrews shall possess, come to that city where the temple shall be, and this three times in a year, that they may give thanks to God for his former bene- • This law, both here and Exod. xx. 25, 26, of not going up to God's altar by ladder-steps, but on an accli- vity, seems not to have belonged to the altar of the ta- bernaclfc, which was in all but three cubit* high, Exod. xxvii. 1; nor to that of Erekiel, which was expressly to be gone up to by steps, xliii. 17; but rather to occasional altars of any considerable altitude and largeness; as also probably to Solomon's alUr, to which it is here applied by Josephus, as well as to that in Zorobabel's and He- rod's temple, which were, I think, all ten cubits high. Se« 2 Cbron. iv. 1, and Antiq. h. viii. chap. iii. sect. 7 The reason why these temples, and these only, were to have this ascent on an acclivity, and not by steps, is obvi- ous; that before the invention of stairs, such as we now use, decency could not be otherwise provided for in the loose garments which the priests wore, as the law required. See Lamy of the TalMrnacle aod Temple, p. 444, 118 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK IT, tits, and may entreat Idm for those they shall want hereafter ; and let them, by this means, maintain a friendly correspondence with one another by such meetings and feastings together — for it is a good thing for those that are of the same stock, and under the same institution of laws, not to be unacquainted with each othe**; which acquaintance will be maintained by thus 'conversing together, and by seeing and talk- ing with one another, and so renewing the me- morials of this union; for if they do not thus converse together continually, they will ap- pear like mere strangers to one auother. 8. Let there be taken out of your fruits a tenth, besides that which you have allotted to give to the priests and Levites. This you may indeed sell in the country, but it is to be used in those feasts and sacnfices that are to be celebrated in the holy city : for it is fit that you should enjoy those fruits of the earth which God gives you tq possess, so as may be to the honour of the donor. 9. You are not to offer sacrifices put of the hire of a woman who is a harlot,* for the Deity is not pleased with any thing that arises from such abuses of nature ; of which sort none can be worse than this prostitution of the body. In like manner no one may take the price of the covering of a bitch, either of one that is used in hunting, or in keeping of sheep, and thence sacrifice to God. 10. Let no one blaspheme those gods which other cities esteem such ; f nor may any one steal what belongs to strange temples j nor take away the gifts that are dedicated to any god. 11. Let not any one of you wear a gar- ment made of woollen and linen, for that is appointed to be for the priests alone 12. When the multitude are assembled to- gether unto the holy city for sacrificing every seventh year, at the Feast of Tabernacles, let the high-priest stand upon a high desk, whence he may be heard, and let him read the laws to all the people; J and let neither the women nor the children be hindered from hearing, no, nor the sA-vants neither ; for it is a good thing that those laws should be engraven in their souls, and preserved in their memories, that so it may not be possible to blot them out ; for by this means they will not be guilty, of sin, when they cannot plead ignorance of what the laws have enjoined them. The laws also will have a greater authority among them as foretelling what they will suffer if they break them : and imprinting in their souls by • The hire of public or secret harlots was given to Venus in Syria, as Lucian informs us, n. 878 j and aga'nst some such vile practice of the old idolaters, this law seems to have been made. + The Apostolical Constitutions, b. ii. chap, xxvl ■*;S.V **'» ^''P'Jund this law of Moses (Exod. xxii. a8", •♦Thou sbalt not revile or blaspheme the eods," of ma- pstratesi Which is a much mor* -probable exposition ttian this of JoKphus, of heathen gods, as here, and against 4pion, b. ii. sect. 34. t What book of the law was thus publicW read, see ttenota w Antlq. \). x. chap, v, sect. o. and I i:»d ix. this hearing what they command them to do, that so there may always be within their minds that intention of the laws which they have despised and broken, and have thereby been the causes of their own mischief. Let the children also learn the laws, as the first thing they are taught, which will be the best thing they can be taught, and will be the cause of their future felicity. 13. Let every one commemorate before God the benefits uh'-^h he bestowed upon them at their deliverance out of the land of Egypt, and this twice every day, both when the day begins, -and when the hour of sleep com?s on, gratitude being in its own nature a just thing, and serving not only by way of return for past, but also by way of invitation o» future favours. They are also to inscribe the principal blessings they have received from God upon their doors, and show the same remeuTbrance of them upon their arms; as also they are to bear on thtlr forehead and their arm those wonders which declare the power of God, and his good-will towards them, that God's readiness to bless them may appear everywhere conspicirous about them.§ 14. Let there be seven men to judge ir» every city,[| and these such as have been be- fore most zealous in the exercise of virtue and righteousness. Let every judge have two officers allotted him out of the tribe of Levi. Let those that are chosen to judge in the se- veral cities be had in great honour; and let none be permitted to revile any others when these are present, nor to carry themselves in an insolent manner to them; it being natural that reverence towards those in high offices among men should procure men's fear and reverence towards God. Let those that judge be permitted to determine according as they think to be right, unless any one can show that they have taken bribes, to the perversion of justice, or can allege any other accusation against them, whereby it may appear that they have passed an unjust sentence; lor it is not fit that causes should be openly determined out of regard to gain, or to the dignity of the suitors, but that the judges should esteem what i Whether these phylacteries, and other Jewish me- morials of the law here mentioned by Josephus, and by Moses (besides the fringes on the borders of their gar- ments. Numb. XV. 37), were literally meant by God, ] much question. 'I'nai they have been loitj? obst-rved by ^ the I'liarisees and Rabbinical Jews, is certain; however, the Karaites, who receive not the unwritten traditions of the olders, but keep close to the written law, wiUi Je- rome and Grotius, think they were not literally to bo nniU-rstood; as Bernard and Iteland here take notice. Nor indeed do I remember that, either in the ancienter books of the Old Testament, or in the books we ccU/ Apocrypha, there are any signs of such literal observa- tions appearing among the Jews, though their real o» mystical signification, t e. the ronstunt remembranc* and observation of the la«*s of (Jod by Moiies, be fre- quently inculcated in all tne sacred writingh. II Here, as well as elsewhere, sect. 31, ol his Litb, sect. 14, and of the War, b. ii. th. xx. sect. A, are but seven judges appointed lor small cilie.n. instead ^^{ tiie.jty- three in the modern Kahhins; whirh modrrn Rahhins I are alw.iyx but of very luUe aulhuriij iu eoinparison uf ' our Joaepbus. CHAP. VIII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 119 is right before all other things, otherwise God will by that means be despised; and esteenaed interior to those the dread of whose power has occasioned the unjust sentence; for jus- tice is the power of God. He, therefore, that gratifies those in great dignity, supposes them more potent than God himself. But if these judges be unable to give a just sentence about the causes that come before them (which case is not unfrequent in human affairs), let them send the cause undetermined to the holy city, and there let the high-priest, the prophet, and the sanhedrim, determine as it shall seem good to them. 15. But let not a single witness be credit- ed; but three, or two at the least, and those such whose testimony is confirmed by their good lives. But let not the testimony of wo- men be admitted, on account of the levity and boldness of their sex;* nor let servants be admitted to give testimony, on account of the ignobility of their soul; since it is pro- bable that they may not speak truth, either out of hope of gain, or fear of punishment. But if any one be believed to have borne false wit- ness, let him, when he is convicted, suffer all the very same punishments which he against whom he bore witness was to have suffered. l(j. If a murder be committed in any place, and he that did it be not found, nor is there any suspicion upon one as if he had hated the man, and so had killed him, let there be a very diligent inquiry made after the man, and rewuds proposed to any one who will discover huu; but if still no information can be pro- cured, let the magistrates and senate of those cities that lie near the place in which the murder was committed, assemble together, a:ul ujeasure the distance from the place wVcr.' the dead body lies; then let the ma- gistrates of the nearest city thereto pui chase a heifir, and bring it to a valley, and to a place therein where there is no land ploughed or trees planted, and let them cut the sinews of the heifer; then the priests and Levites, and the senate of that city, shall take water and wash their hands over the head of the heifer; and they shall openly declare that their hands are innocent of this murder, and that they have neither done it themselves, nor been assisting to any that did it. They shall also beseech God to be merciful to them that no such horrid act may any more be done in that land. 17. Aristocracy, and the way of living un- der it, is the best constitution : and may you never have any inclination to any other form of government; and may you always love that form, and have the laws for your gover- * T have never observed elsewhere, that in the Jewish government, women were not admitted as legal witness- es in courts of justice. None of our copies of the Penta- U!U<:h sr.y a word of it. It is very probable, however, that tliis was the exposition of the Scribes and Phara- 8eo8,and the practice of Ihe Jews in the days of Josepbus. nors, and govern all your actions according to them; for you need no supreme governor but God. But if you shall desire a king, let him be one of your own nation; let him be always careful of justice and other virtues perpetually ; let him submit to the laws, and esteem God's commands to be his highest wisdom ; but let him do nothing without the high-priest and the votes of the senators : let him not have a great number of wives, nor pursue after abundance of riches, r.or a mul- titude of horses, whereby he may grow too proud to submit to the laws. And if he af- fect any such things, let him be restrained, lest he become so potent that his state be in- consistent with your welfare. 18. Let it not be esteemed lawful to re- move boundaries, neither our own, nor of those with whom we are at peace. Have a care you do not take those land-marks away which are, as it were, a divine and unshaken limitation of rights made by God himself, to last for ever; smce this going beyond limits and gaining ground upon others, is the occa- sion of wars and seditions; for those that re- move boundaries are not far off an attempt to subvert the laws. 19. He that plants a piece of land, the trees of which produce fruits before the fourth year, is not to bring thence any first-fruits to God, nor is he to make use of that fruit him- self, for it is not produced in its proper sea- son ; for when nature has a force put upon her at an unseasonable time, the fruit is not proper for God, nor for the master's use; but let the owner gather all that is grown on the fourth year, for then it is in its proper season ; and let him that has gathered it carry it to the holy city, and spend that, together with the tithe of his other fruits, in feasting with his friends, with the orphans, and the widows. But on the fifth year the fruit is his own, and he may use it as he pleases. 20. You are not to sow with seed a piece of land which is planted with vines ; for it is enough that it supply nourishment to that plant, and be not harassed by ploughing also. You are to plough your land with oxen, and not to oblige other animals to come under the same yoke with them, but to till your land with those beasts that are of the same kind with each other. The seeds are also to be pure, and without mixture, and not to be compounded of two or three sorts, since Na- ture does not rejoice in the union of things that are not in their own nature alike : nor are you to permit beasts of different kinds to gender together, for there is reason to fear that this unnatural abuse may extend from beasts of different kinds to men, though it takes its first rise from evil practices about such smaller things. Nor is any thing to be allowed, by imitation whereof any degree of subversion may creep into the constitution; nor do the laws neglect small matters, but 120 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK IV. provide that even those may be managed after en unblameable manner. 21. Let not those that reap and gather in the corn that is reaped, gather in the glean- bgs also, but let them rather leave some handfuls for those that are in want of the ne- cessaries of life, that it may be a support and a supply to them, in order to their subsistence. In like manner when they gather their grapes, .et them leave some smaller bunches for the DOor, and let them pass over some of the fruits of the olive trees, when they gather them, and leave them to be partaken of by those that have none of their own ; for the advantage arising from the exact collection of all, will not be so considerable to the owners as will arise from the gratitude of the poor ; and God will provide that the land shall more willing- ly produce what shall be for the nourishment of its fruits, in case you do not merely take care of your own advantage, but have regard to the support of others also : nor are you to muzzle the mouths of the oxen when they tread the ears of corn in the thrashing-floor; for ic is not just to restrain our fellow- labour- ing animals, and those that work in order to 'ts production, of this fruit of their labours : nor are you to prohibit those that pass by at the time when your fruits are ripe to touch them, but to give them leave to fill themselves full of what you have ; and this whether they be of your own country or strangers, — as be- ing glad of the opportunity of giving them some part of your fruits when they are ripe ; but let it not be esteemed lawful for them to carry any away : nor let those that gather the grapes, and carry them to the wine-presses, restrain tho?e whom they meet from eating of them; for it is unjust, out of envy, to hinder those that desire it, to partake of the good things that come into the world according to God's will, and this while the season is at the height, and is h.istening away as it pleases God. Nay, if some, out of bashfulness, are unwilling to touch these fruits, let them be encouraged to take of them (I mean, those that are Israelites) as if they were themselves the owners and lords, on account of the kin- dred there is between them : nay, let them desire men that come from other countries, to partake of these tokens of friendship which God has given in their proper season ; for that is not to be deemed as idly spent, which any one out of kindness communicates to an- other, since God bestows plenty of good things on men, not only for themselves to reap the ad- trantage, but also to give to others in a way of generosity; and he is desirous, by this means, to make known to others his peculiar kind- ness to the people of Israel, and how freely he communicates happiness to them, while they abundantly communicate out of their great superfluities to even these foreigners also. But for him that acts contrary to this law let him be beaten with forty stripes, rave one,' by the public executioner; let him un- dergo this punishment, which is a most ig'io- minious one for a free man, and this because he was such a slave to gain as to lay a blot upon his own dignity; for it is proper for you who have had the experience of the afflic- tions in Egypt, and of those iu the wilder- ness, to make provision for those that are in the like circumstances; and while you have now obtained plenty yourselves, through the mercy and providence of God, to distribute of the same plenty, by the like sympathy, to such as stand in need of it. 22. Besides those two tithes, which I have already said you are to pay every year, the one for the Levites, the other for the festivals, you are to bring every third year a tithe to be distributed to those that want;-f to wo- men also that are widows, and to children that are orphans. But as to the ripe fruits, let them carry that which is ripe first of all into the temple; and when they have blessed God fur that land which bare them, and which he had given them for a possession, when they have also offered those sacrifices which the law has commanded them to bring, let them give the first-fruits to the priests. But when any one hath done this, and hath brought the tithe of all that he hath, together with those first-fruits that are for the Levites, and for the festivals, and when he is about to go home, let him stand before the holy house, and return thanks to God, that he hath delivered them from the injurious treatment they had in Egypt, and hath given them a good land, and a large, and lets them enjoy the fruits thereof; and when he hath openly testified that he hath fully paid the tithes [and other dues] according to the laws of Moses, let him entreat God that he will be ever merciful and gracious to him ; and continue so to be to all the Hebrews, both by preserving the good things which he hath already given them, and by adding what it is still in his power to bestow upon them. 23. Let the Hebrews marry, at the age fit for it, virgins that are free, and born of good parents. And he that does not marry a virgin, let him not corrupt another man's wife, and . marry her, nor grieve her former husband : nor let free men marry slaves, although their affections should strongly bias any of them so to do; for it is decent, and for the dignity of the persons themselves, to govern those their affections. And farther, no one ought to marry a harlot, whose matrimonial oblations, aris- ing from the prostitution of her body, God will not receive ; for by these means the dis- • This penalty of " forty stripes, save one," here men- tioned, and sect. 23, was five times inflicted on St. I'uul iiimself by the Jews, 2 Cor. xi. 24. • + Josephns's plain and express Interpretation of this law of iVIoses, Dent xiv. 2a 2y; xxvi. 12, &r. that the Jews were hound every third year to pay three tith«tj that to the l.evites. ihut for sacrifices at Jerusalem, and this for the indifcent, the widpw, and the orphans, \n fully ccnfirnied t>y the practice of good old Tohit, even when he wax a c.tptive in Assyria, iii{iunst the opiuioQd oi ttie Rutihin*. I'ohtt, i. ti, 7, S. CHAP. VIII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 121 positions of the children will be liberal and virtuous; I mean, when they are not born of base parents, and of the lustful conjunction of such as marry women that are not free. If any one has been espoused to a woman as to a virgin, and does not afterward find her so to be, let him bring his action, and accuse her, and let him make use of such indications* to prove his accusation as he is furnished withal; and let the father or the brother of the damsel, or some one that is after them nearest of kin to her, defend her. If the damsel ob- tain a sentence in her favour, that she had not been guilty, let her live with her husband that accused her; and let him not have any farther power at all to put her away, unless she give him very great occasions of suspicion, and such as can be no way contradicted ; but for him that brings an accusation and calumny against his wife in an impudent and rash man- ner, let him be punished by receiving forty stripes save one, and let him pay fifty shekels to her father: but if the damsel be convicted, as having been corrupted, and is one of the common people, let her be stoned, because she did not preserve her virginity till she were lawfully married ; but if she were the daugh- ter of a priest, let her be burnt alive. If any one has two wives, and if he greatly respect and be kind to one of them, either out of his affection to her, or for her beauty, or for some other reason, while the other is of less esteem with him; and if the son of her that is beloved be the younger by birth than another born of the other wife, but endeavours to obtain the right of primogeniture from his father's kindness to his mother, and would thereby obtain a double portion of his father's sub- stance, for that double portion is what I have allotted him in the laws, — let not this be per- mitted ; for it is unjust that he who is the elder by birth should be deprived of what is due to him, on the father's disposition of his estate, because his mother was not equally regarded by him. He that hath corrupted a damsel espoused to another man, in case he had her consent, let both him and her be put to death, for they are both equally guilty; the man, be- cause he persuaded the woman willingly to submit to a most impure action, and to prefer it to lawful wedlock; the woman, because she was persuaded to yield herself to be corrupted, either for pleasure or for gain. However, if a man light on a woman when she is alone, and forces her, where nobody was present to ♦ These tokens of virginity, as the Hebrew and Sep- tuagint style them, Deut xxii. 13, 17, 20, seem to me very different from what our later interpreters suppose. They appear rather to have been such close linen gar- rnents as were never put off virgins, after a certain age, till they were married, but before witnesses, and which, while they were entire, were certain evidences of such virginity. See these, Antiq. b. ^'u. chap. viii. sect, 1 ; 2 Sara. xiii. 18 j Isa. vu 1. Josephus here determines nothing what were these particular tokens of virginity or of corruption : perhaps he thought he could not easily describe them to the heathens, without saying what they might have thought a breach of modesty; which seem- ing bleach of modesty laws cannot always wholly avoid. come to her assistance, let him only be put to death. Let him that hath corrupted a virgin not yet espoused, marry her; but if the father of the damsel be not >villing that she should be his wife, let him pay fifty shekels as the price of her prostitution. He that de- sires to be divorced from his wife for any causef whatsoever (and many such causes happen among men), let him in writing give assurance that he will never use her as his wife any more; for by this means she may be at liberty to marry another husband, although before this bill of divorce be given, she is not to be per- mitted so to do: but if she be misused by him also, or if, when he is dead, her first husband would marry her again, it shall not be lawful for her to return to him. If a woman's hus- band die, and leave her %vithout children, let his brother marry her; and let him call the son that is born to him by his brother's name, and educate him as the heir of his inheritance; for this procedure will be for the benefit of the public, because thereby families will not fail, and the estate will continue among the kindred; and this will be for the solace of wives under their affliction, that they are to be married to the next, relations of their for- mer husbands; but if the brother will not marry her, let the woman come before the se- nate, and protest openly that this brother will not admit her for his wife, but will injure the memory of his deceased brother, while she is willing to continue in the family, and to bear him children; and when the senate have inquired of him for what reason it is that he is averse to this marriage, whether he gives a bad or a good reason, the matter must come to this issue, That the woman shall loose the san- dals of the brother, and shall spit in his" face, and say. He deserves this reproachful treat- ment from her, as having injured the memory of the deceased; — and then let him go away out of the senate, and bear this reproach upon him all his life long; and let her marry to whom she pleases, of such as seek her in marriage. But now, if any man take captive, either a vir- gin, or one that hath been married, { and has a mind to marry her, let him not be allowed to bring her to bed to him, or to live with her as his wife, before she hath her head shaven, and hath put on her mourning habit, and lamented her relations and friends that were slain in the battle, that by this, means she may give vent to her sorrow for them, and after that may betake herself to feasting and matri- mony; for it is good for him that takes a woman, in order to have children by her, to be complaisant to her inclinations, and not merely to pursue his own pleasure, while he hath + These words of Josephus are very like those of the Pharisees to our Saviour upon this very subject. Matt xix. 3, " Is it lawful for a man to put away his wife for every cause ?" t Here it is supposed that this captive's husband, if she were before a married woman, was dead before, or rather was slain in this very battle; otherwise it would have been adultery in him that married her. 122 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. HOOK ir. no regard to what is agreeuble to her; but when thirty days are past, as. the time of mourning, for so many are sufficient to pru- dent persons for lamenting the dearest friends, then let them proceed to the marriage; but in case, when he hath satisfied his lust, he be too proud to retain her for his wife, let him not have it in his power to make her a slave, but let her go away whither she pleasps, and have that privilege of a free woman. 24. As to those young men that despise their parents, and do not pay them honour, but offer them affronts, either because they are ashamed of them, or think themselves wiser than they, — in the first place let their parents admonish them in words (for they are by nature of authority sufficient for becoming their judges), and let them say thus to them: — That they cohabited together, not for the sake of pleasure, nor for the augmentation of their riches, by joining both their stocks to- gether, but that they might have children, to take care of them in their old age, and might by them have what they then should want; — and say farther to him, " That when thou wast born, we took thee up with gladness, and gave God the greatest thanks for thee, and brought thee up with great care, and spared for nothing that appeared useful for thy preservation, and for thy instruction in what was most excellent ; and now, since it is reasonable to forgive the sins of those that are young, let it suffice thee to have given so many indications of thy contempt of us; — reform thyself, and act more wisely for the time to come; considering that God is dis- pleased with those that are insolent towards their parents, because he is himself the Father of the whole race of mankind, and seems to bear part of that dishonour which fails upon those that have the same name, when they do not meet with due returns from their chil- dren ; and on such the law inflicts inexorable punishment; of which punishment mayst thou never have the experience!" Now if the in- solence of young men be thus cured, let them escape the reproach which their former errors deserved ; for by this means the lawgiver will appear to be good, and parents happy, while they never behold either a son or a daughter brought to punishment; but if it happen that these words and instructions, con veyed by them in order to reclaim the man, appear to be use- less, then the offender renders the laws impla- cable enemies to the insolence he has offered his parents ; let him therefore be brought forth* by these very parents, out of the city, with a multitude following him, and there let bim be stoned ; and when he has continued there for one whole day, that all the people may see him, let him be buried in the night ; and thus it itf that we bury all whom the laws • See Herod the Great Jn»i»tin(? on the exprntion of thit law, with r»latlon to two of bin own sonii. bdore the I fudges at Berytut, Antiq. b. zvi. cb. xi. sent. 2. I condemn to die, upon any account whatso- ever. Let our enemies that fall in battle be also buried, nor *let any one dead body lie above the ground, or suffer a punishment be- yond what justice requires. 25. Let no one lend to any one of the He- brews upon usury, neither usury of what is eaten or what is drunken; for it is not just to make advantage of the misfortunes of one of thy own countrymen : but when thou hast been assistant to his necessities, think it thy gain, if thou obtainest their gratitude to thee; and withal that reward which will come to thee from God, for thy humanity towards bim. 26. Those who have borrowed either silver or any sort of fruits, whether dry or wet (I mean this, when the Jewish affairs shall, by the blessing of God, be to their own mind), let the borrowers bring them again, and restore them with pleasure to those who lent them; laying them up, as it were, in their own trea- suries, and justly expecting to receive them thence, if they shall want them again ; but if they be without shame, and do not restore it, let not the lender go to the borrower's house, and take a pledge himself, before judgment be given concerning it ; but let him require the pledge, and let the debtor bring it of himself, without the least opposition to him that comes upon him under the protection of the law ; and if he that gave the pledge be rich, let the creditor retain it till what he lent be paid him again ; but if he be poor, let him that takes It return it before the going down of the sun, especially if the pledge be a garment, that the debtor may have it for a covering in his sleep, God himself naturally showing mercy to the ooor. It is also not lawful to taJke a mill-stone, nor any utensil thereto belonging, for a pledge, tnat the debtors may not be deprived of instru- ments to get their food withal, and lest they oe undone by their necessity. 27. Let death be the punishment for steal- ing a man ; but he that hath purloined gold or silver, let him pay double. If any one kill a man that is stealing something out of his bouse, let him be esteemed guiltless, although the man were only breaking in at the wall. Let him that hath stolen cattle pay fourfold what is lost, excepting the case of an ox, for which let the thief pay fivefold. Let him that is so poor that he cannot pay what mulct is laid upon him, be his servant to whom he was ad- judged to pay it. 28. If any one be sold to one of his own nation, let him serve him six years, and on the seventh let him go free. But it be have a son by a woman-servant in his purchaser's oouse, and if, on account of his good- will to flis master, and his natural affection to his wife and children, he will be his servant still, ket .iim be set free only at the coming of the year of jubilee, which is the fiftieth year, anu ict uiin then take away with him his chiidten and wife, and let them be free also. CHAP. VIII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 123 •29. If any one find gold or silver ou the , road, let him inquire after biin that lost it, ; and make proclamation of the place where he \ found it, and then restore it to him again, as not thinking it right to make his own proiit by the loss of another. And the same rule is to be observed in cattle found to have wandered away into a lonely place. If the owner be not presently discovered, let him that is the finder keep it with himself and ttppeal to God that he has not purloined what belongs to another. 1 30. It is not lawful to pass by any beast that is in distress, when in a storm it is fallen down in the mire, but to endeavour to preserve it, as having a sympathy with it in its pain. I 31. It is also a duty to show the roads to those whodonotknow them, and not to esteem \ it a matter for sport, when we hinder.others' | advantages, by setting them in a wrong way. 32. In like nianner, let no one revile a person blind or dumb. 33. If men strive together, and there be no instrument of iron, let him that is smitten be avenged immediately, by inflicting the same punishment on him that sxnote him : but if when he is carried home he lie sick many days, and then die, let him that smote him escape punishment; but if he that is smitten escape death, and yet be at great expense for his cure, the smiter shall pay for all that has been expended durihg the time of his sickness, and for all that he has paid the physician. He that kicks a woman with child, so that the wo- man miscarry, * let him pay a fine in*money, as the judges shall determine, as having dimin- ished the multitude by the destruction of what was in her womh; and let money also be given the woman's husband by him that kicked her; but if she die of the stroke, let hira also be put to death, the law judging it equitable that life should go for life. 34. Let no one of the Israelites keep any poison f that may cause death, or any other harm; but if he be caught with it, let hira be put to death, and suffer the very same mis- chief that he would have brought upon them for whom the poison was prepared. 35. He that raairaeth any one, let him un- ilergo the like himself, and be deprived of the same member of which he hath deprived the other, unless he that is mainaed will accept of » Philo and others appear to have understood this law (E^id. xxi. 2t, 23) better than Josephus. who seems to allow, that though the in£a.nt in the mothei''s wotnb, even after the mothet were qqick, and so the infant had a rational soul, were killed by the stroke upon the mo- ther, yet if the mother escaped, the srtiender stiould only be f.nod, and not put to death; while the law seems rather to mean, that if the infant in that case he killed, though tbe mother escape, the offender must be put to death; and not only when the mother is killed, as Jo- ■ephns iindrrstood it. It seems this was the exposition ol the Pharisees in the days of Josephus. + What we render a witch, according to out modem notions of witchcraft, Kxod xxi.. IH, Chilo and Josephus undi'rstood of a poisoner, or one who attempted, by secret and unlawful drii);s or phjltra. tu take awaj the senses or the iivcti uf io^n money instead of it^^ for the law makes the sufferer the judge of the value of what he hath suffered, and permits him to estimate it, unless he will be more severe. 36. Let him that is the owner of an ox which pusheth with his horn, kill him; but if be pushes and gores any one in the thrashing- floor, let him be put to death by stoning, and let him not be thought fit for food: but if his owner be convicted as having known what his nature was, and hath not kept him up, let him also be put to death, as being the occa- sion of the ox's having killed a man. But if the ox ,have killed a man-servant, or a maid- servant, let him be stoned; and let the owner of the ox pay thirty shekels § to the master of him that was slain: but if it be an ox that is thus smitten and killed, let both the oxen, that which smote the other and that which was killed, be sold, and let the owners of them divide their price between them. 37. Let those that dig a well or a pit, be careful to lay planks over them, and so keep them shut up, not in order to hinder anj per- sons from drawing water, but that there may je no danger of falling into them : but if any one's beast fall into siich a well or pit thus digged and not shut up, and perish, let the owner pay its price to the o\\Tier of the beast. Let there be a battlement round the tops of your houses instead of a wall, that may prevent any persons from rolling down and perishing. 38. Let hira that has received any thing in trust for another, take care to keep ft as a sa- cred and divine thing; and let no one invent any contrivance, whereby to deprive him that bath intrusted it with hira of the same, and this whether he be a man or a woman ; no, not although he or she were to gain an im- mense sum of gold, and this where he cannot be convicted of it by any body; for it is fit that a man's own conscience, which knows what he hath, should, in all cases, oblige hini to do welL Let this conscience be his wit- ness, and make hira always act so as may pro- cure him commendation from others; but let him chiefly have regard to God, from whom no wicked man can lie concealed: but if he in whom the trust was reposed, without any deceit of his own, lose what he was intrusted withal, let him come before the seven judges, and swear bv God that nothing bath been lost willingly, or with a wicked intention, and that he oath not made use of any part thereof, and so let him depart without blame ; but if he hath made use of the least part of what was committed to him, and it be lost, let him oe condemned to repay all that he had re- ceived. After the same manner as in these t This permission of redeeming this penalty with mo- ney is not in our copies, Exod. xxi. 24, 25; Lev. xxiv. 20; Deut xix. 21. 8 We may here note, that thirty shekels, the price our Saviour was sold for by Judas to the Jews, Matt. xxvi. 16, and xxvii. 3, was the old value of a bought servant or slave among that people. 124 ANTIQUITIES of' THE JEWS. BOOX ir. trusts, it ia to be, if any one defraud those that undergo bodily labour for him. And let it be always remembered^ that we are not to defraud a poor man of his wages ; as being sensible that God has allotted these w^es to him instead of land and other possessions; nay, this payment is not at att to be delayed, but to be made that very day, since God is not willing to deprive the labourer of the im- mediate use of what be hath laboured for. 39. You are not to punish children for the faults of their parents, but on account of their own virtue rather to vouchsafe them commise- ration, because they were born of wicked pa- rents, than hatred, because they were born of bad ones : nor indeed ought we to impute the sin of children to their fathers, while young persons indulge themselves in many practices different from what they have been instructed in, and this by thdr proud refusal of such in- struction. 40. Let those that have made themselves eunuchs be bad in detestation ; and do you avoid any conversation with them who have deprived themselves of their manhood, and of that fruit of generation which God has given to men for the increase of their kind: fet such be driven away, as if they had killed their children, since they beforehand have lost what should procure them ; for evident it is, that while their soul is become effeminate, they have withal transfused that eflferainacy to their body also. In like manner do you treat all that is of a monstrous nature when it is looked on ; nor is it lawful to geld men or any other animals.* 41. Let this be the constitution of your political laws in time of peace, and God will ^ be so merciful as to preserve this excellent set- tlement free from disturbance : and may that time never come which may innovate any thing, and change it for the contrary. But since it must needs happen that mankind fall into troubles and dangers, either undesigned- ly or intentionally, come let us ma^e a few constitutions concerning them, that so being apprized beforehand what ought to be done, you may have salutary counsels ready when you want them, and noay not then be obliged to go to seek what is to be done, and so be unprovided, and fall into dangerous circum- stances. May you be a laborious people, and exercise your souls in virtuous actions, and thereby possess and inherit the land without wars; while neither any foreigners make war upon it, and so afflict you, nor any internal sedition seize upon it, whereby you may do things that are contraFy to your ftfthers, and so lose the laws which they have established: and may you continue in the observation of • ThU law against castration, ereu of bnites, is said to he so rigorous elsewhere, as to inflict death on him that does it; which seems only a PharisaieaJ interpreta- tion in the days of Josephus of that law, I^ev. xxi. 20. ftnd xxil. 24; only we may hence observe, that the Jews could then have no oxen which are gelt».but only balls uad —wt, ia JMdea. those laws which God hath approved of, and hath delivered to you. Let all sort of war- like operations, whether they befall you now in your own time, or hereafter in the times o^ your posterity, be done out of your own bor- ders ; but when you are about to go to war, send anibassages and heralds to those who are your voluntary enemies, for it is a right thing to make use of words to them before yoii come to your weapons of war ; and assure them thereby, that although you have a nu- merous army, with horses and weapons, and^ above th^se, a Grod merciful to you, and ready to assist you, you do however desire them not to compel you to fight against them, nor to take from them what they have, whieh will indeed be our gain, but what they will have no reason to wish we should take to ourselves;, and if they hearken to you, it will be proper for you to keep peace with them; but if they trust in their own strength as superior to yours, and will not do you justice, lead your army against them, making use of God as youF supreme commander, but ordaining for a lieu- tenant under him, one that is of the greatest courage among you ; for these different com- manders, besides their being an obstacle to actions that are to be done on the sudden, are a disadvantage to those that make use of them. Lead an army pure, and of chosen men, com- posed of all such as have extraordinary strength of body and hardiness of soul; but do you send away the timorous part, lest they run away in the time of action, and so afford an advantage to your enemies. Do you also- give leave to those that have lately buHt thenv houses, and have not yet lived in them a year's time ; and to thoss; that have planted then* vineyards, and have not yet been partakers off their fruits, — to continue in their own coun- try; as well as those also who have betrothed, or lately married them wives, lest they have- such an affection for these things that they bo- too sparing of their lives, and, by reserving themselves for these enjoy n>ents, they become voluntary cowards, on account of their wives, 42. When you have pitched your camp,, take care that you do nothing that is cruel ; and when you are engaged in a siege, and want timber for the making of warlike en- gines, do not you render the land naked by cutting down trees that bear fruit, but spare them, as considering that they were made foir the benefit of men; and that if they could speak, they would have a just plea against you, because, though they are not occasions of the war, they are imj,ustly treated^ and suffer in it; and would, if they were able, remove them- selves into another Land. When you have beaten youf eueuites in battle, slay those that have fought against you; but preserve the others alive, that they may pay you tribute^ excepting the imtiou of the Canaanites; for in to that people, you must entirely destroy them. 43. Take care, especially in your hattlM CHAP. VIII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 125 that no woman use the habit of a man, nor man the garment of a woman. 44. This was the form of political govern- ment which was left "us by Moses. Moreover, he had already delivered laws in writing,* in tre fortieth year [after they came out of Egypt], concerning which we will discourse in another book. But now on the following days (for he called them to assemble continually) he deli- vered blessings to them, and curses upon those that should not live according to the laws, but should transgress the duties that were deter- mined for them to observe. After this, he read to them a poetic song, which was com- posed in hexameter verse; and left it to them in the holy book: it contained a prediction of what was to come to pass afterward ; agreea- bly whereto all things have happened all along, and do still happen to us; and wherein he has not at all deviated from the truth. Ac- cordingly, he delivered these books to the priestSjf with the ark ; into which he also put the Ten Commandments, written on two ta- bles. He delivered to them the tabernacle also; and exhorted the people, that when they had conquered the land, and were settled in it, they should not forget tke injuries of the Amalekites, but make war against them, and inflict punishment upon them for what mis- chief they did them when they were in the wilderness; and 'that, when they had got pos- session of the land of the Canaanites, and when they had destroyed the whole multitude of its inhabitants, as they ought to do, they should erect an altar that should face the ris- ing sun, not far from the city of Shechem, be- tween the two mountains, that of Gerizzim, situate on the right hand, and that called Ebal, on the left; and thal^ the army should be so divided, that six tribes should stand upon each of the two mountains, and with them the Levites and the priests. And that first, those that were upon mount Gerizzim shonld pray for the best blessings upon those vvho were diligent about the worship of God, and the observation of his laws, and who did not reject what Moses had said to them ; while the other wished them all manner of happi- ness also; and when these last put up the like prayers, the former praised them. After this, curses were denounced upon those that should transgress those laws, they answering one ano- ther alternately, by way of confirmation of what had been said. Moses also wrote their blessings and their curses, that they might learn them so thoroughly, that they might never be forgotten by length of time. And when he was read)* to die, he wrote these blegsings and curses upon the. altar, on each side of it; J where he says also the people ♦ These laws seem to be those above mentioned, sect. 4, of this chapter, + VVliat laws were now delivpred to the priests, see the note <in Antiq. b- iii. chap. i. sect. 7. } Ot tile txant place where this altar was to he built, wfartlier nearer raouiu Gerizzitu or mjunt Ebul. accord- stood, and then sacrificed and offered burnt- offerings; thougj^ after that day they never offered upon it any other sacrifice, for it was not lawful so to do. These are the constitu- tions of Moses; and the Hebrew nation still live according to them. 45. On the next day, Moses called the peo- ple together, with the women and children, ta- a congregation, so as the very slaves were pre ^ sent also, that they might engage themselvig to the observation of these laws by oath; and that, duly considering the meaning of God in them, they might not, either for favour of their kindred, or out of fear of any one, or indeed for any motive whatsoever, think any thing ought to be preferred to these laws, and so might transgress them; that in case any one of their own blood, or any city, should at- tempt to confound or dissolve their constitu- tion of government, they should take venge- ance upon them, both all in general, and each person in particular; and when they had con- quered them, should overturn their city to the very foundations, and, if possible, should not leave the least footsteps of such madness: but that if they were not able to take such venge- ance, they should still demonstrate that what was done was contrary to their wills. So the multitude bound themselves by oath so to do. 46. Moses taught them also by what means their sacrifices might be the most acceptable to God; and how they should go forth to war, making use of the stones (in the high-priest's breast-plate) for their direction,§ as I have before signified. Joshua also prophesied while Moses was present. And when Moses had recapitulated whatsoever he had done for the preservation of the people, both in their wars and in peace, and had composed them a body of laws, and procured them an excellent form of government, he foretold, as God had de- clared to him, " That if they transgressed that institution for the worship of God, they should experience the following miseries: — Their latid should be full of weapons of war from their enemies, and their cities should be overthrown, and their temples should be burnt; that they should be sold for slaves, to such men as would have no pity on them in their atflictions; that they would then repent, when that repentance would no way profit them un- der their sufferings. " Yet," said he, " will that God who founded your nation, restore your cities to your citizens, with their temple also and you shall lose these advantages, not once only, but often." ing to Josephus, see Essay on the Old Testament, p. 168 i Ur. Bernard well observes here, how unfortunate this n. gleet of consulting tlie Urim was to Joshua him- ■elf in the case of the Gibeonites; who put a trick upon um and ensnared hiai. together with the rest of the Jewish rulers, with a solemn oath to preserve them, con- trary t" his commission to extirpate all the Canaanites, root and branch; whir.l. oath he and tie other rulers ntTer durst break. See Scripture Politics, p. 55, 5u, and this snare they weru hroui;ht Into because they "did not mk cixiiisel h' the mouth of the Lord " Josh, is, 14. 126. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK IV, 47. Now when Moses had encouraged Jo- shua to lead out the army against the Ca- naanites, by telling him that God would assist him in all his undertakings, and had blessed the whole multitude, he said, " Since 1 am going to my forefathers, and God has determined that this should be the day of my departure to them, I return him thanks while I am still alive and present with you, for that providence he hath exercised over you, which hath not only delivered us from the miseries we lay under, but hath bestowed a state of prosperity upon us; as also, that he hath assisted me in the pains I took, and in all the contrivances I had in my care about you, in order to better your condition, and hath on all occasions showed himself favourable to us; or rather he it was who first conducted our affairs, and brought them to a happy conclu- sion, by making use of me as a vicarious general under him, and as a minister in those matters wherein he was willing to do you good: on which account I think it proper to bless that Divine Power which will take care of you for the time to come, and this in order to repay that debt which I owe him, and to leave behind me a memorial that we are obliged to worship and honour him, and to keep those laws which are the most excellent gift of all those he hath already bestowed upon us, or which, if he continue favourable to us, he will bestow upon us hereafter. Cer- tainly a human legislator is a terrible enemy when his laws are affronted, and are made to no purpose. And may you never experience that displeasure of God which will be the con- sequence of the neglect of these his laws, whion he, who is your Creator, hath given you!" 48. When Moses had spoken thus at the end of his life, and had foretold what would befall to every one of their tribes* afterward, with the addition of a blessing to them, the multitude fell into tears, insomuch that even the women, by beating their breasts, made manifest the deep concern they had when he was about to die. The children also la- mented still more, as not able to contain their grief; and thereby declared, that even at their age they were sensible of his virtue and mighty deeds ; and truly there seemed to be a strife betwixt the young and the old, who should most grieve for him. The old grieved, because they knew what a careful protector they were to be deprived of, and so lamented their future state ; but the young grieved, not only fci that, but also because it so happened that they were to be left by him before the\ had well tasted of his virtue. Now one may make a guess at the excess of this sorrow and lamentation of the multitude, from what hap- * Rincft .loiieplius assures us lirrc, as is most :i:ktiirally to he suvpnsed, and as the SeptinRint civet 'ht? ti xt (l>«iit. xxxiil. ()), tliat Moses bleosed every ik- ot tlie Irihrsof Inrael, it is evident that >inu'on was ..>i oin tted hi hit copy, as it iinhnppilv now i», both in >i Hebrew and 8«niaritan cupiet. pened to the legislator himself; for although he was always persuaded that he ought not to be cast down at the approach of death, since the undergoing it was agreeable to the will of God and the law of nature, yet what the peo- ple did so overbore him, that he wept him- self. Now as he went thence to the place where he was to vanish out of their sight, they all followed after him weeping; but Moses beckoned with his hand to those that were remote from him, and bade them stay behind in quiet, while he exhorted those that were near to him that they would not render his departure so lamentable. Whereupon they thought they ought to grant him that favour, to let him depart, according as he himself de- sired ; so they restrained themselves, though weeping still towards one another. All those who accompanied him were the senate, and Eleazar the high-priest, and Joshua their com- mander. Now as soon as they were come to the mountain called -46a7-m (which is a very high mountain, situate over against Jericho, and one that affords, to such as are upon it, a prospect of the greatest part of the excellent land of Canaan), he dismissed the senate ; and as he was going to embrace Eleazar and Joshua, and was still discoursing with them, a cloud stood over him on the sudden, and he disappeared in a certain valley, although he wrote in the holy books that he died, which was done out of fear, lest they should venture to say that, because of his extraorduiary vir- tue, he went to God. 49. Now Moses lived in all one hundred and twenty years; a third part of which time, abating one month, he was the people's ruler; and he died on the last month of the year, which is called by the Macedonians Dystrus^ but by us Adar, on the first day of the month. He was one that exceeded all men that ever were in understanding, and made the best use of what that understanding suggested to him. He had a very graceful way of speaking and addressing himself to the multitude : and as to his other qualifications, he had &uch a full command of his passions, as if he hardly had any such in his soul, nnd only knew them by their names, as rather perceiving them in other men than in himself. He was also such a general of an army as is seldom seen, as well as such a prophet as was never known, and this to such a degree, that whatsoever he pro- nounced, you would think you heard the voice of God himself. So the people mourn- ed for him thirty days: nor did ever any grief so deeply affect the Hebrews as did this upon the death of Moses; nor were those that had experienced his conduct the Only persons that desired him, but those also that perused the laws he left behind him had a strong desire after him, and by them ga- thered the extraordinary virtue he was master of. And this shall suffice for the declaration of the maimer of the death of Moses. 127 BOOK V. CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF FOUR HUNDRED AND SEVBNTT-SIX YSABg. FROM THE DEATH OF MOSES TO THE DEATH OF ELI. CHAPTER L BOW JOSHUA, THE COMMANDER OP THE HE- BREWS, MADE WAR WITH THE CANAANITKS, AND OVERCAME THEM, AND DESTROYEL THEM, AND DIVIDED THEIR LAND BY LOT TO THE TRIBES OF ISRAEL. § 1. When Moses was taken away froir. among men, in the manner already described, nd when all the solemnities belonging to the mourning for him were finished, and the sor- ow for him was over, Joshua commanded the multitude to get themselves ready for ar expedition. He also sent spies to Jericho, to discover what forces they had, and what were their intentions; but he put his camp in order, as intending soon to pass over Jordan at a proper season. And calling to him the rulef s of the tribe of Rcubel, and the gover- nors of the tribe of Gad, and [the half trit« of] Manasseh, for half of this tribe had been permitted to have their habitation in the coun. try of the Amorites, which was the seventh part of the land of Canaan,* he put them in mind what they had promised Moses; and he exhorted them that, for the sake of the care that Moses had taken of them, who had never been weary of taking pains for them, no not when he was dying, and for the sake of the public welfare, they would prepare themselves, and readily perform what they had promised; so he took fifty thousand of them who followed * The Amorites were one of the seven nations of Canaan Hence Relanii is willing to suppose that Jo- ■ephus did not here mean that their land beyond Jordan was a seventh part of the whole land of Canaan, but meant tlie Amorites as a seventh nation. His reason is, that Josephus, as well as our Bible, generally distinguish the land beyond Jordan from the land of Canaan; nor can it be denied, that in strictness they were different; yet after two tribes and a half of the twelve tribes uame to inherit it, it miEjht in a general way altogether be well included under the land of Canaan, or Palestine, or Ju- dea; of which we have a clear example here before us, in Josephus, whose words evidently imply, that taking the whole land of Canaan, or that inhabited by all the twelve tnV>es together, and partini; it into seven parts, the part beyond Jordan was in quantity of ground one seventh part of the whole. And this well enouirh agrees to Reland's own map of that country, although this land beyond Jordan was so peculiarly truitful, and good for pasturage, as the two tribes and a naif took notice (Numb, xxxii I, 4, 16), that it maintained about a fifth pai-t of the whole people. him, and he marched from Abila to Jordan, sixty furlongs. 2. Now when he had pitched his camp, the spies came to him immediately, well acquaint- ed with the whole state of the Canaanites; for at first, before they were at all discovered, they took a full view of the city of Jericho without disturbance, and saw which parts of the walls were strong, and which parts were other- wise, and indeed insecure, and wliich of the gates were so weak as might afford an entrance to their army. Now those that met them took no notice of them when they saw them, and sup- posed they were only strangers, who used to be very curious in observing every thing in the city, and did not take them for enemies ; but at even they retired to a certain inn that was near to the wall, whither they went to eat their supper; which supper when they had done, and were considering how to get away, information was given to th^king as he was at supper, th^t there were some per- sons come from the Hebrews' camp to view the city as spies, and that they were in the inn kept by Rahab, and were very solicitous that they might not be discovered. So. he sent immediately some to them, and commanded to catch them, and bring them to him, that he might examine them by torture, and learn what their business was there. As soon as Rahab understood that these messengers were coming, she hid the spies under stalks of flax, which were laid to dry on the top of her house ; and said to the messengers that were sent by the king, that certain unknown stran- gers had supped with her a little before sun- setting, and were gone away, who might easily be taken, if they were any terror to the city, I or likely to bring any danger to the king. So I these messengers being thus deluded by the woman,f and suspecting no imposition, went j their ways, without so much as searching the j inn ; but they immediately pursued them + It plainly appears by the history of these spies, and the inn-keeper Rahab's deception of the king of Jericho's messengers, by telling them what was false, in order to save the lives of the spies, and yet the great roiinendation of her faith and good works in the New ■3V<:f:itieni (HeS. si. 31; James ii. -ij). as well as by inaiiv other paraliel examples, both in the Old Testa- 128 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK T. along those roads which they most probably supposed them to have gone, and those parti- cularly which led to the river, but could hear no tidings of them; so they left off the pains of any farther pursuit. But when the tumult was over, Rahab bcought the men down, and desired them as soon as they should have ob- tained possession of the land of Canaan, when it would be in their power to make her amends for her preservation of them, to remember what danger she had undergone for their sakes ; for that if she had been caught concealing them, she could not have escaped a terrible destruction, she and all her family with her, and so bid them go home; and desired them to swear to her to preserve her and her fami- ly when they should take the city and destroy all its inhabitants, as they had decreed to do ; for so far she said she had been assured by those divine miracles of which she had been informed. So these spies acknowledged that they 'owed her thanks for wha? she had done already, and withal swore to requite her kind- ness, not only in words, but in deeds; but they gave her this advice. That when she should perceive that the city was about to be taken, she should put her goods, and all her family, by way of security, in her inn, and to bang out scarlet threads before her doors [or windows], that the commander of the He- br6ws might know her house, and take care to do her no harm; for, said they, we will in- form him of this matter, because of the con- cern thou hast had to preserve us; but if any one of thy family fall in the battle, do not thou tJtame us; and we beseech that God, by whom we have sworn, hot then to be displeas- ed with us, as though we had broken our oaths. So these men, when they had made this agreement, went away, letting them- selves "down by a rope from the wall, and escaped, and came and told their own peo- ple whatsoever they had done in their jour- ney to this city. Joshua also told Eleazar, the high-priest, and the senate, what the spies had sworn to Rahab ; who confirmed what had been sworn. 3. Now while Joshua the commander was in fear about their passing over Jordan, for the river ran with a strong current and could ftot be passed over with bridges, for there never had been bridges laid over it hitherto ; and ment and in Josephns, that the best men did not tlien •criipie to deceive Oiose public eneminA who might justly bedestroyedj as also mi.i,'ht deceire ill men in ordtr to save life, and deliver themselves frosa the tyranny of theirnnjust oppressors, and this by telling direct false- hoods; J mean, ali this where no oath was demanded of them, otherwise they never durst venture on such a pro- cedure. Nor was Jos«phus himself of any other opinion or practice, as I shall remark in the note oi> Ant. b.ix.ch. It. 8. 3. And observe, that I still call th's woman Rahab, an mn-fc««;>er, not a harlot,- the whole history, both in oar copies, and especially in Josephus, implying no more. It was indeed so frequent a thing, that women who were inn-keepers were also harlots, or maintainers of harlots, tbat the word commonly used for real harlots was usu- ally given them. .>»ee Dr. Bernard's note here, and iodflM zi 1| aad Antiq. b. t. «h. vii. mcL & while he suspected, that if be should atteino't to make a bridge, that their enemies would not afford him time to perfect it, and for fer» ry-boats they had none, — God promised so to dispose of the river, that they might passs over it, and that by taking away the main part of its waters. So Joshua, after two days, caused the army and the whole multitude to pass over in the manner following: — The priests went first of all, having the ark with them ; then went the Levites bearing the tabernacle and the vessels which belonged to the sacrifices ; after which the entire multitude followed, accord- ing to their tribes, having their children and their wives in the midst of them, as being a- fraid for them, lest they should be borne away by the stream. But as soon as the priests had entered the river first, it appeared fordable, the depth of the water being restrained, and the sand appearing at the bottom, because the current was neither so strong nor so swift as to carry it away by its force; so they all passed over the river without fear, finding it to be in the very same state as God had foretold fee would put it in ; but the priests stood still in the midst of the river till the multitude should be passed over, and should get to the shore in safety; and when all were gone over, the priests came out also, and permitted the cur- rent to run freely as it used to do before. Accordingly the river, as soon as the Hebrews were come out of it, arose again presently, and came to its own proper magnitude as before. 4. So the Hebrews went on farther fifty ' furlongs, and pitched their camp at the dis- tance of ten furlongs from Jericho: but Jo- shua built an altar of those stones which all the heads of the tribes, at the command of the prophet, had taken out of the deep, to be after- wards a memorial of the divi^^ion of the stream of this river, and upon it offered sacrifice to God; and in that place celebrated the pass- over, and had great plenty of all the thingii which they wanted hitherto; for they reaped the corn of the Canaanites, which was now ripe, and took other things as prey; for thei it was that their former food, which was man- na, and of which they had eaten forty years failed them. 5. Now while the Israelites did this and the Canaanites did not attack them, but kept themselves quiet within their own walls, Jo- shua resolved to besiege them ; so on the first day of the feast [of thepassover] the priests carried the ark r.ound about, witn some part of the armed men to be a guard to it. These priests went forward blowing with their sev- en trumpets ; and exhorted the army to be of gpodcourage, and went round about the city with the senate following them,nn(hvhenrne priests had only blown with the tiutnpels.for tliey did nothing more at all, they returned to the camj); and when they hud done this for six days, on the seventh Joshua gath- ered the aimed men, aud all the people to- CHAP. 1. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 129 gether, and told them these good tidings. That the city should now be taken, since God would on that day give it them, by the falling down of the walls, and this of their own accord, and without their labour. However, he charged them to kill every one they should take, and not to abstain from the slaughter of their enemies, either for weariness or for pity, and not to fall on the spoil, and be there- by diverted from pursuing their enemies as they ran away; but lo destroy all the animals, and to take nothing for their own peculiar ad- vantage. He commanded them also to bring together all the silver and gold, that it might be set apart as first-fruits unto God out of this glorious exploit, as having gotten them from the city they first took; only that they should save Rahab and her kindred alive, because of the oath which the spies had sworn to her. 6. When he had said this, and had set his army in order, he brought it against the city: so they went round the city again, the ark going before them, and the priests encouraging the people to be zealous in the work; and when they had gone round it seven times, and ha<l stood still a little, the wall fell down, while no instruments of war, nor any other force, was applied to it by the Hebrews. ** 7. So they entered into Jericho, and slew all the men that were therein, while they were affrighted at the surprising overthrow of the walls, and their courage was become useless, and they were not able to defend themselves; so they were slain, and their throats cut, some in the ways, and others as caught in their houses, • — nothing afforded them assistance, but they all perished, even to the women and the chil- dren; and the city was filled -with dead bodies, and not one person escaped. They Iso burnt the whole city, and the country about it; but they saved alive Rahab, with her family, who had fled to her inn; and when she was brought to him, Joshua owned to her that they owed her thanks for her pre- servation of the spies: so he said he would not appear to be behind her in his benefaction to her; whereupon he gave her certaiii lands immediately, and had her in great esteem ever afterwards. 8. And if any part of the city escaped the fire, he overthrew it from the foundation; and he denounced a curse* against its inhabitants, • Upon occasion of this devoting of Jericho to de- struction, and the exemplary punishment of Achar, who broke that cherem or analkema. and of the punishment of tile future breaker ol it. Hiel (1 Kings xri. 31), as also of the punibhinent of Saul, for breaking tlie li^e cherem or anathema, asjainst the Amalekiles (l Sam. xv), we mav observe what was the true meanin<; of tliat la\r {I>eV. xxviL 29): " None devoted, which shall be devoted of men, shall be redeemed; but shall .surely !>« put to death;" i.e. whenever any of the Jews' public enemies had hieeu, for their wickedness, solemnly devoted to destruction, according t% the divine command, as were i generally the seven wicked nations of Canaan, and I thdse sinners the Amalekites (1 Sam. xv. 18), it was atterly nnlawfni to permit those enemies to he redeemed ; I but they wererto be all utlerl> destroyed. See also ISutu. xxii '^3. I if any should desire to rebuild it: how; upon his laying the foundation of the walls, he should be deprived of his eldest son; and up- on finishing it, he should lose his youngest son. But what happened hereupon, we shall speak of hereafter. 9. Now there was an immense quantity of silver and gold, and besides those of brass also that was heaped together out of the city whei it was taken, no one transgressing the decree, nor purloining for their own peculiar advan- tage; which spoils Joshua delivered to the priests, to be laid up among their treasures. And thus did Jericho perish. ' 10. But there was one Achar,^ the son [of Charmi, the son]of Zebedias, of the tribe of Judah, who, finding a royal garment woven entirely of gold, and a piece of gold that weighed two hundred shekels ;!{: arid thinking it a very hard case, that what spoils he, by running some hazard, had found, he must give away, and offer it to God, who stood in no need of it, while he that wanted it must go without it, — made a deep ditch in his own tent, and laid them up therein, as supposing he should not only be concealed from his fel- low-soldiers, but from God himself also. 11. Now the place where Joshua pitched his camp was called Gilgal, which (lenotes liberty;^ for since now they had passed ov^r Jordan, they looked on themselves as freed from the miseries which they had undergone from the Egyptians, and in the wilderness. 12. Now, a few days after the calamity that befell Jericho, Joshua sent three thousand armed men to take Ai, a city situate above Jericho; but, upon the sight of the people of Ai, with them they were driven back, and lost thirty-six of their men. When this was told the Israelites, it made them very sad, and ex- ceeding disconsolate, not so much because of the relation the men that were destroyed bare to them, though those that were destroyed were all good men, and deserved their esteem, as by the despair it occasioned; for while they believed that they were already, in effect, in possession of the land, and should bring back the army out of the battles M'ithout loss, as God had promised beforehand, they now saw unexpectedly their enemies bold with success; + That the name of this chief was not Achan, as in the common copies bnt Achar, as here in Josephns, and in the Apostuiii-.al Consiit. b. vii. chap. ii. and else, wlit-re, is evident bv the allusion to that name in the C'lrsc of Joshua. '• Wliy hast thou troubled us? — tlKs Lii.l sha I tr-Hible^ i:iT-e;" where the Hebrew words allude only to the name Achar, but not to Ackan. Ac- cordins»ly, this Valley of Achar, or Acbor, was and is a known place, a litile north of Gilgal, so cal?ed from the days of Joshua till this day. See Josh, vii, 26; Isa. IxT. 10; Hos. ii. l.j; and L)r. Bernard's notes here. i Here Dr. Bernard very justly observes, that a few words are dropped out of Joseplins's copies, on account of the repetition of the word shekels; and that it ought to be read thus : — •' A piece of gold that weighed fifty shekels, and one of silver that weighed two hundred shekels," as in our other copie.s. Joshua vii. 21. } I agree here with Dr Iiernard,and approve of Jo6*- pbuA'ii interpretation of Uil^al fur libeity. See Jt>hh.T. 9 130 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK V. so they put sackcloth over their garments, and continued in tears and lamentation all the day, without the least inquiry after food, but laid what had happened greatly to heart. 13. When Joshua saw the army so much afflicted, and possessed with forebodings of evil as to their whole expedition, he used free- dom with God, and said, " We are not come thus far out of any rashness of our own, as though we thought ourselves able to subdue this land with our own weapons, but at the instigation of Moses thy servant for this pur- pose, because thou hast promised us, by many signs, that thou wouldst give us this land for a possession, and that thou wouldst make our army always superior in war to our enemies, and accordingly some success has already at- tended upon us agreeably to thy promises; but because we have now unexpectedly been foiled, and have lost some men out of our army, we are grieved at it, as fearing what thou bast promised us, and what Moses fore- told us, cannot be depended on by us ; and our future expectation troubles us the more, because we have met with such a disaster in this our first attempt; but do thou, O Lord, free us from these suspicions, for thou art able to find a cure for these disorders, by giv- ing us victory, which will both take away the grief we are in at present, and prevent our aistrust as to what is to come." 14. These intercessions Joshua put up to God, as he lay prostrate on his face: where- upon God answered him. That he should rise up, and purify his host from the pollution that had got into it; that " things conse- crated to me have been impudently stolen from me," and that '* this has been the occasion why this defeat had happened to them;" and that when they should search out and punish the oflfender, he would ever take care they should have the victory over their enemies. This Joshua told the people: and calling for Eleazar the high-priest and the men in au- thority, he cast lots, tribe by tribe; and when the lot showed that this wicked action was done by one of the tribe of Judah, he then again proposed the lot to the several families thereto belonging; so the truth of this wicked action was found to belong to the family of Zachar ; and when the inquiry was made, man by man, they took Achar, who, upon God's reducing him to a terrible extremity, could not deny the fact: so he confessed the theft, and produced what he had taken in the midst of them, whereupon he was immediately put to death ; and attained no more than to be buried in the night in a disgraceful man- ner, and such as was suitable to a condemned malefactor. 15. When Joshua had thus purified the host, he led them against Ai : and having by night laid an ambush round about the city, he attacked the enemies as soon as it was daj; but as they advanced boldly against the Israelites, because of their former victory, he made them believe he retired, and by tiiat means drew them a great way from the city, they still supposing that they were pursuing their enemies, and despised them, as though the case had been the same with that in the former battle ; after which Joshua ordered ''lis forces to turn about, and placed them against their front; he then made the signals agreed upon to those that lay in ambush, and so ex- cited them to fight; so they ran suddenly into the city, the inhabitants being upon the walls, nay, others of them being in perplexity, and ' coming to see those that were without the gates. Accordingly, these men took the city, and slew all that they met with; but Joshua forced those that came against him to come to a close fight, and discomfited them, and made them run away; and when they were driven towards the city, and thought it had not been touched, as soon as they saw it was taken, and perceived it was burnt, with their wives and children, they wandered about in the fields in a scattered condition, and were no way able to defend themselves, because they had none to support them. Now when this calamity was come upon the men of Ai, there were a great number of children, and women, and servants, and an immense quantity of other furniture. The Hebrews also took herds of cattle, and a great deal of money, for this was a rich country. So when Joshua came to Gilgal, he divided all these spoils among the soldiers. 16. But the Gibeonites, who inhabited very near to Jerusalem, when they saw what mise- ries had happened to the inhabitants of Jeri« cho, and to those of Ai, and suspected that the like sore calamity would come as far as themselves, they did not think fit to ask for mercy of Joshua ; for they supposed they should find little mercy from him, who made war that he might entirely destroy the nation of the Canaanites; but they invited the peo- ple of Cephirah and Kiriathjearim, who were their neighbours, to join in league with them; and told them, that neither could they them- selves avoid the danger they were all in, if the Israelites should prevent them, and seize upon them ; so when they had persuaded them, they resolved to endeavour to escape the forces of the Israelites. Accordingly, upon their agreement to what they proposed, they sent ambassadors to Joshua to make a league of friendship with him, and those such of the citizens as were best approved of, and most capable of doing what was most advan* tageous to the rtiultitude. Now these ambis- sadors thought it dangerous to confess them- selves to be Canaanites, but thought they might, by this contT'v^nce, avoid the danger, namely, by saying that they bare no relation to the Canaanites at all? but dwelt at a very great distance from them : and they said fur- ther, that they came a long way, on account of the reputation he had gained for his virtue: CHAP. T. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 131 and as a mark of the truth of what they said, tliey showed him the habit they were in, for that their clothes were new when they came out, but were greatly worn by the length of time they had been on their journey; for in- deed they took torn garments, on purpose that they might make him believe so. So <hey stood in the midst of the people, and said that they were sent by the people of Gibeon, and of the circumjacent cities, which were very remote from the land where they ny\v were, to make such a league of friend- ship with them, and this on such conditions as were customary among their forefathers; for when they understood that, by the favour of God, and his gift to 'them, they were to have the possession of the land of Canaan bestowed upon them, they said that they were very glad to hear it, and desired to be admitted into the number of their citizens. Thus did these ambassadors speak; and showing them the marks of their long journey, they entreat- ed the Hebrews to make a league of friend- ship with them. Accordingly Joshua, be- lieving what they said, that they were not of the nation of the Canaanites, entered into friendship with them ; and Eleazar the high- priest, with the senate, sware to them that they would esteem them their friends and as- sociates, and would attempt nothing that should be unfair against them, the multitude also assenting to the oaths that were made to them. So these men having obtained what they desired, by deceiving the Israelites, went home: but when Joshua led his army to the country at the bottom of the mountains of this part of Canaan, he understood that the Gibeonites dwelt not far from Jerusalem, and that they were of the stock of the Ca- naanites; so he sent for their governors, and reproached them with the cheat they had put upon him; but they alleged, on their own behalf, that they had no other way to save themselves but that, and were therefore forced to have recourse to it. So he called for Ele- azar the high-priest, and for the senate, who thought it right to make them public servants, that they might not break the oath they had made to them ; and they ordained them to be so: — and this was the method by which these men found safety and security under the :alamity that was ready to overtake them. 17. But the king of Jerusalem took it to heart that the Gibeonites had gone over to Joshua; so he called upon the kings of the n3.'ghbouring -nations to join together, and niake war against them. Now when the Gib- eo:jites saw these kings, which were four, be- sides the king of Jerusalem, and perceived that they had pitched their camp at a certain fountain not far from their city, and were getting ready for the siege of it, they called upon Joshua to assist them ; for such was their case, as to expect to be destroyed by these Canaanites, but to suppose they shuiild be saved by those that came for the destruc- tion of the Canaanites, because of the league of friendship that was between them. Ac- cordingly, Joshua made haste, with his whole army to assist them, and marching day and night, in the morning he fell upon the ene- mies as they were going up to the siege; and when he had discomfited them he followc' them, and pursued them down the descen of the hills. The place is called Beth-horon where he also understood that God assisted him, which he declared by thunder and thun- der-bolts, as also by the falling of hail larger than usual. Moreover, it happened that the day was lengthened,* that the night might not come on too soon, and be an obstruction to the zeal of the Hebrews in pursuing their enemies; insomuch, that Joshua took the kings, who were hidden in a certain cave at Makkedah, and put them to death. Now, that the day was lengthened at this time, and was longer than ordinary, is expressed in the books laid up in the temple."]" 18. These kings which made war with, and were ready to fight the Gibeonites, being thus overthrown, Joshua returned again to the mountainous parts of Canaan; and when he had made a great slaughter of the people there, and took their prey, he came to the camp at Gilgal. And now there went a gfreat fame abroad among the neighbouring people, of the courage of the Hebrews ; and those that heard v.hat a number of men were destroyed, were greatly aifrighted at it; so the kings that lived about mount Libanus, who were Ca- naanites, and those Canaanites that dwelt in the plain country, with auxiliaries out of the land of the Philistines, pitched their camp at Beroth, a city of the Upper Galilee, not far from Cadesh, which is itself also a place in Galilee. Now the number of the whole ar- my was three hundred thousand armed foot- men, and ten thousand horsemen, and twenty thousand chariots; so that the multitude of the enemies affrighted both Joshua himself and the Israelites; and they, instead of being • Whether this lenjjthening of the day, hy the stand- ing still of the sun and moon, were physical and real, hy the miraculous stoppage of the diurnal motion of the earth for abmit half a revolution, or whether only appa- rent, bv aerial phosphori imitating the sun and moon as stationary so K>ng, while clouds and the night hid the real ones, and this parhelion or mock snn affording sufficient light for Joshua's pursuit and complete victory (which aerial phosphori in otlier shapes have been more than ordinarily common of late years) cannot now he deter- mined: philosophers and astronomers will naturally in- cline to this latter hypothesis. In the mean time, the fart itself was mentioned in the book of , lasher, now lost. Josh. X. 13, and is confirmed by Isaiah (xxviii. 21), Ha- bakkuk (iii 11), and by the son of Sirach (Ecclns. xlvi. 4). 1 n the I8th Psalm of Solomon, ver. ttlt. it is also said of the luminaries, with relation, no doubt, to this and the other miraculous standing still and going back, in the days of Joshua and Hezekiah, "They have not wan- dered, Irom the day that he created them; they have not forsaken their way from ancient generations, unless it were when <;od enjoined them fso to do] by the com- mand of his servants," See Autlient. Rec parti-p.lv54 + OJ the books laid up in the temple, see the note on Antiq b. iii. chap. 1, sect- 7. 132 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK V full of hopes of good success, were superfcti- tiously timorous, with the great terror with which they were stricken. Whereupon God upbraided them with the fear they were in, and asked them whether they desired a greater help than he could afford them ; and pro- mised them that they should overcome their enemies; and withal charged them to make their enemies' horses useless, and to burn their chariots. So Joshua became full of courage upon these promises of God, and went out suddenly against the enemies; and after five days' march he came upon them, and joined battle with them, and there was a terrible fight, and such a number were slain as could not be believed by those that heard it. He also went on in the pursuit a great way, and de- stroyed the entire array of the enemies, few only excepted, and all the kings fell in the battle ; insomuch, that when there wanted men to be killed, Joshua slew their horses, and burnt their chariots, and passed all over their country without opposition, no one dar- ing to meet him in battle; but be still went on,. taking their cities by siege, and again kill- ing whatever he took. 19. The fifth year was now past, and there was not one of the Canaanites remained any longer, excepting some that had retired to places of great strength. So Joshua removed his camp to the mountainous country, and placed the tabernacle in the city of Shiloh, for that seemed a fit place for it, because of the beauty of its situation, until such time as their affairs would permit them to build a temple ; and from thence he went to Shechem, together with all the people,, and raised an altar where Moses had beforehand directed ; then did he divide the army, and placed one half of them on mount Gerizzim, and the other half on mount Ebal, on which mountain the altar was;* he also placed there the tribe of Levi, and the priests. And when they had sacri- ficed, and denounced the [blessings and the] ;urses, and had left them engraven upon the altar, they returned to Shiloh. 20. And now Joshua was old, and saw that the cities of the Canaanites were not easily to be taken, not only because they were situate in such strong places, but because of the strength of the walls themselves, which being built round about, the natural strength of the places on which the cities stood, seemed ca- paWe of repelling their enemies from besieg- ing them, and of making those enemies des- pair of taking them; for when the Canaan- ites had learned that the Israelites came out of Egypt in order to destroy them, they were busy all that time in making their cities strong. So he gathered the people together to a con- gregation at Shiloh ; and when they, with great zeal and haste, were come thither, he observed to them what prosperous successes • iH the nitnation of thU altar, see Encny op the Old Ttstameiit, p I7U, 171. they ha d already had, and what glorious things had been done, and those such as were worthy of that God who enabled them to do those things, and worthy of the virtue of those laws which they followed. He took notice also, that thirty-one of those kings that ventured to give them battle were overcome, and every army, how great soever it were, that confided in their own power, and fought with them, was utterly destroyed; so that not so much as any of their posterity remained; and as for the cities, since some of them were taken, but the others must be taken in length of time, by long sieges, both on account of the strength of their walls, and of the confidence the in- habitants had in ttiem thereby, he thought it reasonable that those tribes that came along with them from beyond Jordan, and had par- taken of the dangers they had undergone, be- ing their own kindred, should now be dis- missed and sent home, and should have thanks for the pains they had taken together with them. As also, he thought it reasonable th.it they should send one man out of every tribe. and he such as had the testimony of extraor- dinary virtue, who should measure the land faithfully, and without any fallacy or deceit should inform them of its real magnitude. 21. Now Joshua, when he had thus spoken to them, found that the multitude approved of his proposal. So he sent men to measure their country, and sent with them some geo- metricians, who could not easily fail of know- ing the truth, on account of their skill in that art. He also gave them a charge to estimate the measure of that part of the land that was most fruitful, and what was not so good ; fof such is the nature of the land of Canaan, that one may see large plains, and such as are ex- ceeding fit to produce fruit, which yet, i-f they were compared to other parts of the country, might be reckoned exceedingly fruitful; yet if it be compared with the fields about Jericho, and to those that belong to Jerusalem, will appear to be of no account at all ; and al- . though it so falls out that these people have but a very little of this sort of land, and that it is, for the main, mountainous also, yet does it not come behind other parts, on account of its exceeding goodness and beauty ; for which reason Joshua thought the land for the tribes should be divided by estimation of its goodness, rather than the largeness of its mea- sure, it often happening, that one acre of some sort of land was equivalent to a thousand other acres. Now the men that were sent, which were in number ten, travelled all about, and made an estimation of the land, and in the seventh month came to him to the city of Shiloh, where they had set up the tabernacle. 22. So Joshua took both'Eleazar and the senate, and with them the heads of the tribes, and distributed the land to the nine tribes, and to the half tribe of .Mannsseh, appointing the dimensions to be according to the large- CHAP. I. ANTI^;iU^T^]s nv twk ./r:ws. 133 ness of each tribe. So when he had east lots, Judah had assigned him by lot the upper part of Judea, reaching as far as Jerusalem, and its breadth extended to the Lake of Sodom. Now in the lot of this tribe there were the cities of Askelon and Gaza. The lot of Si- meon, which was the second, included that part of Idumea which bordered upon Egypt and Arabia. As to the Benjamites, their lot fell so, that its length reached from the river Jordan to the sea; but in breadth it was bounded by Jerusalem" and Bethel; and this lot was the narrowest of all, by reason of the goodness of the land; for it included Jericho and the city of Jerusalem. The tribe of Ephraim. had by lot the land that extended in length from the river Jordan to Gezer; but in breadth as far as from Bethel, till it ended at the Great Plain. The half-tribe of Man- asseh had the land from Jordan to the city Dora; but its breadth was at Bethshan, which is now called Scythop9lis ; and after these was Issachar, which had its limits in length, Mount Carmel and the river, but its limit in breadth was Mount Tabor. The tribe of Zebulon's lot included the land which lay as far as the Lake of Genesareth, and that which belonged to Carmel and the sea. The tribe of Aser had that part which was called the Valley, for such it was, and all that part which lay over-against Sidon. The city Arce be- j| longed to their share, which is also named Actipus. The Naphthalites received the east- ern parts, as far as the city of Damascus and ■ the Upper Galilee, unto Mount Libanus, and the Fountains of Jordan, which rise out of that mountain ; that is, out of that part of it whose limits belong to the neighbouring city of Arce. The Danites' lot included all that part of the valley which respects the sun-set- ting, and were bounded by Azotus and Dora; as also they had all Jamnia and Gath, from Ekron to that mountain where the tribe of Judah begins. 23. After this manner did Joshua divide the six nations that bear the name of the Sons of Canaan, with their land, to be possessed by the nine tribes and a half; for Moses had prevented him, and had already distributed the land of the Amorites, which itself was so called also from one of the sons of Canaan, to the two tribes and a half, as we have shown already. But the parts about Sidon, as also those that belonged to the Arkites, and the Amathites, and the Aradians, were not yet regularly disposed of. 24. But now was Joshua hindered by his age from executing what he intended to do (as did those that succeeded him in the go- vernment, take little care of what was for the advantage of the public); so he gave it in charge to every tribe to leave no remainder of the race of the Canaanites in the land that bad been divided to them by lot; that Moses bad assured them beforehand, and they might rest fully ^^ itistied about it, that their own se- cdritv and tlieir observation of their ovvn laws depended wholly upon it. Moreover, he en- joined them to give thirty-eight cities to the Levites, f .r they had already received ten in the country of the Amorites; and three of these he assigned to those that fled from the man-slayers, who were to inhabit there ; for he was very solicitous that nothing should be neglected which Moses had ordained. These cities were of the tribe of Judah, Hebron; of that of Ephraim, Shechem ; and of that of Naphthali, Cadesh, which is a place of the Upper Galilee. He also distributed among them the rest of the prey not yet distributed, which was very great; whereby they had an affluence of great riches, both all in general, and every one in particular : and this of gold and of vestments, and of other furniture, besides a multitude of cattle, whose number could not be told. 25. After this was over, he gathered the army together to a congregation, and spake thus to those tribes that had their settlement in the land of the Amorites, beyond Jordan, — for fifty thousand of them had armed them- selves, and had gone to the war along with them: — '* Since that God, who is the Father and Lord of the Hebrew nation, has now given us this land for a possession, and pro- mised to preserve us in the enjoyment of it as our ovvn for ever; and since you have with alacrity offered yourselves to assist us when we wanted that assistance on all occa- sions, according to his command, it is but just, now all our difficulties are over, that you should be permitted to enjoy rest, and that we should trespass on your alacrity to help us no longer; that so, if we should again stand in need of it, we may readily have it on any future emergency, and not tire you out so much now as may make you slower in assist- ing us another time. We, therefore, return you our thanks for the dangers you have un- dergone with us, and we do it not at this time only, but we shall always be thus disposed; and be so good as to remember our friends, and to preserve in mind what advantages we have had from them; and how you have put off the enjoyments of your own happiness for our sakes, and have laboured for what we have now, by the good- will of God, obtained, and resolved not to enjoy your own prosperity till you had afforded us that assistance. How- ever, you have, by joii.ing your labour with ours, gotten great plenty of riches, and will carry home with you much prey, with gold and silver, and, what is more than all these, our good- will towards you, and a mind will, ingly disposed to make a requital of your kind- ness to Us, in what case soever you shall de- sire it, for you have not omitted any thing which Moses beforehand required of you, nor have you despised him because he was dead and gone from you, so that there is nothing 134 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK V. to diminish that gratitude which we owe to you. We therefore dismiss you joyful to your own inheritances; and we entreat you to sup- pose, that there is no limit to be set to the in- timate relation that is between us; and that you will not imagine, because this river is in- terposed between us, that you are of a differ- ent race from us, and not Hebrews; for we are all the posterity of Abraham, both we that inhabit here, and you that inhabit there; and it is the same God that brought our forefathers and yours into the world, whose worship and form of government we are to take care of, which he has ordained, and are most carefully to observe; because, while you continue in those laws, God will also show himself merci- ful and assisting to you ; but if you iro>tate the other nations, and forsake those laws, he will reject your nation." When Joshua had spoken thus, and saluted them all, both those in authority one by one, and the whole multi- tude in common, he himself staid where he was; but the people conducted those tribes on their journey, and that not without tears in their eyes; and indeed they hardly knew how to part one from the other. 26. Now when the tribe of Reubel, and that of Gad, and as many of the Manassites as followed them, were passed over the river, they built an altar on the banks of Jordan, as a mon- ument to posterity, and a sign of their relation to those that should inhabit on the other side. But when those on the other side heard that those who had been dismissed had built an altar, but did not hear with whatintention they built it, but supposed it to be by way of inno- vation, and for the introduction of strange gods, they did not incline to disbelieve it; but think- ing this defamatory re()ort, as if it were built for divine worship, was credible, they appear- ed in arms, as though they would avenge them- selves on those that built the altar; and they were about to pass over the river, and to pun- ish them for their subversion of the laws of their country; for they did not think it fit to regard them on account of their kindred, or the dignity of those that had given the occa- sion, but to regard the will of God, and the manner wherein be desired to be worshipped; so these men put themselves in array for war. But Joshua, and Eleazar the high-priest, and the senate, restrained them; and persuaded them first to make trial by words of their in- tention, and afterwards, if they found that their intention was evil, then only to proceed to make war upon them. Accordingly, they Hent as ambassadors to them Phineas the son of Eleazar, and ten more* persons (hat were in esteem among the Hebrews, to learn of them what Aas in their mind when, upon passing over the river, they had built an altar upon its banks; and as soon as these tunbassadors were passed over, and were come to them, Hud • congregation was nssenibled, Pliiufas stood up and suid, Th^t ihc offence iliey Ijud been guilty of was of too heinous a nature to be punished by words alone, or by them only tc be amended for the future, yet that they did not so look at the heinousness of their tra.^s- gression as to have recourse to arms, and to a battle for their punishment immediately; but that, on account of their kindred, and i.he probability there was that they might be re- claimed, they took this method of sending an ambassage to them: "That when we have learned the true reasons by which you have been moved to build this altar, we may nei- ther seem to have been too rash in assaulting you by our weapons of war, if it prove that you made the altar for justifiable reasons, and may then justly punish you if the accusation prove true; for we can hardly suppose that you, who have been acquainted with the will of God, and have been hearers of those laws which he himself hath given us, now you are separated from us, and gone to that patrimony of yours, which you, through the grace ot God, and that providence which he exercises over you, have obtained by lot, can forget him, and can leave that ark and that altar which is peculiar to us, and can introduce strange gods and imitate the wicked practices of the Ca- naanites. Now this will appear to have been a small crime if you repent now, and proceed no farther in your madness, but pay a due reverence to, and keep in mind the laws of your country; but if you persist in your sins, we will not grudge our pains to preserve our laws; but we will pass over Jordan and de- fend them, and defend God also, and shall . esteem of you as of men no way differing from the Canaanites, but shall destroy you in the like manner as we destroyed them ; for do not you imagine that, because you are got over the river, you are got out of the reach of God's power; you are everywhere in places that belong to him, and impossible it is to overrun his power, and the punishment he will bring on men thereby; but if you think that your settlement here will be any obstruc- tion to your conversion to what is good, no- thing need hinder us from dividing the land anew, and leaving this old land to be for the feeding of sheep; but you will do well to return to your duty, and to leave off these new crimes; and we beseech you, by your children and wives, not to force us to punish you. Take therefore such measures in this assembly, as supposing that your own safety, and the safety of those that are dearest to you, is therein concerned, and believe that it is better for you to be conquered by words, than to continue in your purpose, and to experience deeds and war therefore.'* 27. When Phineas had discoursed thus, tlie governors of the assembly, and the whole multitude, began to make an apology for themselves, concerning what they were ac- cused of; and they said, That they neither would depart from the relation they bare to CHAP. II, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 135 them, nor had they built the altar by way of bnovation; that they owned one and the aime common God with all the Hebrews, and that brazen altar which was before the tabernacle, on which they would offer their sacrifices ; that as to the altar they had raised, on account of which they were thus suspect- ed, it was not built for worship, " but that it mic:ht be a sign and a monument of our re- lation to you for ever, and a necessary caution *o us to act wisely, and to continue in the laws of our. country, but not a handle for transgressing them, as you suspect : and let God be our authentic witness, that this was the occasion of our building this altar; ^^'hence we beg you will have a better opinion of us, and do not impute such a thing to us as would render any of the posterity of Abra- ham well worthy of perdition, in case they attempt to bring in new rites, and such as are different from our usual practices." 28. When they had made this answer, and Phineas had commended them for it, he came to Joshua and explained before the people what answer they had received. Now Joshua was glad that he was under no necessity of setting them in array or of leading them to shed blood, and make war against men of their own kindred; and accordingly he offered sacrifices of thanksgiving to God for the same. So Joshua after that dissolved this great assembly of the people, and sent them to their own inheritances, while he himself lived in Shechem. But in the twentieth year after this, when he was very old, he sent for those of the greatest dignity in the several cities, with those in authority, and the senate, and as many of the common people as could be present; and when they were come he put them in mind of all the benefits God had bestowed on them, which could not but be a great many, since from alow estate they were advanced to so great a degree of glory and plenty ; and exhorted them to take notice of the intentions of God, which had been so gracious towards them; and told them that the Deity would continue their friend by no- thing else but their piety; and that it was proper for him, now that he was about to de- p irt out of this life, to leave such an admo- nition to them ; and he desired that they would keeo in memory this his exhortation to them. 29. So Joshua, when he had thus dis- co jrsed to them, died, having lived a hun- dred a')d ten years; forty of which he lived w'tb Moses, in order to learn what might be for h;s advantage afterwards. He also be- '•Tre their commander after his death for twenty-five years. He was a man that wanted not wisdom nor eloquence to declare his in- *^r*ion5 to the people, but very eminent on hoth arrounts. He was of great courage and mairnjinimity in action and in dangers, and vf-v sagacious in procuring the peace of the people, and of great virtue at. all proper sea- sons. He was buried in the city of Timnah, of the tribe of Ephraim.* About the same time died Eleazar the high-priest, leaving the high-priesthood to his son Phineas. His mo- nument also, and sepulchre, are in the city of Gabatha. CHAPTER II. HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OF JOSHUA THEIR COMMANDER, THE ISRAELITES TRANSGRESS- ED THE LAWS OF THEIR COUNTRY, AND EX- PERIENCED GREAT AFFLICTIONS; AND WHEN . THERE WAS A SEDITION ARISEN, THE TRIBE OF BENJAMIN WAS DESTROYED, EXCEPTING ONLY SIX HUNDRED MEN. § 1. After the death of Joshua and Eleazar, Phineas prophesied,t that according to God's will they should commit the government to the tribe of Judah, and that this tribe should destroy the race of the Canaanites; for then the people were concerned to learn what was the will of God. They also took to their as- sistance the tribe of Simeon ; but upon this condition, that when those that had been tribu- tary to the tribe of Judah should be slain, they should do the like for the tribe of Simeon. 2. But the affairs of the Canaanites were at this time in a flourishing condition, and they expected the Israelites with a great army at the city Bezek, having put the government into the hands of Adonibezek, which name denotes the Lord of Bezek, for Adoni in the Hebrew tongue signifies Lord, Now they hoped to have been too hard for the Israel- ites, because Joshua was dead ; but when the Israelites had joined battle with them, I mean tho two tribes before mentioned, they fought gloriously, and slew above ten thousand of them, and put the rest to flight; and in the pursuit they took Adonibezek, who, when his • Since not only Procopius and Suidas, but an earlier anthor, Moses Chorenensis (p. 62, 53), and perhaps from his original author Mariba Catina, one as old as Alex- ander the Great, sets down the famous inscription at Tangier concerning the old Canaanites driven out of Palestine by Joshua, take it here in that author's own words: "We are those exiles that were governors of Canaanites, but have been driven away by Joshua robber, and are come to inhabit here." See the note thare. Nor is it unworthy of our notice what Most-s Chorenensis adds (p. 33), and this upon a diligent ex- amination, viz. that "one of those eminent men among the Canaanites came at the same time into Armenia, and founded the Genthunian Jamily or tribe; and that this was confirmed by the manners of the same family or tribe, as being like those of the Canaanites." + By protihesyinp, when spoken of a high-priest, Jose- phus, both here "and frequently elsewhere, means no more than consulting God by Urim, which the reader is still to bear in mind upon all occasions. And if St, John, who was contemporary with Josephus, and of the same coun- try, made use of this style, when he says that " Caiaphas being high-priest that year, prophesied that Jesus should die for that nation, and not for that nation only, but that also he should gather together in one the children of God that were scattered abroad" (xi. 51, o-2|, he may possibly mean, that this was revealed to the high-priest by an ex- traordinary voice from between the cherubims, when he had his breast-plate, or Urim and Thunimim, on before; or in the most holy place of the temple, which was no other t'i;in the oracle of Urim and Thummim. Of whicll above, in the note on Antiq. b. iiL chap. viii. sect". 9. 136 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK y. fingers and toes were cut off by them, said, •* Nay, indeed, I was not always to lie con- cealed from God, as I find by what I now endure, while I have not been ashamed to do the same to seventy-two kings."* So they carried him alive as far as Jerusalem ; and when he was dead, they buried him in the earth, and went on still in taking the cities : and when they had taken the greatest part of them, they besieged Jerusalem ; and when they had taken tne lower city, which was not un- der a considerable time, they slew all the inha- bitants ; but the upper city was not to be taken withbut great difficulty, through the strength of its walls, and the nature of the place. 3. For which reason they removed their camp to Hebron ; and when they had taken it, they slew all the inhabitants. There were till then left the race of giants, who had bo- dies so large, and countenances so entirely different from other men, that they were sur- prismg to the sight, and terrible to the hear- ing. The bones of these men are still shown to this very day, unlike to any credible rela- tions of other men. Now they gave this city to the Levites as an extraordinary re- ward, with the suburbs of two thousand cities; but the land thereto belonging they gave as a free gift to Caleb, according to the injunctions of Moses. This Caleb was one of the spies which Moses sent into the land of Canaan. They also gave land for habitation to the posterity of Jethro, the Midianite, who was the father-in-law to Moses; for they had left their own country, and followed them, and i accompanied them in the wilderness. 4. Now the tribes of Judah and Simeon took the cities which were in the mountainous • This great number of seventy-tipo reguli, or small kings, over whom Adonibezet had tyrannized, and for which he was punished aocordiag to the lex talionis, as well as the thirty-one kings of Caniiaii subdued by Jo- shua, and named in one chapter (,'oih. cii), and thirty- two kings, or royal auxiliaries to IWnhadad king of Syria (1 Kings xx. 1; Antiq. b. viii. chap. viv. aecL 1), intimate to us what was the ancient form of govern- ment among several nations before the monarc".;ies be- gan, viz, that every ciiy or large town, wit*i its K^isrlc- bouring villages, was a distinct government by itself; which is the more remarkable, because this was ce\- tainly the form of ecclesiastical government that w»s settled by the apostles, and preserved throui;hout the Christian church in the first a?e8 of Christianity. Mr. Addison is of opinion, that " it would certainly be for the good of mankind to have all the mighty empires and monarchies of the world cantoned out into petty states and principalities, which, like so many large tami- lies, might lie under the observation of their proper llfovernors, so that the care of the prince might extend Itself to every individual person under his protection; though he despairs of such a scheme being brought about, and thinks that if it were, it would quickly he de- stroyed." Remarks on Italy, 4to, p. 151. Nor is it unfit to be observed here, that the Armenian records, though they give us the history of thirty-nine of their ancientest heroes or governors after the Flood, before the days of Sardanapalus, had no proper king till the fortieth, Parasriis See Moses Chorenensis, p. 55. And that Almighty. God does not approve of such absolute and tyrannical monarchies, any one may learn that ipads Deut. xvii. 14—20, and 1 Sam. viii. 1—22; al- though, if such kings are set up as own him for their supreme king, and aim to govern according to his laws, be hath admitted of them, and protected thetn and their •objects in all generations. ^ part of Canaan, as also Askelon and Ashdod, of those that lay near the sea ; but Gaza and Ekron escaped them, for they, lying in a flat country, and having a great number of cha- riots, sorely galled those that attacked them: so these tribes, when they were grown very rich by this war, retired to their own cities, and laid aside their weapons of war. 5. But the Benjamites, to whom belonged Jerusalem, permitted its inhabitants to pay tribute. So they all left off, the one to kill, and the other to expose themselves to danger and had time to cultivate the ground. Th« rest of the tribes imitated that of Benjamin, an(f did the same; and, contenting themselves with the tributes that were paid them, per- mitted the Canaanites to live in peace. 6. However, the tribe of Ephraim, when they besieged Bethel, made no advance, nor performed any thing worthy of the time they spent, and of the pains they took about that siege; yet did they persist in it, still sitting down before the city, though they endured great trouble thereby: but, after some time, they caught one of the citizens that came to them to get necessaries, and they gave him some assurances, that if he would deliver up the city to them, they would preserve him and his kindred; so he sware that, upon those terms, he would put the city into their hands. Ac- cordingly, he that thus betrayed the city was preserved with his family; and the Israelites slew all the inhabitants, and retained the city for themselves. 7. After this, the Israelites grew effeminate as to fighting any more againSt their enemies, but applied themselves to the cultivation of the land, which producing them great plenty and riches, they neglected the regular dispo- sition of their settlement, and indulged them- selves in luxury and pleasures; nor were they any longer careful to hear the laws that be- longed to their political government: where- upon God was provoked to anger, and put them in mind, first, how, contrary to his di- rections, they had spared the Canaanites; and, after that, how those Canaanites, as opportu- nity served, used them very barbarously. But thb Israelites, though they were in heaviness at these admonitions from God, yet were they still very unwilling to go to war; and since they got large tributes from the Canaanites, and were indippo?<ed for taking pains by their luxury, they suffered their aristocracy to be corrupted also, and dvi not ordain themselves a senate, nor any other such magistrates as their laws had formerly required, but they were very much given to cultivating their fields, in order to get wealth; which great indolence of theirs brought a terrible rsdition upon them, and they proceeded so far av: to fight one against another, from the followinf occasion: 8. There was a Levite,* a mai» /»f vul- • Josephus's early date of this history, [yfo^i tho beginning of the Judges, or when there was no ^iuf ^ CHAP. II. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 137 gar family, that belonged to the tribe of Eph- raim, and dwelt therein: this man married a wife from Bethlehem, which is a place oelong- iiig to the tribe of Judah. Now he was very fond of his wife, and overcome with her beauty ; but he was unhappy in this, that he did not meet with the like return of afFection from her, for she was averse to him, which did more inflame his passion for her, so that they quar- relled one with another perpetually; and at last the woman was so disgusted at these quar- rels, that she left her husband, and went to her parents in the fourth month. The hus- band being very uneasy at this her depart we, and that out of his fondness for her, came to his father and mother-in-law, and made up their quarrels, and was reconciled to her, and lived with them there four days, as being kindly treated by her parents. On the fifth day he resolved to go home, and went away in the evening; for his wife's parents were loth to part with their daughter, and delayed the time till the day was gone. Now they had one servant that followed them, and an ass on which the woman rode; and when they were near Jerusalem, having gone already thirty furlongs, the servant advised them to take up their lodgings somewhere, lest some misfortune should befall them if they travelled in the night, especially since they were not far off enemies, that season often giving rea- son for suspicion of dangers from even such as are friends; but the husband was not pleas- ed with this advice, nor was he willing to take up his lodging among strangers, for the city belonged to the Canaanites, but desired ra- ther to g'o twenty furlongs farther, and so to take their lodgings in some Israelite city. Accordingly, he obtained his purpose, and came to Gibeah, a city of the tribe of Ben- jamin, when it was just dark; and while no one that lived in the market-place invited him to lodge with him, there came an old man out of the field, one that was indeed of the tribe of Ephraim, bat resided in Gibeah, and met him, and asked him who he was, and for what reason he came thither so late, and why he was looking out for provisions for supper when it was dark? To which he replied, that he was a Levite, and was bringing his wife from her parents, and was going home; but he told him his habitation was in the tribe of Ephraim ; so the old man, as well because of their kindred as because they lived in the same tribe, and also because they had thus acci- dentally met together, took him in to lodge with him. Now certain young men of the inhabitants of Gibeah, having seen the woman in the market-place, and admiring her beauty, Israel (Judges xlx. 1), is strongly confirmed by the large number of Benjamites, both in the days of Asa and .'e- hoshaphat (2 Chron. xiv. 8; and xvi. 17), who yet were here reduced to six hundred men; nor can those num- bers be at all supposed genuine, if they were reduced so late as the end of the Judges, where our other copies plac« this reduction. when they understood that she lodged wUli the old man, came to the doors, as contemning the weakness and fewness of the old mane family; and when the old man desired them to go away, and not to offer any violence oi abuse there, they desired him to yield them up the strange woiitian, and then he should have no harm done to him: and when the old man alleged that the Levite was of his kin- dred, and that they would be guilty of horrid wickedness if they suffered themselves to be overcome by their pleasures, and so offend against their laws, they despised his righteous admonition, and laughed him to scorn. They also threatened to kill him if he became an obstacle to their inclinations; whereupon, when he found himself in great distress, and yet was not willing to overlook his guests, and see them abused, he produced his own daughter to them; and told them that it was a smaller breach of the law to satisfy their lust upon her, than to abuse his guests, sup- posing that he himself should by this means prevent any injury to be done to those guests. When they no way abated of their earnestness for the strange woman, but insisted absolutely on their desires to have her, he entreated them not to perpetrate any such act of injustice; but they proceeded to take her away by force, and indulging still more the violence of their inclinations, they took the woman away to their house, and when they had satisfied their lust upon her the whole night, they let her go about day-break. So she came to the place where she had been entertained, under great affliction at what had happened; and was very sorrowful upon occasion of what she had suf- fered, and durst not look her husband in the face for shame, for she concluded that he would never forgive her for what she had done ; so she fell down, and gave up the ghost: but her husband supposed that his wife was only fast asleep, and, thinking nothing of a more melancholy nature had happened, endea- voured to raise her up, resolving to speak com- fortably to her, since she did not voluntarily expose herself to these men's lust, but was forced away to their house ; but as soon as he perceived she'was dead, he acted as prudently as the greatness of his misfortunes would ad- mit, and laid bis dead wife upon the beast, and carried her home; and cutting her, limb by limb, into twelve pieces, he sent them to every tribe, and gave it in charge to those that carried them, to inform the tribes of those that were the causes of his wife's death, and of the violence they had offered to her. 9. Upon this the people were greatly dis- turbed at what they saw, and at what they heard, as never having had the experience of such a thing before; so they gathered theai- selves to Shiloh. out of a prodigious and a just anger, and assembhng in a great congre- gation before the tabernacle, they inimediate- ly rttsolved to tak€ arms, and to treat the in- 138 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK V. habitants of Glbeah as enemies ; but the se- nate restrained them from doing sq, and per- suaded them, that they ought not so hastily to make war upon people of the same nation with them, before they discoursed them by words concerning the accusation laid against them ; it being part of their law, that they should not bring an army against foreigners themselves, when they appear to have been injurious, without sending an ambassage first, and trying thereby whether they will repent or not : and accordingly they exhorted them to do what they ought to do in obedience to their laws, that is to send to the inha- bitants of Gibeah, to know whether they would deliver up the offenders to them, and, if they deliver them up, to rest satisfied with the punishment of those offenders; but if they despised the message that was sent them, to punish them, by taking up arms against them. Accordingly they sent to the inhabi- tants of Gibeah, and accused the young men of the crimes committed in the affair of the Levite's wife, and required of them those that had done what was contrary to the law, that they might be punished, as having justly deserved to die for what they had done ; but the inhabitants of Gibeah would not deliver up the young men, and thought it too reproach- ful to them, out of fear of war, to submit to other men's demands upon them; vaunting themselves to be no way inferior to any in war, neither in number nor in courage. The rest of their tribe were also making great prepa- ration for war, for they were so insolently mad as also to resolve to repel force by force. 10. When it was related to the Israelites what the inhabitants of Gibeah had resolved upon, they took their oath that no one of them would give his daughter in marriage to a Ben- jamite, but make war with greater fury against them than we have learned our forefathers made war iigainst the Canaanites; and sent out presently an army of four hundred thou- sand against them, while the Benjamites' army was twenty-five thousand and six hundred ; five hundred of whom were excellent at sling- ing stones with their left bands, insomuch that when the battle was joined at Gibeah the Ben- jamites beat the Israelites, and of them there fell two thousand men; and probably more had been destroyed had not the night come on and prevented it, and broken off the fight; so the Benjamites returned to the city with joy, and the Israelites returned to their camp in a great fright at what had happened. On the next day, when they fought again, the Ben- jamites beat them; and eighteen thousand of the Israelites were slain, and the rest deserted their camp out of fear of a greater slaughter. 80 they came to Bethel,* a city that was near • Jotrpbas v-nmi here Ic have made a imall mistake, when he lix k the Hebrew word UttU-Et. which deiioten Iht ueu$e itj Hod, or the tabrrvai-le, Jiidj;. XX. 18, for Ifae ^rof-T iian.« uf a place, U'lhel, it no way uppeariug their c^mp, and fasted on the next day ; and besought God, by Phineas the high-priest, that his wrath against them might cease, and that he would be satisfied with these two- defeats, and give them the victory and power over their enemies. Accordingly, God pro- mised them so to do, by the prophesying of Phineas. 1 1. When therefore they had divided the array into two parts, they laid the one half of them in ambush about the city Gibeah, by night, while the other half attacked the Ben- jamites, who retiring upon the assault, the Benjamites pursued them, while the Hebrews retired by slow degrees, as very desirous to draw them entirely from the city; and the other followed them as they retired, till both ' the old men and the young men that were 1 left in the city, as too weak to fight, came ' running out together with them, as willing to bring their enemies under. However, when they were a great way from the city, the He- brews ran away no longer, but turned back to fight them, and lifted up the signal they had agreed on to those that lay in ambush, who rose up, and with a great noise fell upon the enemy. Now, as soon as ever they per- ceived themselves to be deceived, they knew not what to do; and when they were driven into a certain hollow place which was in a val- ley, they were shot at by those that encom- passed them, till they were all destroyed, ex- cepting six hundred, which formed themselves into a close body of men, and forced their passage through the midst of their enemies, , and fled to the neighbouring mountains, and, ! seizing upon them, remained there; but the, rest of them, being about twenty-five thou-j sand, were slain. Then did the Israelites burn Gibeah, and slew the women, and the males that were under age; and did the same also to the other cities of the Benjamites; — and, indeed, they were enraged to that de- * gree, that they sent twelve thousand men out of the army, and gave them orders to destroy Jabesh Gilead, because it did not join with them in fighting against the Benjamites. Ac- cordingly, those that were sent slew the men of war, with their children and wives, except- ing four hundred virgins. To such a degree { had they proceeded in their anger, because they not only had the suffering of the Le- vite's wife to avenge, but the slaughter oi their own soldiers. 12. However, they afterward were sorry for the calamity they had brought upon the Benjamites, and appointed a fast on that ac- count, although they supposed those men had suffered justly for their offence against the r' laws; so they recalled by their ambassadors those six hundred which had escaped. These* had seated themselves on a certain rock called that the tahemacle was ever at Bethel; only so far it it true, that Shiloh, the plare of the tabernacle in th^ days c.f tlie Judcc-D. wa* ni'» far (rom Uetbel. CHAP. III. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 139 Rimmon, whicTi was in the wilderness. So the ambassadors lamented not only the disaster that had befallen the Benjamites, but them- .srlves also, by this destruction of their kin- fired ; and persuaded them to take it patiently, and to come and unite with them, and not, so far as in them lay, to give their suffrage to the utter destruction of the tribe of Benjamin ; and said to them, " We give you leave to take the whole land of Benjamin to yourselves, and as much prey as you are able to carry away with yju." So these men with sorrow confessed, tha^^vhat had been done was according to the decree of God, and had happened for their own wickedness; and assented to those that invited them, and came down to their own tribe. The Israelites also gave them the four hundred virgins of Jabesh Gilead for wives ; but as to the remaining two hundred, they deliberated about it how they might compass wives enough for them, and that they might have children by them; and whereas they had, Defore the war began, taken an oath, that no one would give his datighter to wife to a Ben- jamite, some advised them to have no regard to what they had sworn, because the oath had not been taken advisedly and judiciously, but in a passion, and thought that they should do nothing against God, if they were able to save a whole tribe which was in dan<:er of perish- ing; and that perjury was then a sad and dangerous thing, not when it is done out of necessity, but when it is done with a wicked intention. But when the senate were affright- ed at the very name of perjury, a certain per- son told them that he could show them a way whereby they might procure the Benjamites wives enough, and yet keep their oath. They asked him what his proposal was. He said, " That three times in a year, when we meet in Shiloh, our wives and our daughters ac- company us: let then the Benjamites be al- lowed to steal away, and marry such women as they can catch, while we will neither in- cite them nor forbid them; and when their p.irents take it ill, and desire us to inflict punishment upon them, we will tell them, that they were themselves the cause of what had happened, by neglecting to guard their daugh- ters, and that they ought not to be over- angry at the Benjamites, since that anger was permitted to rise too high already." So the Israelites were persuaded to follow this ad- vice, and decreed. That the Benjamites should be allowed thus to steal themselves wives. So when the festival was coming on, these two hundred Benjamites lay in ambush be- fore the city, by two and three together, and waited for the coming of the virgins, in the vineyards and other places where they could lie concealed Accordingly the Virgins came al^ng playing, and suspected nothing of what was coming upon them, and walked after an Mng'iarded manner, so those thnt lay scattered iu the road, rose up, ai>d caught bold of them : by this means these Benjamites got them wives, and fell to agriculture, and took good care to recover their former happy state. And thus was this tribe of the Benjamites, after they had been in danger of entirely pe- rishing, saved in the manner fore-mentioned, by the wisdom of the Israelites : and accord- ingly it presently flourished, and soon in- creased to be a multitude, and came to enjoy all other degrees of happiness. And such was the conclusion of this war. CHAPTER IIL HOW THE ISRAELITES AFTER THIS MISFOR- TUNE GREW WICKED, AND SERVED THE ASSYRIANS ; AND HOW GOD DELIVERED THEM BY OTHXIEL, WHO RULED OVER THEM FORTY YEARS. § 1 . Now it happened that the tribe of Dan suffered in like manner with the tribe of Ben- jamin ; and it came to do so on the occasion following: — When the Israelites had already left off the exercise of their arms for war, and were intent upon their husbandry, the Ca- naanites despised them, and brought together an army, not because they expected to suffer by them, but because they had a mind to have a sure prospect of treating the Hebrews ill when they pleased, and might thereby for the time to come dwell in their own cities the more securely; they prepared therefore their chariots, and gathered their soldiery together, their cities also combined together, and drew over to them Askelon and Ekron, which were within the tribe of Judah, and many more of those that lay in the plain. They also forced the Danites to fly into the mountainous coun- try, and left them not the least portion of the plain country to set their foot on. Since then these Danites were not able to fight them, and had not land enough lo sustain them, they sent five of their men into the midland country to see for a land to which they might remove their habitation. So these men went as far as the neighbourhood of mount Liba- nus, and the fountains of the Lesser Jordan, at the great plain of Sidon, a day's journey from the city ; and when they had taken a view of the land, and found it to be good and exceeding fruitful, they acquainted their tribe with it, whereupon they made an expedition with the army, and built there the city Dan, of the same name \\ ith the son of Jacob, and of the siKiie name with their own tribe. 2. The Israelites grew so indolent, and unready of taking pains, that misfortunes came heavier upon them, which also proceed- ed in part from their contempt of the divine worship ; for when they had once fallen off from the regularity of their political govern- ment, thev indniged themselves farther in liv- ing according to their own pleasure, and ac- cording to their own willi till they were fall 140 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK V. of the evil doings that were common among the Canaanites. God therefore was angry wnth them, and they lost that their happy state which they had obtained by innumerable la- bours, by their luxury; for when Chushan, king of the Assyrians, had made war against tliem, they lost many of their soldiers in the battle, and when they were besieged, they were taken by force ; nay, there were some, who, out of fear, voluntarily submitted to him, and though the tribute laid upon them was more than they could bear, yet did they pay it, and underwent all sort of oppression for eight years; after which time they were freed from them in the following manner: — 3. There was one whose name was Othniel, the son of Kenaz, of the tribd of Judah, an active man and of great courage. He had an admonition from God, not to overlook the Israelites in such a distress as they were now in, but to endeavour boldly to gain them their liberty; so when he had procured some t« as- sist him in this dangerous undertaking (and few they were, who, either out of shame at their present circumstances, or out of a desire of changing them, could be prevailed on to assist him), he first of all destroyed that gar- rison which Chushan had set over them ; but when it was perceived that he had not failed in his first attempt, more of the people came to his assistance; so they joined battle with the Assyrians, and drove them entirely before them, and compelled them to pass over Eu- phrates. Hereupon Othniel, who had given such proofs of his valour, received from the multitude authority to judge the people: and when he had ruled over them forty years, he died. CHAPTER IV, HOW OUR PEOPLE SERVED THE MO ABITES EIGH- TEEN YEARS, AND WERE THEN DELIVERED FROM SLAVERY BY ONE EH UD, WHO RETAIN- ED THE DOMINION EIGHTY YEARS. ..§ 1. When Othniel was dead, the affairs of the Israehtes fell again into disorder: and while they neither paid to God the honour due to him, nor were obedient to the laws, their afflictions increased, till Eglon, king of the Moabites, did so greatly despise them on account of the disorders of their political go- vernment, that he made war upon them, and overcame them in several battles, and made the most courageous to submit, and entirely subdued their army, and ordered them to pay hio) tribute. And when he had built him a royal palac« at Jericho,* he omitted no me- • It appears bf the sacred history {Judg. 1. 16; iii 13), that Kf^lun'g pavilion or palace was ut the city of Palm-Trees. as the place wh«re Jericho had stood is «all«d afte*- 't« destrooUal b| Josbiia, that is, at or Dear thod whereby he might distress them; and in- deed he reduced them to poverty for eighteen years. But when God had once taken pity of the Israelites, on account of their afflic- tions, and was moved to compassion by their supplications put up to him, he freed them from the hard usage they had met with under the Moabites. This liberty he procured for them in the following manner: — 2. There was a young man of the trilte f?f Benjamin, whose name was Ehud, the son ci' Gera, a man of very great courage in boh! undertakings, and of a very strong body, lit. for hard labour, but best skilled in using his left hand, in which was his whole strength ; and he also dwelt at Jericho. Now this; man became familiar with Eglon, and that by means of presents, with whi,ch he obtained his favour, and insinuated himself into his good opinion; whereby he was also beloved of those that were about the king. Now, when on a time he was bringing presents to the king, and had two servants Avith him, he put a dag- ger on his right thigh secretly, and went in tc him: it was then summer time, and the mid- dle of the day, when the guards were not strictly on their watch, both because of the heat, and because they were gone to dinner. So the young man, when he had offered his presents to the king, who then resided in a small parlour that stood conveniently to avoid the heat, fell into discourse with him, for they were now alone, the king having bid his ser- vants that attended him to go their ways, be- cause he had a mind to talk with Ehud. He was now sitting on his throne ; and fear seized upon Ehud lest he should miss his stroke, and not give him a deadly wound ; so he raised him- self up, and said he had a dream to impart to him by the command of God; upon which the king leaped out of his throne for joy of the dream; so Ehud smote him to the heart, and, leaving his dagger in his body, he went out and shut the door after him. Now tho king's servants were very still, as supposing that the king had composed himself to sleep. 3. Hereupon Ehud informed the peopl* of Jericho privately of what he had done, and exhorted them to recover their liberty , who heard him gladly, and went to their arms, and sent messengers over the country, that should sound trumpets of rams' horns; for it was our custom to call the peo[)le together by them. Now the attendants of Eglon were ignorant of what misfortune had befallen him for a great while ; but, towards the evening, fearing some uncommon accident had happened, they en- tered into his parlour, and when they found him dead, they were in great disorder, and the demolished city. Accorditijjly Josephus says it was at Jericho, ornthrr in that fine country of palm-trees, upon, or near to. the sume spot of ground on which Je- richo had formerly «f(>«w), and on which it was rebuilt hy Hiel, 1 Kingn xvi :3I. Opr other copies that avoid its pro|)er name lericln). and call it the city of Palm- Tr««a'Mil|r. speak hrre nit»i« aoauratcl* than Josoplm*. CHAP. \. A^'TIQUIT^ES OF THE JEWS. 141 knew not what to do; and before the guards could be -got together, the multitude of the israelites came upon them, so that some of them were slain immediately, ami some were put to tight, and ran away toward the coun- try of Moab, in order to save themselves. Their number was above ten thousand. The, Israelites seized upon the ford of Jordan, and' pursued thena, and slew them, and many of them they killed at the ford, nor did one of them escape out of their hands ; and by this weans it was that the Hebrews freed them- selves from slavery, under the Moabites. Ehud also was on this account dignified with the government over all the multitude, and died after he had held the government eighty years.* He was a man worthy of commen- dation, even besides what he deserved for the forementioned act of his. After him Sham- ^ar, the son of Anath, was elected for their fTovernor, but died in government. the first year of his CHAPTER V. HOW THECANAANITES BROUGHr THE ISRAEL- ITES UNDER SLAVERY FOR TWENTY YEARS; AFTER WHICH THEY WERE DELIVERED BY BARAK AND DEBORAH, WHO RULED OVER TU£M FOR FORTY YEARS. 5 1. And now it was that the Israelites, tak- ing no warning by their former misfortunes to amend their manners, and neither worship- ping God nor submitting to the laws, were brought under slavery by Jabin the king of the Canaanites, and that before they had a short breathing time after the slavery under the Moabites; for this Jabin came out of Hazor, a city that was situate over the lake Semechonitis, and had in pay three hundred thousand foot-men, and ten thousand horse- naen, with no fewer than three thousand cha- riots. Sisera was the commander of all his array, and was the principal person in the king's favour. He so sorely beat the Israel- ites when they fought with him, that he or- dered them to pay tribute. 2, So they continued to undergo that hard- ship for twenty years, as not good erough of themselves to grow wise by their misfortunes. God was willing also hereby the more to sub- ♦ These eighty years for the government of Ehud are necessary to Josephus's usual large numbers between the exodus and the building of the temple, of five hun- dred and ninety-two, or six hundred and twelve years, but nt)t to tlie smallest number ef four hundred and eighty years (I Kings vi. 1); which lesser number J o- seplius seems sometimes to have followed. And since in the bednning of the next chapter, it is said by Jo- sephus, that there was hardly a breathinj time for the Israelites before Jabin came and enslaved them, it is highly probable ihat some of thr copies in his time had bet »• only eight years instead of eighty; as had that of rheophilusof Antioch, Ad Autolyc. 1 iil, aad thij mo«t probably from bis oopy ot Josaphu*. due their obstinacy and ingratitude tcwanls himself: so when at length they were become penitent, and were so wise as to learn that their calamities arose from their contempt of the laws, they besought Deborah, a certain prophetess among them {which name in the Hebrew tongue signifies a Bee), to pray toGod to take pity on them, and not to overlook them, now they were ruined by the Canaan- ites. So God granted them deliverance, and chose them a general, Barak, one that was of the tribe of Naphtali. Now Barak, ia the Hebrew tongue, signifies Lightning. 3. So Deborah sent for Barak, and bade him choose out ten thousand young men to go against the enemy, because God had said that that number Was sufficient, and promised them victory. But when Barak said that he would not be the general unless she would also go as a general with him, she had indignation at what he said, and replied, " Thou, O Barak, deliverest up meanly that authority which God hath given thee into the hand of a wo- man, and I do not reject it!" So they collected ten thousand meJi, and pitched their camp at Mount Tabor, where, at the king's command, Sisera met them, and pitched his camp not far from the enemy; whereupon the Israelites, and Barak himself, were so affrighted at the multitude of those enemies, that they were resolved to march off, had not Deborah re- tained them, and commanded thera to fight the enemy that very day, for that they should conquer them, and God woiJd be their assist- ance. 4. So the battle began ; and when they were come to a close fight^ there came down from heaven a great storm, with a vast quan- tity of rain and hail, and the wind blew the rain in the face of the Canaanites, and so darkened their eyes, that their arrows and slings were of no advantage to them, nor would the coldness of the air permit the sol- diers to make use of their swords; while this storm did not so much incommode the Is- raelites, because it came in their backs. They also took such courage, upon the apprehension that God was assisting them, that they fell upon the very midst of their enemies, and slew a great number of them; so that some* of them fell by the Israelites, some fell by their own horses, which were put into disor- der, and not a few were killed by their own chariots. At last Sisera, as soon as he saw himself beaten, fled away, and came to a wo- man whose name was Jael, a Kenite, who re- ceived him, when he desired to be concealed; i and when he asked for somewhat to drink, she gave him sour milk, of which he drank so unmeasurably that he fell asleep; but when he was asleep, Jael took an iron nail, and with a hammer drove it through his tem- ples into the floor ; and when Barak came a littleafterward, she showed Sisera naile^ to the ground t and thus was this rictery gained by .42 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK r. a woman, as Deborali h&A foretold. Barak also fought with Jabin at Haior ; and when he met with him, he slew him: and when the general was fallen, Barak overthrew the city to the foundation, and was the commander of the Israelites for forty years. CHAPTER VI. HOW THE MIDIANITES AND OTHER NATIONS FOUGHT AGAINST THE ISRAELITES, AND BEAT THEM, AND AFFLICTED THEIR COUN- TRY FOR SEVEN YEARS. HOW THEY WERE DELIVERED BY GIDEON, WHO RULED OVER THE MULTITUDE FOR FORTY YEARS. § 1. Now when Barak and Deborah were dead, whose deaths happened about the same time, afterwards the Alidianites called the Amalekites and Arabians to their assistance, and made war against the Israelites, and were too hard for those that fought against them ; and when they had burnt the fruits of the earth, they carried off the prey. Now when they had done this for three years, the multi- tude of the Israelites retired to the mountains, and forsook the plain country. They also made themselves hollows under ground, and caverns, and preserved therein whatsoever had escaped their enemies; for the Midianites made expeditions in harvest-time, but permit- ted them to plough the land in winter, that so, when the others had taken the pains, they might have fruits for them to carry away. Indeed, there ensued a famine and a scarcity of food; upon which they betook themselves to their supplications to God, and besought him to save them. 2. Gideon also, the son of Joash, one of the principal persons of the tribe of Manas- seh, brought his sheaves of corn privately, and thrashed them at the wine-press; for he was too fearful of their enemies to thrash them openly in the thrashing-floor. At this time somewhat appeared to him in the shape of a youi^ man, and told him that he was a happy man, and beloved of God. To which he im- mediately replied, " A mighty indication of God's favour to me, that I am forced to use this vrine-press instead of a thrashing-floor!" But the appearance exhorted him to be of good courage, and to make an attempt for the recovery of their liberty. He answered, that .fit was impossible for him to recover it, be- cause the tribe to which he belonged was by no means numerous; and because he was but young himself, and too inconsiderable to think of such great actions; but the other promised him, that God would supply whut he was de- fective in, and would afford the Israelites vic- tory under his conduct. 3. Now, therefore, as Gideon was relating \hi» to KiiD« young m«n, th«iy believed him. and immediately there was an army of ten thousand men got ready for fighting. But God stood by Gideon i» his sleep, and told him, that mankind were too fond of them- selves, and were enemies to such as excelled in virtue. Now that they might not pass God over, but ascribe the victory to him, ai (i might not fancy it obtained by their ohih power, because they were a great army, and able of then)selves to fight their enemies, but might confess that it was owing to his assist- ance, he advised him to bring his army about noon, in the violence of the heat, to the river, and to esteem those that bent down on their knees and so drank, to be men of courage; but for all those that drank tumultuously, that he should esteem them to do it out off fear, and as in dread of their enemies. And when Gideon had done as God had suggest- ed to him, there were found three hundred men that took water with their hands tu- multuously; so God bid him take theffee men, and attack the enemy. Accordingly they pitched their camp at the river Jordan, as ready the next day to pass over it. 4. But Gideon was in great fear, for God had told him beforehand that he should set upon his enemies in the night-time; but God, being willing to free him from his fear, bid him take one of his soldiers, and go near to the Midianites' tents, for that he should from that very place have his courage raised, and grow bold. So he obeyed, and went and took his servant Phurah with him; and as he came near to one of the tents, he discovered t hat those that were in it were awake, and ihat one of them was telling to his fellow-sol- dier a dream of his own, and that so plainly, that Gideon could hear him. The dream was this: — He thought he saw a barley-cake, such a one as could hardly be eaten by men, it was so vile, rolling through the camp, and overthrowing the royal tent, and the tents ol all the soldiers. Now the other soklier ex- plained this vision to mean the destruction of the army ; and told him what his reason was which made him so conjecture, viz. That the seed called barley was all of it allowed to be of the vilest sort of seed, and that the Israel- ites were known to be the vilest of all the people of Asia, agreeably to the seed of bar- ley, and that what seemed to look big ajnong the Israelites was this Gideon and the army that was with him; "and since thou sayest thou didst see the cake overturning our tents, I am afraid lest God hath granted the vic- tory over us to Gideon." 5. When Gideon had heard this dream, good hope and courage came upon him ; and he commanded his soldiers to arm themselves, and told them of this vision of their enemies. They also took courage at what was told them, and were ready to perform what Se should enjoin them; so Gideon divided bin army into three {>artii, and brought it out CHAP. vir. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 143 Hbout the fourth watch of the night, each j>art containing a hundred men : they all bare empty pitchers and lighted lamps in their hands, that their onset might not be discovered by their enemies. They had also each of them a ram's horn in his right hand, which he used instead of a trumpet. The e/»emy's camp took up a large space of gromid, for it happened that they had a great many camels; and as they were divided into different nHtions, so they were all contained in one circle. Now when the Hebrews did as they were ordered beforehand, upon their approach to their enemies, and, on the signal given, sounded with their rams' horns, and brake their pitchers, and set upon their ene- mies with their lamps, and a great shout, and cried, " Victory to Gideon, by God's assist- ance," a disorder and a fright seized upon the other men while they were half asleep, for it was night-time, as God would have it ; so that a few of them Were slain by their ene- mies, but the greatest part by their own sol- diers, on account of the diversity of their lan- guage; and when they were once put into disorder, they killed all that they met with, as thinking them to be enemies also. Thus there was a great slaughter made; and as the report of Gideon's victory came to the Israel- ites, they took their weapons and pursued their enemies, and overtook them in a certain valley encompassed with torrents, a place wliich these could not get over; so they en- coiiipassed them, and slew them all, with tueir kings, Oreb and Zeeb; but the remain- 'v.\g captains led those soldiers that were left, wiii(;h were about eighteen thousand, and pitched their camp a great way off the Israel- itp>. However, Gideon did not grudge his pains, but pursued them with all his army, atul joining battle with them, cut off the whole enemies' army, and took the other leaders, Zebah and Zalmuna, and made them captives. Now there were slain in this battle of the Midiauites, and of their auxiliaries the Ara- bians, about a hundred and twenty thousand'; and the Hebrews took a great prey, gold, and silver, and garments, and camels, and asses; and when Gideon was come to his own coun- try of Ophrah, he slew the kings of the Mi- dianites. 6. However, the tribe of Ephraira was so .displeased at the good success of Gideon, that they resolved to make war against him, ac- ciising him because he did not tell theta of bis expedition against their enemies; but Gi- deon, as a man of temper, and that excelled i;i every virtue, pleaded, that it was not the result of his own authority or reasoning, that M.ade him attack the enemy without them, hji that it was the command of God, and bell the victory belonged to them as well as vhost' in the army; — and by this method of cooling their passions, he brought more ad- v^iiilage to the Hebrews, than by the success he haa against these enemies, tor he thereby delivered them from a sedition which was arising among them; yet did this tribe after- wards suffer the punishment of this their in- jurious treatment of Gideon, of which we will give an account in due time. 7. Hereupon Gideon would have laid down the government, but was over-persuaded to take it, which he enjoyed forty years, and dis- tributed justice to them, as the people came to him in their differences ; and vvhat he de- termined was esteemed valid by all; and when he died, he was buried in his own country of Ophrah. CHAPTER VIL THAT THE JUDGES WHO SUCCEEDED GIDEON MADE WAR WITH THE ADJOINING NATIONS FOR A LONG TIME. § 1. Now Gideon had seventy sons that were legitimate, for he had many wives, but he had also one that was spurious, by his concu- bine Drumah, whose name was Abimelech, who, after his father's death, retired to She- chem to his mother's relations, for they were of that place ; and when he had got money of such of them as were eminent for many in- stances of injustice, he came with them to his father's house, and slew all his brethren, except Jotham, for he had the good fortune to escape and be preserved ; but Abimelech made the government tyrannical, and consti- tuted himself a lord, to do what he pleased, instead of obeying the laws ; and he acted most rigidly against those that were the pa- trons of justice. 2. Now when, on a certain time, there was a public festival at Shechem, and all the mul- titude was there gathered together, Jotham his brother, whose escape we before related, went up to Mount Gerizzim, which hangs over the city Shechem, and cried out so as to be heard by the multitude, who were attentive to him. He desired they would consider what he was going to say to them ; so when silence was made, be said. That when the trees had a hu- man voice, and there was an assembly of them gathered together, they desired that the fig- tree would rule over them ; but when that tree refused so to do, because it was contented to enjoy that honour which belonged pe- culiarly to the fruit it bare, and not that which should be derived to it from abroad, the trees did not leave off their intentions to have a ruler, so they thought proper to make the offer of that honour to the vine; but when the vine was chosen, it made use of the same words which the fig-tree had used before, and excused itself from accepting the governm -nt ; and when the olive-tree had done the sune, the brier, whom the trees had desired to Lake 144 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK V. tt£ kingdom (it is a sort of wood good for firlr.g), it promised to take the government, and to be zealous in the exercise of it; but that then they must sit dowTi under its sha- dow, and if they should plot against it to de- stroy it, the principle of fire that was in it should destroy them. He told them, that what he had said was no laughing matter ; for that when they had experienced many bless- h.gs from Gideon, they overlooked Abime- lech, when he over-ruled all, and had joined with him in slaying his brethren ; and that he was no better than a fire himself. So when . he had said this, he went away, and lived pri- vately in the mountains for three years, out of fear of Abimelech.^ 3. A little while after this festival, the She- chemites, who had now repented themselves of having slain the sons of Gideon, drove Abi- melech away both from their city and their tribe; whereupon he contrived how he might distress their city. Now at the season of vin- tage, the people were afraid to go out and gather their fruits, for fear Abimelech should do them some mischief. Now it happened that there had come to them a man of autho- rity, one Gaal, that sojourned with them, hav- ing his armed men and his kinsmen with him; so the Shechemites desired that he would allow them a guard during their vintage; where- upon he accepted of their desires, and so the people went out, and Gaal with them at the nead of his soldiery; so they gathered their fruit with safety ; and when they were at supper in several companies, they then ven- tured to curse Abimelech openly; and the magistrates laid ambushes in places about the city, and caught many of Abimelech's follow- ers, and destroyed them. 4. Now there was one Zebul, a magistrate of the Shechemites, that had entertained Abi- melech. He sent messengers, and informed him how much Gaal had irritated the people against him, and excited him to lay ambushes before the city, for that he would persuade Gaal to go out against him, which would leave it in his power to be revenged on him ; and when that was once done, he would bring him to be reconciled to the city. So Abimelech laid ambushes, and himself lay wath them. Now Gaal abode in the suburbs, taking little care of himself; and Zebul was with him. Now as Gaal saw the armed men coming on, he said to Zebul, That some armed men were coming; but the other replied, They were only shadows of huge stones: and when they were come nearer, Gaal perceived what was the reality, and Raid, They were not shadows but men lying in ambush. Then said Zebul, *' Didst not thou reproach Abimelech for cowar- dice? why dost thou not then show how very courageous thou art thyself, and go and fight him?" So Gaal, being in disorder, joined pattl9 with Abimelech, and some of bis nuiii fell ; whereupon he fled into the city, and took his men with him. But Zebul managed hia matters so in the city, that he procured them to expel Gaal out of the city, and this by ac- cusing him of cowardice in this action with the soldiers of Abimelech. But Abimelech, when he had learned that the Shechemites were again coming out to gather their grapes, placed' ambushes before the city, and when they were coming out, the third part of his army took possession of the gates, to hinder the citizens from returning in again, while the rest pursued those that were scattered abroad, and so there was slaughter everywhere; and when he had overthrowTi the city to the very foundations, fey? it was not able to bear a siege, and had sown its ruins with salt, he proceeded on with his army till all the Shechemites were slain. As for those that were scattered about the country, and so escaped the danger, they were gathered together unto a certain strong rock, and settled themselves upon it, and pre- pared to build a wall about it: and when Abi- melech knew their intentions he prevented them, and came upon them with his forces, and laid faggots of dry wood round the place, he himself bringing some of them, and by his ex- ample encouraging the soldiers to do the same. And when the rock was encompassed round about with these faggots, they set them on fire, and threw in whatsoever by nature caught fire the most easily: so a mighty flame was raised, and nobody could fly away from the rock, but every man perished, with their wives and children, in all about fifteen hundred men, and the rest were a great number also. And such was the calamity which fell upon the Shechem- ites; and men's grief on their account had been greater than it was, had they not brought so much mischief on a person who had so well deserved of them, and had they not themselves esteemed this as a punishment for the same. 5. Now Abimelech, when he had affright- ed the Israelites with the miseries he had brought upon the Shechemites, seemed open- ly to affect greater authority than he now hjul, and appeared to set no bounds to his violence, uidess it were with the destruction of all. Accordingly he marched to Thebes, and took the city on the sudden; and there being a great tower therein, whereunto tlie whole nmltitude fled, he made preparations to besiege it. Now as he was rushing with violence ^ near the gates, a woman threw a piece of a mill-stone upon his head, upon which Abi- melech fell down, and desired his armour- bearer to kill him, lest his death should be thought to be the work of a woman; — who did what he was bid to do. So he underwent this death as a punishment for the wickedness he had perpetrated against his brethren, and his insolent biirbarity to the Shechemites. Now the cjiiamity that happened to those She- chemites WHS according to the prediction of CHAP. VII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 146 Jotham. However, the army that was with Abimelech, upon his fall, was scattered abroad, and went to their own homes. 6. Now it was that Jair the Gileadite,* of the tribe of Manasseh, took the government. He was a man happy in other respects also, but particularly in his children who were of a good character. They were thirty in num- ber, and very skilful in riding on horses, and were intrusted \vith the government of the cities of Gilead. He kept the government twenty-two years, and died an old man; and he was buried in Camon, a city of Gilead. 7. And now all the affairs of the Hebrews were managed uncertainly, and tended to dis- order, and to the contempt of )pod and of the laws. So the Ammonites and Philistines had them in contempt, and laid waste the country with a great army; and when they had taken all Perea, they were so insolent as to attempt to gain the possession of all the rest: but the Hebrews, being now amended by the calami- ties they had undergone, betook themselves to supplications to God; and brought sacri- fices to him, beseeching him not to be too severe upon them, but to be moved by their prayers to leave off his anger against them. So God became more merciful to them, and was ready to assist them. 8. When the Ammonites had made an ex- pedition into the land of Gilead, the inhabi- tants of the country met them at a certain mountain, but wanted a commander. Now there was one whose name was Jephtha, who, both on account of his father's virtue, and on account of that army which he maintained at his own expenses, was a potent man: the Is- raelites therefore sent to him, and entreated him to come to their assistance, and promised him the dominion over them all his life-time. But he did not admit of their entreaty; and accused them, that they did not come to his assistance when he was unjustly treated, and this in an open manner by his brethren; for they cast him off, as not having the same mo- ther with the rest, but born of a strange mo- ther, that %vas introduced among them by his father's fondness; and this they did out of a contempt of his inability [to vindicate him- self]. So he dwelt in the country of Gilead, as it is called and received all that came to him, let them come from what place soever, and paid them wages. However, when they pressed him to accept the dominion, and sware they would grant him the government over them all his life, he led them to the war. 9. And when Jephtha had taken immediate care of their affairs, he placed his army at the city Mispeth, and sent a message to the Am- • Our present copies of Josephns all omit Tola amon^ the judges, though the other copies have him next after Abimelech. and allot twenty-three years to his adminis- trdtion (Judges X. 1,2); yet do all Josephus's commen- tators conclude, that in Josephus's sum of the years of the judges, his twenty-three years are included ; hence we are tOkOnfess thatfomewhat haa been here lost out of his copies. monite [king], complaining of his unjust pos- session of their land. But that king sent a contrary message ; and complained of the ex- odus of the Israelites out of Egypt, and desi- red him to go out of the land of the Amorites, and yield it up to him, as at first his pater- nal inheritance. But Jephtha returned this answer : That he did not justly complain of his ancestors about the land of the Amorites, and ought rather to thank them that they left the land of the Ammonites to them, since Moses could have taken it also; and that nei- ther would he recede from that land of their own, which God had obtained for them, and they had now inhabited [above] three hun- dred years, but would fight with them about it. 10. And when he had given them this an- swer, he sent the ambassadors away. And when he had prayed for victory, and had vowed to perform sacred offices, and if he came home in safety, to offer in sacrifice what living creatiu-e soever should first meet himcf he joined battle with the enemy, and gained a great victory, and in his pursuit slew the ene- mies all along as far as the dty Minnith. He then passed over to the land of the Ammonites, and overthrew many of their cities, and took their prey, and freed his own people from that slavery which they had undergone for eighteen years. But as he came back, he feU into a calamity no way correspondent to the great actions he had done; for it was his daughter that came to meet him ; she was also an only child and a virgin : upon this Jephtha heavily lamented the greatness of his atfiiction, and blamed his daughter foe being so for\vard in meeting him, for he had vowed to sacrifice her to God. However, this action that \\'as to befall her was not ungrateful to her, since she should die upon occasion of her father's vic- tory, and the liberty of her fellow-citizens : she only desired her father to give her leave, for two months, to bewail her youth \vith her fel- low-citizens; and then she agreed, that at the forementioned time he might do with her ac- cording to his vow. Accordingly, when that time was over, he sacrificed his daughter as a burnt-offering, offering such an oblation as was neither conformable to the law nor acceptable to God, not weighing with himself what opi- nion the hearers would have of such a practice. 11. Now the tribe of Ephraim fought against him, because he did not take them along with him in his expedition against the Ammonites, but because he alone had the prey, and the glory of what was done to him- self. As to which he said, first, that they were + Josephns justly condemns Jephtha, as do the Apos* tolical Constitutions, b. vii. ch. xxxvii. for his rash vow, whether it were for sacrificing his daughter, as Josephat thought, or for dedicating her, who was his onl child, tQ perpetual virginity, at the tabernacle or elsewhere, which I rather suppose. If he had vowed her for a sa- i:rifice. she oni;ht to have been redeemed. Lev. xxvii. 1 —8; but of the sense of ver. 28, 29, as relating n to things vowed to God, but devoted to destruction, see the note on Antiq. b. v. ch.L sect 8. 146 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK V not ignorant how his kindred had fought against him, and that when they were invited, they did not come to his assistance, whereas they ought to have come quickly, even before ■^ they were invited. And in the next place, that they were going to act unjustly; for while they had not courage enough, to fight their enemies, they came hastily against their own kindred: and he threatened them that, with God's assistance, he would inflict a punish- ment upon them, unless they would grow wiser. But when he could not persuade them, he fought with them with those forces which he sent for out of Gilead, and he made a great slaughter among them; and when they were beaten, he pursued them, and seized on the passages of Jordan by a part of his army which he had sent before, and slew about forty-two thousand of them. 12. So when Jephtha had ruled six years, he died, and was buried in his own country, Sebee, which is a place in the land of Gilead. 13. Now, when Jephtha was dead, Ibzan took the government, being of the tribe of Judah, and of the city of Bethlehem. He had sixty children, thirty of them sons, and the rest daughters; all whom he left alive behin4 him, giving the daughters in marriage to husbands, and taking wives for his sons. He did nothing in the seven years of his ad- ^ ministration that was worth recording, or de- served a memorial. So he died an old man, and was buried in his own country. 14. When Ibzan was dead after this man- ner neither did Helon, who succeeded him | in the government, and kept it ten years, do any thing remarkable : he was of the tribe of Zebulon. 15. Abdon also, the son of Hilel, of the tribe of Ephraim, and born at the city Pyra- thon, was ordained their supreme governor after Helon. He is only recorded to have been happy in his children ; for the public affairs were then so peaceable, and in such security, that neither did he perform any glo- rious action. He had forty sons, and by them left thirty grand-children; and he marched in state with these seventy, who were all very skilful in riding horses; and he left them all alive after him. He died an old man, and obtained a magnificent burial in Pyrathon. CHAPTER VIII. CONCERNING THE FORTITUDE OF SAMSON, AND WHAT MISCHIEFS HE BROUGHT UPON THE PHILISTINES. § 1. After Abdon was dead, the Philistines overcame the Israelites, and received tribute of them for forty years; from which distress they were delivered after this manner: — . 2. There was one Manoah, a person of such great virtue, that he had few men his ^ equals, and without dispute the principal per- son of his country. He had a wife celebrated for her beauty, and excelling her contem- poraries. He had no children; and, being uneasy at his want of posterity, he entreated God to give them seed of their own bodies to succeed them ; and with that intent he cs*.me constantly into the suburbs,* together with his wife ; which suburbs were in the Great Plain. Now, he was fond of his wife to a degree of madness, and on that account waa unmeasurably jealous of her. Now, when hio wife was once alone, an apparition was seen by her: it was an angel of God, and resem- bled a young man, beautiful and tall, and brought her the good news, that she should have a son, born by God's providence, that should be a goodly child, of great strength ; by whom, when he was grown up to man's estate, the Philistines should be afflicted. He exhorted her also not to poll his hair, and that he should avoid all other kinds of drink (for so had God commanded), and be entirely contented with water. So the angel, when he had delivered that message, went his way, his coming having been by the will of God. 3. Now the wife informed her husband when he came home of what the angel had said, who showed so great an admiration ol the beauty and tallness of the young man that had appeared to her, that her husband was astonished, and out of himself for jealousy, and such suspicions as are excited by that passion; but she was desirous of having her husband's unreasonable sorrow taken a,w^y; accordingly, she entreated God to send the angel again, that he might be seen by her husband. So the angel came again by the fa- vour of God, while they were in the suburbs, and appeared to her when she was alone with- out her husband. She desired the angel to stay so long till she might bring her husband; and that request being granted, she goes to call Manoah. When he saw the angel he was not yet free from suspicion, and he desired him to inform him of all that he had told his wife; but when he said it was sufficient that she alone knew what he had said, he then re- quested of him to tell who he was, that when the child was born they might return him thanks, and give him a present. He replied that he did not want any present, for that he did not bring them the good news of the birth of a son out of the want of any thing; and when Manoah had entreated him to stay, and partake of his hospitality, he did not give his consent. However, he was persuaded, at the earnest request of Manoah, to stay ao long as while he brought him one mark of his hospi- tality; — so he slew a kid of the goats, and bid his wife boil it. When all was ready, the angel enjoined him to set the loaves and the * I can discover no reaion why Manoah and h!« wife cHine !«o constiintly into lliese suburlxi to pray for rhil- (ln-n. Ijtit hfcuiue there was a synagogue or place uf i1fvi.t>n:i ill th' b*" siibiirbt. CHAP. VIII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 147 flesh, but without the vessels, upon the rock ; which when they ha<i done, he touched the flesh with the rod which he had in his hand, which, upon the breaking out of a flame, was consumed, together with the loaves ; and the angel ascended openly, in their sight, up to heaven, by means of the smoke, as by a ve bids. Now JNianoah was afraid that some "danger would com« to them from this sight of God ; but his wife bade him be of good courage, for that God appeared to them for their benefit. 4. So the woman proved wth child, and was careful to observe the injunctions that were given her; and they called the child, when he was born, Samson, which name sig- nifies one that is strong. So the child grew apace ; and it appeared evidently that he would be a prophet,* both by the moderation of his diet, and the permission of his hair to grow. 5. Now when he once came with, his pa- rents to Timnath, a city of the Philistines, when there was a great festival, he fell in love with a maid of that country, and he desired of his parents that they would procure him the damsel for his wife: but they refused so to do, because she was not of the stock of Israel; yet because this marriage was of God, who intended to convert it to the benefit of the Hebrews, he over-persuaded them to pro- cure her to be espoused to him; and as he was continually coming to her parents, he met a lion, and though he was naked, he received his onset, and strangled him witb his hands, and cast the wild beast into a woody piece of ground on the inside of the road. 6. And when he was going another time to the damsel, he lit upon a swarm of bees making their combs in tiie breast of that lion; and taking three honey-combs away, he gave them, together with the rest of his presents, to the damsel. Now the people of Timnath, ■out of a dread of the young man's strength, f ave him during the time of the wedding- fejist (for he then feasted them all) thirty of the most stout of their youth, in pretence to be his companions, but in reality to be a guard upon him, that he might not attempt to give them any (^sturbance. Now as they were drinking merrily and playing, Samson said, as was usual at such times, " Come, if I pro- pose you a riddle, and you can expound it in these seven days' time, I will give you every one a ?inen shirt and a garment, as the reward of your wisdom." So they being very ambi- tious to obtain the glory of wisdom, together with the gains, desired him to propose his riddle: he said, " That a devourer produced gvveet food out of itself, though itself were very disagreeable:" — and when they were not • Here, by a prophft, Josephns seems only to one that wa» born by a particular providence, lived after the manner of a Nazarite devoted to God, and was to have an extraordinary commission and 8treni(th from God fur the jud<in(; and avrnt;in^ his people Israel, Viihool ai>y jM-oper propl>eiie re (relatione it ali. able, in three days' time, to find out the mean. ing of the riddle, they desired the damsel to discover it by the means of her husband, and tell it them ; and they threatened to burn her if she did not tell it them. So when the dam- sel entreated Samson to tell it her, he at first refused to do it; but when she lay hard at him, and fell into tears, and made his refu- sal to tell it a sign of his unkindness to her, he informed her of his slaughter of a lion, and how he foimd bees in his breast, and car- ried away three honey combs, and brought them to her. Thus he, suspecting nothing of deceit, informed her of all, and she revealed it to those that desired to know it. Then on the seventh day, whereon they were to ex- pound the riddle proposed to them, they met together before sun-setting, and said, " No- thing is more disagreeable than a lion to those that light on it; and nothing is sweeter than honey to those that make use of it." To which Samson made this rejoinder: "No- thing is more deceitful than a woman, for such was the person that discovered my interpreta- tion to you." Accordingly he gave them the presents he had promised them, making such Askelonites as met him upon the road his prey, who were themselves Philistines also. But he divorced this his wife; and the girl despised his anger, and was married to his companion, who made the former match be- tween them. 7. At this injurious treatment Samson was so provoked, that he resolved to pxmish aU the Philistines, as well as her: so it being then summer-time, and the friuts of the land being almost ripe enough for reaping, he caught three hundred foxes, and joining light- ed torches to their tails, he sent them into the fields of the Philistines, by which means the fruits of the fields perished. Now when the Philistines knew that this was Samson's doing, and knew also for what cause he did it, they sent their rulers to Timnath, and biu-nt his former wife, and her relations, who had been the occasion of their misfortimes. 8. Now when Samson had -slain many of the Philistines in the plain country, he dwelt at Etam, which is a strong rock of the tribe of Judah; for the Philistines at that time made an .expedition against that tribe: but the people of Judah said that they did not act justly with them, in inflicting ptinishments upon them while they paid their tribute, and this only on account of Samson's oflfences. They answered, that in case they would not be blamed themselves, they must deliver up Samson, and put him into their power. So they being desirous not to be blamed them- selves, came to the rock with three thousand armed men, and complained to Samson of the bold insults he had made upon the Philistines, who were men able to bring calamity upon the whole nation of the Hebrews; and they told him they were come to take him, and to 148 ANrrQtnTiES (fp the jews. BOOK ▼ deliver Eim up to them, and put him into their power ;. so they desired him to bear this will- ingly. Accordingly, when he had received assurance from them upon oath, that they would do him no other harm than only to deliver him into his enemies' hands^ he came down from the rock, and put himself into the power of hift coimtrymen. Then did they bind him with two cords, and led him on, in order to deliver him to the Philistines; and when they came to a certain place, which is now called the Jaw-bone^ on account of the great action there performed by Samson, though of old it had no particular name at aD, the Philistines, who had pitched their camp not far off, came to meet him wth joy and shouting, as having done a great thing, and gained what they desired; but Samson broke his bonds asunder,^ and catching up the jaw- bone of an ass that lay down at his feet, fell upon his enemies, and smiting them with his jaw-bone, slew a thousand of them, and put the rest to flight and into great disorder. 9. Upon this slaughter Samson was too proud of what he had performed, and said that this did not come to pass by the assist- ance of God, but that his success was to be ascribed to his own courage; and vaunted himself, that it was out of a dread of him that some of his enemies fell, and the rest ran away upon his use of the jaw-bone; but when a great thirst came upon him, he considered that human courage is nothing, and bare his testimony that all is to be ascribed to God, and besought him that he would not be angry at any thing he had said, nor give him up into the hands of his enemies, but afford him help under his affliction, and deliver him from the misfortune he was under. Accordingly, God was moved with his entreaties, and raised him up a plentiful fountain of sweet water at a certain rock; whence it was that Samson called the place the Jaw-bone* and so it is called to this day. 10. After this fight Samson held the Phil- istines in contempt, and came to Gaza, and took up his lodgings in a certain inn. When the rulers of Gaza were informed of his com- ing thither, they seized upon the gates, and placed men in ambush about them, that he might not escape without being ' perceived ; but Samson, who was acquainted with their contrivances against him, arose about mid- night, and ran by force upon the gates, with their posts and beams, and the rest of their wooden furniture, and carried them away on his shoulders, and bare them to the mountain that is over Hebron, and there laid them down. 11. However, he at length f transgressed • ThU foantain^ called Lehi, or the jaw-bone. Is still in being, as traTcIlers assure us, and was known by this rery nane in the days of Josephus, and has bee» known by the Mune name in all tbosa past ages. See Antiq. b. rii. chap. xii. sect. 4 + See this justly obsenred in the Apostolical Consti- tutions, b. vii. chap, xxxvii. that Samson's prayer was heard, Wt that it was before this bis transgrassioo. the laws of his country, and altered his own regular way of living, and imitated the strange customs of foreigners, which thing was the beginning of his miseries ; for he fell in love with a woman that was a harTot among the PhiEstines: her name was Dehl'ah, and he lived with her. So those that administered the public affairs of the Philistines came to her, and, with promises, induced her to get out of Samson vvBat was the cause of that his strength, by which he became uneonquerabli? to his enemies. Accordingly, when they were drinking, and had the like conversation together,, she pretended to admire the actions he had done, and contrived to get out of hii» by subtilty, by what means he so much excell- ed others in strength. Samson, in order to de- lude Delilah, for he had not yet lost his senses, replied, that if he were boimd wath seven such green ^viths of a vine as might still be wreathed, he should be weaker than any other man. The woman said no more then, but told this to the rulers of the Philistines, and hid certain of the soldiers in ambush vvithira the house; and when he was disordered ih drink and asleep, she bound him as fast as possible with the withs ; and then upon her awakening him, she told him some of the peo- ple were upon him; but he broke the withs> and endeavoured to defend himself, as though some of the people were upon him. Now this woman, in the constant conversation Sam- son had with her, pretended that she took it very ill that he had such little confidence in her affections to him, that he would not te3 her what she desired, as if she would not con- ceal what she knew it was for his interest t® have concealed. However, he deluded her again, and told her, that if they bound him with seven cords, he should lose his strength. And when upon doing this, she gained no^ thing, he told her tB« third time, that his haiu shoidd be woven into a web; but when, upon doing tliis, the truth was not yet discovered, at length Samson, upon Delilah's prayer (fo? he was doomed to fall into some affliction), was desirous to please her, and told her that God took care of him, and that he was born by his providence, and that " thence it is that I suffer my hair to grow, God having charged me never to poll my head, and thence my strength is according to the increase and con- tinuance of my hsiir." When she had learned thus much, and had deprived him of his hair, she delivered him up to his enemies, when he was not strong enough to defend himself from their attempts upon him ; so they put out his eyes, and bound him, and hard him led about among them. 12. But in process of time Samson's hair grew again. And there was a public festival among the Philistines, when the rtilcrs an<J those of themost eminent character were feast- ing together (now the room whereiti they were had its roof supported by two pillars); so thejf CHAP. IX. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 149 Bent for Samson, and he was brought to their feast, tLit they might insult him in their cups. Hereupon he, thinking it one of the greatest misfortunes, if he should not be able to re- venge himself when he was thus insulted, persuaded the bdfy that led him by the hand, that he was weary and wanted to rest himself, and desired he would bring him near the pil- lars; and as soon as he came to them, he rush- ed with force against them, and overthrevv the house, by overthrowing its pillars, with three thousand men in it, who were all slain, and Samson with them. And such was the end of this man, when he had ruled over the Is- raelites twenty years. And indeed this man deserves to be admired for his courage and strength, and magnanimity at his death, and that his wrath against his enemies went so far as to die himself with them. But as for his being ensnared by a woman, that is to be ascribed to human nature, which is too weak (o resist the temptations to that sin; but we ought to bear him witness, that in all other respects he was one of extraordinary virtue. But his kindred took away his body, and buried it in Sarasat, his own country, with the rest of his family. CHAPTER IX. HOW UNDER ELl's GOVEaNMENT OF THE IS- RAELITES, BOOZ MARRIED RUTH, FROM WHOM CAME OBED, THE GRANDFATHER OF DAVID. § 1. Now after the death of Samson, Eli the hij^h-priest was governor of the Israelites. Under him, when the country was afflicted with a famine, Elimelech of Bethlehem, which is a city of the tribe of Judah, being not able to support his family under so sore a distress, took with him Naomi his wife, and the children that were born to him by her, Chilion and Mahlon, and removed his habi- tation into the land of Mo^b ; and upon the happy prosperity of his affairs there, he took for his sons wives of the Moabites, Orpah for Chilion, and Ruth for Mahlon, But in the compass of ten years both Elimelech, and a little while after him, the sons died; and Naomi being very uneasy at these accidents, and not being able to bear her lonesome con- dition, now those that were dearest to her were dead, on whose account it was that she had gone away from her own country, she returned to it again, for she had been informed it was now in a flourishing condition. However, her daughters-in-law were not able to think of parting with her; and when they had a mind to go out of the country with her, she v'ould not dissuade them from it; but when they in listed upon it, she wished them a more happy nedlock than they had with her j^ons, and that they might have prosperity in other respects also; and seeing her own affairs were so low, she exhorted them to stay where they were, and not to thiflk of leaving their own country, and partaking with her of that uncertainty under which she must return. Accordingly Orpah staid behind ; but she took Ruth along with her, as not to be persuaded to stay behind her but would take her fortune with her, whatsc ^. ever it should prove. '^ 2. When Ruth was come with her mother- in-law to Bethlehem, Booz,who was nearof kin to Elimelech, entertained her; and when Na- omi was so called by her fellow-citizens, ac- cordingto her true name, she said, " You might more truly call me Mara." Now Naomi signi- fies in the Hebrew tongue happiness^ and Ma- ra, sorrow. It was now reaping time; and Ruth, by the leave of her mother-in-law, went out to glean, that they might get a stock of corn for their food. Now it happened that she came into Booz's field; and after some time Booz came thither, and when he saw the damsel he inquired of his servant that was set over the reapers, concerning the girl. The servant had a little before inquired about all her circum- stances, and told them to his master, who kind- ly embraced her, both on account of her affec- tion to her mother-in-law, and her remem- brance of that son of hers to whom she had been married, and wished that she might ex- perience a prosperous condition; so he desired her not to glean, but to reap what she was able, and gave her leave to carry it home. He also gave it in charge to that servant who was over the reapers, not to hinder her when she took it away, and bade him give her her din- ner, and make her drink when he did the like to the reapers. Now what corn Ruth received of him, she kept for her mother-in-law, and came to her in the evening, and brought the ears of corn with her; and Naomi had kept for her a part of such food as her neigh- bours had plentifully bestowed upon her. Ruth also told her mother-in-law what Booz had said to her; and when the other had in- formed her that he was near of kin to them, and perhaps was so pious a man as to make some provision for them, she went out again on the days following, to gather the gleanings with Booz's maid-servants. 3. It was not many days before Booz, after the barley was winnowed, slept in his thrash- ing-floor. When Naomi was informed of this circumstance, she contrived it so that Ruth should lie down by him, for she thought it might be for their advantage that he should discourse with the girl. Accordingly she sent the damsel to sleep at his feet; who went as she bade her, for she did not think it consist- >int with her duty to contradict any command of her mother-in-law. And at first she lay concealed from Rooz, as he was fast asleej) ; but when he awaked about midnight, and per- ceived a vvoiD.in lying by him, he asked who 150 ANTIQUITIES Of THE JEWS. BOOK V. she was; — and when she told him her name, and desired that he whom she owned for her lord would excuse her, he then said no more; but in the morning, before the servants began to set about their work, he awaked her, and bid her take as much barley as she was able to carry, and go to her mother-in-law before any body there should see that she had lain dowm by him, because it was but prudent to avoid any reproach that might arise on that account, especially when there had been no- thing done that was ill. But as to the main point she aimed at, the matter should rest here, — " He that is nearer of kin than I am, shall be asked whether he wants to take thee to \vife : if he says he does, thou shalt follow him; but if he refuse it, I will marry thee, according to the law." 4. When she had informed her mother-in- law of this, they were very glad of it, out of the hope they had that Booz would make pro- • vision for them. Now about noon Booz went down into the city, and gathered the senate together, and when he had sent for Ruth, he called for her kinsman also; and when he was come, he said, " Dost not thou retain the inheritance of Elimelech and his sons?" H<» confessed that he did retain it, and that he dio as he was permitted to do by the laws, be- cause he was their nearest kinsman. Then said Booz, " Thou must not remember the laws by halves, but do every thing accoiding to them; for the wife of Mahlon is come hither, whom thou must marry, according to the law, in case thou wilt retain their fields." So the man yielded up both the fields and the wife to Booz, who was himself of kin to those that were dead, as alleging that he had a wife already, and children also; so Booz called the senate to \vitness, and bid the woman to loose his shoe and spit in his face, according to the law; and when this was done Booz married Ruth, and they had a son within a year's time. Naomi was herself a nurse to this child; and by the advice of the women, called him Obed, as being to be brought up in order to be subservient to her in her old age, for GJjcd in the Hebrew dialect signifies a seivant. Thfe son of Obed was Jesse, and David \vas his son, who was king, and left his dominions to his sons for one-and-twenty generations. I was therefore obliged to re- late this history of Ruth, because I had a mind to demonstrate the power of God, who, without difficulty, can raise those that are of ordinary parentage to dignity and splen- dour, to which he advanced David, though he wtre bom of such mean parents. CHAPTER X. CONCERNING THE BIRTH OF SAMUEL; AND HOW HE FORETOLD THE CALAMITY THAT BEFELL THE SONS OF ELL § 1. And now upon the ill state of the af- fairs of the Hebrews, they made war again upon the Philistines. The occasion was this: Eli, the high-priest, had two sons, Hophni and Phineas. These sons of Eli were guilty of injustice towards men, and of impiety to- wards God, and abstained from no sort of wickedness. Some of their gifts they carried off, as belonging to the honourable employ- ment they had; others of them they took away by violence. They also were guilty of impurity with the women that came to wor- ship God [at the tabernacle], obhging some to submit to their lust by force, and enticing others by bribes; nay, the whole course of their lives was no better than tyranny. Their father therefore was angry at them for such their wickedness, and expected that God would suddenly inflict his punishments upon them for what they had done. The multitude took it heinously also: and as soon as God had foretold what calamity would be- fall Eli's sons, which he did both to Eli him- self and to Samuel the prophet, who was yet but a child, he operUy showed his sorrow for his sons* .destruction. 2. I will first dispatch what I have to say about the prophet Samuel, and after that wih proceed to speak of the sons of Eli, and the miseries they brought on the whole people of the Hebrews. Elcanah, a Levite, one of a middle condition among his fellow-citizens, and one that dwelt at Ramathaim, a city of the tribe of Ephraim, married two wives, Hannah and Peninnah. He had children by the latter; but he loved the other best, al- though she was barren. Now Elcanah came with his \vives to the city Shiloh to sacrifice, for there it was that the tabernacle of God was fixed, as we have formerly said. Now when, after he had sacrificed, he distributed at that festival portions of the flesh to liis wives and children, and when Hannah saw the other wife's children sitting round about their mother, she fell into tears, and lamented herself on account of her barrenness and lone- somcness; and sufilering her grief to prevail over her husband's consolations to her, she went to the tiibernacle to beseech God to give her seed, and to make her a mother; and to vow to consecrate the first son she shoull bear to the service of God, and this in .s\jch a way. that his manner of living should not be like that of ordinary men. And as she contimied at her prayers a lonir time, Eli, the high-priest, for he sat there before the tabernacle, bid her go away, thinking she had been disordered CHAP. XI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 151 with wine; but when she said she had drank water, but was in sorrow for want of children, , and was beseeching God for them, he bid her ' be of good cheer, and told her that God would s^nd hft? children. 3. So she came to her husband full of hope, and eat her meal with gladness. And Mhen they had returned to their own country she .'bind herself with child, and they had a fion born to them, to whom they gave the name of Samuel, which may be styled one that was asked of God. They therefore came to the tabernacle to offer sacrifice for the birth of the child, and brought their tithes with them; but the woman remembered the vow she had made concerning her son, and deli- vered him to Eli, dedicating him to God, that he might become a prophet. Accordingly, his hair was suffered to grow long, and his drink was water. So Samuel dwelt and was brought up in the temple. But Elcanah had other sons by Hannah, and three daughters. 4. Now when Samuel was twelve years old, he began to prophesy: and once when he was asleep, God called to him by his name; and he supposing he had been called by the high- priest, came to him: but when the high-priest said he did not call him, God did so thrice. Eli was then so far illuminated, that he said to hiia, " Indeed, Samuel, I was silent now as well as before: it is God that calls thee; do thou, therefore, signify it to him, and say I am here ready." So when he heard God speak again, he desired him to speak, and to deliver what oracles he pleased to him, for he would riot fail to perform any ministration whatsoever he should make use of him in; — to which God replied, " Since thou art here ready, learn what miseries are coming upon the Israelites, — such indeed as words cannot declare, nor faith believe ; for the sons of Eli shall die on one day, and the priesthood shall be traasierred into the family of Eleazar; for Eli hath loved his sons more than he hath loved my worship, and to such a degree, as is not for their advantage." Which message Eli obliged the prophet by oath to tell him, for otherwise he had no inclination to afflict him by telling it. And now Eli had a far more sure expectation of the perdition of his sons; but the glory of Samuel increased more and more, it being found by experience that whatsoever he prophesied came to pass accordingly.* * AlthcKigh there h!«i been a few occasional prophets fcefore, yet was this Sainin;! the first ot a constant 8uwe«- sion of prophets in the Jewish nation, as is. implied in St. Peter's words. Acts iii. i4: "Yea. and all ihe pro- pheU, troin Saravtel, and those that follow after, as many as Uve si>ol;eo, "kave likewise foretold of these days.'» S-^ alfri Arts xiii. ?0. The others were rather tsmes calked riglueous men. Matt. X. 41; xiii. 17. CHAPTER XL HEREIN IS DECLARED WHAT BEFELL THE SONS OF ELI, THE ARK, AND THE PEOPLE; AND HOW ELI HIMSELF DIED MISERABLY. § 1. About this tiiue it was that the Philis- tines made wstf against the Israelites, and pitched their camp at the city Aphek. Now when the Israelites had expected them a little while, the very next day they joined battle, and the Philistines were conquerors, and slew above four thousand of the Hebrews, and pursued the rest of the multitude to their camp. 2. So the Hebrews being rfraid of the worst, sent to the senate, and to the high- priest, and desired that they would bring the ark of God, that, by putting themselves in array, when it was present with them, they might be too hard for their enemies, as not reflecting that he who had condemned them to endure these calamities was greater than the ark, and for whose sake it was that this ark came to be honoured. So the ark can»e, and the sons of the high-priest with it, having re- ceived a charge from their father, that if they pretend to survive the taking of the ark, they should come no more into his presence ; for Phineas officiated already as high-priest, his father having resigned his office to him by reason of his great age. So the Hebrews were full of courage, as suppoang that, by the coming of the ark, they should be too hard for their enemies: their enemies also^ were greatly concerned, and were afraid of the ark's coming to the Israelites; however, the upshot did not prove agreeable to the ex- pectation of both sides, but when the battle was joined, that victory which the Hebrews expected was gained by the Philistines, and that defeat the Philistines were afraid of, fell to the lot of the Israelites, and thereby they found that they had put their trust in the ark in vain, for they were presently beaten as soon as they came to a close fight with their enemies, and lost about thirty thousand men, among whom were the sons of the high-priest ; but the ark was carried away by the enemies.- 3. AVhen the news of this defeat came to Shiloh, with that of the captivity of the ark (for a certain young man, a Benjamite, who was in the action, came as a messenger thither), the whole city was full of lamentations. And Eli, the high-priest, who sat upon a high throne at one of the gates, heard their mourn- ful cries, and supposed that some strange thing had befallen his family. So he sent for the young man; and when he understood what had happened in the battle, he was not much uneasy as to his sons, or what was told him withal about the army, as having before- hand known by divine revelation that those 153 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VI. things would happen, and having himself de- clared them beforehand, — for what sad things come unexpectedly they distress men the most; but as soon as [he heard] the ark was carried captive by their enemies, be was very much grieved at it, because it fell oat quite differ- ently from what he expected ; so he fell down from his throne and died, having in all lived ninety-eight years, and of them retained the government forty. 4. On the same day his son Phineas's wife died also, as not able to survive the misfor- tune of her husband; for they told her of her husband's death as she was in labour. How- ever, she bare a son at seven months, who lived, and to whom they gave the name of Icabod, which name signifies disgrace, — and this because the army received a disgrace at this time. 5. Now Eli was the first of the family of Ithamar, the other son of Aaron, that had the government; for the family of Eleazar offi- ciated as high- priest at first, the son still re- ceiving that honour from the father which Eleazar bequeathed to hrs son Phineas ; after whom Abiezer his son took the honour, and delivered it to his son, whose name was Buk- ki, from whom his son Ozi received it; after whom Eli, of whom we have been speaking, had the priesthood, and so he and his posterity until the time of Solomon's reign ; but then the posterity of Eleazar reassumed it. BOOK VI. eONTAININO THB INTERVAL OP THIRTY-TWO YEARS. FROM THE DEATH OF ELI TO THE DEATH OF SATTK CHAPTER T. THE DESTEUCTION THAT CAME UPON TKE PHILISTINES, AND UPON THEIR LAND, BY THE WRATH OF GOD, ON ACCOUNT OF THEIR HAVING CARRIED THE ARK AWAY CAPTIVE ; AND AFTER WHAT MANNER THEY SENT IT BACK TO THE HEBREWS. § 1. When the Philistines had taken the ark of the Hebrews captive, as I said a little be- fore, they carried it to the city of Ashdod, and put it by their own god, who was called Dagon,* as one of their spoils; but when they went into his temple the next morning to worship their god, they found hirif paying the same worship to the ark, for he lay along, as having &llen down from the basis whereon he had stood: so they took him up and set him on his basis again, and were much troubled at what bad happened ; and as they frequwitly came to Dagon and found him still lying along, in a posture of adoration to the ark, they were in very great distress and con- fusion. At length God sent a very destruc- tive disease upon the city and country of Ashdod, for they died of the dysentery or flux, a sore distemper, that brought death ypon them very suddenly; for before the soul * Oa«<m, a fkmoui maritime god or idol, it generally E posed to have been like a man above the navel, and a fltb beneath it. could, as usual in easy deaths, be well loosed from the body, they brought up their entrails, and vomited up what they bad eaten, which was entirely corrupted by the disease. And as to the fruits of their country, a great mul- titude of mice arose out of the earth and hurt them, and spared neither the plants nor the fruits. Now while the people of Ashdod were under these misfortunes, and were net able to support themselves under their cala- mities, they perceived that they suffered thus because of the ark, and that the victory they had gotten, and their having taken the ark captive, had not happened for their good ; they therefore sent to the people of Askelon, and desired that they would receive the ark among them. This desire of the people of Ashdod was not disagreeable to those of Askelon, so they granted them that favour. But when they had gotten the ark, they were in the same miserable condition; for the ark carried along with it the disasters that the people of AshdoJ had suffered, to those who received it from them. Those of Askelon also sent it a\v»y from themselves to others; nor did it sta) among those others neither; forsince they were pursued by the same disasters, they still sent it to the neighbouring cities; so that the ark went round, after this mi)niier, lo the five cities of the Philistines, as though it exacted these disasters as a tribute to be paid it for its coming among them. CHAP. I. ANTIQITlTTr:."^ OF TffR JKWS. 153 2. When those that had experienced these miseries were tired out with them, and when those that heard of them were taught thereby not to admit the ark among them, since they paid so dear a tribute for it, at length they sought for some contrivance and method how they might get free from it: so the governors of the five cities, Gath, and Ekron, and As- kelon, as also of Gaza, and Ashdod, met to- gether, and considered what was fit to be done ; and at first they thought proper to send the ark back to its own people, as allowing that God had avenged its cause ; that the miseries they had undergone came along with it, and that these were sent on their cities upon its account, and together with it. However, there were those that said, they should not do so, nor suffer themselves to be deluded, as ascri- bing the cause of their miseries to it, because it could not have such power and force up- on them ; for, had God had such a regard to it, it would not have been delivered into the hands of men: so they exhorted them to be quiet, and to take patiently what had befallen them, and to suppose there was no other cause of it but nature, which, at certain revolutions of time, produces such mutations in the bodies of men, in the earth, in plants, and in all things that grow out of the earth. But the counsel that prevailed over those already de- scribed, was that of certain men, who were believed to have distinguished themselves in former times for their understanding and pru- ilence, and who, in their present circumstan- ces, seemed above all the rest to speak pro- perly. These men said, it was net right either to send the ark away, or to retain it, but to dedicate five golden images, one for every city, as a thank-offering to God, on account of his having taken care of their preservation, and having kept them alive when their lives were likely to be taken away by such distem- pers as they were not able to bear up against. They also would have them make five golden mice like to those that devoured and destroyed their country,* to put them in a bag, and lay them upon the ark; to make them a new cart also for it, and to yoke milch kine to it;t but to shut up their calves, and keep them from them, lest, by following after them, they should prove a hinderance to their dams, and that • Spanheim informs us here, that upon the coins of Tc- nedos, and those of other cities, a field-mouse is engraven, together with Apollo SminUieus, or, Apollo, the driver away of field-mict^ on account of his lieing supposed to hiive freed certain trictit of eroiinrt from tho!«p mire; which coins show how great a jnilgnient such mice have sometimes been, and how the deliverance from them was then esteemed the etfect of a divine power; which obser- vations are highly suitable to this history. + This derice of the Philistines, of having a yoke of kine to draw this cart, into which they put the ark of the Hebrews, is greatly illustrated by Sanchoniatho's ac- count, under his ninth generation, that Agrouerus. or Agiotes, the husbandman, had a much worshipped statue and temple, carrir-d about by one or more yoke of oxen, or kine, in Phcenicia, in the neighbourhood ol these Phi- listines. See Cumberlan I's Sanchoniatho, pp. '27 and 347 i and Es^ay on the Old Testament, A pp. p. 172. the dams might return the fa.ster out of a de- sire of those calves ; then to drive these milch kine that carried the ark, and leave it at a place where three ways met, and to leave it to the kine to go along which of those ways they pleased ; that in case they went the way to the Hebrews, and ascended to their coun- try, they should suppose that the ark was the cause of their misfortunes; but if they turned into another road, they said, " We will pursue after it, and conclude that it has no such force in it." 3. So they determined that these men spake well; and they immediately confirmed their opinion by doing accordingly. And when they had done as has been already described, they brought the cart to a place where three ways met, and left it there, and went their ways ; but the kine went the right way, and as if some persons had driven them, while the rulers of the Philistines followed after them, as desirous to know where they woidd stand still, and to whom they would go. Now there was a certain village of the tribe of Judah, the name of which was Bethshemesh, and to that village did the kine go ; and though there was a great and good plain before them to proceed in, they went no farther, but stopped the cart there. This was a sight to those of that village, and they were very glad; for it being then summer-time, and all the inhabi- tants being then in the fields gathering in their fruits, they left off the labours of their hands for joy, as soon as they saw the ark, and ran to the cart, and taking the ark down, and the vessel that had the images in it, and the mice, they set them upon a certain rock which was in the plain; and when they had offered a splendid sacrifice to God, and feast- ed, they offered the cart and the kine as a burnt-offering: and when the lords of the Philistines saw this, they returned back. 4. But now it was that t^e wrath of God overtook them, and struck seventy persons J of the village of Bethshemesh dead, who, not being priests, and so not worthy to touch the ark, had approached to it. Those of that vil- lage wept for these that had thus suffered, and made such a lamentation as was naturally to be expected on so great a misfortune thiit was sent from God; and everyone mourned for his own relation. And since they acknow- ledged themselves unworthy of the ark's abode Math them, they sent to the public ?ena»e of the Israelites, and informed them th«»*, th*' a'k was restored by the Philistines ; which when they knew, they brought it away to Kirjath- jearim, a city in the neighbourhood of Beth- t These seventy men, being not so much as Invites, touched the ark in a rash or profane manner, and were slain by th» hand of Gou lur such their rashness and profaneness, according to the divine threatenings, Numb, iv. l.j. 20; but how our other copies come to add such an incredible number as fifty thousand in this one town ot small city, I know not. See Dr. Wall's Critical Note* ou 1 .Sam. vL 19. i54 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK TI. sLemesh. In this city lived one Abinadab, by birth a Levite, and who was greatly com- mended for his righteous and religious course of life ; so they brought the ark to his house, as to a place fit for iGod himself to abide in, since therein did inhabit a righteous man. His sons also ministered to the divine service at the ark, and were the principal curators of it for twenty years ; for so many years it continued in Kirjathjearim, having been but four months with the Philistines. CHAPTER II. THE EXPEDITION OF THE PHILISTINES AGAINST THE HEBREWS, AND THE HEBREWS* VICTORY UNDER THE CONDUCT OF SAMUEL THE PRO- PHET, WHO WAS THEIR GENERAL. § 1. Now while the city of Kirjathjearim had the ark with them, the whole body of the peo- ple betook themselves all that time to offer prayers and sacrifices to God, and appeared greatly concerned and zealous about his wor- ship. So Samuel the prophet, seeing how ready they were to do their duty, thought this H proper time to speak to them, vi'hile they were in this good disposition, about the reco- very of their liberty, and of the blessings that accompanied the same. Accordingly he used such words to them as he thought were most likely to excite that inclination, and to per suade them to attempt it: " O you Israelites,'' said he, " to whom the Philistines are still grievous enemies, but to whom God begins to be gracious, it behoves you not only to be de- sirous of liberty, but to take the proper me- thods to obtain it. Nor are you to be con- tented with an inclination to get clear of your lords and masters, while you still do what will procure your continuance under them. Be righteous then, and cast wickedness out of your souls, and by your worship supplicate the Divine Majesty with all your hearts, and persevere in the honour you pay to him; for if you act thus, you will enjoy prosperity ; you will be freed from your slavery, and will get the victory over your enemies : which bless- ings it is not possible you should attain, either by weapons of war, or by the strength of your bodies, or by the multitude of your assistants; tor God has not promised to grant these bless- ings by those means, but by being good and righteous men; and if you will be such, I will be security to you for the performance of God's promises." When Samuel had said thus, the multitude applauded his discourse, and were pleased with his exhortation to them, and gavt their consent to resign themselves up to do what was pleasing to God. So Samuel gathered them together to a certain city called Mizpeh, which, in the Hebrew tongue, 9\gi\\- fie* fk watch 'tower t there they drew water, and poured it out to God, and fasted all day, and betook themselves to their prayers. 2. This their assembly did not escape the notice of the Philistines : so when they had learned that so large a company had met to- gether, they fell upon the Hebrews witii a great army and mighty forces, as hoping to assault them when they did not expect it, nor were prepared for it. This thing affrighted the Hebrews, and put them into disorder and terror ; so they came running to Samuel, and said that their souls were sunk by their fears, and by the former defeat they had received, and " that thence it was that we lay still, lest we should excite the power of our enemies against us. Now while thou hast brought us hither to oflfer up our prayers and sacrifices, and take oaths [to be obedient], our enemies are making an expedition against us, M'hile we are naked and unarmed; wherefore we have no other hope of deliverance but that by thy means, and by the assistance God shall af- ford us upon thy prayers to him, we shall obtain deliverance from the Philistines." Hereupon Samuel bade them be of good cheer, and pro- mised them that God would assist them; and taking a sucking lamb, he sacrificed it for the multitude, and besought God to hold his pro- tecting hand over them when they should fight with the Philistines, and not to overlook them, nor suffer them to come under a second mis- fortune. Accordingly God hearkened to his prayers, and accepting their sacrifice with a gracious intention, and such as was disposed to assist them, he granted them victory and power over their enemies. Now while tl e altar had the sacrifice of God upon it, and had not yet consumed it wholly oy its sacred fire, the enemy's army marched out of their camp, and was put in order of battle, and this in hope that they should be conquerors, since the Jews* were caught in distressed circumstan- ces, as neither having their weapons with them, nor being assembled there in order to fight. But thing? so fell out, that they would hardly have been credited though they had been fore- told by any body; for, in the first place, God disturbed their enemies with an earthquake, and moved the ground under them to such a degree, that he caused it to tremble, and made them to shake, insomuch that by its trembling, he made some unable to keep their feet, and made them fall down, and, by opening its chasms, he caused that others sbou'id be hur- ried down into them; aftor whifh he caused such a noise of thunder to come among them, and made fiery lightning shine so terribly round about them, that it was ready to burn their faces; and he so suddenly shook tVicir weapons out of their hands, that he mH''e them fly and return home naked. So Samuel ♦ This is the first pjare, so far as I rememher, it th^se Antiquities, where .loscphns h«j(n8 to call nis nattun Jews, he havine hitherto nsnally. if not constantly, ralict' them either Hebrews or Israel t en. The second pltUHl ■oun foliowi, sec also chao iii. Mrr.t. A. CHAP. III. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 155 M'ith the multitude pursued them to Bethcar, a place so called ; and there he set up a stone as a boundary of their victory and their ene- mies* flight, and called it the Stone of Power, as a signal of that power God had given thena a^iinst their enemies. 3. So the Philistines, after this stroke, made no mce expeditions against the Israelites, but Li}- still out of fear, and out of remembrance of what had befallen them : and what courage the Philistines had formerly against the He- brews, that, after this victory, was transferred to the Hebrews. Samuel also made an expe- dition against the Philistines, and slew many of them, and entirely humbled their proud hearts, and took from them that country, which, when they were formerly conquerors in battle, they had cut off from the Jews, which ^vas the country that extended from the borders of Gath to the city of Ekron : but the remains of the Canaanites were at this time in friendship with the Israelites. CHAPTER TIL HOW SAMUEL, WHEN HE WAS SO INFIRM WITH OLD AGE THAT HE COULD NOT TAKE CARE OF THE PUBLIC AFFAIRS, INTRUSTED THEM TO HIS SONS; AND HOW, UPON THE EVIL ADMINISTRATION OF THE GOVERNMENT BY THEM, THE MULTITUDE WERE SO ANGRY, THAT THEY REQUIRED TO HAVE A KING TO GOVERN THEM, ALTHOUGH SAMUEL WAS MUCH DISPLEASED THEREAT. § 1. But Samuel the prophet, when he had ordered the affairs of the people after a con- venient manner, and had appointed a city for every district of them, he commanded them to come to such cities, to have the controversies that they had one with another determined in them, he himself going over those cities twice in a year, and doing them justice; and by hat means he kept them in very good order for a long time. 2. But afterwards he found himself op- pressed with old age, and not able to do what he used to do, so he committed the govern, ment and the care of the multitude to his sons, — the elder of whom was called Joel, and the name of the younger was Abiah. He also enjoined them to reside and judge the people, the one at the city of Bethel, and the other at he?rsheba, and divided the people into dis- tricts that should be under the jurisdiction of each of them. Now these men afford us an evident example and demonstration how some children are not> of the hke dispositions with their parents; but sometimes perhaps good and moderate, though born of wicked parents; miQ sometimes showing themselves to be wick- ed, though born of good parents: for these men turninjj aside from their father's good courses, and taking a course that was contrary to them, perverted justice for the filthy lucre of gifts and bribes, and made their determi^ nations not according to truth, but according to bribery, and turned aside to luxury, and a costly way of hving; so that as, in the first place, they practised what was contrary to the will of God, so did they, in the second place, what was contrary to the will of the prophet their father, who had taken a ^reat deal ot care, and made a very careful provision that the multitude should be righteous. 3. But the people, upon these injuries offered to their former constitution and go- vernment by the prophi-t's sens, were very un- easy at their acttioiis, and came running to the prophet who then lived at the city Ramah, and informed him of the transgressions of his sons; and said. That, as he was himself old already, and too infirm by that age of his to oversee their affairs in the manner he used to do, so they begged of him, and entreated him, to appoint some person to be king over them, who might rule over the nation, and avenge them of the Philistines, who ought to be punish- ed for their former oppressions. These words greatly afflicted Samuel, on account of his in- nate love of justice, and his hatred to kingly government, for he was very fond of an aris- tocracy, as what made the men that used it of a divine and happy disposition; nor could he either think of eating or sleeping, out of his concern and torment of mind at what they had said, but all the night long did he continue awake, and revolved these notions in his mind. 4. While he was thus disposed, God ap- peared to him, and comforted him, saying. That he ought not to be uneasy at what the multitude desired, because it was not he, but Himself whom they so insolently despised, and would not have to be alone their king: that they had been contriving these things from the very day that they came out of Egj'pt; that however in no long time they would sorely repent of what they did, which repentance yet could not undo what was thus done for futu- rity: that they would be sufficiently rebuked for their contempt, and the ungrateful con- duct they have used towards me, and towards thy prophetic office. " So I command thee to ordain them such a one as I shall name be- forehand to be their king, when thou hast first described what mischiefs kingly government will bring upon them, and openly testified before them into what a great change of affairs they are hasting." 5. When Samuel had heard this, he called the Jews early in the morning, and confessed to them that he was to ordain them a king; but he said that he was first to describe to them what would follow, what treatment they would receive from their kings, and with how many mischiefs they must struggle. " For know ye," said he, "that, in the first place, they will take your sons away from you, and 156 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VI, tliey will command some of them to be dri- vers of their chariots, and some to be their horsemen, and the guards of their body, and others of them to be runners before them, and captains of thousands, and captains of hun- dreds ; they will also make them their artifi- cers, makers of armour, and of chariots, and of instruments; they will make them their hus- bandmen also and the curators of their own fields, and the diggers of their own vineyards; nor wiU there be any thing which they will not do at their commands, as if they were slaves bought with money. They wall also appoint your daughters to be confectioners, and cooks, and bakers ; and these will be ob- liged to all sorts of work which women slaves that are in fear of stripes and torments submit to. They will, besides this, take away your possessions, and bestow them upon their eunuchs, and the guards of their bodies, and wiU give the herds of your cattle to their own servants : and to say briefly all at once, you, and all that is yours, will be servants to your king, and will become no way superior to his slaves ; and when you suflfer thus, you will thereby be put in mind of what I now say ; and when you repent of what you have done, you will beseech God to have mercy upon you, and to grant you a quick deliver- ance from your kings ; but he will not accept your prayers, but will neglect you, and permit you to suflfer the punishment your evil con- duct has deserved." 6. But the multitude was still so foolish as to be deaf to these predictions of what would befall them ; and too peevish to suffer a de- termination which they had injudiciously once made, to be taken out of their mind; for they could not be turned from their purpose, nor did they regard the words of Samuel, but per- emptorily insisted on their resolution, and de- sired him to ordain them a king immediately, and not to trouble himself with fears of what would happen hereafter, for that it was ne- cessary they should have with them one to fight their battles, and to avenge them of their enemies, and that it was no way absurd, when their neighbours were under kingly govern- ment, that they should have the same form of government also. So when Samuel saw that what he had said had not diverted them from their purpose, but that they continued reso- lute, he said, " Go you every one home for the present; when it is fit I will send for you, as soon as 1 shall have learned from God who it is that he will give you for your king." CHAPTER IV. THE APPOINTMENT OF A KING OVER THE ISRAELITES, WHOSE NAME WAS SAUL; AND THIS BY THE COMMAND OF GOD. § 1. There was one of the tribe of Benjamin, a man of a good family, and of a virtuous disposition: his name was Kish. He had a son, a young man of a comely countenance, and of a tall body, but his understanding and his mind were preferable to what was visible in him: they called him Saul. Now this Kish had some fine she-asses that were wan- dered out of the pasture wherein they fed, for he was more delighted with these than with any other cattle he had, so he sent out his son, and one servant with him, to search for the beasts; but when he had gone over his own tribe in search after the asses, he went to other tribes; and when he found them not there neither, he determined to go his way home, lest he should occasion any concern to his father about himself; but when his ser- vant that followed him told him as they were near the city of Ramah, that there was a true prophet in that city, and advised him to go to him, for that by him they would know the upshot of the affair of their asses, he replied, That if they should go to him, they had no- thing to give him as a reward for his pro- phecy, for their subsistence-money was spent. The servant answered, that he bad still the fourth part of a shekel, and he would present him with that; for they were mistaken out of ignorance, as not knowing that the prophet received no such reward.* So they went to him; and when they were before the gates, they lit upon certain maidens that were go- ing to fetch water; and they asked them which was the prophet's house. They showed them which it was ; and bid them make haste before he sat down to supper, for he had invited many guests to a feast, and that he used to sit down before those tliat were in- vited. Now Samuel had then gathered many together to feast with him on this . very ac- •count; for while he every day prayed to God to tell him beforehand whom he would make- king, he had informed him of this man the day before, for that he would send him a cer- tain young man out of the tribe of Benjamin about this hour of the day : and he sat on the top of the house in expectation of that time's being come. And when the time was com- pleted, he came down and went to supper; >o he met with Saul, and God discovered to him that this was he who should rule over them. Then Saul went up to Samuel and • Of this great mistake of Saul anil iiis servant, as if n true prophet o( God woiijii iicc* pi of u gift or prj-sj-iit f. r foretellinK what was desirt d of him tee tlie note on b. iv. cb. vi. sect 2 CHAP. IV. ANTIQUITIES OF TUK JKWS. 137 saluted him, and desired him to inform hitn which was the prophet's house; for he said he was a stranger and did not know it. When Samuel had told him that he himself was the person, he led him in to supper, and assured him that the asses were found which he had been to seek, and that the greatest of good things were assured to him: he replied, "I am too inconsiderable to hope for any such thing, and of a tribe too small to have kings made out of it, and of a family smaller than several other families; but thou tellest me this in jest, and makest me an object of laughter, when thou discoursest with me of greater matters than what I stand in need of." However, the prophet led him in to the feast, and made him sit down, him and his servant that followed him, above the other guests that were invited, which were seventy in number;* and he gave orders to the servants to set the royal portion before Saul. And when the time of going to bed was come, the rest rose up, and every one of them went home ; but Saul staid \vith the prophet, he and his servant, and slept with him. 2. Now as soon as it was day, Samuel raised up Saul out of his bed, and conducted him homeward ; and when he was out of the city, he desired him to cause his servant to go be- fore, but to stay behind himself, for that he had somewhat to say to him, when nobody else was present. Accordingly, Saul sent away his servant that followed him; then did the prophet take a vessel of oil, and poured it upon the head of the young man, and kissed him, and said, " Be thou a king, by the ordi- nation of God, against the Philistines, and for avenging the Hebrews for what they have suffered by them; of this thou shalt have a sign, which I would have thee take notice of: — As soon as thou art departed hence, thou wilt find three men upon the road, going to worship God at Bethel; the first of whom <hou wilt see carrying three loaves of bread, the second carrying a kid of the goats, and tlie third will follow them carrying a bottle of wine. These three men will salute thee, and speak kindly to thee, and will give thee two of their loaves, which thou shalt accept of. And thence thou shalt come to a place called Ra- chel's Monument, where thou shak meet with those that will tell thee thy asses are found ; after this, when thou comest to Gabatha, thou shalt overtake a company of prophets, and thou shalt be seized with the divine spirit, t and prophesy along with tnem, till every one that • It seems to me not improbable that these sieventy jfuest? of Samuel, as here, with himself at the heart of them, were a Jewish «anhedrim, and that hereby Samuel intimated to Saul that these seventy-one were to be his constant counseMors, and that he was to act not like a sole monarch, but with (he advice and direction of these seventy-one members of the Jewish sanhedrim iifion all occasions, which yet we never read that he consulted afterward. + An instance of this divine fury we have after this in Saul, chap. v. sect 2, 3; 1 Sam. xi. 6.. See the like, Judges iu. lU, tL 34, xi. 29, xiii. '2d, &ud xiv. 6. sees thee shall be astonished, and wonder, and say, Whence is it that the son of Kish has arrived at this degree of happiness? And when these signs have happened to thee, know that God is with thee; then do thou salute thy father and thy kindred. Thou shalt also come when I send for thee to Gilgal, that we may offer thank-offerings to God for these bless- ings " When Samuel had said this, and fore- told these things, he sent the young man away. Now all things fell out to Saul according to the prophecy of Samuel. 3. But as soon as Saul came into the house of his kinsman Abner, whom indeed he loved better than the rest of his relations, he was asked by him concerning his journey, and what accidents happened to him therein; and he. concealed none of -the other things from him, no, not his coming to Samuel the prophet, nor how he told him the asses were found ; but he said nothing to him about the kingdom, and what belonged thereto, which bethought would procure him envy, and when such things are heard, they are not easily believed; nor did he tliink it prudent to tell those things to him, although he appeared very friendly to him, and one whom he loved above the rest of his relations, considering, I suppose, what human nature really is, that no one is a firm friend, neither among our intimates nor of our kin- dred; nor do they preserve that kind disposi- tion when God advances men to great pros- perity, but they are still ill-natured and en- vious at those that are in eminent stations. 4. Then Samuel called the people together to the city oNIizpeh, and spake to them in the words following, which he said he was to speak by the command of God: — That when he had granted them a state of liberty, and brought their enemies into subjection, they were be- come unmindful of his benefits, and rejected God that he should not be their king, as not considering that it would be most for their ad- vantage to be presided over by the best of be- ings, for God is the best of beings, and they chose to have a man for their king, while kings will use their subjects as beasts, according to the violence of their own \\'ills and inclinations, and other passions, as wholly carried away with the lust of power, but ^^'ill not endeavour so to preserve the race of mankind as his o\vn work- manship and creation, which, for that very reason, God would take care of. "But since you have come to a fixed resolution, and this injurious treatment of God has quite prevailed over you, dispose yourselves by your tribes and sceptres, and cast lots." 5. When the Hebrews had so done, the lot fell upon the tribe of Benjamin; and when the lot was cast for the families of this tribe, that which was called Matri was taken; and when the lot was cast for the single persons of that family, Saul, the son of Kish, was taken for their king. "When the young man knew this, he prevented [their s«»nding for him]. 158 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VI end immediately went away and hid himself. I suppose that it was because he would not have it thought that he willingly took the go- vernment upon him; nay, he showed such a degree of command over himself, and of mo- desty, that while the greatest part are not able to contain their joy, even in the gaining of small advantages, but presently show them- selves publicly to all men, this man did not only show nothing of that nature, when he was appointed to be the lord of so many and so great tribes, but crept away and concealed himself out of the sight of those he was to reign over, and made them seek him, and that with a good deal of trouble. So when the people were at a loss, and solicitous, because Saul disappeared, the prophet besought God to show where the young man was, and to produce him before them." So when they had learned of God the place where Saul was hidden, they sent men to bring him ; and when he was come, they set him in the midst of the multitude. Now he was taller than any of them, and his stature was very ma- jestic. 6. Then said the prophet, " God ^ves you this man to be your king: see how he is higher than any of the people, and worthy of this dominion." So as soon as the people had made acclamation, God save the King, the prophet wrote down what would come to pass in a book, and read it in the hearing of the king, and laid up the book in the tabernacle of God, to be a witness to future generations of what he had foretold. So when Samuel had finished this matter, he dismissed the mul- titude, and came himself to the city Ramah, for it was his own country. Saul also went away to Gibeah, where he was born ; and many good men there were who paid him the respect that was due to him; but the greater part were ill men, who despised him and de- rided the others, who neither did bring him presents, nor did they in affection, or even in words, regard to please him. CHAPTER V. SAUL*8 EXPEDITION AGAINST THE NATION OF THE AMORITES, AND VICTORY OVER THEM, AND THE SPOILS HE TOOK FROM THEM. § 1. After one montli, the war which Saul had with Nahash, the king of the Ammonites, obtained him respect from all the people; for this Nahash had done a great deal of mischief to the Jews that lived beyond Jordan by the expedition he had made against them with a great and warlike army. lie also reduced their cities into slavery, and that not only by Kubduing them for the present, which he did by force and violence, but by weakening them by subtilty and cunning, that they might not be able afterward to gtt clear of the slavery they were under to him: for he put out the right eyes* of those that either delivered themselves to him upon terms, or were taken by him in war; and this he did, that when their left eyes were covered by their shields, they might be wholly useless in war. Now when the king of the Ammonites had served those beyond Jordan in this manner, he led his army against those that were called Gilead- lies; and having pitched his camp at the rre tropolis of his enemies, which was the city of Jabesh, he sent ambassadors to them, com- manding them either to deliver themselves up, on condition to hav« their right eyes plucked out, or to undergo a siege, and to have their cities overthrown. He gave them their choice. Whether they would cut off a small member of their body, or universally perish. How- ever, the Gileadites were so affrighted at these offers, that they had not courage to say any thing to either of them, neither that they would deliver themselves up, nor that they would fight him ; but they desired that he would give them seven days respite, that they might send ambassadors to their countrymen, and entreat their assistance; and if they came to assist them they would fight ; but if that assistance were impossible to be obtained from them, thc-y said they would deliver themselves up to suffer whatever he pleased to inflict upon them. 2. So Nahash, contemning the multitude of the Gileadites and the answer they gave, al- lowed them a respite, and gave them leave to send to whomsoever they pleased for assist- ance. So they immediately sent to the Is- raelites, city by city, and informed them what Nahash had threatened to do to them, and what great distress they were in. Now the people fell into tears and grief at the hearing of what the ambassadors from Jabesh said ; and the terror they were in permitted them to do nothing more ; but when the messengers were come to the city of king Saul, and de- clared the dangers in which the inhabitants of Jabesh were, the people were in the same af- fliction as those in the other cities, for they la- mented the calamity of those related to them; and when Saul was returned from his hus- bandry into the city, he found his fellow-citi- zens weeping; and when, upon inquiry, be had learned the cause of the confusion and sadness they were in, he was seized with a divine fury, and sent away the ambassadors from the inh'abitdnts of Jabesh, and promised them to come to their assistance on the tliird day, and to beat their enemies before sun-ris- ing, that the sun upon its rising might see that they had already conquered, aud were • Take here Theodoret'« note, cited by Dr. Hudsnn: — " Hf that exposes his shieM to the enemy wi^. .lia left hand, thereby hides Win li-ft eye, and Ixik" j* •'•e enemy with hit riitlit eye; he Iherelore that phlCka v.i that eyt mnkei loen tiaelcit in war.* CHAP. V. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEW&. 169 freed from the fears they were under; but he bid some of them stay to conduct them the right way to Jabesh. 3. So being desirous to turn the people to this war against the Ammonites by fear of the losses they should otherwise undergo, and that they might the more suddenly be gathered together, he cut the sinews of his oxen, and threatened to do the same to all such as did not come with their armour to Jordan the next day, and follow him and Samuel the prophet whithersoever they should lead them. So they came together, out of fear of the losses they were threatened with, at the appointed time; and the multitude were numbered at the city Bezek; and he found the number of those that were gathered together, besides that of the tribe of Judah, to be seven hundred thou- sand, while those of that tribe were seventy thousand. So he passed over Jordan and pro- ceeded in marching all that night, thirty fur- longs, and came to Jabesh before sun-rising. So he divided the army into three companies ; and fell upon their enemies on every side on the sudden, and when they expected no such thing; and joining battle with them, they slew a great many of the Ammonites, as also their king Nahash. This glorious action was done by Saul, and was related with great commen- dation of him to all the Hebrews: and ho thence gained a wonderful reputation for his valour ; for although there were some of them that contemned him before, they now changed their minds, and honoured him, and esteemed him as the best of men : for he did not con- tent himself with having saved the inhabitants of Jabesh only, but he made an expedition into the country of the Ammonites, and laid it all waste, and took a large prey, and so re- turned to his own country most gloriously ; so the people were greatly pleased at these ex- cellent performances of Saul, and rejoiced that they had constituted him their king. They also made a clamour against those that pre- tended he would be of no advantage to their affairs ; and they said, Where now are these men? — let them be brought to punishment, with all the like things that multitudes usually say when they are elevated with prosperity against those that lately had despised the au- thors of it ; but Saul, although he took the good- will and the affection of these men very kindly, yet did he swear that he would not seo any of his countrymen slain that day, since it was absurd to mix this victory, which God had given them, with the blood and slaughter of those that were of the same lineage ui^h themselves; and thai it was more agree- abl.* to be men of a friendly disposition, and so to betake themselves to feasting. 4. And when Samuel had told them that he 0'>'ght to cojifirm the kingdom to Saul by a seror.d ordination of him, they all came to- gether to the city of Gilgal, for thither did he ccramand them t;» come. So the prophet anointed Saul with the holy oil in the sight of the multitude, and declared him to be king the second time ; and so the government of the Hebrews was changed into a regal govern- ment ; for in the days of Moses and his dis- ciple Joshua, who was their general, th^ continued under an aristocracy; but after the death of Joshua, for eighteen years in all, the multitude had no settled form of government, but were in an anarchy; after which they re- turned to their former government, they then permitting themselves to be judged by him who appeared to be the best warrior and most courageous, whence it was that they called this interval of their government the Judges. 5. Then did Samuel the prophet call ano- ther assembly also, and said to them, " I so- lemnly adjure you by God Almighty, who brought those excellent brethren, I mean Mo- ses and Aaron, into the world, and delivered our fathers from the Egyptians, and from the slavery they endured under them, that you will not speak what you say to gratify me, nor suppress any thing out of fear of me, nor be overborne by any other passion, but say. What have I ever done that was cruel or un- just? or what have I done out of lucre or covetousness, or to gratify others? Bear wit- ness against me, if I have taken an ox or a sheep, or any such thing, which yet when they are taken to support men, it is esteemed blame- less; or have I taken an ass for mine own use of any one to his grief? — lay some one such crime to my charge, now we are in your king's presence." But they cried out, that no such thing had been done by him, but that he had presided over the nation after a holy and righteous manner. 6. Hereupon Samuel, when such a testi- mony had been given him by them all, said, " Since you grant that you are not able to lay any ill thing to my charge hitherto, come on now, and do you hearken while I speak with great freedom to you. You have been guilty of great impiety against God, in asking you a king. It behoves you to remember, that our grandfather Jacob came down into Egypt, by reason of a famine, with seventy souls only of our family, and that their posterity multi- plied there to many ten thousands, whom the Egyptians brought into slavery and hard op- pression; that God himself, upon the prayers of our fathers, sent Moses and Aaron, who were brethren, and gave them power to de- liver the multitude out of their distress, and this without a king. These brought us into this very land which you now possess; and when you enjoyed these advantages from God. you betrayed his worship and religion ; nay, moreover, when you were brought under the hands of your enemies, he delivered you, first by rendering you superior to the Assyrians and their forces, he then made you to over- come t^e Ammonites and the Moabites, and last of all the Philistines ; and these things IdO ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. fiOdK Vl have been achieved under the conduct of Jephtha and Gideon. What madness there fore possessed you to fly from God, and to desire to be under a king' — yet have I or- dained him for king whom he chose for you. However, that I may make it plain to you that God is angry and displeased at your choice of kingly government, I will so dispose him that he shall declare this very plainly to you by strange signals; for what none of you ever saw here before, I mean a winter storm in the midst of harvest,* I will entreat of God, and will make it visible to you." Now, as soon as he had said this, God gave such great signals by thunder and lightning, and the descent of hail, as attested the truth of all that the prophet had said, insomuch that they were amazed and terrified, and confessed they had sinned, and had fallen into that sin through ignorance ; and besought the prophet, as one that was a tender and gentle father to them, to render God so merciful as to forgive this their sin, which they had added to those other offences whereby they had affronted him and transgressed against him. So he promised them that he would beseech God, and per- suade him to forgive them these their sins. How- ever, he advised them to be righteous, and to be good, and ever to remember the miseries that had befallen them on account of their departure from virtue: as also to remember the strange signs God had shown them, and the body of laws that Moses had given them, if they had any desire of being preserved and made happy with their king: but he said, that if they should grow careless of these things, great judgments would come from God upon them, and upon their king: and when Sam- uel had thus prophesied to the Hebrews, he dismissed them to their own homes, having confirmed the kingdom to Saul the second time. CHAPTER VI. HOW THE PHILISTINES MADE ANOTHER EX- PEDITION AGAINST THE HEBREWS, AND WERE BEATEN. § 1. Now Saul chose out of the multitude about three thousand men, and he took two thousand of them to be the guards of his own body, and abode in the city Bethel, but he gave the rest of them to Jonathan his son, to be the guards of his oody ; and sent him to Gibeah, where he besieged and took a certain garrison of the Philistines, not far from Gil- gal; for the Philistines of Gibeah had beaten the Jews, and taken their weapons away, and bad put garrisons into the strongest places of • Mr. Reland obaerres here, and proves elsewhere in bi« note on Antiq. b. iii. ch. i. sect. 6, that aIthou«h thunder and lightninfc with us usually happen in siim- ■ler, jret in Palestine and Nyria they are chi«-fly confined to winter. Josephus takes notice of the same thing •pUn, War, b. iv. cb. ir. sent. 6. the country, and had forbidden them to carry any instrument of iron, or at all to make use of any iron in any case whatsoever ; and on account of this prohibition it was that the hus- bandmen", if they had occasion to sharpen any of their tools, whether it were the coulter or the spade, or any instrument of husbandry, they came to the Philistines to do it. Now as soon as the Philistines heard of this slaugh- ter of their garrison, they were in a rage about it, and, looking on this contempt as a terrible affront offered them, they made war against the Jews, with three hundred thousand foot- men, and thirty thousand chariots, and six thousand horses; and they pitched their camp at the city Michmash. When Saul, the king of the Hebrews, was informed of Ihia, he went down to the city Gilgal, and made proclama- tion over all the country, that they should try to regain their liberty; and called them to the war against the Philistines, diminishing their forces, and despising them as not very considerable, and as not so great but they might hazard a battle with them. But when the people about Saul observed how numerous the Philistines were, they were under a great consternation; and some of them hid them- selves in caves, and in dens under ground ; but the greater part fled into the land beyond Jordan, which belonged to Gad and Reuben. 2. But Saul sent to the prophet, and called him to consult with him about the war and the public affairs; so he commanded him to stay there for him, and to prepare sacrifices, for he would come to him within seven days, that they might offer sacrifices on the seventh day, and might then join battle with their enemies. So he waited, f as the prophet sent + Saul seems to have staid till near the time of the evening sacrifice, on the seventh day, which Samuel the prophet of God had appointed him, but not till the end of that day, as he ouRht to have done; and Samuel ap- pears, by delaying to come till the full time of the even- ing sacrifice on that seventh day, to have tried him (w ho seems to have been already for some time declining from his strict and bounden subordination to (lod and his prophet; to have taken life-guards for himself ami his son, which was entirely a new thing in Israel, and savoured of a distrust of God's providence; and to hare affected more than he ought, that independent autho- rity which the pagan kings took to themselves); Sa- muel, I say, seems to have here tried Saul, whether lie would stay till the priest came, who alone could law- fully oHer the sacrifices, nor would boldly and profanely usurp the priest's office, which he venturing upon, was justly rejected for his profaneness. See Apost. Constit. b ii. ch. xxvii. And, indeech, since Saul had accepted kingly power, which naturally becomes ungovernable and tyrannical, as God foretold, and the experience of all ages has shown, the divine settlement by Moses had soon been laid aside under the kings, had not God, by keeping strictly to his laws, and severely executing the threatenings therein contained, restrained Saul and other kings in some degree of obedience to himself; nor was even this severity sufficient to restrain most of the future kings of Israel and Judah from the grossest idolatry and impiety. Of the advantage of which strictness, in the ob- serving divine laws, and inflicting their threatened penal- ties, see Antiq. b. vi. ch. xii. sect. 7; and Against Apion, b. ii. sect. 30, where Josephus speaks of that matter; though it must be noted that it seems, at least in three instances, that good men did not always immediately ap- prove of such divine severity. There seems to be one instance. 1 Sam. vi. I'J, VO; another, 1 5am. xt. 11; and CHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 161 to him to do ; yet did not he, however, observe the oommand that was given him, but when be saw that the prophet tarried longer than he expected, and that he was deserted by the sol- diers, he took the sacrifices and offered them ; and when he heard that Samuel was come, he went out to meet him. But the prophet said he had not done well in disobeying the injunc- tions he had sent to him, and had not staid till his coming, which being appointed accord- ing to the will of God, he had prevented him in offering up those prayers and those sacrifi- ces that he should have made for the multi- tude, and that he therefore had performed divine offices in an ill manner, and had been rash in performing them. Hereupon Saul made an apology for himself, and said that he had waited as many days as Samuel had ap- pointed him ; that he had been so quick in . offering his sacrifices, upon account of the ne- cessity he was in, and because his soldiers were departing from him, out of their fear of the enemy's camp at Michmash, the report being gone abroad that they were coming down up- on him to Gilgal. To which Samuel replied, " Nay, certainly, if thou hadst been a righ- teous man,* and hadst not disobeyed me, nor slighted the commands which God suggested to me concerning the present state of affairs, and hadst not acted more hastily than the pre- sent circumstances required, thou wouldst have been permitted to reign a long time, and thy posterity after thee." So Samuel, being grieved at what happened, returned home ; but Saul came to the city Gibeah, ^vith his son Jonathan, having only six hundred men \vith him; and of these the greater part had no weapons, because of the scarcity of iron in that country, as well as of those that could make such weapons: for as we showed a httle before, the PhUistines had not sufiered them to have such iron or such workmen. Now the Philistines divided their army into three companies, and took as many roads, and laid waste the country of the Hebrews, while king Saul and his son Jonathan saw what was done, but were not able to defend the land, having a third, 2 Sam. vi. 8, 9; Antiq. b. tu chap. vii. sect. 2; though they all at last acquiesced in the divine conduct, as tnowini< that God is wiser than men. • By this answer of Samuel, and that from a divine commission, which is fuller in I 8am. xiii. 14,- and by that parallel note in the Apostolical Constitutions jnst now quoted, concerning the i;reat wickedness of Saul in venturing, even under a seeming necessity of aftairs, to usurp the priest's oflQce. and offer sacrifice without the priest, we are in some degree able to answer tliat ques- ti«m which I have ever thought a very hard one, viz. Whether, if there were a city or country of lay Chris- tians without any clergyman, it were lawful for the laity alone to baptize, to celebrate the eucharist. &c. or in- deed whether they alone could ordain themselves either bishops, priests, or deacons, for the due performance of such sacerdotal administrations; or whether they ought not rather, till tl»ey procure clersrymen to come among them, to confine themselves within those bounds of piety and Christianity which belong alone to the laity; such particularly as are recommended in tiie first book of the Apostolical Constitutions, which peculiarly con- cern the laity, and are intimated n Clement's undoubted epi*tl«, sect. 40. Tu which latter opinion I iacliue no more than six hundred men vnth. them ; but as he, and his son, and Ahiah the high- priest, who was of the posterity of Eli the high-priest, were sitting upon a pretty high hill, and seeing the land laid waste, they wer mightily disturbed at it. Now Saul's son agreed ^ith his armour-bearer, that they would go privately to the enemy's camp, and make a tumult and a distiu-bance among them ; and when the armour-bearer had readily promised to follow him whithersoever he should lead him, though he should be obliged to die in the attempt, Jonathan made use of the young man's assistance, and descended from the hill, and went to their enemies. Now the enemy's camp \vas upon a precipice which had three tops, that ended in a small but sharp and long extremity, while there was a rock that sur- rounded them, like lines made to prevent the attacks of an enemy. There it so happened, that the out-guards of the camp were neglect- ed, because of the security that here arose from the situation of the place, and because they thought it altogether impossible, not only to ascend up to the camp on that quarter, but so much as to come near it. As soon, therefore, as they came to the camp, Jonathan encouraged his armour-bearer, and said to him, " Let us attack our enemies; and if, when they see us, they bid us come up to them, take that for a signal of victory ; but if they say nothing, as not intending to inv-ite us to come up, let us return back again." So when they were approaching to the enemy's camp, just after break of day, and the PhiUs- tines saw them, they said one to another, " The Hebrews come out of their dens and caves;" and they said to Jonathan and to his armour-bearer, " Come on, ascend up to us, that we may inflict a just punishment upon you, for your rash attempt upon us." So Saul's son accepted of that invitation, as what signified to him victory, and he immediately came out of the place whence they were seen by their enemies: so he changed his place, and came to the rock which had none to guard it, because of its owti strength; from thence they crept up vdih great labour and difficulty, and so far overcame by force the nature of the place till they were able to fight wth their enemies. So they fell upon them as they were asleep, and slew about twenty of them, and thereby filled them ^vith disorder and surprise, insomuph that some of them threw away their entire armour and fled ; but the greatest part, not knowing one another, because they were of different nations, suspected one another to be enemies (for they did not imagine there were only two of the Hebrews that came up), and so they fought one against another ; and some of them died in the battle, and some, as they were flying away, were thrown do\vn from the rock headlong. ' 3. Now Saul's watchmen told the king that the camp of the Philistines was in confusioav^ L ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VI then he inquired whether any body was gone away from the army; and when he heard that his son, and with him his armour-bearer, were absent, he bade the high-priest take the gar- ments of his high-priesthood, and prophesy to bim what success they should have; who said that they should get the victory, and prevail against their enemies. So he went out after the Philistines, and set upon them as they were slaying one another. Those also who had fled to dens and caves, upon hearing that Saul was gaining a victory, came running to him. When, therefore, the number of the Hebrews that came to Saul amounted to about ten thousand, he pursued the enemy, who were scattered all over the coimtry; but then he fell into an action, which was a very unhappy one, and liable to be very much blamed; for, whether out of ignorance, or whether out of joy for a victory gained so strangely (for it frequently happens that per- sons so fortunate are not then able to use their eason consistently), as he was desirous to avenge himself, and to exact a due punish- ment of the Philistines, he denounced a curse* upon the Hebrews: That if any one put a stop to his slaughter of the enemy, and fell on eating, and left off the slaughter or the pursuit before the night came on, and obliged them, so to do, he should be accursed, Now after Said had denounced this curse, since they were now in a wood belonging to the tribe of Ephraim, which was thick and full of bees, Saul's son, who dl not hear his father de- nounce that curse, nor hear of the approbation the multitude gave to it, broke off a piece of a honey-comb, and ate part of it. But, in the mean time, he was informed with what a curse his father had forbidden them to taste any thing before sun-setting: so he left off eating, and said his father had not done well in this prohibition, because, had they taken some food, they had pursued the enemy with greater vigour and alacrity, and had both taken and slain many more of their enemies. 4. When, therefore, they had slain many ten thousands of the Philistines, they fell upon spoiling the camp of the Philistines, but not till late in the evening. They also took a great deal of prey and cattle, and killed tliem, and ate them with their blood. This was told to the king by the scribes, that the multitude were sinning against God as they sacrificed, and were eating before the blood was well washed away, and the flesh was made clean. Then did Saul give ordor that a great • This rash vow or cnrse of Saul, which Joxephtis gays was confirmed by the people, and yet not executed, I •uppose principally because Jonathan did not know ot It, 18 very remarkable; it bein^ of the essence of the obH^ation of all laws, that they be sulFiciently known and prumul(;ated, otherwise the conduct of Providencf, aa to the sacredness of solemn oaths and vows, in God's tftaticg to answer by Urim till this breach of Saul's vow or curse was understood and set right, and God pmpitiatrd by public prayer, i> here very remarkable, •> iudMd it IS uvery where el«e in the Old TesU'uent stone should be rolled into the midst of them, and he made proclamation that they should kill their sacrifices upon it, and not feed upon the flesh with the blood, for that was not accepta- ble to God. And when all the people did as the king commanded them, Saul erected an altar there, and offered burnt-offerings upon it to God.f This was the first altar that Saul built. 5. So when Saul was desirous of leading his men to the enemy's camp before it was day, in order to plunder it, and when the sol- diers were not unwilling to follow him, but indeed showed great readiness to do as he commanded them, the king called Ahitub the high-priest, and enjoined him to know of God whether he would grant them the favour and permission to go against the enemy's camp, in order to destroy those that were in it; and when the priest said that God did not give any answer, Saul replied, " And not without some cause does God refuse to answer what we inquire of him, while yet a little while ago he declared to us all that we desired before- hand, and even prevented us in his answer. To be sure, there is some sin against him that is concealed from us, which is the occasion ol his silence. Now I swear by him himself, that though he that hath committed this sis should prove to be my own son Jonathan, I will slay him, and by that means wll appease the anger of God against us, and that in the very same manner as if I were to punish a stranger, and one not at all related to me, for the same offence." So when the multitude cried out to him so to do, he presently set aU the rest on one side, and he a\ d his son stood on the other side, and he sought to discover the offender by lot. Now the lot appeared to fall upon Jonathan himself. So when he was asked by his father what sin he had been guilty of, and what he was conscious of in the course of his life that might be esteemed instances of giult or profaneness, his answer was this: " O father, I have done nothing more than that yesterday, without knowing of the curse and oath thou hadst denounced, while I was in pursuit of the enemy, I tasted of a honey- comb." But Saul sware that he would slay him, and prefer the observation of his oath before all the ties of birth and of nature; and Jonathan was not dismayed at this threatening of death, but, offering himself to it generously, and undauntedly, he said, " Nor do I desire you, father, to spare me: death will be to me very acceptable, when it proceeds from thy piety, and after a glorious victory ; for it is the greatest consolation to me that I leave the Hebrews victorious over the Philistines." — Hereupon all the people were very sorry, and + Here we have still more indications of Saul's afTec tation of despotic power, and of his etitrenciiini; upon the priesthood, and makint; and endeavouring to exe- cute a rash vow or curse, without consultinfr Samuel w the sanhedrim. In this view it is also that 1 look upon this erection of a new altar by Saul, and his offering o l)urnt-i)fiVrint!s himself upon it. and not as any proper in« stance t f devotion or roligion, with other cuuaneutatora CHAP. VII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 163 greatly afflicted for Jonathan ; and they sware tnat they would not overlook Jo>>ithan, and aee him die, who was the author of their vic- tory. By which means they snatched him out of the danger he was in from his father's curse, while they made their prayers to God also for the young man, that he would remit bis sin. '(. So Saul, having slain about sixty thou- sar d of the enemy, returned home to his own city, and reigned happily: and he also fought against the neighbouring nations, and subdued the Ammonites, and Moabites, and Philistines, and Edoraites, and Amalekites, as also the king of Zobah. He had three male children, Jonathan, and Isui, and Melchishua; with Merab and Michal his daughters. He had also Abncr, his uncle's son, for the captain of his host : that uncle's name was Ner. Now . Ner, and Kish the father of Saul, were bro- thers. Saul had also a great many chariots an<j horsemen, and against whomsoever he made war he returned conqueror, and advanced the affairs of the Hebrews to a great degree of success and prosperity, and made them supe- rior to other nations ; and he made such of the young men as were remarkable for tall- ness and comeliness the guards of his body. CHAPTER VII. sadl's war with the amalekites, and conquest of them. § 1. Now Samuel came unto Saul, and said to hire, that he was sent by God to put him in mind that God had preferred him before all others, and ordained him king; that he there- fore ought to be obedient to him, and to sub- mit to his authority, as considering, that though he had the dominion over the other tribes, yet that God had the dominion over him, and over all things ; that accordingly God said to him, that " because the Amalek- ites did the Hebrews a great deal of mischief while they were in the wilderness, and when, upon their coming out of Egypt, they were making their way to that country which is now their own, I enjoin thee to punish the Ama- lekites, by making war upon them ; and, when thou hast subdued them, to leave none of them alive, but to pursue them through every age, and to slay them, beginning with the women and the infants, and to require this as a punishment to be inflicted upon them for the mischief they did to our forefathers : to spare nothing, neither asses nor other beasts ; nor to reserve any of them for your own advantage and possession, but to devote them universally to God, and, in obedience to the commands of Moses, to blot out the name of Amalek entirely."* • The reason of this severity is I'istii'Clly given '1 Sank SV. I8)t '* Go, and uttrrjjr dootroy tiki sinnerx. 2. So Saul promised to do what he was commanded ; and supposing that his obedience to God would be shown, not only in making war against the Amalekites, but more fully in the readiness and quickness of his proceedings, he made no delay, but immediately gathered together all his forces; and when he bad num- bered them in Gilgal, he found them to be about four hundred thousand of the Israelites, besides the tribe of Judah, for that tribe con- tained by itself thirty thousand. Accordingly Saul made an irruption into the country of the Amalekites, and set many men in several parties in ambush at the river, that so he might j not only do them a mischief, by open fighting, but might fall upon therti unexpectedly in the ways, and might thereby compass them round about, and kill them. And when he had joined battle with the enemy, he beat them ; and pur- suing them as they fled, he destroyed them all. And when that undertaking had succeeded, ac- cording as God had foretold, he set upon the cities of the Amalekites ; he besieged them, and took them by force, partly by warlike machines, partly by mines dug under ground, and partly by building walls on the outsides. Some they starved out with famine, and some they gained by other methods ; and after all, he betook himself to slay the women and the children, and thought he did not act therein either barbar- ously or inhumanly; first, because they were enemies whom he thus treated, and, in the next place, because it was done by the command of God, whom it was dangerous not to obey. He also took Agag, the enemies' king, captive ; — the beauty and tallness of whose body he admired so much, that he thought him worthy of preservation ; yet was not this done how- ever according to the will of God, but by giving way to human passions, and suflfering himself to be moved with an unseasonable com- miseration, in a point where it was not safe for him to indulge it ; for God hated the nation of the Amalekites to such a degree, that he commanded Saul to have no pity on even those infants which we by nature chiefly compassion- ate; but Saul preserved their king and gover- nor from the miseries which the Hebrews brought on the people, as if he preferred the fine appearance of the enemy to the memorv of what God had sent him about. The mul- titude were also guilty, together with Saul ; for they spared the herds and the flocks, and took them for a prey, when God had command- ed they should not spare them. They also carried off with them the rest of their wealth and riches ; but if there were any thing that was not worthy of regard, that they destroyed. the Amalekites;" nor indeed do we ever meet with these Amalekites but as very cruel and bloody people, and particularly seeking to injure and utterly to destroy tha nation of Israel. See Exod. xvii. 8—16; Num. xir. 4oj Dent. XXT. 17—19; Judg. ri, 3, 6} 1 Sam. XT. 33; Psal. Ixxxiii. 7; and, above all, the most barbarous of all cniehies, t!iat ot Ilaman the Agagite, or one of the IHJslerity of Agag, the old king of the Amalekites, Esth. iii. 1-16. 164 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VI. 3. But when Saul had conquered all these Amalekites that reached from Pelusium of Egypt to the Red Sea, he laid waste all the rest of the enemy's country: but for the nation of the Shechemites, he did not touch them, although they dwelt in the very middle of the country of Midian ; for before the battle, Saul had sent to them, and charged them to depart thence, lest they should be partakers of the miseries of the Amalekites; for he had a just occasion for saving them, since they were of the kindred of Raguel, Moses's father-in-law. 4. Hereupon Saul returned home with joy, for the glorious things he had done, and for the conquest of his enemies, as though he had not neglected any thing which the prophet had enjoined him to do when he was going to make war with the Amalekites, and as though he had exactly observed all that he ought to have done. But God was grieved that the king of the Amalekites was preserved alive, and that the multitude had seized on the cattle for a prey, because these things were done without lus permission ; for he thought it an intolerable thing that they should conquer and overcome their enemies by that power which he gave them, and then that he himself should be so grossly despised and disobeyed by them, that a mere man that was a king would not bear it. He therefore told Samuel the prophet, that he repented that he had made Saul king, while he did nothing that he had commanded him, but indulged his own inclinations. When Samuel heard that, he was in confusion; and began to beseech God all that night to be re- conciled to Saxil, and not to be angry wdth him ; but he did not grant that forgiveness to Saul which the prophet asked for, as not deeming it a fit thing to g^ant forgiveness of [such] sins at his entreaties^ since injuries do not otherwise grow so greal; as by the easy tempers of those that are injured; for while they hunt after the glory of being thought gentle and good-natured, btfois they are aware, they produce other sins. As soon therefore as God had rejected the jnterression of the prophet, and it plainly appeared he would not change his mind, at break or i^ay Samuel came to Saul at Gilgal. When tht ] king saw him, he ran to him, and embraceu ' him, and said, ** I return thanks to God, who hath given me the victory, for I have performed every thing that he hath commanded me." To which Samuel replied, " How is it then that I hear the bleeting of the sheep and the low- ing of the greater cattle in the camp?" Saul made answer, That the people had reserved them for sacrifices; but that, as to the nation of the Amalekites, it was entirely destroyed, as he had received it in command to see done, and that no one man was left ; but that he had saved alive the king alone, and brought him to him, concerning whom, he said, they would •dvise together what should be done with him. But the proph«t said, " God is not delighted with sacrifices, but wth good and wiih righ- teous men, who are such as follow his will and his laws, and never think that any thing is well done by them but when they do it as God had commanded them: that he then looks upon himself as afironted, not when any one does not sacrifice, but when any one ap- pears to be disobedient to him. But that from those who do not obey him, nor pay him that duty which is the alone true and accep- table worship, he will not kindly accept their oblations, be those they offer ever so many aii'l so fat, and be the presents they make him ever so ornamental, nay, though they were made of gold and silver themselves, but he will reject them, and esteem them instances of wicked- ness, and not of piety. And that he is delighted with those that still bear in mind this one thing, and this only, how to do that, whatso- ever it be, which God pronounces or commands for them to do, and to choose rather to die than t« transgress any of those commands ; nor does he require so much as a sacrifice from them. And when these do sacrifice, though it be a mean oblation, he better accepts of it as the honour of poverty, than such oblations as come from the richest men that offer them to him. Wherefore take notice, that thou art under the wrath of God, for thou hast de- spised and neglected what he commanded thee. How dost thou then suppose that he will respect a sacrifice out of such things as he hath doomed to destruction? unless per- haps thou dost imagine that it is almost all one to offer it in sacrifice to God as to destroy it. Do thou therefore expect that thy king- dom will be taken from thee, and that autho- rity which thou hast abused by such insolent behaviour, as to negltct that God who be- stowed it upon thee." Then did Saul con- fess that he had acted unjustly, and did not deny that he had sinned, because he had trans- gressed the injunctions of the prophet; but he said that it was out of a dread and fear of the soldiers, that he did not prohibit and re- strain them when they seized on the prey. " But forgive me," said he, " and be merciful *o me, for I will be cautious how I offend for the time to come," He also entreated the prophet to go back with him, that he might offer nis thank-offerings to God; but Samuel weni home, because he saw that God would not be recontiled to him, 5, But then Saul was so desirous to re« tain Samuel, that he took hold of his cloak, and because the vehemence of Samuel's de- parture made the motion to be violent, the cloak was rent. Upon which the prophet said, that after the same manner should the kingdom be rent from him, and that a good and a just man should take it; that God per- severed in what he had decreed about him; that to be nnitable and changeable in what is determined, is agreeable to human passions only, but i* not agreeable to the Divine Powor. CHAP. vm. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 165 Hereupon Saul said that he had been wcked; but that what was done could not be un- done: be therefore desired him to honour him so far, that the multitude might see that he would accompany him in worshipping God. So Samuel granted him that favour, and went M'ith him and worshipped God. Agag also, the king of the Amalekites, was brought to him; and when the king ^sked, How bitter death was? Samuel said " As thou hast tuade many of the Hebrew mothers to lament and bewail the loss of their children, so shalt thou, by thy death, cause thy mother to la- ment thee also." Accordingly he gave order to slay bira immediately at Gilgal, and then went away to the city Ramab. CHAPTER vm. HOW, DPOK Saul's transgression of the prophet's commands, SAMUEL ORDAINED , ANOTHER PERSON TO BE KING PRIVATELY, WHOSE NAME WAS DAVID, AS GOD COM- MANDED HIM. § 1. Now Saul, being sensible of the miser- able condition he had brought himself into, and that he had made God to be his enemy, went up to his royal palace at Gibeah, which name denotes a hill, and after that day he came no more into the presence of the pro- phet. And when Samuel mourned for him, God bid him leave off his concern for him, and to take the holy oil, and go to Bethlehem to Jesse the son of Obed, and to anoint such of his sons as he should show him for their future king. But Samuel said, he was afraid lest Saul, when he came to know of it, should kill him, either by some private method or even openly. But upon God's suggesting to him a safe way of going thither, he came to the forementioned city ; and when they all saluted him, and asked what was the occasion of his coming, he told them, he came to sacri- fice to God. When, therefore, he had gotten the sacrifice ready, he called Jesse and his sons li partake of thgse sacrifices; and when he sav/ his eldest son to be a tall and hand* some man, he guessed by his comeliness that he 'was the person who was to be their future king. But he was mistaken in judging about God's providence; for when Samuel inquired of God whether he should anoint this youth, whom he so admired, and esteemed worthy of the kingdom, God said, " Men do not see as God seeth. Thou indeed hast respect to the fine appearance of this youth, and thence esteeraest him worthy of the kingdom, while I propose the kingdom as a reward, not of the beauty of bodies, but of the virtue of souls, and I inquire after one that is perfectly comely in that respect ; I mean one who is beauti- ful in piety, and righteousness, and fortitude. [ and obedience ; for in them consiits the come> iiness of the soul." When God had said tliis, Samuel bade Jesse to show him all his sons. So he made five others of his sons to come to him ; of all of whom Eliab was the eldest, Aminadab the second, Shammah the third, Nathaniel the fourth, Rael the fifth, and Asam the sixth. And when the prophet saw that these were no way inferior to the eldest in their countenances, he inquired of God which of them it was whom he chose for their king^ and when God said it was none of them, he asked Jesse whether he had not some other sons besides these; and when he said that he had one more, named David, but that he was a shepherd, and took care of the flocks, Sa- muel bade them call him immediately, for , that till he was come they could not possibly sit down to the feast. Now, as soon as his father had sent for David, and he was come, he appeared to be of a yellow complexion, of a sharp sight, and a comely person in other respects also. This is he, said Samuel pri- vately to himself, whom it pleases God to make our king. So he sat down to the feast, and placed the youth under him, and Jesse also, with his other sons; after which he took oil in the presence of David, and anointed him, and whispered him in the ear, and ac- quainted him that God chose him to be their king; and exhorted him to be righteous, and obedient to his commands, for that by this means his kingdom would continue for a long time, and that his house should be of great splendour, and celebrated in the world ; that be should overthrow the Philistines; and that against what nations soever he should make war, he should be the conqueror, and survive the fight; and that while he lived he should enjoy a glorious name, and leave such a name to his posterity also. 2. So Samuel, when he had given him these admonitions, went away. But the Di- vine Power departed from Saul, and removed to David, who, upon this removal of the Di- vine Spirit to him, began to prophesy; but as for Saul, some strange and demoniacal dis- orders came upon him, and brought upon him such sufl^ocations as were ready to choke him ; for which the physicians could find no other remedy but this, That if any person could charm those passions by singing, and playing upon the harp, they advised them to inquire for such a one, and to observe when these demons came upon him and disturbed him, and to take care that such a person might stand over him, and play upon the harp, and recite hymns to him.* According- ly Saul did not delay, but commanded them to seek out such a man ; and when a certain • Spanheim takes notice here that the Greeks had such singers of hymns; and that usually children or youths were picked out for that service; as also, that those called singers to the harp, did the same that David did here, ue. join their owa vocal and instrumantal mu< 166 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK Tl stander-by said that lie had seen in the city of Bethlehem a son of Jesse, who was yet no more than a child in age, but comely and beautiful, and in other respects one that was deserving of great regard, who was skilful in playing on the harp, and in singing of hymns [and an excellent soldier in war], he sent to Jesse, and desired him to take David away from the flocks, and send him to him, for he had a mind to see him, as having heard an advantageous character of his comeliness and his valour. So Jesse sent his son, and gave him presents to carry to Saul ; and when he was come, Saul was pleased with him, and made him his armour-bearer, and had him in very great esteem; for he charmed his pas- sion, and was the only physician against the trouble he had from the demons, whensoever it was that it came upon him, and this by re- citing of hymns, and playing upon the harp, and bringing Saul to his right mind again. However, he sent to Jesse, the father of the child, and desired him to permit David to stay with him, for that he was delighted with his sight and company, which stay, that he might not contradict Saul, he granted. CHAPTER IX. HOW THE PHILISTINES MADE ANOTHER EXPE- DITION AGAINST THE HEBREWS, UNDER THE REIGN OF SAUL; AND HOW THEY WERE OVERCOME BY DAVID's SLAYING GOLIATH IN SINGLE COMBAT. § 1. Now the Philistines gathered themselves together again, no very long time afterward; and having gotten together a great army, they made war against the Israelites; and having seized a place between Shochoh and Azekah, they there pitched their camp. Saul also drew out his army to oppose them; and by pitching his own camp upon a certain hill, he forced the Philistines to leave their former camp, and to encamp themselves upon such another hill, over-against that on which Saul's army lay, so that a valley, which was between the two hills on which they lay, divided their camps asunder. Now there came down a man out of the camp of the Philistines, whose name was Gohath, of the city of Gath, a man of vast bulk, for he was of four cubits and a spHii in talbiess, and had about him weapons suitable to the largeness of his body, for he liiid a breast-plate on that weighed five thou- sand shekels : he had also a helmet and greaves of brass, as large as you would naturally sup- pose might cover the limbs of so vast a body. His spear was also such as was not carried hke a light thing in his right hand, but he carried it as lying on his shoulders. He had also a lance of six hundred shekels; and many fol- lowsi bim U) fury his annttur. Whorefbre this Goliath stood between the two armies, as they were in battle-array, and sent out aloud voice, and said to Saul and the Hebrews, '* I will free you from fighting and from dan- gers; for what "necessity is there that your army should fall and be afflicted? Give me a man of you that will fight with me, and he that conquers shall have the reward of the conqueror, and determine the war; for these shall serve those others to whom the conque- ror shall belong; and certainly it is much better and more prudent to gain what you desire by the hazard of one man than of all," When he had said this, he retired to his own camp; but the next day ne came again, and used the same words, and did not leave off for forty days together, to challenge the ene- my in the same words, till Saul and his army were therewith terrified, while they put them- selves in array as if they would fight, but did not come to a close battle. 2. Now while this war between the He- brews and the Philistines was going on, Saul sent away David to his father Jesse, and con- tented himself with those three sons of his whom he had sent to his assistance, and to be partners in the dangers of the war: and at first David returned to feed his sheep and his flocks; but after no long time he came to the camp of the Hebrews, as sent by his father, to carry provisions to his brethren, and to know what they were doinjr; while Goliath came again, and challenged them and le- proached them, that they had no man of va- lour among them that durst come down to fight him; and as David was talking with his brethren about the business for which his fa- ther had sent him, he heard the Philistine reproaching and abusing the army, and had indignation at it, and said to his brethren, " I am ready to fight a single combat with this adversary." Whereupon Eliab, his eldest brother, reproved him, and said that he spake too rashly and improperly for one of his age, and bid him go to his flocks, and to his fa- ther. So he was abashed at his brother's words, and went away, but still he spake to some of the soldiers that he was willing to fight with him that challenged them. And ^v'nen they had informed Saul what was the resolution of the young man, the king sent for him to come to him: and when the king asked what he had to say, he replied, " () king, be not cast down, nor afraid, for I will depress the insolence of this adversary, and \vill go down and fight with him, and will bring him under m.e, as tall and as great as he is, till he shall be sufficiently laughed at, and thy army shall get great glory when he shall be slain by one that is not yet of man's estate, neither fit for fighting, nor capable of being intrusted with the marshalling an army, or ordering a battle, but by one that looks like a rliild, and is really no elder in age thaii 4 chUd.' CHAP. X. ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS, 167 3. Now Saul wondered at the boldness and aliicrity of David, but durst not presume on his ability, by reason of his age; but said, he must on that account be too weak to fight with one that was skilled in the art of war. " I undertake this enterprise," said David, " in dependence on God's being with me, for I have had experience already of his assist- ai;ce ; for I once pursued after and caught a lion that assaulted my flocks, and took away a lamb from them, and I snatched the lamb out of the wild beast's mouth, and when he leaped upon me with violence, I took him by the tail, and dashed him against the ground. In the same manner did I avenge myself on a bear also; and let this adversary of ours be esteemed like one of these wild beasts, since he has a long while reproached our army and blajjphemed our God, who yet will reduce him under my power." 4, However, Saul prayed that the end might be, by God's assistance, not disagree- al)le to the alacrity and boldness of the child; and said, " Go thy way to the fight," So he put about him his breast-plate, and girded op his sword, and fitted the helmet to his head, and sent him away. But David was burdened with his armour, for he had not been exer- cised to it, nor had he learned to walk with it ; so he said, " Let this armour be thine, O kinij, who art able to bear it; but give me le.ive to fight as thy servant, and as I myself desire." Accordingly he laid by the armour, and taking his staff with him, and putting five s!(»nes out of the brook into a shepherd's bag, and having a sling in his right hand, he went to. vards Goliath. But the adversary seeing him oiiif in such a manner, disdained him, and ■ested upon him, as if he had not such wea- p » IS with him as are usual when one man fiifhts against another, but such as are used ill driving away and avoiding of dogs; and ■•aid, " Dost thou take me not for a man but a tlog?" To which he replied, " No, not for a dog, but for a creature worse than a dog." This provoked Goliath to anger, who there- upon cursed him by the name of God, and threatened to give his flesh to the beasts of the earth, and to the fowls of the air, to be torn ill pieces by them. To whom David an- swered, "Thou comest to me with a sword, and with a spear, and with a breastplate; but 1 have God for my armour in coming against thee, who will destroy thee and all thy army by my hands; for I will this day cut off thy head, and cast the other parts of thy body to the dogs; and all men shall learn that God i? the protector of the Ilebrexs, and that our armour and our strength is in his providence; ■and that without God's assistance, all other warlike preparations and power are useless." So the Philistine being retarded by the weight of his Hrmour, when he attempted to meet David in haste, came on but slowly, as de- 8()it>ing him, and depending upon it that hw should slay him who was both unarmed and a child also, without any trouble at all, 5. But the youth met bis antagonist, being accompanied with an invisible assistant, who was no other than God himself. And taking one of the stones that he had out of the brook, and had put into his shepherd's bag, and fitting it to his sling, he slang it against the Philistine, This stone fell upon, bis forehead, and sank into his brain, insomuch that Go. liath was stunned, and fell upon his face. So David ran, and stood upon his adversary as he lay down, and cut off his head with his own sword ; for he had no sword himself. And upon the fall of Goliath, the Philistines were beaten, and fled; for when they saw their champion prostrate on the ground, they were afraid of the entire issue of their affairs, and resolved not to stay any longer, but com- mitted themselves to an ignominious and in- decent flight, and thereby endeavoured to save themselves from the dangers they were in. But Saul and the entire army of the Hebrews made a shout and rushed upon them, and slew a great number of them, and pursued the rest to the borders of Gath, and to the gates of Ekron ; so that there were slain of the Phi- listines thirty thousand, and twice as many wounded. But Saul returned to their camp, and pulled their fortifications to pieces, and ournt it ; but David carried the head of Go- liath into his own tent, but dedicated his sword to God [at the tabernacle]. CHAPTER X. SAUL ENVIES DAVID FOR HIS GLORIOUS SUC- CESS, AND TAKES AN OCCASION OF ENTRAP- PING HIM, FROM THE PROMISE HE MADE HIM OF GIVING HIM HIS DAUGHTER IN MARRIAGE; BUT THIS UPON CONDITION OF HIS BRINGING HIM SIX HUNDRED HEADS OF THE PHILISTINES, § I, Now the women were an occasion of Saul's envy and hatred to David ; for they came to meet their victorious army with cym- bals and drums, and all demonstrations of joy, and sang thus ; the wives said, that " Saul has slain his many thousands of the Philis- tines :" tha virgins replied, that " David has slain his ten thousands." Now, when the king heard them singing thus, arM that he had himself the smallest share in their com- mendations, and the greater number, the ten thousands, were ascribed to the young man : and when he considered with himseif that there was nothing more wanting to David, after such a mighty applause, but the king- dom, he began to De afraid and suspicious of David. Accordingly he removed him from the station he was in before, for he Wis his armour-bearer, which, out of feftT, 163 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK vr. seemed to him much too near a station for him; and so he made him captain over a thou- sand, and bestowed on him a post better indeed in itself, but, as he thought, more for his own security ; for he had a mind to send him against the enemy, and into battles, as hoping he would be slain in such dangerous conflicts. 2. But Da,vid had God going along with him, whithersoever he went, and accordingly he greatly prospered in his undertakings, and it was visible that he had mighty success, in- somuch that Saul's daughter, who was still a virgin, fell in love with him; and her affec- tion so far prevailed over her, that it could not be concealed, and her father became ac- quainted with it. Now Saul heard this gladly, as intending to make use of it for a snare against David, and he hoped that it would prove the cause of destruction and of hazard to him ; so he told those that informed him of his daughter's affection, that he would will- ingly give David the virgin in marriage, and said, " I engage myself to marry my daughter to him if he will bring me six hundred heads of my enemies,* supposing that when a re- ward so ample was proposed to him, and when he should aim to get him great glory, by undertaking a thing so dangerous and in- credible, he would immediately set about it, and so perish by the Phihstines; and my de- signs about him will succeed finely to my mind, for I shall be freed from him, and get him slain, not by myself, but by another man." So he gave order to his servants to try how David would relish this proposal of marrying the damsel. Accordingly, they began to speak thus to him : That king Saul loved him, as well as did all the people, and that he was desirous of his affinity by the marriage of this damsel. To which he gave this answer: — " Seemeth it to you a fight thing to be made the king's son-in-law? It does not seem so to me, especially when I am one of a family that is low, and without any glory or honour." Now when Saul was in- formed by his servants what answer David had made, he said, — " Tell him, that I do not want any money nor dowry from him, which would be rather to set my daughter to sale than to give her in marriage ; but I desire oidy such a son-in-law as hath in him for- titude, and all other kinds of virtue," of which he saw David was possessed, and that his de- sire was to receive of him, on account of his marrying his daughter, neither gold nor silver, nor that he should brmg such wealth out • JoMphus says thrice in this chapter, and twice after- wards, chap, xi. sect. 2, and b. vii. ch. i. sect. 4. i. e. five times in all, that Saul required not a bare hundred ol the foreskins of the Philistines, but six hundred of their keads. The septuagint have li foreskins, but the Syria( »Dd Arabiac JMX). Now that these were not /or»«A.in». With our other copies, but A*y/f, with Josepiiun'H c..p» •MiDS somewhat probablr, from I Sam. sxix. 1; wlir- •tleoDiessay that ii wus will, tlir l„.aiU..l si.cr l'iiili«lii • max David tuigUt reconcile bim(«elf to hi» nmsitf-r. ■.^^• of his father's house, but only so Me revenge on the Philistines, and indeed six hundred of their heads, than which a more desirable or a more glorious present could not be brought him ; and that he had much rather obtain thi.s than any of the accustomed dowries for his daughter, viz. that she should be married to a man of that character, and to one who had a testimony as having conquered his enemies. 3. When these words of Saul were brought to David, he was pleased with them, and sup- posed that Saul was rejilly desirous of this affinity with him; so that without bearing to deliberate any longer, or casting about in his mind whether what was proposed was pos- sible, or was difficult or not, he and his com- panions immediately set upon the enemy, and went about doing what was proposed as the condition of the marriage. Accordingly, be- cause it was God who made all things easy and possible to David, he slew many [of the Philistines], and cut off the heads of six hun- dred of them, and came to the king, and by showing him these heads of the Philistines, required that he might have his daughter in marriage. Accordingly, Saul, having no way of getting off his engagements, as thinking it a base thing either to seem a liar when he promised him this marriage, or to appear to have acted treacherously by him, in putting him upon what was in a manner impossible, in order to have him slain, he gave him his daughter in marriage : her name was Michal. CHAPTER XI. HOW DAVID, UPON SAUL's LAYING SNARES FOR HIM, DID YET ESCAPE THE DANGERS HE WAS IN, BY THE AFFECTION AND CARE OK JONATHAN, AND THE CONTRIVANCES (F HIS WIFE MICHAL; AND HOW HE CAME TO SAMUEL THE PROPHET. § 1. However, Saul was not disposed to per- severe long in the state wherein he was; for when he saw that David v;:.: in great esteem both with God and with the multitude, he was afraid; and being not able to conceal his fear as concerning great things, his kingdom and his life, to be deprived of either of which was a very great calamity, he resolved to have David slain; and commanded his son Jona- than and his most faithful servant to kill him : but Jonathan wondered at his father's change with relation to David, that it should be made to so great a degree, from showing him nc small good- will, to contrive how to have hinc killed. Now, because he loved the young mail, and reverenced him for his virtue, he informed him of the secret charge bis father had given, and what his intentions were con- ceriiiui,' him. However, he advised him to take cure miki be absent the next day, for that CHAP. XI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 169 he would salute his father, and, if he met with & favourable opportunity, he would discourse with him about him, and learn the cause of his disgust, and show how little ground there was for it, and that for it he ought not to kill a man that had done so many good things to the multitude, and had been a benefactor to himself, on account of which he ought in rea- son to obtain pardon, had he been guilty of the greatest crimes: and " I will then inform thee of my father's resolution." Accordingly David complied with such an advantageous advice, and kept himself then out of the king's sight. 2. On the next day Jonathan came to Saul, as soon as he saw him in a cheerful and joy- ful disposition, and began to introduce a dis- course about David : " What unjust action, O father, either little or great, hast thou found so exceptionable in David, as to induce thee to order us to slay a man who hath been of great advantage to thy own preservation, and of still greater to the punishment of the Philistines? A man who hath delivered the people of the Hebrews from reproach and de- rision, which they underwent for forty days together, when he alone had courage enough to sustain the challenge of the adversary, and after that brought as many heads of our ene- nnies as he was appointed to bring, and had, as a reward for the same, my sister in mar- riage ; insomuch that his death would be very sorrowful to us, not only on account of his virtue, but on account of the nearness of our relation; for thy daughter must be injured at the same time that he is slain, and must be obliged to experience widowhood before she ' can come to enjoy any advantage from their mutual conversation. Consider these things, and change your miiid to a more merciful temper, and do no mischief to a man who, in the first place, hath done us the greatest kindness of preserving thee; for when an evil spirit and demons had seized upon thee, he cast them out, and procured rest to thy soul from their incursions : and, in the se- cond place, hath avenged us of our enemies ; for it is a base thing to forget such benefits." So Saul was pacified with these words ; and Rware to his son that he would do David no harm ; for a righteous discourse proved too hard for the king's anger and fear. So Jo- nathan sent for David, and brought him good news from his father, that he was to be pre- served. He also brought him to his father ; and David continued with the king as for- merly. 3. About this time it was that, upon the Philistines making a new expedition against the Hebrews, Saul sent DaVid with an army to fight with them ; and joining battle with them he slew many of them, and after his vic- tory he returned to the king. But his recep- tion by Saul was not as he expected upon such success, for be \gaa grieved at his pros- perity, because he thought he would be more dangerous to him by having acted so glorious- ly: but when the demoniacal spirit came upon him, and put him into disorder, and disturbed him, he called for David into his bed-chamber wherein he lay, and having a spear in his hand, he ordered him to charm him with playing on his harp, and with sing- ing hymns ; which when David did at his command, he with great force threw the spear at him ; but David was aware of it before it came, and avoided it, and fled to his own house, and abode there all that day. 4. But at night the king sent officers, and commanded that he should be watched till the morning, lest he should get quite away, that he might come into the judgoient-hall, and so might be delivered up, and condemned and slain. But when Michal, David's wife, the king's daughter, understood what her father designed, she came to her husband, as having small hopes of his deliverance, and as greatly concerned about her own life also, for she could not bear to live in case she were deprived of him ; and she said, — " Let not the sun find thee here when it rises, for if it do, that will be the last time it will see thee: fly away then while the night may afford the opportuni- ty, and may God lengthen it for thy sakel for know this, that if my father find thee, thou art a dead man." So she let him down by a cord out of the windo'.v, and saved him: and after she had done so, she fitted up a bed for him as if he were sick, and put under the bed-clothes a goat's liver;* and when her father, as soon as it was day, sent to seize David, she said to those that were there. That he had not been well that night, and showed them the bed covered, and made them believe, by the leaping of the liver, which caused the bed-clothes to move also, that David breathed like one that was asthmatic. So when those that were sent told Saul that David had not been well in the night, he ordered him to be brought in that condition, for he intended to kill him. Now when they came, and un- covered the bed, and found out the woman's contrivance, they told it to the king; and when her father complained of her that she had saved his enemy, and had put a trick upon himself, she invented this plausible defence for herself, and said. That when he threatened to kill her, she lent him her assistance for his preservation, out of fear ; for which her assistance she ought to be forgiven, because it was not done of her own free choice, but out of necessity: '* For," said she, " I do not suppose that thou wast so zealous to kill thy • Since the modern Jews have lost the si^if!cation of the Hebrew word here used, cebir ; and since the Ixxii. as well as Josephus, render it the liver of the eoat; and since this rendering, and Josephus's account, are here so much more clear and probable than those of others, it is almost unaccountable that our commenta- tors should so mucb as hesitate about its true interpre- tation.' 170 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK VI enemy, as thou wast that I should be saved." Accordingly, Saul forgave the damsel; hut David, when he had escaped this danger, came to the prophet Samuel to Ramah, and told him what snares the king had laid for him, and how he was very near to death by Saul's throwing a spear at him, although he had been no way guilty with relation to him, nor had he been cowardly in his battles with his enemies, but had succeeded well in them all, by God's assistance; which thing was indeed the cause of Saul's hatred to David. 5. When the prophet was made acquainted with the unjust proceedings of the king, he left the city Ramah, and took David -with him, to a cert-ain place called Naioth, and there he abode with him. But when it was told Saul that David was with the prophet, he sent sol- diers to him, and ordered them to take him, and bring him to him; and when they came to Samuel, and found there a congregation of prophets, they became partakers of the Divine Spirit, and began to prophesy; which when Saul heard of, he sent others to David, who prophesying in like manner as did the first, he again sent others ; which third sort prophesy- ing also, at last he was angry, and went thither in great haste himself; and when he was just by the place, Samuel, before he saw him, made him prophesy also. And when Saul came to him, he was disordered in mind,* and under the vehement agitation of a spirit; and, putting off his garments,! he fell dowTi, and lay on the ground all that day and night, in the presence of Samuel and David. 6. And David went thence, and came to Jonathan, the son of Saul, and lamented to him what snares were laid for him by his father; and said, that though he had been guilty of no evil, nor had offended against him, yet he was very zealous to get him killed. Hereupon Jonathan exhorted him not to give credit to such his own stispicions, nor to the calumnies of those that raised those reports, if there were any that did so, but to depend • These riolent and wild s^tations of Saul seem to me to have been no other than demoniacal) and that the game demon which used to seize him, since he was forsaken of God, and which the divine hymns and psalms which were sung to the harp by David used to expel, was now in a judicial way brought upon him, not only in order to disappoint his intentions against inno- cent David, but to expose him to the laiighter and con- tempt of all that saw him, or heard of those agitations; such violent and wild agitations bfini; never observed in true prophets when they were under the inspiration of the Spirit of God. Our other copies, which say the Spirit of God came upon him, seem not so rii;ht here as Josephus's copy, which mentions nothing of God at ail tior does Josephus seem to ascribe this impulse and ecstacy of Saul to any other than to his old demoniacal •pint, which on all accounts appears the most probal)le. Nor does the former description of Saul's real inspiration hy the Divine Spirit, 1 .Sara. x. 9— 12; Antiq. b. vi. ebap. It. sect 2, which was l)efore he was become wicked, well agree with the description before us. + What is meant by SauPs lying down naked nil that day, and all that night, I Sam xix- 24, and whether any more than laying aside his royal apparel, or nijper gar- ments, as Josephus seems to understand it, is by no means eertaia. Sae tlie note oa Antii. b. viii. cit 14, secU i- on him, and take courage; for that his fa. ther had no such intentions, since he woultf have acquainted him with that matter, and have taken his advice, had it been so, as he used to consult with him in common when be acted in other affairs. But David sware to him that so it was; and he desired him rather to believe him, and to provide for his safety, than to despise what he, with great sincerity^ told him : that he would believe what he said, when he should either see him killed himself, or learn it upon inquiry from others: and that the reason why his father did not tell him of these things, was this, that he knew of the friendship and affection that he bore towards him. 7. Hereupon, when Jonathan found that this intention of Saul was so well attested, he asked him what he would have him do for him? To which David replied, " I am sen- sible that thou art willing to gratify me in every thing, and procure me what I desire. Now, to-morrow is the new moon, and I was accustomed to sit down then with the king at supper: now, if it seem good to thee, I will go out of the city, and conceal myself pri- vately there; and if Saul inquire why I am absent, tell him that I am gone to my own city Bethlehem, to keep a festival with my own tribe; and add this also, that thou gavest me leave so to do. And if he say, as is usually said in the case of friends that are gone abroad, It is well that he went, then assure thyself that no latent mischief or enmity may be feared at his hand ; but if he answer other \\ise, that will be a sure sign that he hath some designs against me. Accordingly thou shalt inform me of thy father's inclinations; and that, out of pity to my case and out of thy friendship for me, as instances of which friendship thou hast vouch- safed to accept of the assurances of my love to thee, and to give the like assurances to me, that is, those of a master to his servant; but if thou discoverest any wickedness in me, do thou prevent thy father, and kill me thyself." 8. But Jonathan heard these Isjst words with indignation, and promised to do what he desired of him, and to inform him if his fa- ther's answer implied any thing of a melan- choly nature, and any enmity against him. And that he might the more firmly depend upon him, he took him out into the open field, into the pure air, and sware that he would neglect nothing that might tend to the preservation of David ; and he said, " 1 appeal to that God, who, as thou seest, is diffused everywhere, and knoweth this intention of mine, before I ex- plain it in words, as the witness of this my covenant with thee, that I will not leave off to make frequeijt trials of the purpose of my fither till I learn whether there be any lurking distemper in the most secret parts of his soul; and when I have learnt it, I will not conceal it from tlice, l)ut will discover it to thee, whether he be gently or peevi'»hly disposed; fof OH A p. XIT. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 171 this God himself knows, that I pray he may always be with thee, for he is with thee now, and will not forsake thee, and will make thee superior to thine enemies, whether ray father be one of them, or whether I myself be such. Do thou only remember what we now do; and if it fall out that I die, preserve my chil- dren alive, and requite what kindness thou hast now received, to them." When he had thus sworn, he dismissed David, bidding him po to a certain place of that plain wherein he used to perform his exercises ; for that, as soon as be knew the mind of his father, he would come thither to him, with one servant only; ** and if," says he, •' I shoot three darts at the mark, and then bid my servant to carry these three darts away, for they are before him, — know thou that there is no mischief to be feared from my father; but if thou hearest aie say the contrary, expect the contrary from the king. However, thou shalt gain security by ray means, and shalt by no means suffer any harm ; but see thou dost not forget what I have desired of thee in the time of thy pros- perity, and be serviceable to my children." Now David, when he had received these as- surances from Jonathan, went his way to the place appointed. 9. But on the next day, which was the new moon, the king, when he had purified himself, as the custom was, came to supper; and when there sat by him his son Jonathan on his right hand, and A.bner, the captain of his host, on the other hand, he sjyv David's seat was empty, but said nothing, supposing that he bad not purified himself since he had accompanied with his wife, and so could not be present ; but when he saw that he was not there the second day of the month neither, he inquired of his son Jonathan why the son of Jesse did not come to the supper and the feast, neither the day before nor that day. So Jonathan said that he was gone, according to the agree- ment between them, to his own city, where his tribe kept a festival, and that by his per- mission : that he also invited him to come to their sacrifice; " and," says Jonathan, " if thou wilt give me leave, I will go thither, for thou knowest the good-will that I bear him;" and then it was that Jonathan understood his fa- ther's hatred to David, and plainly saw his entire disposition ; for Saul could not restrain his anger, but reproached Jonathan, and called him the son of a runagate, and an enemy ; and said he was a partner with David, and his assistant, and that by his behaviour he showed he had no regard to himself, or to his mother, and would not be persuaded of this, — that' while David is alive, their kingdom was not secure to them ; yet did he bid him send for him, that he might be punished: and when Jonathan said in answer, " What hath he done that thou wilt punish him?" Saul no longer contented himself to express his anger ia bare words, but snatched up his spear, and leaped upon him, and was desirous to kill b'lin. He did not indeed do what he intended, be- cause he was hindered by his friends ; but i: appeared plainly to his son that he bated Da- vid, and greatly desired to dispatch him, inso- much that he had almost slain his son with hi^ own hands on his account. 10. And then it was that the king's son rose hastily from supper; and being unable to admit any thing into his mouth for grief, ht wept all night, both because he had himself been near destruction, and because the death of David was determined ; but as soon as it was day, he went out into the plain that was before the city, as going to perform his exer- cises, but in reality to inform his friend what disposition his father was in towards him, as he had agreed with him to do; and when Jona- than had done what had been thus agreed, he dismissed his servant that followed him, to re- turn to the city; but he himself went into the desert, and came into his presence, and com- muned with him. So David appeared and fell at Jonathan's feet, and bowed down to him, and called him the preserver of his soul; but he lifted him up from the earth, and they mutu- ally embraced one another, and made a long greeting, and that not without tears. They also lamented their age, and that familiarity which envy would deprive them of, and that separation which must now be expected, which seemed to them no better than death itself So recollecting themselves at length from their lamentation, and exhorting one another to be mindful of the oaths they had sworn to each other, they parted asunder. CHAPTER XIL HOW DAVID FLED TO AHIMELECH, AND AFTER- WARDS TO THE KINGS OF THE PHILISTINES, AND OF THE MOABITES ; AND HOW SAUL SLEW AHIMELECH AND HIS FAMILY. § 1. But David fled from the king, and that death he was in danger of by him, and came to the city Nob, to Ahimelech the priest, who, when he saw him coming all alone, anc neither a friend nor a servant with him, ht wondered at it, and desired to learn of bin: the cause why there was nobody with him. To which David answered. That the king had commanded him to do a certain thing that was to be kept secret, to which, if he had a mind to know so much, he had no occasion for any one to accompany him ; *' however, I have ordered my servants to meet me at such and such a place." So he desired him to let him have somewhat to eat ; and that in case he would supply him, he would act the part of a friend, and be assisting to the busi- ness he was now about: and when he had obtained what he desired, he also asked him 172 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JE\\'S, BOOK VI. whether he had any weapons with him, either sword or spear. Now there was at Nob a servant of Saul, by birth a Syrian, whose name was Doeg, one that kept the king's mules. The high-priest said that he had no such weapons; but, he added, "Here is the sword of Goliath, which, when thou hadst slain the Philistine, thou didst dedicate to God." 2. When David had received the sword, he fled out of the country of the Hebrews into that of the Philistines, over which Achish reigned; and when the king's servants knew him, and he was made kno\vn to the king himself, the servants informing him that he was that David who had killed many ten thousands of the Philistines, David was afraid lest the king should put him to death, and that he should experience that danger from him which he had escaped from Saul; so he pretended to be distracted and mad, so that his spittle ran out of his mouth ; and he did other the like actions before the king of Gath, which might make him believe that they pro- ceeded from such a distemper. Accordingly,, the king was very angry at his servants that they had brought him a madman, and he gave orders that they should eject David imme- diately [out of the city]. 3. So when David had escaped in this manner out of Gath, he came to the tribe of Judah, and abode in a cave by the city of Adullam. Then it was that he sent to his brethren, and informed them where he was, who then came to him with all their kindred, and as many others as were either in want or in fear of king Saul, came and made a body together, and told him they were ready to obey his orders; they were in all about four hundred. Whereupon he took courage, rtdw such a force and assistance was come to him ; so he removed thence, and came to the king of the Moabites, and desired him to entertain his parents in his country while the issue of his affairs were in such an imcertain condition. The king granted him this favour, and paid great resj^ect to David's parents all the time they were with him. 4. As for himself, upon the prophet's com- manding hijQ to leave the desert, and to go into the portion of the tribe of Judah, and abide there, he complied therswivh ; and com- ing to the city Hareth, which was in that tribe, he remained there. Now >S'hen Saul heard that David had been seen with a ajulti- tude about him, he fell into no small distur- bance and trouble ; but as he knew that David was a bold and courageous man, he suspected that somewhat extraoi dinary would appear from him, and that openly also, which would make him weep and put him into distress; so he called together to him his friends, and his commanders, and the tribe from which he was himself derived, to the hill where his pa- lace was; and sitting upon a place called Aronra, his courtiers that wer« ia di(piitaes, and the gimnls of his body, being with hiiB, he spake thus to them: — "You that are me' of my own tribe, I conclude that you remem- ber the benefits that I have bestowed upon you, and that I have ma<le some of you o\vners of land, and made yo\ commanders, and bestowed posts of honour upon you, and set some of you over the common people, and others over the soldieKs; I ask you, therefoie. Whether you expect greater and more dona- tions from the son of Jesse ? for I know that you are all inclinable to him (even my own son Jonathan himself is of that opinion, and persuades yoa to be ©f the same); for I am not unacquainted with the oaths and the cove- nants that are between him and David, and that Jonathan is a counsellor, and an assistant to those that conspire against me, and none ot you are concerned about these things, but you keep silence and watch, to see what will be the upshot of these things." When the king had made this speech, not one of the rest of those that were present made any answer; but Doeg the Syrian, who fed his mules, said, that he saw David when he came to the city Nob to Ahimelech the high-priest, and that he learned future events by his prophesying; that he received food from him, and the sword of Goliath, and was conducted by him vwth security to such as he desired to go to. 5. Saul, therefore, sent for the high-priest, and for all his kindred, and said to them, "What terrible or ungrateful thing hast thou suffered from me, that fhou hast received the son of Jesse, and hast bestowed on him both food and weapons, when he was contriving to get the kingdom! — and farther, Why didst thou deliver oracles to him concerning futu- rities? for thou couldst not be unacquainted that he was 6ed away from me, and that he hated my family." But the high-priest did nat betake himself to deny what he had done, but confessed bokily that he had supplied hina with these things, not to gratify David, but Saul himself: and he said, " I did not know that he was thy adversary, but a servant of thine, who was very faithful to thee, and a captain over a thousand of thy soldiers, and, what is more than these, thy son-in-law and kinsman. Men do not choose to confer such favours on their adversaries, but on those who are esteemed to bear the highest good- will and respect to them. Nor is this the first time that I prophesied for him, but I have done it often, and at other times, as well as now. And when he told me that he was sent by thee in great haste to do somewhat, ii I had furnished L'm with nothing that he de* sired, I should have thought that it was rather in contradiction to thee thai: to him; where- fore do not thou i*nte»tain nn;- il' opinion of me, nor do thou have a suspicior^ o' what I then thought an act of humanity, iVor what is now told thee of David's atlonipts aji,"**iiist thee, for 1 did then to him as to tby iru*>*^ CHAP. xir. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 173 and son-in-law, and captain of a thousand, and not as to thine adversary." 6. When the high-priest had spoken thus, he did not persuade Saul, his fear was so prevalent, that he could not give credit to an apology that was very just. So he commanded his armed men that stood about him to kill him, and all his kindred ; but as they durst not touch the high-priest, but were more afraid of disobeying God than the king, he ordered Doeg the Syrian to kill them. Ac- cordingly, he took to his assistance such wicked men as were like himself, and slew Ahimelech and all his family, who were in all three hundred and eighty-five. Saul also sent to Nob,* the city of the priests, and slew all that were there, without sparing either women or children, or any other age, and b'lrnt it ; only there was one son of Ahime- lech, whose name wasAbiathar, who escaped. However, these things came to pass as God had foretold to Eli the high-priest, when he said that his posterity should be destroyed, on account of the transgression of his two sons. 7. t Now this king Saul, by perpetrating so barbarous a crime, and murdering the whole family of the high-priestly dignity, by having no pity of the infants, nor reverence for the aged, and by overthrowing the city which God had chosen for the property, and for the support of the priests and prophets which were there, and had ordained as the only city allotted for the education of such men, gives all to understand and consider the disposition of men, that while they are private persons, and in a low condition, because it is not in their power to indulge nature, nor to venture upon what they wish for, they are equitable and moderate, and pursue nothing but what is just, and bend their whole minds and laboui's that way : then it is that they have this belief about God, that he is present to • This city Nob was not a city allotted to th-* priests, nor had the prophets, that we know of, any particular cities allotted them. It seems the tabernacle was now at Nob. and probably a school of the propiiets was here also. It was full two days' journey on foot from Jeru- salem, I Sam. xxi. 5. The number of priests here slain in Josephns. is three hundred and eighty-five, and but eighty-five in our Hebrew copies; yet are they three hundred and five in the septuagint. 1 prefer Josephus's number, the Hebrew having, I suppose, only dropped the hundreds, the other the tens. This city Nob seems to have been the chief, or perhaps the only seat of the family of Ithamar, which here perished, according to God's former terrible threatenings to Eli, 1 Sam. iu 27 —36; iii. U — 18. See chap. xiv. sect 9, hereafter. + This section contains an admirable reflection of Jo- sephus concerning the general wickedness of men in great authority, and the danger they are in of rejecting that re- gard to justice and humanity, to Divine Providence and the fear of God, which they either really had, or pre- tended to have, while they wtre in a lower condition. ft can never be too often perused by kings and great men. nor hy those who expect to obtain such elevated dignities stnong mankind. See the like reflections o!' oTir .lose- phus, .Antiq. b. vii ch. i. sect. 5, at tbe en3 ; and b. viii. ch. X. sect 2, at the beginning. They are to the ike pnrport with one branch of \gur's prayev: • One Vmm hove f required of tbee, deny it me not orf.tre f die. Give nie not riclies, lest I l>e full, and deny thee, and say, mbo ia the Lord ?» Prov. xxx. 7, 8, 9. I all the actions of their lives, and that he does not only see the actions that are done, but clearly knows those their thoughts also, whence those actions do arise: but when once they are advanced into power and authority, then they put off all such notions, and, as if they were no others than actors upon a theatre, their disguised parts and manners and take up boldness, insolence, and a con "^^ tempt of both human and divine laws, and this at a time when they especially stand in need of piety and righteousness, because they are then most of all exposed to envy, and all they think and all they say are in the view of all men ; then it is that they become so inso- lent in their actions, as though God saw them no longer, or were afraid of them because of their power : and whatsoever it is that they either are afraid of by the rumours they hear, or they hate by inclination, or they love with- out reason, these seem to them to be authen- tic, and firm, and true, and pleasing both to men and to God ; but as to what will come hereafter, they have not the least regard to it. They raise those to honour indeed who have been at a great deal of pains for them, and after that honour they envy them ; and when they have brought them into high dignity, they do not only deprive them of what they had obtained, but also on that very account of their lives also, and that on wicked accu- sations, and such as on account of their ex- travagant nature are incredible. They also punish men for their actions, not such as de- serve condemnation, but from calumnies and accusations without examination ; and this extends not only to such as deserve to be pun- islwd, but to as many as they are able to kill. This reflection is openly confirmed to us from the example of Saul, the son of Kish, who was the first king who reigned af- ter our aristocracy and government under the judges were over; and that by his slaughter of three hundred priests and prophets, on oc- casion of his suspicion about Ahimelech, and by the additional wickedness of the overthrow of their city, and this as if he were endeavour- ing in some sort to render the temple [taber- nacle] destitute both of priests and prophets; which endeavour he showed by slaying so many of them, and not suffering the very city belonging to them to remain, that no others might succeed thenj. 8. But Abiathar, the son of Ahimelech, who alone could be saved out of the family of priests slain by Saul, fled to David, and informed him of the calamity that had befallen their family, and of the slaughter of his fa- ther : who hereupon said. He was not un- ipprized of what would follow with relation to tliein when he saw Doeg there ; for he had then a suspicion that the high-priest would be falsely accused by him to the king; and he blamed himself as having been the cause of this misfortune. But he dssired him 174 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VI, to stay tliere, and abide with him, as in a place where he might be better concealed than anywhere a.80. CHAPTER XIII. now DA.VID, WHEN HE HAD TWICE THE OP- POKTUNITY OF KILLING SAUL, DID NOT KILL HIM. ALSO, CONCERNING THE DEATH OF SAMUEL AND NABAL. § 1. About this time it was that David heard how the Philistines had made an inroad into the country of Keilah, and robbed it; so he offered himself to fight against them, if God, when he should be consulted by the prophet, would grant him the victory. And when the prophet said that God gave a signal of victory, he made a sudden onset upon the Philistines with his companions, and he shed a great deal of their blood, and carried off their prey, and staid with the inhabitants of Keilah till they had securely gathered in their corn and their fruits. However, it was told Saul the king that David was with the men of Keilah ; for what had been done, and the great success that had attended him, were not confined among the people where the things were done, but the fame of it went all abroad, and came to the hearing of others, and both the fact as it stood and the author of the fact, were carried to the king's ears. Then was Saul glad when he heard David was in Keilah: and he said, "God hath now put him into my hands, since he hath obliged him to come into a city that hath walls, and gates, and bars;" so he commanded all the people to set upon Keilah suddenly, and, when they had besieged and taken it, to kill D<ivid. But when David perceived this, and learned of God that if he staid there the men of Keilah would deliver him up to Saul, he took his four hundred men and retired into a desert that was over against a city called En-, gedi. So that when the king heard he was fled away from the men of Keilah, he left oil bis expedition against him. 2. Then David removed thence, and came to a certain place called the New Place, be- longing to Ziph; where Jonathan, the son of Saul, came to him, and saluted him, and ex- horted him to be of good courage, and to hope well as to his condition hereafter, and not to despond at his present circumstances, for that he should be king, and have all the forces of the Hebrews uncler him: he told him that such happiness uses to come with great labour and pains: they also took oaths, that they would, all their lives long, continue in good- will and fideli<:y one to another; and he called God to witn«^«s as to what execrations he had made upon himself if he should transgress his covenant, and should change to a contrary be- haviour. So Jon.'than left him there, having rendeie'1 his caret and fears somewhat lighter. and returned home. Now the men of Ziph, to gratify Saul, informed him that David abode with them, and [assured him] that if he would come to them, they would deliver him up, for that if the king would seize on the straits of Ziph, David would not escape to any other people. So the king commended them, and confessed that he had reason to thank them, because they had given him information of his enemy; and he promised them, that it should not be long ere he would requite their kindness. He also sent men to seek for David, and to search the wilderness wherein he was; and he promised that he himself would follow them. Accordingly they went before the king, to hunt for and to catch David, and used en- deavours not only to show their good-will to Saul, by informing him where his enemy was, but to evidence the same more plainly by de- livering him up into his power. But these men failed of those their unjust and wicked desires, who, while they underwent no hazard by not discovering such an ambition of reveal- ing this to Saul, yet did they falsely accuse and promise to deliver up a man beloved of God, and one that was unjustly sought after to be put to death, and one that might other- wise have lain concealed, and this out of flat- tery, and expectation of gain from the king; for when David was apprised of the malignant intentions of the men of Ziph, and the approach of Saul, he left the Straits of that country, and fled to the great rock that was in the wilder- ness of Maon. 3. Hereupon Saul made haste to pursue him thither; for, as he was marching, he learned that David was gone away from the Straits of Ziph, and Saul removed to the other side of the rock. But the report that the Philistines had again made an incursion into the country of the Hebrews, called Saul ano- ther way from the pursuit of David, when he was ready to be caught; for he returned back again to oppose those Philistines, who were naturally their ene;nies, as judging it more necessary to avenge himself of them than to take a great deal of pains to catch an enemy of his own, and to overlook the ravage that was made in the land. 4. And by this means David unexpectedly escaped out of the danger he was in, and came to the Straits of Engedi ; and when Saul had driven the Philistines out of the land, there came some messengers, who told him that David abode within the bounds of Engedi; so he took three thousand chosen men that were armed, and made haste to him; and when he was not far from those places, he saw a deep and hollow cave by the way-side; it was open to a great length and breadth, and there it wa^ that David with his four hundred men were concealed. When therefore he bad occasion to ease nature, he entered into it by himself alone; and being seen by one of D(u vUVa coiiij anions, wul be that saw him saying CHAP. Xltl, ANTIOUfTIES OF THE JEWS. 175 to hira tbat he had now, by God's providence, an opportunity of avenging himself of his ad- versary; and advising him to cut off his head, and so deliver himself out of that tedious wan- dering condition, and the distress he was in, he rose up and only cut off the skirt of that g-arment which Saul had on ; but he soon re- pented of what he had done; and said it was not right to kill hira that was his master, and one whom God had thought worthy of the kingdom : "for that although he were wickedly disposed towards us, yet does it not behove me to be so disposed towards him." But when Saul had left the cave, David came near and cried out aloud, and desired Saul to hear him ; whereupon the king turned his face back, and David, according to custom, fell down on his face before the king, and bowed to him; and said, '* O king, thou oughtest not to hearken to wicked men, nor to such as forge calum- nies, nor to gratify them so far as to believe what they say, nor to entertain suspicions of such as are your best friends, but to judge of the dispositions of all men by their actions ; for calumny deludes men, but men's own ac- tions are a clear demonstration of their kind- ness. Words indeed, in their own nature, may be either true or false, but men's actions expose their intentions nakedly to our view. By these, therefore, it will be well for thee to believe me, as to my regard to thee and to thy house, and not to believe those that frame such accusations against me as never came into my mind,, nor are possible to be executed, and do this farther by pursuing after my life, and iiHve no concern either day or night, but how to compass my life and to murder me, which thing I think thou dost unjustly4)rosecute ; for howcomes it about that thou hast embraced this false opinion about me, as if I had a desire to kill thee? — or how canst thou escape the crime of impiety towards God, when thou wi.shest thou couldst kill, and deemest thine adversary a man who had it in his power this day to avenge himself, and to punish thee, but would not do it? — nor make use of such an opportunity, which, if it had fallen out to thee against me, thou hadst not let it slip, for rt'hen I cut off the skirt of thy garment, I could have done the same to thy head." So he showed hira the piece of his garment, and thereby made him agree to what he said to be true ; and added, " I, for certain, have abstained from taking a just revenge upon thee, yet art thou not ashamed to prosecute me with unjust hatred.* May God do jus- tise and determine about each of our disposi- tions!" — But Saul was amazed at the strange delivery he had received ; and, being greatly affected with the moderation and the disposi- • The phrase in David's speech to Saul, as set down in Josephus, that he had ahstaine 1 from just revengfe, puts me in mind of the tike vvonU in the Apo>itolicul Constitutions, b. vii. rh. ii. " That revenge is not evil, bat that patie ipore honourah.'e." tion of the young man, he groaned; and when David had done the same, the king answereu that he had the justest occasion to groar., *' for thou hast been the author of good to me, as I have been the author of calamity to thee ; and thou hast demonstrated this day, that thou possessest the righteousness of the ancients, who determined that men ought to save their enemies, though they caught them in a desert place. I am now persuaded that God reserves the kingdom for thee, and that thou wilt obtain the dominion over all the Hebrews. Give me then assurances upon oath, That thou wilt not root out my family, nor, out of remembrance of what evil I have done thee, destroy my posterity, but save and preserve my house." So David sware as he desired, and sent back Saul to his own king- dom ; but he, and those that were with him, went up the Straits of Mastheroth. 5. About this time Samuel the prophet died. He was a man whom the Hebrews ho- noured in an extraordinary degree ; for that lamentation which the people made for him, and this during a long time, manifested his virtue, and the affection which the people bore for him; as also did the solemnity and concern that appeared about his funeral, and about the complete observation of all his funeral rites. They buried him in his own city of Ramah ; and wept for him a very great number of days, not looking on it as a sorrow for the death of another man, but as that in which they were every one themselves concerned. He was a righteous man, and gentle in his nature ; and on that account he was very dear to God. Now he governed and presided over the peo- ple alone, after the death of Eli the high- priest, twelve years, and eighteen years toge- ther with Saul the king. And thus we have finished the history of Samuel. 6. There was a man that was a Ziphite, of the city of Maon, who was rich, and had a vast number of cattle ; for he fed a flock of three thousand sheep, and another flock of a thousand goats. Now David had charged his associates to keep these flocks without hurt and without damage, and to do them no mis- chief, neither out of covetousness, nor because they were in want, nor because they were in the wilderness, and so could not easily be dis- covered, but to esteem freedom from injustice above all other motives, and to look upon the touching of what belonged to another man as a horrible crime, and contrary to the will of God. These were the instructions he gave, thinking that the favours he granted this man were granted to a good man, and one that de- served to have such care taken of his affairs. This man was Nabal, for that was his name — a harsh man, and of a vfery wicked life; being like a cynic in the course of his behn- viour, but still had obtained for his wife a w.>. man of a good character, wise and handson; To this Nabal, therefore, David sent tea iiicJ i7(5 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VI. cf his attendants at the time when he sheared nis sheep, and by them saluted him ; and also wished he might do what he now did for many years to come, but desired him to malce him a present of what he was able to give him, since he had, to be sure, learned from his shepherds that we had done them no injury, but had been their guardians a long time together, while we continued in the wilderness; and he assured him he should never repent of giving any thing to David. When the messengers had carried this naessage to Nabal, he accosted them after an inhuman and rough manner; for he asked them who David was? and when he heard that he was the son of Jesse, he said, " Now is the time that fugitives grow inso- lent, and make a figure, and leave their mas- ters." When they told David this, he was wroth, and commanded four hundred armed men to follow him, and left two hundred to take care of the stuff (for he had already six hundred*), and went against Nabal: he also swore that he would that night utterly destroy the whole house and possessions of Nabal; for that he was grieved, not only that he had proved ungrateM to them, without making any return for the humanity they had shown him, but that he had also reproached them, and used ill language to them, when he bad received no cause of disgust from them. 7. Hereupon one of those that kept the flocks of Nabal, said to his mistress, Nabal's wife, that when David sent to her husband he had received no civil answer at all frora hirai, but that her husband had moreover added very reproachful language, while yet David bad taken extraordinary care to keep his flocks from harm, and that what had passed would prove very pernicious to his master. When the servant had said this, Abigail, for that was his wife's name, saddled her asses, and loaded them with all sorts of presents ; and, without telling her husband any thing of what she was about (for he was not sensible on account of his drunkenness), she went to David. She was then met by David as she was descending a hill, who was coming against Nabal with four hundred men. When the woman saw David, she leaped dovwi froca her ass, and fell on her face, and bowed down to the ground ; and entreated him not to bear in mind the words of Nabal, since he knew that he re- sembled his name. Now Nabal, in the He- brew tongue, signifies folly. So she made her apology, that she did not see the messengers whom he sent. " Forgive me therefore," said she, " and thank God, who hath hindered * The namber of men that came first to David, are distinctly in Josephus and in our cominon copies, but four hundred. Whm he was at Keilah still Iwit four bondred l>oth in Josephus and in the Ixxiif hiit six hundred, in our Hebrew copies (1 San>. xxiii. 13; .'ee XXX. 9. 10). Now the six hundred there incntioncfl are bere estimated by .Visephus to hare been so many, only by an au{(mentation o( two hundred afterward, which I •tfppow n the Xivm •ulutioa of this seeming disagreement thee from shedding human blood; for so long- as thou keepest thyself innocent, he vnll avenga thee of ^vicked men,f for what miseries await Nabal, they will fall upon the heads of thine enemies. Be thou gracious to me, and think me so far worthy as to accept of these presents from me ; and, out of regard to me, remit that wrath and that anger which thou hast against my husband and his house, for mildness and humanity become thee, especially as thou art to be our king." Accordingly David accepted her presents, and sadd, " Nay, but, O woman, it was no other than God's mercy which brought thee to us to-day ; for, otherwise, thou hadst never seen another day, I having sworn to destroy Nabal's house this very night, % and to leave alive not one of you who belonged to a man that was wicked and ungrateful to me and my companions; but now hast thou pre- vented me, and seasonably molified my an- ger, as being thyself under the care of God's providence : but as for Nabal, although for thy sake he now escape punishment, he will not always avoid justice ; for his evil conduct, on some other occasion, will be his ruin." 8. When David had said this, he dismissed the woman. But when she came home and found her husband feasting wath a great com- pany, and oppressed with wine, she said no- thing to him then about what had happened; but on the next day, when he was sober, she told him all the particulars, and made his whole body to appear like that of a dead .man by her words, and by that grief which arose from them; so Nabal survived ten days, and no more, and then died. And when David heard of his death, he said that God had justly avenged him of this man, for that Nabal had died by his own wickedness, and had suffered punishment on his account, while he had kept his own hands clean. At which time he un- derstood that the wicked are prosecuted by God; that he does not overlook any man, but bestows on the good what is suitable to them, and inflicts a deserved punishment on the wicked. So he sent to Nabal's wife, and invited her to come t© him, to live with him,, and to be his wife. Whereupon she replied to those that came, that she was not worthy + In this and the two next sections, we may perceive how Josephus, nay, how Abigail herself. WduM under- stand the "not aven^rinc; ourselves, but heaping coaU of fire on the head of the injurious" (l*ri)V. xxv. 'Z'i; Rom. xii. a<l)j tiot as we commonly do now, of mrltinij them into kindness, but of leavinf; them to the jiiHjf ment of God, "Mo whom vengeance belonireth " (l)eut xxxii. 3>; P.H. xciv. I; Heb. x 30), and who will take vengeance on the wicked. And sin«:e all GiJ'sjudKmenta are just, and all fit to he executed, and ail at length for the Rood of the persons punished, 1 incline to think that to be the mtranin^of this phra»e of '^heaping coals of fire on their heads." % Wi may note here, that how sncred soever an oatij was esteeme<l aBvoni? the people ot (iiv) in old times, they did not think it 'ihliRatory where ihe action wa» plainly unlawful. \ o\ so we see it was in this rasw of David, who, alth(ini;h lie h.nd sworn to dcntioy Nabal and his family, yet <Iims he hrre, nn<l 1 •<:ini. xxv. 3*2-34, bless <;od for pi. vf-ntiiiu his krepine hi.s oath, and from sbeddinK of bloiNi. ui \w had swurti to do. CHAP. XIII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 177 to touch his feet; however, she came, with all her servants, and became bis wife, having received that honour on account of her wise and righteous course of life. She also ob- tained the same honour partly on account of her beauty. Now David had a wife before, whom he married from the city Abesar ; for as to Michal, the daughter of king Saul, who had been David's wife, her father had given her in marriage to Phalti, the son of Laish, who was of the city of Gallim. 9. After this came certain of the Ziphites, and told Saul that David was come again into their country, and, if he would afford them his assistance, they could catch him. So he came to them with three thousand armed men ; and upon the approach of night, he pitched his camp at a certain place called Ha* chilah. But when David heard that Saul was coming against him, he sent spies, and bid them let him know to what place of the coun- try Saul was already come ; and when they told him that he was at Hachilab, he concealed his going away from his companions, and came to Saul's camp, having taken with him Abishai, his sister Zeruiah's son, and Ahime- lech the Hittite. Now Saul was asleep, and the armed men, with Abner their commander, lay round about him in a circle. Hereupon David entered into the king's tent; but he did neither kill Saul, though he knew where he lay, by the spear that was stuck down by him} nor did he give leave to Abishai, who would have killed him, and was earnestly bent upon it so to do ; for he said it was a horrid crime to kill one that was ordained king by God, although he was a wicked man ; for that he who gave him the dominion would in time inflict punishment upon him. So he restrained his eage/ness : but that it might appear to have been in his power to have killed him when he refrained from it, he took his spear, and the cruse of water which stood by Saul as he lay asleep, without being perceived by any in the camp, who were all asleep, and went securely away, having per- formed every thing among the king's atten- dants that the opportunity afforded, and his boldness encouraged him to do. So when he had passed over a brook, and was gotten up to the top of a hill, whence he might be sufficiently heard, he cried aloud to Saul's soldiers, and to Abner their commander, and awaked them out of their sleep, and called both to liim and to the people. Hereupon the commander heard him, and asked who it was that called him. To whom David re- plied, — " It is I, the son of Jesse, whom you make a vagabond. But what is the matter? Dost thou, that art a man of so great dignity, and of the first rank in the king's court, take so little care of thy master's body? and is sleep of more consequence to thee than his preservation and thy care of him ? This ne- gligence of yours deserves death, and punish- ment to be inflicted on you, who never per- ceived when, a little while ago, some of us entered into your camp, nay, as far as to the king himself, and to all the rest of you. If thou look for the king's spear and his cruse of water, thou wilt learn what a mighty mis- fortune was ready to overtake you in your very camp without your knowing it." Now when Saul knew David's voice, and understand th;t when he had him in his power while he was asleep, and his guards took no care of him, yet did not he kill him, but spared him, when he might justly have cut him off, he said that he owed him thanks for bis preservation; and exhorted him to be of good courage, and not be afraid of suffering any mischief from him any more, and to return to his own home, for he was now persuaded that he did not love himself so well as he was loved by him : that he had driven away him that could guard him, and had given many demonstrations of his good- will to him: that he had forced him to live so long in a state* of banishment, and in great fears of his life, destitute of his friends and his kindred, while still he was often saved by him, and frequently received his life again when it was evidently in danger of perishing. \ So David bade them send for the spear and the cruse of water, and take them back; add- ing this withal, That God would be the judge of both their dispositions, and of the actions that flowed from the same, " who knows that when it was this day in my power to have killed thee, I abstained from it." 10. Thus Saul having escaped the hands of David twice, he went his way to his royal palace, and his own city: but David was afraid, that if he staid there be should be caught by Saul; so he thought it better to go up into the land of the Philistines and abide there. Accordingly he came with the six hundred men that were with him to Ach- ish, the king of Gath, which was one of their five cities. Now the king received both him and his men, and gave them a place to inhabit in. He had with him also his two wives, Ahinoara and Abigail; and he dwelt in Gath. But when Saul heard this, be took no fiirther care about sending to him, or going after him, because he had been twice in a manner caught by him, while he was himself endeavouring to catch him. However, David had no mind to continue in the city of Gath, but desired the king, that since he had received him with such hiinrrinity, that he would grant him ano- ther fivour, and bestow upon him some place of that country for his habitation, for he was ashamed, by living in the city, to be grievous and burdensome to him. So Achish gave him a certain village called Ziklag; which place David and his sons were fond of when be was king, and reckoned it to be their pe- culiar ifiheritance. But about those matters we shall give the reader farther information elsewhere. Now the time that David d<velt M 178 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK VI. in Z:klag, in the land of the Philistines, was fc '.ir months and twenty days. And now he privately attacked those Geshurites and Ama- lekites that were neighbours to the Philistines, and laid waste their country, and took much prey of their beasts and camels, and then re- turned home; but David abstained from the men, as fearing they should discover him to king Achish; yet did he send part of the prey to him as a free gift. And when the king inquired whom they had attacked when they brought away the prey, he said, those that lay to the south of the Jews, and inha- bited in the plain; whereby he persuaded Achish to approve of what he had done, for he hoped that David had fought against his own nation, and that now he should have him for his servant all his life long, and that he would stay in -fcis country. CHAPTER XIV. HOW SAUL, UPON GOD's NOT ANSWERING HIM CONCERNING THE FIGHT WITH THE PHILIS- TINES, DESIRED A NECROMANTIC WOMAN TO RAISE UP THE SOUL OF SAMUEL TO HIM; AND HOW HE DIED, WITH HIS SONS, UPON THE OVERTHROW OF THE HEBREWS IN BATTLE. § 1. About the same time the Philistines re- solved to make war against the Israelites, and sent to all their confederates that they would go along with them to the war to Reggan, [near the city Shunem], whence they might gather themselves together and suddenly at- tack the Hebrews. Then did Achish, the king of Gath, desire David to assist them with his armed men against the Hebrews. This he readily promised ; and said that the time was now come wherein he might requite him for his kindness and hospitality ; so the king pro- mised to make him the keeper of his body after the victory, supposing that the battle wth the enemy succeeded to their mind; which pro- raise of honour and confidence he made on purpose to increase his zeal for his service. 2. Now Saul, the king of the Hebrews, had cast out of the country the fortime-tellers, and the necromancers, and all such as exercised the like arts, excepting the prophets; but when he heard that the Philistines were al- ready come, and had pitched their camp near the city Shunem, situate in the plain, he made haste to oppose them with his forces; and when he was come to a certain mountain called Gilboa, he pitched his camp over-against the enemy; but when he saw the enemy's army he was greatly troubled, because it appeared to him to be numerous, and superior to his own; and he inquired of God by the prophets concerning the battle, that he might know be- forehand what would be the event of it; and when God did not answer him, Saul vma un- der a still greater dread, and his courage fell, foreseeing, as was but reasonable to suppose, that mischief would befall him, now God was not there to assist him ; yet did he bid his ser- vants to inquire out for him some woman that was a necromancer, and called up the souls of the dead, that so he might know whether his affairs would succeed to his mind ; for this sort of necromantic women that bring up the souls of the dead, do by them foretell future events to such as desire them. And one of his servants told him that there was such a woman in the city Endor, but was kno^vn to nobody in the camp ; hereupon Saul put of? his royal apparel, and took two of those his servants with him, whom he knew to be most faithful to him, and came to Endor to the woman, and entreated her to act the part of a fortune-teller, and to bring up such a soul to him as he should name to her. But when the woman opposed his motion, and said, She did not despise the king, who had banished this sort of fortune-tellers, and that he did not do well himself, when she had done him no harm, to endeavour to lay a snare for her, and to discover that she exercised a forbidden art, in order to procure her to be punished, — he sware that nobody should know what she did: and that he would not tell any one else what she foretold, but that she should incur no danger. As soon as he had induced her by this oath to fear no harm, he bade her bring up to him the soul of Samuel. She not know- ing who Samuel was, called him out of Hades. When he appeared, and the woman saw one that was venerable, and of a divine form, she was in disorder, and, being astonished at the sight, she said, — "Art not thou king Saul?" for Samuel had informed her who he was. When he had owned that to be true, and had asked her whence her disorder arose, she said, that she saw a certain person ascend, who in his form was like to a god. And when he bid her tell him what he re- sembled, in what habit he appeared, and of what age he was, she told him he was an old man already, and of a glorious personage, and had on a sacerdotal mantle. So the king dis. covered by these signs that he was Samuel ; and he fell down upon the ground and saluted and worshipped him. And when the soul of Samuel asked him why he had disturbed him, and caused him to be brought up, he lamented the necessity he was under; for he said, that his enemies pressed heavily upon him; that he was in distress M'hat to do in his present circumstances ; that he was forsaken of God, and could obtain no prediction of what was coming, neither by prophets nor by dreams; and that " these were the reasons why I have recourse to thee, who always tookest care of me." But* Sanmel, seeing that the end ol • ThU history of Snnl'* consultation, not with a witch, aa we render the Hebrew wo:d here, but with a necro CH\P. XIV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, l-iP Saul's life was come, said, — " It is in vain for thee to desire to learn of me any thing farther, when God hath forsaken thee: however, hear what I say, that David is to be king, and to finish this war with good success ; and thou art to lose thy dominion and thy life,* because thou didst not obey God in the war with the Araalekites, and hast not kept his command- ments, as I foretold thee while I was alive. Know, therefore, that the people shall be made subject to their enemies, and that thou, >\'ith thy sons, shall fall, in the battle to-morrow, and thou shalt then be with me [in Hades]." 3. When Saul heard this, he ccniM not speak for grief, and fell down on the riuor, whether it were from the sorrow that arose upon what Samuel had said, or from his emp- tiness, for he had taken -no food the foregoing day nor night, he easily fell quit€ down : and when with dilficulty he had recovered himself, the woman would force him to eat, begging this of him as a favour on account of her concern in that dangerous instance of for- tune-telling, which it was not lawful for her to have done, because of the fear she was under of the king, while she knew not who he ^^'as, yet did she undertake it, and go through with it ; on which account she entreated him to admit that a table and food might be set before him, that he might recover his strength, and so get safe to his own camp. And when he" opposed her motion, and entirely rejected it, by rea- son of his anxiety, she forced him, and at last persuaded him to it. Now she had one calf that she was very fond of, and one that she took a great deal of care of, and fed it herself, for she was a woman that got her living by the labour of her own hands, and had no other possession but that one calf; this she killed, and made ready its flesh, and set it before his servants and himself. So Said came to the camp while it was yet night. 4. Now it is but just to recommend the ge- nerosity of this woman,* because when the king had forbidden her to use that art whence her circumstances were bettered and improved, and when she had never seen the king before, she still did not remember to his disadvantage that lie had condemned her sort of learning, and did not refuse him as a stranger, and one mancer, as the whole history shows, is easily understood, especially if we consult the Recognitions ot Clement, b. i. chap. V. at lar^e. and more briefly, and nearer the days of Samnel, Ecclus. xivi. 20. " Samuel prophesied after his death, and showed the king his end. and lift up his voice from the earth in prophecy.'.' to blot out "the wickedness of the people." Nor does the exactness of the accomplishment of this prediction, the very next day, permit us to .suppose any imposition upon Saul in the pre- sent history, for as to all modern hypotheses against the natural sense of such ancient and authentic histories. I take them to be of very small value or consideration. ♦ These grtat commendations of this necromantic woman of Rndor. and of Saul's martial courage, when yet he knew he should die in the battle, are somewhat unusual digressions in Josephus. They seem to me ex- tracted from some speeches or declamations of his com- posed formerly, in the way of oratory, that lay by him. Bod which he thought (it to instrt upon this occasion ■Ste before on Antiq. b. i. ch. ri wet H. that she had had no acquaintance with; but she had compassion upon him, and comforted him, and exhorted him to do what he was greatly averse to, and offered him the only creature she had, as a poor woman, and that earnestly, and with great humanity, while she had no requital made her for her kindness, nor hunted after any future favour from him, for she knew he was to die; whereas men aie naturally either ambitious to please those that bestow benefits upon them, or are very ready to serve those from whom they may receive some advantage. It would be well therefore to imitate the example of this woman, and to do kindnesses to all such as are in want; and to think thai notuing is better, nor more be- coming mankind, than such a general benefi- cence, nor what will sooner render God fa- vourable, and ready to bestow good things upon us. And so far may suffice to have spoken concerning this woman. But I shall speak farther upon another subject, which \vill aiiord me an opportunity of discoursing on what is for the advantage of cities, and people, and nations, and suited to the taste of good men, and will encourage them all in the- prosecution of virtue, and is capable of show- ing them the method of acquiring glory, and an everlasting fame; and of imprinting in the kings of nations, and the rulers of cities, great inclination and diligence of doing well ; as also of encouraging them to undergo dan- gers, and to die for their countries, and of in- structing them how to despise all the most terrible adversities; and I have a fair occa- sion offered me to enter on such a discourse by Saul the king of the Hebrews; for al- though he knew what was coming upon him, and that he was to die immediately by the prediction of the prophet, he did not resolve to fly from death, nor so far to indtilge the love of life as to betray his own people to the enemy, or to bring a disgrace on his royal dignity; but, exposing himself, as well as all his family and children to dangers, he thought it a brave thing to fall together with them, as he was fighting for his subjects, and that it was better his sons should die thus, showing their courage, than to leave them to their un- certain conduct afterward, while, instead of succession and posterity, they gained com- mendation and a lasting name. Such a one alone seems to me to be a just, a courageous, and a prudent man; and when any one has arrived at these dispositions, or shall hereaf- ter arrive at them, he is the man that ought to be by all honoured with the testimony of a virtuous or courageous man; for as to those that go out to war with hopes of success, and that they shall return safe, supposing they shoul4 have performed some glorious action, I think those do not do well who call those valian men, as so many historians, and other writer."! who treat of them are wont to do, although I confess those do justly deserve some iK>ii.nBe^ 180 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK TI dation also; but those only may be styled courageous and bold in great undertakings, and despisers of adversities, who imitate Saul; forasforthose who do not know what the event of war will be as to themselves, and though they do not faint in it, but deliver themselves up to uncertain futurity, and are tossed this way and that way, this is not so very eminent an instance of a generous mind, although they happen to perform many great exploits : but v;hen men's minds expect no good event, but they know beforehand they must die and that they must undergo that death in the battle also, after this, neither to be affrighted nor to be astonished at the terrible fate that is coming, but to go directly upon it when they know it beforehand, — this it is that I esteem the character of a man truly courageous. Ac- cordingly this Saul did, and thereby demon- strated, that all men who desire fame after they are dead, are so to act as they may ob- tain the same : this especially concerns kings, who ought not to think it enough in their high stations that they are not wicked in the government of their subjects, but to be no more than moderately good to them. I could say more than this about Saul and his courage, the subject affording matter sufficient; but that I may not appear to run out improperly in his commendation, I return again to that history from which I made this digression. 5. Now when the Philistines, as*I said be- fore, had pitched their camp, and had taken an account of their forces, according to their nations, and kingdoms, and governments, king Achish came last of all with his own army ; after whom came David with his six hutjdred armed men. And when the com- mandtrs of the Philistines saw him, they asked the king whence these Hebrews came, and at whose fnvitation. He answered, That it was David, who was fled away from his master Saul, and that he had entertained him when he came to him, and that now he was willing to make him this requital for his favours, and to avenge himself upon Saul, and so was becoitc his confederate. The commanders complained of this, that he had taken hiai for a confe- derate who was an enemy ; and gave him counsel to send him away, lest he should un- awares do his friends a great deal of mischief by entertaining him, for that he afforded him an opportunity of being reconciled to his master, by doing a mischief to our army. They thereupon desired him, out of a prudent foresight of this, to send him away with his six hundred armed men, to the place he had given him for his habitation ; for that this was that David whom the virgins celebrated in ^heir hymns, as having destroyed many ten thousands of the Philistines. When the king of Gath heard this, he thought tht-y spake well ; so he called David, and said to him, ** As for myself, I can bear witness that thou bast shown great diligence and kindness about me, and on that account it was that I took thee for my confederate ; however, what 1 have done does not please the commanders of the Philistines; go therefore within a day's time to the place I have given thee, without suspecting any harm, and there keep my country, lest any of our enemies should make an incursion upon it, which will be one part of that assistance which I expect from thee." So David came to Ziklag, as the king of Gath bade him ; but it happened that while he was gone to the assistance of the Philistines, the Amalekites had made an incursion, and taken Ziklag before, and had burnt it ; and when they had taken a great deal of other prey out of that place, and out of the other parts of the Philistines' country, they departed. 6. Now when David found that Ziklag was laid waste, and that it was all spoiled, and that as well his own wive who were t\\ o, as the wives of his companions, with their children, were made captives, he presently rent his clothes, weeping and lamenting, to- gether with his friends ; and indeed be was so cast down with these misfortunes, that at length tears themselves failed him. He was also in danger of being stoned to death by his companions, who were greatly afflicted at *he captivity of their wives and children, for they laid the blame upon him of what had happened ; but when he had recovered himself out oi his grief, and had raised up his mind to God, he desired the high-priest Abiathar to put on his sacerdotal garments, and to en- quire of God, and to prophecy to him. Whe- ther God would grant, that if he pursued aftei the Amalekites, he should overtake them, and save their wives and their children, and avenge himself on the enemies? — and when the hi^h- priest hade him to pursue after them, he marched apace, -^vith his four hundred men, af. ter the enemy ; aiid when he was come to a cer tain brook called ]3esor, and had lighted upon one that was wandering about, an Egyptian by birth, who was almost dead with want and famine ("for he had continued wandering about without food in the wilderness three days), he first of all gave him sustenance, both meat and drink, and thereby refreshed him. Ke then asked him to whom he belonged, and whence he came. Whereupon the man told him he was an Egyptian by birth, and was left behind by his master, because he was so sick and weak that he could not follow him. He also informed him that he was one of tliose who had burnt and plundered, not only o'her parts of Judea, but Ziklag itself also. So David made use of him as a guide to find out the Amalekites ; and when he had over- taken them, as they lay scattered about on the groimd, some at dirmer, some disordered, and entirely drunk with wine, and. in the frui- tion of their spoils and their prey, he fell upon them on the sudden, and made a great slaugh- ter among them, for they A'cre naked, and CHAP. XIV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 181 expected no such thing, but had betaken them- selves to drinking and feasting, and so they w,ere all easily destroyed. Now some of them that were overtaken as they lay at the tal)le, were slain in that posture; and their blood brought up with it their meat and their drink. They slew others of them as they were drink- ing to one 'another in their cups; and sonie of them when their full bellies had made them fall asleep; and for so many as had time to put on their armour, they slew them with the sword, with no less ease than they did thos^ that were naked; and for the partisans of David, they continued also the slaughter from the first hour of the day to the evening, so that there were not above four hundred of the Amalekites left; and they only escaped by getting upon their dromedaries and camels. Accordingly David recovered not only all the other spoils which the enemy had carried away, but his wives also, and the wives of his companions; but when they were come to the place where they had left the two hundred men, which were not able to follow them, but were left to take care of the stuff, the four hundred men did not think fit to divide among them any other parts of what they had got- ten, or of the prey, since they did not accom- pany them, but pretended to be feeble, and did not follow them in the pursuit of the ene- my, but said they should be contented to have safely recovered their wives; yet David did pronounce that this opinion of theirs was evil and unjust, and that when God had granted them such a favour, that they had avenged themselves on their enemies, and had recovered all that belonged to themselves, they should make an equal distribution of what they had gotten to all, because the rest had tarried be- hind to guard their stuff; and from that time this law obtained among them that those who guarded the stuff should receive an equal share vvith those that had fought in the battle. Now when David was come to Ziklag, he sent portions of the spoils to all that had been familiar with him, and to his friends in the tribe of Judah; and thus ended the affairs of the plundering of Ziklag, and of the slaughter of the Amalekites. 7. Now upon the Philistines joining battle, there followed a sharp engagement, and the Philistines became the conquerors, and slew a great number of their enemies ; but Saul the king of Israel, and his sons, fought cou- rageously, and with the utmost alacrity, as kno\ving that their entire glory lay in nothing else but dying honourably, and exposing themselves to the utmost danger from the enemy (for they had nothing else to hope for) ; so they brought upon themselves the whole power of the enemy, till they were encompassed roujjd and slain, but not before they had kill- ed many of the Philistine?. Now the sons of Saul were Jonathan, and Abinadab, and MhI- chisua; and when these were slain, the mul- titude of the Hebrews were put to fiight, and all was disorder, and confusion, and slaugh- ter, upon the Philistines pressing in upon them. But Saul himself fled, having a strong body of soldiers about him : and upon the Philistines sending after him those that threw javelins and shot arrows, he lost all his com- pany except a few. As for himself he fought with great bravery; and when he had received so many wounds that he was not able to bear up, nor to oppose any longer, and yet wag not able to kill himself, he bid his armour- bearer to draw his sword and run him through, before the enemy should take him alive. But his armour-bearer not daring to kill his mas- ter, he drew his own sword, and placing him- self over against its point, he threw himself upon it; and when he could neither run it through him, nor, by leaning against it, make j the sword pass through him, he turned him round, and asked a certain young man that stood by who he was; and when he under- stood that he was an Amalekite, he desired him to force the sword through him, because he was not able to do it with his own hands, and thereby to procure him such a death as he desired. This the young man did accord- ingly; and he took the golden bracelet that was on Saul's arm, and his royal crown that was on his head, and ran away. And when Saul's armour-bearer saw that he was slain, he killed himself; nor did any of the king's guards escape, but they all fell upon the moun- tain called Gilboa. But when those Hebrews that dwelt in the valley beyond Jordan, and those who had their cities in the plain, heard that Saul and his sons were fallen, and that the multitude about them were destroyed, they left their own cities, and fled to s"ch as were the best fortified and fenced; and the Philistines finding those cities deserted, came and dwelt in them. 8. On the next day, when the Philistines came to strip their enemies that were slain, they got the bodies of Saul and of his sons and stripped them, and cut off their heads. And they sent messengers all about their country, to acquaint them that their enemies were fallen ; and they dedicated their armour in the temple of Astarte, but hung their bo- dies on crosses at the walls of the city Beth- shan, which is now called Scythopolis. But when the inhabitants of Jabesh-Gilead heard that they had dismembered the dead bodies of Saul and of his sons, they deemed it so horrid a thing to overlook this barbarity, and to suffer them to be without funeral rites, that the most courageous and hardy among them (and indeed that city had in it men that were very stout both in body and mind) journeyed all night, and came to Bethshan, and ap- proached to the enemy's wall, and taking down the bodies of Saul and of his sons, they carried them to Jabesh, while the enemy were not able enouj^h. nor bold enough, to hinder IS2 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VII them, because of their great courage; so the peopie of Jabesh wept all in general, and buried their bodies in the best place of their coui.try, which was called Aroura; and they observed a public mourning for them seven days, with their wives and children, beating their breasts, and lamenting the king and his go/.s. Without tasting either meat or drink* [till the evening]. y. To this his sad end' did Saul come, ac- cording to the prophecy of Samuel, because he disobeyed the commands of God about the Amalekites, and on the account of his destroy- ing the family of Ahimelech, the high-priDst, with Ahimelech himself, and the city of the high-priests. Now Saul, when he had reigned eighteen years while Samuel was alive, and after his death two [and twenty], ended hi« life in this manner. BOOK VII. CONTAINING THE INTLRVAL OF FORTY TEARS. FKOM THE DEATH OF SAUL TO THE DEATH OF DAVID. CHAPTER I. HOW DAVID REIGNED OVER ONE TRIBK AT HE- BRON, WHILE THE SON OF SAUL REIGNED OVER THE REST OF THE MULTITUDE; AND HOW, IN THE CIVIL WAR WHICH THEN AROSE, ASAHEL AND ABNER WERE SLAIN. § 1. This fight proved to be on the same day whereon David was come back to Ziklag, after he had overcome the Amalekites. Now when he had been already two days at Zik- lag, there came to him the man who slew Saul, which was the thiid day after the fight. He had escaped out of the battle which the Israelites had with the Philistines, and had his clothes rent, and ashes upon his head. And when he made his obeisance to David, he inquired of him whence he came. He replied, from the battle of the Israelites : and he informed him that the end of it was unfor- tunate, many ten thousands of the Israelites having been cut off, and Saul, together with • This way of speakinf^ in Josephus. of " fastin? tevrn days without meat ur drink." is almost like that of St. I'aiil, Acts xxvii. 33: "This day is the four- teenth day that ye have tarried and continued fasting. Laving taken nuthingi" and as the nature ot the thine, and the impossibility of strictly fasting so long, require lis here to understand both Jusephus and the sacred au- thor of this history, 1 Sam. x\x. I:), from whence he look it, of only fasting till the evening; so mu.M we understand St. Paul, either that this was really the fourteenth day of their tempestuous weather in the Adriatic Sea, as ver. 27, and ttiat un this tourteenth day alone they had continued la!>lih);. and had taken DcthinK before the eveninjj. The mention of their long Ahstiiience. ver il. inclines me to believe the fortner explication to be the truth, and that the rase was then for a fortnight what it was here lor h week, that they kept all IhoHC dayn entirely as fasts til the ev>nini;. hut p</] loneer. -ee Judges xx. •<<■! \xi.-2. I Som. xiv. i4; S Samuel L 1*/; Anti(}.b. vii chap. vti. sixl. L his son, slain. He also said that he could well give him this information, because he was present at the victory gained over the Hebrews, and was with the king when he fled. Nor did he deny that he had himself slain the king, when he was ready to be taken by the enemy, and he himself exhorted him to do it, because, when he was fallen on his sword, his great wounds had made him so weak that he was not able to kill himself. He also produced 'demonstrations that the king was slain, which were the golden bracelets that had been on the king's arms, and his crown* which he had taken away from Saul's dead body, and had brought them to him. So David having no longer room to call in ques- tion the truth of what he said, but seeing most evident marks that Saul was dead, he rent his garments, and continued all that day, with his companions, in weeping and lamentation. This grief was augmented by the consideration of Jonathan, the son of Saul, who had been his most faithful friend, and the occasion of his own deliverance. He also demonstrated him- self to have such great virtue, and such great kindness for Saul, as not only to take his death to heart, though he had been frequently in danger of losing his life by his means, but to punish him that slew hiu): for when David had said to him, that he was become his own accuser, as the very man who had slain the king, and when he understood that he was tl;e son of an Amalekite, he conimanded him to be slain. He also committed to writing some lamentjitions and funeral commendations oi Saul and Jonathan, which have continued to my own age. 2. Now when David had paid tbesn ho- CHAP. I. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 183 nours to the king, he left off his mourning, and inquired of God, by the prophet, which of the cities of the tribe of Judah he would bestow upon him to dwell in; who answered tliat he bestowed upon him Hebron. So he left Ziklag and came to Hebron, and took with him his \vives, who were in number two, and his armed men ; whereupon all the people of the forementioned tribe came to him, and ordained him their king. But when he heard that the inhabitants of Jabesh-Gilead had bu- ried Saul and his sons [honourably], he sent to them and commended them, and took what they had done kindly, and promised to make them amends for their care of those that were dead ; and at the same time he informed them that the tribe of Judah had chosen him for their king. 3. But as soon as Abner, the son of Ner, who was general of Saul's army, and a very active man, and good-natured, knew that the king and Jonathan, and his two other sons, were fallen in the battle, he made haste into the camp; and, taking away ^vith him the re- maining son of Saul, whose name was Isb- , bosheth, he passed over to the land beyond Jordan, and ordained him the king of the whole multitude, excepting the tribe of Ju- dah ; and made his royal seat in a place called in our language Mahanaim, but in the lan- guage of the Grecians, The Camps; from whence Abner made haste with a select body of soldiers, to fight with such of the tribe of Judah as were disposed to it, for he was angry that this tribe had set up David for their king; but Joab, whose father was Suri, and his mo- ther Zeruiah, David's sister, who was general of David's army, met him, according to Da- vid's appointment. He had with him his bre- thren, Abishai and Asahel, as also all David's armed men. Now when he met Abner at a cer- tain fountain, in the city of Gibeon, he prepar- ed to fight; and when Abner said to him that he had a mind to know which of them had the more valiant soldiers, it was agreed between them that twelve soldiers of each side should fight together. So those that were chosen out by both the generals for this fight, came be- tween the two armies, and throwing their liiiiees one against the other, they drew their swords, and catching one another by the head, they held one another fast, and ran each other's swords into their sides and groins, until they all, as it were by mutual agreement, perished together. When these were fallen down dead, the rest of the'army came to a sore battle, and Abner's men were beaten; and when they were beaten, Joab did not leave off pursuing thojn, but he pressed upon them, and excited the soldiers to follow them close, and not to ^row weary of killing them. His brethren also pursued them with great alacrity, especi- ally the younger Asahel, who was the most eminent of them. He was very famous for nis swiftness of foot, for be could not only be j too hard for men, but is reported to have over- run a horse, when they had a race together. This Asahel ran violently after Abner, and would not turn in the least out of the straight way, either to the one side or to the other. Hereupon Abner turned back, and attempted artfully to avoid his violence. Sometimes he bade lum leave off the pursuit, and take the armour of one of his soldiers; and sometime? when he could not persuade him so to to, le exhorted him to restrain himself, and not to pursue him any longer, lest he should force him to kill him, and he should then not be able to look his brother in the face; but when Asahel would not admit of any persuasions, but still continued to pursue him, Abner smote him with his spear, as he held it in his flight, and that by a back-stroke, and gave him a deadly wound, so that he died immediately, but those that were with him pursuing Abner, when they came to the place where Asahel lay, they stood round about the dead body, and left off the pursuit of the enenr.y. ^iDwever, both Joab* himself, and his brother Abishai, ran past the dead corpse, and making their anger at the death of Asahel an occasion of greater zeal against Abner, they went on with incredible haste and alacrity, and pursued Abner to a certain place called Ammah : it was about sun-set. Then did Joab as'^ei'^ a certain hill, as he stood at that place, havi^.g the tribe of Benjamin Avith him, whence he took a view of them, and of Abner also. Hereupon Abner cried aloud, and said that it was not fit that they should irritate men of the same nation to fight so bitterly one against another; that as for Asahel his brother, he was himself in the wrong, when he would not be advised by him not to pursue him any farther, which was the occasion of his wounding and death. So Joab consented to what he sfiid, and accepted these words as an excuse [about Asahel], and called the soldiers back with the sound of the trumpet, as a signal for their retreat, and thereby put a stop to any farther pursuit. After which Joab pitched his camp there that night; but Abner marched all that night, and passed over the river Jordan, and came to Ishbosheth, Saul's son, to Mahanaim. On the next day Joab counted the dead men, and took care of all their funerals. Now there were slain of Abner's soldiers about three hundred and sixty; but of those of David nineteen, and Asahel, whose body Joab and Abishai carried to Bethlehem ; and when they had buried him in the sepulchre of their fa- thers, they came to David to Hebron. From this time, therefore, there began an intestine war, which lasted a great while, in which the followers of David grew stronger in the dan- gers they underwent; and the servants and sub- • It onjjht lo be lirre noted, that Joab, Abishai, and Asahil. were all three David's nephews, the sons of hig .sister Zejirah. as 1 Chron. ii. 16; and that Amasawas al.-o his nejihew by his other sister Abigail, ver. 17. 184 AKTIQUITIES OF THE J^WS. BOOK vn jects of Saul's son did almost every day be- come weaker. 4. About this time David was become the father of six sons, bom of as many mothers. The eldest was by Ahinoam, and he was called Ammon; the second was Daniel, by his wife Abigail; the name of the third was Absa- lom, by Maacah, the daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur; the fourth he named Ado- iiijah, by his wife Haggith; the fifth was Shephatiah, by Abitail; the sixth he called Ithream, by Eglah. Now while this intes- tine war went on, and the subjects of the two kings came frequently to action and to fight- ing, it was Abner, the general of the host of Saul's son, who, by his prudence, and the great interest he had among the multitude, made them all continue \vith Ishbosheth ; and indeed it was a considerable time that they continued of his party; b\it afterwards Abner was blamed, and an accusation was laid agmnst him, that he went in unto Saul's concubine: her name was Rispah, the daughter of Aiah. So when he was complained of by Ishbosheth, he was very uneasy and angry at it, because he had not justice done him by Ishbosheth, to whom he had shown the greatest kindness ; whereupon be threatened to transfer the king- dom to David, and demonstrate that he did not rule over the people beyond Jordan by his own abilities and wisdom, but by his war- Uke conduct and fidelity in leading his army. So he sent ambassadors to Hebron to David, and desired that he would give him security upon oath that he would esteem him his com- panion and his friend, upon condition that he should persuade the people to leave Saul's Bon, and choose him king of the whole coun- try; and when David had made that league with Abner, for he was pleased with his mes- sage to him, he desired that he would give this as the first mark of performance of the present league, that he might have his wife Michal restored to him, as her whom he had purchased with great hazards, and with those six hundred heads of the Philistines which he had brought to Saul her father. So Abner took Michal from Phaltiel, who was then her husband, and sent her to David, Ishbosheth himself affording him his assistance; for David had written to him that of right he ought to have this his wife restored to him. Abner also called together the elders of the multi- tude, the commanders and captains of thou- sands, and spake thus to them: That he had formerly dissuaded them from their own re- solution, when they were ready to forsake Ishbosheth, and to join themselves to David ; that, however, he now gave them leave so to do, if they had a mind to it, for they knew that God had appointed David to be king of all the Hebrews, by Samuel the prophet; and nad foretold that he should punish the Phi- Vatines, and overcome them, and bring them uurler. Now when the elders and rulers heard this, and understood that Abner was come over to those sentiments about the public af- fairs which they were of before, they changed their measures, and came in to David. When these men had agreed to Abner 's proposal, he called together the tribe of Benjamin, for all of that tribe were the guards of Ishbosheth 's body, and he spake to them to the same pur- pose ; and when he saw that they did not in the least oppose what he said, but resigned themselves up to his opinion, he took about twenty of his friends and came to David, in order to receive himself security upon oath from him; for we may justly esteem those things to be firmer which every one of us do by ourselves, than those which we do by an- other. He also gave him an account of what he had said to the rulers, and to the whole tribe of Benjamin ; and when David had re- ceived him in a courteous manner, and had treated him with great hospitality for many days, Abner, when he was dismissed, desired him to permit him to bring the multitude with him, that he might deliver up the govern- ment to him when David himself was present, and a spectator of what was done. 5. When David had sent Abner away, Joab, the general of his army, came immediately to Hebron; and when he had understood that Abner had been with David, and had parted with him a little before under leagues and agreements that the government should be delivered up to David, he feared lest David should place Abner, who had assisted him to gain the kingdom, in the first rank of dignity, especially since he was a shrcM'd man in other respects, in understanding affairs, and in managing them artfully, as proper seasons should require, and that he should himself be put lower, and deprived of the command of the army; so he took a knavish and a wicked course. In the first place, he endeavoured to calumniate Abner to the king, exhorting him to have a care of him, and not to give atten- tion to what he had engaged to do for him, because all he did tended to confirm the go- vernment to Saul's son: that he came to him deceitfully, and with guile, and was gone away in hopes of gaining his purpose by this management; but when he could not thus persuade David, nor saw him at all exaspe- rated, he betook himself to a project bolder than the former: — he determined to kill Ab- ner ; and, in order thereto, he sent some mes- sengers after him, to whom he gave in charge, that when they should overtake him, they should recall him in David's name, and tell him that he had somewhat to say to him about his affairs, which he had not remembered to speak of when he was with him. Now when Abner heard what the messengers said (for they overtook him in a certain place called Besira, which was distant from Hebron twenty furlongs), he suspected none of the mischief which was befalUng him, and came back. CHAP. II. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 185 Hereupon Joab met him in the gate, and re- ceived him in the kindest manner, as if he were Abner's most benevolent acquaintance and friend; for such as undertake the vilest actions, in order to prevent the suspicion of any private mischief intended, do frequently make the greatest pretences to what really ^ood men sincerely do. So he took him aside from his own followers, as if he would speak with him in private, and brought him into a void place of the gate, having himself nobody with him but his brother Abishai; then he drew his sword, and smote him in the groin; upon which Abner died by this treachery of Joab, which, as he said himself, was in the way of punishment for his brother Asahel, whom Abner smote and slew as he was pur- suing after him in the battle of Hebron, but as the truth was, out of his fear of losing his command of the army, and his dignity with the king, and lest he should be deprived of those advantages, and Abner should obtain the first rank in David's court. By these ex- amples any one may learn how many and how great instances of wickedness men will ven- ture upon for the sake of getting money and authority, and that they may not fail of either of them; for as when they are desirous of obtaining the same, they acquire them by ten thousand evil practices; so when they are atraid of losing them, they get them confirm- ed to them by practices much worse than the former, as if [no] other calamity so terrible could befall them as the failure of acqiuring so exalted an authority; and when they have acquired it, and by long custom found the sweetness of it, the losing it again: and since this last would be the heaviest of all afflictions, they all of them contrive and venture upon the most difficult actions, out of the fear of losing the same. But let it suffice, that I have made these short reflections upon that subject. 6. When David heard that Abner was slain, it grieved his soul: and he called ail men to witness, with stretching out his hands to God, and crying out that he was not a partaker in the murder of Abner, and that his death was not procured by his command or approbation. He also wished the heaviest curses might light upon him that slew him, and upon his whole house; and he devoted those that had assisted him in this murder to the same penalties on its account ; for he took care not to appear to have had any hand in this murder, contrary to the assurances he had given, and the oaths he had taken to Abner. However, he com- manded all the people to weep and lament this man, and to honour his dead body with the usual solemnities; that is, by rending their garments, and putting on sackcloth, and that tliis should be the habit in which they should go before the bier; after which he followed it himself, ^vith the elders and those that were rulers, lamenting Abner, and by his tears de- I monstrating his good-will to^vards him, while he was alive, and his sorrow for him now he was dead, and that he was not taken off with his consent. So he buried him at Hebron in a magnificent manner, and indited funeral elegies for him ; he also stood first over the monument weeping, and caused others to do the same; nay, so deeply did the death of Abner disorder him, that his companions could Ly no means force him to take any food, for he affirmed with an oath that he would taste nothing till the sun was set. This procedure gained him the good-\vill of the multitude; for such as had an affection for Abner were mightily satisfied with the respect he paid him when he was dead, and the observation of that faith he had plighted to him, which was shown in his vouchsafing him ail the usual ceremo- nies, as if he had been his kinsman and his friend, and not suffering him to be neglected and injured with a dishonourable burial, as if he had been his enemy; insomuch that the entire nation rejoiced at the king's "gentleness and mildness of disposition, every one being ready to suppose that the king would have taken the same care of them in the like cir- cumstances, which they saw he showed in the burial of the dead body of Abner. And in- deed David principally intended to gain a good reputation, and therefore he took care to do what was proper in this case, whence none had any suspicion that he was the author of Abner's death. He also said this to the mul- titude, That he was greatly troubled at the death of so good a man; and that the af- fairs of the Hebrews had suffered great detri- ment by being deprived of him, who was of so great abilities to preserve them by his ex- cellent advice, and by the strength of his hands in war. But he added, that "God, who hath a regard to all men's actions, Nvill not suffer this man [Joab] to go off unrevenged ; but know ye, that I am not able to do any thing to these sons of Zeruiah, Joab, and Abi- shai, who have more power than I have; but God will requite their insolent attempts upon their o^vn heads." And this was the fatal conclusion of the life of Abner. CHAPTER IL THAT UPON THE SLAUGHTER OF ISHBOSHETU, BY THE TREACHERY OF HIS FRIENDS, DA- VID RECEIVED THE WHOLE KINGDOM. § 1. When Ishbosheth, the son of Saul, had heard of the death of Abner, he took it to heart to be deprived of a man that was of Ids kindred, and had indeed given him the king- dom, but was greatly afflicted, and Abner's death very much troubled him; nor did ho 186 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK VII. himself outlive any long time, but was treach- erously set upon by the sons of Rimmon (Baanah and Rechab were their names), and was slain by them ; for <-hese being of a family of the Benjamites, and of the first rank among them, thought that if they should slay Ish- bosheth, they should obtain large presents from David, and be made commanders by him, or, however, should have some other trust com- mitted to them. So when they once found him alone, and asleep at noon, in an upper room, when none of his guards were there, and when the woman that kept the door was not watching, but was fallen asleep also, partly on account of the labour she had undergone, and partly on account of the heat of the day, these men went into the room in which Ishbosheth, Saul's son, lay asleep, and slew him; they also cut off his head, and took their journey all that night, and the next day, as supposing themselves flying away from those they had injured, to one that would accept of this action as a favour, and would afford them security. So they came to Hebron and showed David the head of Ishbosheth, and presented them- selves to him as his well-wishers, and such as had killed one that was his enemy and anta- gonist. Yet David did not relish what they had done as they expected, but said to them, ** You vile wretches, you shall immediately receive the punishment you deserve. Did not you know what vengeance I executed on him that murdered Saul, and brought me his crown of gold, and this while he who made this slaughter did it as a favour to him, that he might not be caught by his enemies? Or do you imagine that I am altered in my dis- position, and suppose that I am not the same man I then was, but am pleased with njen that are wicked doers, and esteem your vile ac- tions, when you are become murderers of your master, as grateful to me, when you have slain a righteous man upon his bed, who never did evil to any body, and treated you with great good-will and respect? Wherefore you shall suffer the punishment due on his account, and the vengeance I ought to inflict upon you for kilUng Ishbosheth, and for supposing that 1 should take his death kindly at your hands; for you could not lay a greater blot on my honour than by making such a supposal." When David had said this, he tormented them with all sorts of torments, and then put them to death ; and he bestowed all accustomed rites on the burial of the head of Ishbosheth, and laid it in the grave of Abner. 2. When these things were brought to this conclusion, all the principal men of the He- brew people came to David to Hebron, with the heads of thousands, and other rulers, and delivered themselves up to him, putting him in mind of the good-will they had borne to him in Saul's lifetime, and the respect they then had not ceased to pay him when he whs taptain of a thousand, as alvo that he way cho- sen of God by Samuel the prophet, he and hig sons:* and declaring besides, how God had given him power to save the land of the He- brews, and overcome the Philistines. Where- upon he received kindly this their alacrity on his account; and exhorted them to continue in it, for that they should have no reason to repent of being thus disposed to him. So when he had feasted them, and treated them kindly, he sent them out to bring all the people to him ; upon which there came to him about six thou- sand and eight hundred armed men of the tribe of Judah, who bare shields and spears for their weapons, for these had [till now] continued with Saul's son, when the rest of the tribe ol Judah had ordained David for their king. There came also seven thousand and one hun- dred out of the tribe of Simeon. Out of the tribe of Levi came four thousand and seven hundred, having Jehoiada for their leader. After these came Zadok the high-priest, with twenty-two captains of his kindred. Out ot the tribe of Benjamin the armed men were four thousand ; but the rest of the tribe con- tinued, still expecting that some one of the house of Saul should reign over them. Those of the tribe of Ephraim were twenty thousand and eight hundred; and these mighVy men of valour, and eminent for their strength. Out of the Half-tribe of Manasseh came eighteen thousand of the most potent men. Out of the tribe of Issacbar came two hundred, who fore- knew what was to come hereafter,! but of armed men twenty thousand. Of the tribe oi Zebulon fifty thousand chosen men. This was the only tribe that came universally in to David; and all these had the same weapons witn the tribe of Gad. Out of the tribe of Naphthali the eminent men and rulers were one thousand, whose weapons were shields and spears ; and the tribe itself followed after, being (in a maimer) immmerable [thirty-seven thousand]. Out of the tribe of Dan there were of chosen men twenty-seven thousand and six hundred. Out of the tribe of Asher were forty thousand. Out of the two tribes that were beyond Jordan, and the rest of the tribe of Manasseh, such as used shields, and spears, and head-pieces, and swords, were an hundred and twenty thousand. The rest of the tribes also made use of swords. This nmltitude came together to Hebron to David, with a great quantity of corn and Mine, and • This may be a true observation of Josepbus. that Samuel, by coniiiiand fioni (iod, entailed the crown on David and bi!> posterity; for no farther did that entail ever reach, — Solomon himself having never had any promise made him that his posterity should always have the rii^ltt to it. + These words of Josephns, concerning the tribe ot Issachnr, "who foreknew what was to come hereafter," are best paraphrased hy the parallel text (I Chron. xii. 3*J): " V\ ho had undcrstanditi< of the times, to know what Israel ouftht to do;" that is. Who had so much knowlndue in astronomy as to make calendars for the Israelites, that Ihey mi^ht keep their festivals, and plough and HOW, and Kutber in their harvests and vintage ia due •< ason. Crucifixion of Christ. — Page 187. CHAP. III. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 18? all other sorts of food, and established David in his kingdom with one consent ; and when the people had rejoiced for three days in Hebron, David and all the people removed and came to Jerusalem. CHAPTER IIL HOW DAVID LAID SEIGE TO JERUSALEM; AND WHEN HE HAD TAKEN THE CITY, HE CAST THE CANAANITES OUT OF IT, AND BROUGHT IN THE JEWS TO INHABIT THEREIN. § 1. Now the Jebusites, who were the inha- bitants of Jerusalem, and were by extraction Canaanites, shut their gates, and placed the blind, and the lame, and all their maimed per- sons, upon the wall, in way of derision of the king; and said that the very lame themselves would hinder his entrance into it. This they did out of contempt of his power, and as de- pending on the strength of their walls. Da- vid was hereby enraged, and began the siege of Jerusalem, and employed his utmost dili- gence and alacrity therein, as intending, by the taking of this place, to demonstrate his power, and to inticnidate all others that might be of the like [evil] disposition towards him: so he took the lovver city by forcf , but the ci- tadel held out still;* whence it was that the king, knowing that the pruposul of dignities and rewards would encourage the soldiers to greater actions, promised that he who should first go over the ditches that were bejieath the citadel, and should ascend to the citadel itself and take it, should have the command of the entire people conferred upon him. So they all were ambitious to ascend, and thought no pains too great in order to ascend thither, out of their desire of the chief command. How- ever, Joab, the son of Zeruiah, prevented the rest; and as soon as he was got up to the ci- tadel, cried out to the king, and claimed the chief command. • vVhat our other copies say of Mount Sion, as alone prcperly called tlie City of David {-2 Sam. v. 6— 9), and o( this its siege and conquest now by l)avi(l, Josephns applies to tlie whole city Jerusalem, thousjh including the citadel also ; by what authority we do not now know —perhaps, after David had united them toijefher, or joined the citadel to the lower city, a» sect 2, Joseptius fcsteemed them as one city. However, this notion seems to be confirmed by what the same Jivsephus says con- j cernin^ David's, and many other kings of .ludah's, se- pulchres, which, as the authors of the books of Kings and Chronicles say, were in the city of David, so does Jose- phus still say they were in Jerusalem. The sepulchre of David seems to have been also a known place in the several days of Ilyrcanus, of Herod, and of St. Peter — Antiq. b. xiii. cli. viii. sect. 4 ; b xvi. ch vii. sect. I ; Acts ii. 2 •. Now ho such royal sepulchres have been found about Mount Sion, but are found close by the north wall of Jerusalem, which 1 suspect, therefore, to be these very sepulchres. See the note on chap. xv. sect 8. In th«! mean time, Josephus's explication of the iHine, and the blind, and the maimed, as set to keep thi» citv or citadel, seems to be the truth, and uives the best light to that history in our Bible. Mr. Ottius truly ob- »erves ( ap. H.ivercami). p xUio), that Jjsephus never m»'ntioiis Mount Sion by that name, us takinu it for an apieMut vr. as I «uppiii«e. nn'l not fur a prop* r name; he .si'll either »t>les it Ihf Ctlatiel. or Tiif Ufffrr City i 2. When David had cast the Jebusites out of the citadel, be also rebuilt Jerusalerc, and named it The City of David, and abode there all the time of his reign : but for the time that he reigned over the tribe of Judah only in Hebron, it was seven years and six months. Now when he had chosen Jerusa- lem to be his royal city, his affairs did more and more prosper, by the Providence of God, who took care that they should improve and be augmented. Hiram also, the king of the Tyrians, sent ambassadors to him, and made a league of mutual friendship and assistance with him. He also sent him presents, cedar- trees, and mechanics, and men skilful in build- ing and architecture, that they might build him a- royal palace at Jerusalem. Now Da- vid made buildings round about the lower city: he also joined the citadel to it, and made it one body; and when he had encom- passed all with walls, he appoinfpd Joab. to take care of them. It was David, therefore, who first cast the Jebusites out of Jerusalem, and called it by his own name, The City oj David; for under our forefather Abraham it was called (Salem or^ Solyma;|" but after that time, some say that Homer mentions it by that name of Solyma, [for he named the temple Solyma, according to the Hebrew lan- guage, which denotes security.^ Now the whole time from the warfare under Joshua our general against the Canaanites, and from that war in which he overcame them, and distributed the 'land amon^ ^e Hebrews (nor could the Israelites ever cast the Canaanites out of Jerusalem until this time, when David took it by sieire), this whole time ^as five hundred and fifteen years. 3, I shall now make mention of Araunah, who was a wealthy man among the Jebusites, but was not slain by David in the siege of Je- •*usalem, because of the good-will he bore to the Hebrews, and a particular benignity and affection which he had to the king himself; which I shall take a more seasonable opportu- nity to speak of a little aftervvards. Now David married other wives over and above those which he had before: he had also Con- nor do I see any reason for Mr. Ottius's evil suspicions about this procedure of Josephus + Some copies of Josephus have here Solyma, or Sa- lem ; and others Hierosolyma, or Jerusalem. The lat- ter best agree to what Josephus says elsewhere (of the War, b. vi. c. x.), that this city was called Solyma or Sa- lem, before the days of Melchisedec ; but was by hita called Hierosoly ma, or Jeru.ialem. i rather suppose it to have been so called alter Abraham bad received that ora- cle Jehovah Jireii ; " the Lord will see, or provide" (Gen. xxii. 14). Tlie latter word Jireh, with a liUle alteration, prefixed to the old name Salem, Peace, will bo Jerusa- lem ; and since that expression, *' God will see," or ra- ther, ''God will provide himself a lamb for a burnt- offlring" (ver. 8, 14), is there said to have been prover- bial till the days of Moses, this seems to me the most probable derivation of that name, which will then de- note, "That God would provide peace by that I.amb of Gitd which was to take away the sins of the world.'* However, that which is put into brackets, oan hardlv b« suppose-l t!ie genuiue words of Josephus, as Dr. Hsdsoii well jl«<'ge». 188 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK vrr. cubines. The sons whom he had were in number eleven, whose names were Amnon, Emnos, Eban, Nathan, ^olomon, Jeban, Elien, Phalna, Ennaphen, Jenae, Eliphale; antl a daughter, Tamar. Nine of these were born of legitimate wives, but the two last-named of concubines; arul Tamar had the same mo- ther with Absalom. CHAPTER IV. THAT WHEN DAVID HAD CONQUKUED THK PHILISTINES, WHO MADE WAR AGAINST HIM AT JERUSALEM, HE REMOVED THE AUK TO JERUSALEM, AND HAD A MIND.. TO BUILD A TEMPLE. § 1. When the Philistines understood that David was made king of the Hebrews, they made war against him at Jerusalem; and when they had seized upon that valley which is called The Vulhif of the Giants, and is a place not far from the city, they pitched their camp therein: but the king of the Jews, who never permitted himself to do any thing with- out prophecy,* and the command of God, and without depending on him as a security for the time to come, bade the high-priest to fore- tell to him what was the will of God, and what would be the event of this battle. And when he foretold that he should gain the vic- tory and the dominion, he led out his army against the Philistines; and when the battle was joined, he came himself behind, and fell upon . the enemy *bn the sudden, and slew some of them, and put the rest to flight. And let no one suppose that it was a small army of the Philistines that came against the He- brews, as guessing so from the suddeimess of their defeat, and from their having performed" no great action, or that was worth recording, from the slowness of their march and want of com age; but let him know that all Syria and Phoenicia, with many other nations besides titem, and those warUke nations also, came to their assistance, and had a share in this war: — which thing was the only cause why, when they had been so often conquered, and had lost so many ten thousands of their men, they still came upon the Hebrews with greater arinies ; nay, indeed, when they had so often failed of their purpose in these battles, they came upon David with un army three time's ♦ It deserves here to be remarked, that Satil very rarely, ai»d David very frequently, consulted God by Urim; and that David aimed always to depend not on his own prudvnce or ahilitii'S, but on the (fivine direc- tion, contrary to Saul's practice. 8ce sect 2, and the nottt on Antiq. b. lil. chap. viil. sect 9 ; and wIk'U Saul's daughter (but David's wife) Michal laughed at David's danciwjf bi'fore the ark, 2 Sam. vi. 16, &c.\ and here, sect. 1, 2, 8, it is probable she did so, because her fa- tlier Saul did not use to i»ay such a regard to the ark, to the Urifn there inquired by, or t> God's worship be- fora it: and >)ccauseffhe thou;;ht itboDoath the dignity of a kinir to b« •« r«tligioiw. as numerous as before, and pitched their camp on the same spot of ground as before. The king of Israel therefore inquired of God again concerning the event of the battle ; and the high-priest prophesied to him, that he should keep his army in the groves, called the Groves iif Weeping, which were not far from the enemy's camp, and that he should not move, nor begin to fight, till the trees of the grove should be in motion without the wind's blowing; but as soon as these trees moved, and the time foretold to him by God wus come, he should, without delay, go out to gcdn what was an already prepared and evi- dent victory; for the several ranks of the enemy's army did not sustain him, but re- treated at the first onset, whom he closely followed, and slew them as he went along, and pursued them to the city of Gaza (which is the limit of their country): after this he spoiled their camp, in which he found great riches; and he destroyed their gods. 2. When this had proved the event of the battle, David thought it proper, upon a consid- tation with the elders and rulers, and captains of thousands, to send for those that were in the flower of their age out of all his country- men, and out of the whole land, and withal for the priests and the Levites, in order to their going to Kirjathjearim, to bring up the ark of God out of that city, and to carry it to Jerusalem, and there to keep it, and offer be- fore it those sacrifices and those other honours with which God used to be well pleased; for had they done thus in the reign of Saul, they had not undergone any great misfortunes at all. So when the whole body of the people were come together, as they had resolved to do, the king came to the ark, which the priests* brought out of the house of Aminadab, am* laid it upon a new curt, and permitted their brethren and their children to draw it, toge- ther \vith the oxen. Before it went the king, and the whole multitude of the people witl him, singing hynnis to GcxI, and making use of all sorts of songs usual among them, witk variety of the sounds of musical instruments, and with dancing and singing of psalms, a> also with the sounds of trumpets and of cym- bals, and so brought the ark to Jerusalem, liut as they were come to the threshing-flooi of Chidon, a place so called, Uzzah was slain by the anger of God ; for as the oxen shook the ark, he stretched out his hand, and would needs rake hold of it. Now because he was not a priest,* and yet touched the ark, God • JoRephus fwems to he partly in the rifi;ht, whrn h* obHerves here ttial Uezali was no priest (though perhapa he miKht lie a I.evite). unil was thereloie strucli dead for touching the art^, contrary ti» the law, and for which pro- fane rAt«liiies.s Heath was the penalty by that law. Numb. iv 15, 20. Sri- ttie Iiks hefore, Antiq.h. vi. ch. i. tect. 4. It i» not inipr. habie lli.tt the putting this ark in a cart, when it <)Ui:ht to hiive heen carried by the priests or Le- vites, as it was pieseutiy here in Josephus so curried from ObetlfdiiHi's hoii«f \« David's, uiiijlit be also an oo» casion of the nu-er ot ' -xl .m thai bruaah o^ hit iaw Sm Numb, iv Iti 1 Chroii. xv Ui CHAP. rv. ANTrQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 189 strack him dead. Hereupon both the king «nd the people were displeased at the death of Uzzah ; and the place where he died is still called the Breach of Uzzah unto this day. So David was afraid; and supposing that if he received the ark to himself into the city, he might suffer in the like manner as Uzzah had siitTered, who, upon his hare putting out his hand to the ark, died in the manner already mentioned, he did not receive it to himself into the city, but he took it aside unto a cer- tain place belonging to a righteous man, whose name was Obededom, who was by his fhmily a Levite, and deposited the ark with him ; and it remained there three entire months. This augmented the house of Obed- edom, and conferred many blessings upon it; and when the king had heard what had befal- len Obededom, how he was become of a poor man in a low estate, exceedingly happy, and the object of envy to all those that saw or in- quired after his house, he took courage, and hoping that he should meet with no misfor- tune thereby, he transferred the ark to his own house, the priests carrying it, while seven companies of singers, who were set in that order by the king, went before it, and while he himself played upon the harp, and joined in the music, insomuch that when his wife 4. Now when the king saw that his affairs grew better almost every day, by the will ot God, he thought he should offend him, if, while he himself continued in houses made of cedar, such as were of a great height, and had the most curious works of architecture in them, he shonld overlook the ark w'hile it waa laid in a tabernacle, and was desirous to build a temple i/s. God, as Moses had predicted such a temple should be built.* And when he had discoursed with Nathan the prophet about these vhings, and had been encouraged by him to do whatsoever he had a mind to do, as having God with him and his helper in all filings, he was thereupon the more ready to set about that building. But God appeared to Nathan that very night, and commanded him to say to David,f that he took his pur- pose and his desires kindly, since nobody had before now taken it into their head to build him a temple, although upon his having feuch a notion he would iiot permit him to build him that temple, because he had made many wars, and was defiled with the slaughter of his ene- mies; that, however, after his death, in his old age, and when he had lived a long life, there should be a temple built by a son of his, who should take the kingdom after him, and should be called Solomon, whom he promised Michal, the daughter of Saul, who was our to provide for, as a father provides for his first king, saw him so doing, she laughed at ' him ; but when they had brought in the ark, they placed it under the tabernacle which David had pitched for it, and he offered cost- ly sacrifices and peace-offerings, and treated the whole multitude, and dealt both to the women, and the men, and the infants, a loaf of bread and a cake, and another cake baked in a pan, with a portion of the sacrifice. So when he had thus feasted the people, he sent them away, and he himself returned to his own house. 3. But when Michal his wife, the daughter of Saul, came and stood by him, she wished him all other happiness; and entreated that whatsoever he should farther desire, to the ut- most possibility, might be given him by God, and that he might be favourable to him ; yet did she blame him, that so great a king as he was should dance after an unseemly manner, and in his dancing uncover himself among the servants and the hand-maidens; but he re- plied, that he was not ashamed to do what was acceptable to God, who had preferred him before her father, and before all others; that he would play frequently, and dance, without any regard to what the hand-maidens and she herself thought of it. So this Michal Had no children ; however, when she was afterwards married to him to whom Saul her father had given her (for at this time David had taken her away from him, and had her biai»elf), she bare five children. But con- cerning those matters I shall discourse in a proper place. son by preserving the kingdom for his son's posterity, and delivering it to them; but that he would still punish him if he sinned, witli diseases and barrenness of land. When Da- vid understood this from the prophet, and was overjoyful at this knowledge of the sure continuance of the dominion to his posterity, and that his house should be splendid, and very famous, he came to the ark, and fell down on his face, and began to adore God, and to return thanks to him for all his bene- fits, as well for those that he had already be- stowed upon him in raising him from a low state, and from the employment of a shep- herd, to so great dignity of dominion and glory, as for those also which he had pro- mised to his posterity ; and, besides, for that providence which he had exercised over the Hebrews, in procuring them the liberty • Josephus here informs ks, that, according to hit under»tandin(j of the sense of his copy o( the Penta- teuch, Moses had himself foretold the building of the temple, which yet is nowhere, that I know of, in our present copies. And that this is not a mistake set down l)y him unwarily, appears by what he observed before, on Antiq. b. iv. ch. viii. sect. 46, how Moses foretold, that upon the Jews' future disobedience, their temple should be burnt and rebuilt, and that not once only, but several times afterward. See also Josephus's mention of God's former commands to build such a temple pre- sently (ch. xiv. sect. 2), contrary to our other copies, or at least to our translation of the Hebrew, "i Sam. vii. 6^ 7 ; 1 Chron. xvii. 5, 6- + Josephus seems, in this place, with our modem in- terpreters, to confound the two distinct predictions which God made to David and to Nathan, concerning the building him a temple by one of David's, posterity : the one belongeth to Solomon, the other to the Messiah; the distinction between which is ef tit* greatest eABse- fMMe to tke ChjMltaB r lif iea. i 100 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VIl, they enjoyed. And when he had said thus, and had sung a hymn of praise to God, he went his way. CHAPTER V. HOW DAVID BROUGHT UNDER THE PHILIS- TINES, AND THE MOABITES, AND THE KINGS OF SOPHENE, AND OF DAMASCUS, AND OP T'HE SYRIANS, AS ALSO THE IDUMEANS, IN WAR; AND HOW HE MADE A LEAGUE WITH THE KING OF HAMATH; AND WAS MIND- FUL OF THE FRIENDSHIP THAT JONATHAN, THE SON OF SAUL, HAD BORNE TO HIM. § 1. A LITTLE while after this, he considered that he ought to make war against the Philis- tines, and not to see any idleness or laziness permitted in his management, that so it might prove, as God had foretold to him, that, when he had overthrown his enemies, he should leave his posterity to reign in peace afterward: so he called together his army again, and when he had charged them to be ready and prepar- ed for war, and when he thought that all things in his army were jn a good state, he removed from Jerusalem, ana came against the Philis- tines ; and when he had overcome them in bat- tle, and had cut off a great part of their coun- try, and adjoined it to the country of the He- i brews, he transferred the war to the Moabites ; and wken he had overcome two parts of their army in battle, he took the remaining part cap- tive, and imposed tribute upon them, to be paid annually. He then made war against Hadadezer, the son of Rehob, king of So- phene; and when he had joined battle with him at the river Euphrates, he destroyed twenty thousand of his footmen, and about seven thousand of his horsemen; he also took a thousand of his chariots, and destroyed the greatest part of them, and ordered that no more than one hundred should be kept.* 2. Now when Hadad,t king of Damascus and of Syria, heard that David fought against Hadadezer, who was his friend, he came to his assistance with a powerful army, in hopes to rescue him; and when he had joined battle with David at the river Euphrates, he foiled • DaTid's reservinj; only one hnndred chariots for himself, out of one thousand he had taken from Hada- dezer. was most probably done in compliance with tiw law t f Moses, which forbade a king of Israel " to mul- tiply horses to himself," Deut. xvii. 16; one of the principal uses of Horses in J udea at that time being for drawing their chariots. See Josh. xii. 6j and Antiq. b. V. chap. i. sect. 18. + It deserves here to be remarked, that this Hadad, being a very great king, was conquered by David, whose posterity yet for several generations were called Uenha- dad, or the son of Hadad. till the days of Ilazael. whose son Adar or Ader is also in our Hebrew copy (2 Kings, xiii. 24), written Benhadad,- hut in Josephus, Adad or Adar. And strange it is, that the son of Hazael, said to be such in the same text, and in Josephus (Antiq. b ix. chap. Tiii. «*et. 7) shmild still be called the son of Ha- dad. Tould therefore here correct our Hebrew copy tem ^MMluulb wbi*k M«nt to have tbc tnif rwtdiBg. of his purpose, and lost in the battle a great number of his soldiers; for there were slain of the army of Hadad twenty thousand, and all the rest fled. Nicolaus [of Damascus] aha makes mention of this king in the fourth booli of his histories; where he speaks thus: " A great while after these things had happened, there was one of that country whose nam« was Hadad, who was become very potent: he reigned over Damascus and the other parts of Syria, excepting Phoenicia. He made war against David, the king of Judea, and tried his fortune in many battles, and particularly in the last battle at Euphrates, wherein he wa>' beaten. He seemed to have been the most excellent of all their kings in strength and manhood." Nay, besides this, he says of his posterity, that " they succeeded one another in his kingdom, and in his name;" where he thus speaks: "When Hadad was dead, hit* posterity reigned for ten generations, each of his successors receiving from his father thai his dominion, and this his name; as did the Ptolemies in Egypt. But the third was the most powerful of them all, and was willing to avenge the defeat his forefather had received: so he made an expedition against the Jews, and laid waste the city which is now called Samaria." Nor did he err from the truth; for this is that Hadad who made the expedition against Samaria, in the reign of Ahab, king of Israel; concerning whom we shall speak in due place hereafter. 3. Now when David had made an expedi- tion against Damascus and the other parts of Syria, and had brought it all into subjection, and had placed garrisons in the country, and appointed that they should pay tribute, he re- turned home. He also dedicated to God at Jerusalem the golden quivers, the entire ar- mour which the guards of Hadad used to wear; which Shibhak, the king of Egypt, took away when he fought with David's grandson, Rehoboam, Avith a great deal of other wealth which he carried out of Jerusa- lem. However, these things will come to be explained in their proper places hereafter. Now as for the king of the Hebrews, he was assisted by God, who gave him great success in his wars; and he made an expedition agains* the best cities of Hadadezer, Betah and Ma- chon ; so Vie took them by force, and laid them waste. Therein was found a very great quan- tity of gold and silver, besides that sort of brass which is said to be more valuable than gold ; of which brass Solomon made that large vessel which was called The [Brazen'] Sea,HU(i those most curious lavers, when he built the temple for God. 4. But when the king of Hamath was in- ^formed of the ill success of Hadadezer, and had heard of the ruin of his army, he was iifiaitl on his own account, and resolved to rj.sike a lea;^uo of friendship and fidelity wi J David, before he should come against him; ao CHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. in he sent to bim his son Joram, and professed that he owed him thanks for fighting against Hadadezer, who was his enemy, and made a league with him of mutual assistance and friendship. He also sent him presents, ves- sels of ancient workmanship, both of gold, of silver, and of brass. So when David had made this league of mutual assistance with Toi (for that was the name of the king of Hamath), and had received the presents he sent him, he dismissed his son with that re- spect which was due on both sides; but then David brought those presents that were sent by him, as also the rest of the gold and silver which he had taken of the cities whom he had conquered, and dedicated them to God. Nor did God give victory and success to him only when he went to the battle himself, and led his own army, but he gave victory to Abishai, the brother of Joab, general of his forces, over the Idumeans,* and by him to David, when he sent him with an army into Idumea; for Abishai destroyed eighteen thousand of them in the battle; whereupon the king [of Israel] placed garrisons through all Idumea, and received the tribute of the country, and of every head among them. Now David was in his nature just, and made his determination with regard to truth. He had for the general of his whole army Joab; and he made Je- hoshaphat, the son of Ahilud, recorder: he also' appointed Zadok, of the family of Phi- neas, to be high-priest, together with Abiathar, for he was his friend: he also made Seisan the scribe ; and committed the command over the guards of his body to Benaiah, the son of Je- hoiada. His elder sons were near his body, and had the care of it also. 5. He also called to mind the covenants and the oaths he had made with Jonathan, the son-of Saul, and the friendship and affec- tion Jonathan had for him; for besides all the rest of his excellent qualities wth which he was endowed, he was also exceeding mindful ot such as had at other times bestowed bene- fits iipon him. He therefore gave order that inquiry should be made, whether any of Jo- nathan's lineage were fiving, to whom he might make return of that familiar acquam- taiice which Jonathan had had with him, and for which he was still debtor. And when one of Saul's freed men was brought to him, who was acquainted with those of his family that were still living, he asked him whether he could tell him of any one belonging to Jona- than that was now alive, and capable of a re- quital of the benefits which he had received • By this ^reat victory over the Idumeans or Edom- it^s, the posterity of Bsau, and by the consequent tri- bute paid by that nation tothe Jews, were the prophecies dflivireil to Heliecca before Jacob and Esau were born, and hy old Isaac before his death, that the elder. Esau (or the Edomites), shouM serve the younger, Jacob (or th** Israelites); and Jacob (or the Israelites) should be Eiau's (or the Edomites') lord, remarkably fulfilled. See Antiq. b. viii. chap. vii. si'ct 6. Gen. \xv. 23; and the notes on Antiq. b. i. chap, xviii. s«»ct 0. fi. from Jonathan. And when he said that a son of his was remaining, whose name was Me- phibosheth, but that he was lame of his feet ; for that when his nurse heard that the father and grandfather of the child were fallen in the battle, she snatched him up, and fleet away, and let him fall from her shoulders, and his feet were lamed. So when he had learned where, and by whom he was brought up, he sent messengers to Machir, to the city of Lo- debar, for with him was the son of Jonathan brought up, and sent for him to come to him. So when Mephibosheth came to the king, he fell on his face and worshipped him; but Da- vid encouraged him, and bade him be v;^ good cheer, and expect better times. So he gave him his father's house, and all the estate which his grandfather Saul was in possession of, and bade him come and diet with him at his own table, and never to be absent one day from that table. And when the youth had wor- shipped him, on account of his words and gifts given to him, he called for Ziba, and told him that he had given the youth his father's house, and all Saul's estate. He also ordered that Ziba should cultivate his land, and take care of it, and bring him the profits of all to Jerusalem. Accordingly David brought him to his table every day; and bestowed upon the youth, Ziba and his sons, who were in num- ber fifteen, and his servants, who were in num- ber twenty. When the king had made these appointments, and Ziba had worshipped him, and promised. to do all that he had bidden him, he went his way; so that this son of Jonathan dwelt at Jerusalem, and dieted at the king's table, and had the same care that a son could claim taken of him. He also had him- self a son, whom he named Micha. CHAPTER VL now THE WAR WAS WAGED AGAINST THE AMMONITES, AND HAPriLY CONCLUDED. § 1. These were the honours that such as were left of Saul's and Jonathan's lineage re- ceived from David. About this time died Nahash, the king of the Ammonities, who was a friend of David's; and when his son had suc- ceeded his father in the kingdom, David sent ambassadors to him to comfort him ; and ex- horted him to take his father's death patiently, and to expect that he would continue the same kindness to himself which he had shown to his father. But the princes of the Amn-onites took this message in evil part, and not as David's kind dispositions, gave reason to take it; and they excited the king to resent it; and said that David had sent men to spy out the country, and what strength it had, under the pretence of humanity and kindness. Thej farther advised liini to have a care, and not to 192 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK vn» give heed to David's words, lest he should be deluded by him, and so fall into an inconsol- able calamity. Accordingly Nahash's [son], the king of the Ammonites, thought these princes spake what was more probable than the truth would admit, and so abused the am- bassadors after a very harsh manner; for he shaved the one half of their beards, and cut off one half of their garments, and sent his an- swer not in words but in deeds. When the king of Israel saw this, he had indignation at it, and showed openly that he would not over- look this injurious and contumelious treat- ment, but would make war with the Ammon- ites, and would avenge this wicked treatment of his ambassadors on their king. So that the king's intimate friends and commanders, un- derstanding that they had violated their league, and were liable to be punished for the same, made preparations for war; they also sent a tho sand talents to the Syrian king of Meso- potamia, and endeavoured to prevail with him to assist them for that pay, and Shobach. Now these kings had twenty thousand footmen. They also hired the king of the country called Maacah, and a fourth king, by name Ishtob ; which last had twelve thousand armed men. 2. But David was under no consternation at this confederacy, nor at the forces of the Ammonites; and, putting his trust in God, because he was going to war in a just cause, on account of the injurious treatment he had met with, he immediately sent Joab, the cap- tain of his host, against them, and gave him the flower of his army, who pitched his camp by Rabbath, the metropolis of the Ammonites; whereupon the enemy came out, and set them- selves in array, not all of them together, but in two bodies; for the auxiliaries were set in array in the plain by themselves, but the army of the Ammonites at the gates over against the Hebrews. When Joab saw this he opposed one stratagem against another, and chose out the most hardy part of his men, and set them in opposition to the king of Syria, and the kings that were with him, and gave the other part to his brother Abishai, and bid him set them in opposition to the Ammonities ; and said to him. That in case he should see that the Syrians distressed him and were too hard for him, he should order his troops to turn about and assist him : and he said. That he himself would do the same to him, if he saw him in the like distress from the Ammonites. So he sent his brother before, and encouraged him to do every thing courageously and with alacrity, which would teach them to be afraid of disgrace, and to fight manfully; and so he dismissed him to fight with the Ammonites, while he fell upon the Syrians. And though they made a strong opposition for a while, Joab slew many of them, but compelled (he re<t to betake themselves to flight ; which, when tlw Ainmonites saw, and were withal afraid of Abi'bai and his army, they staid no longer, but imitated their auxiliaries, and fled to the city. So Joab, when he had thus over- come the enemy, returned with great joy to Jerusalem to the king. 3. This defeat did not still induce the Am- monites to be quiet, nor to own those that were superior to them to be so, and be still, but they sent to Chalaman, the king of the Syrians, beyond Euphrates, and hired him for an auxiliary. He had Shobach for the captain of his host, with eighty thousand footmen, and ten thousand horsemen. Now when the king of the Hebrews understood that the Am- monites had again gathered so great an army together, he determined to make war with them no longer by his generals, but he passed over the river Jordan himself with all his army ; and when he met them he joined battle with them and overcame them, and slew forty thousand of their footmen, and seven thou- sand of their horsemen. He also wounded Shobach, the general of Chalaman's forces, who died of that stroke; but the people of Mesopotamia, upon such a conclusion of the battle, delivered themselves up to David, and sent him presents, who at winter-time return- ed to Jerusalem. But at the beginning of the spring he sent Joab, the captain of his host, to fight against the Ammonites, who overran all their country, and laid it waste, and shut them up in their metropolis Rabbah, and besieged them therein. CHAPTER VII. HOW DAVID FELL IN LOVE WITH BATHSHEBA, AND SLEW HER HDSBAND UKIAH, FOR WHICH HE IS REPROVED BY NATHAN. § 1. But David fell now into a very griev- ous sin, though he were otherwise naturally a righteous and a religious man, and one that firmly observed the laws of our fathers ; for when late in an evening he took a view round him frpm the roof of his royal palace, where he used to walk at that hour, he saw a woman washing herself in her own house: she was one of extraordinary beauty, and therein sur- passed all other women; her name was B;irb. sheba. So he was overcome by that woman's beauty, and was not able to restrain his desires, but sent for her and lay with her. Hereupon she conceived with child, and sent to the king that he should contrive some way for conceal- ing her sin (for, according to the laws of their fathers, she who had been guilty of adultery ought to be put to death). So the king sent for Joab's armour-bearer from the siege, who was the woman's husband; and ^is name was Uriah : and when he was come, the kiuif in- quired of him about the army, and about the siege; and when he had made answer, tlittt ail their aifairs went according to their wishes. CHAP. VII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 193 the king took some portions of meat from his supper, and gave thera to him, and hade him go home to his wife, and take his rest with her. Uriah did not do so, but slept near the king \nth the rest of his armour- bearers. When the king u'as informed of this, he asked him why he did not go home to his house, and to his wife, after so long an absence; which is the natural custom of all men, when they come from a long journey. He replied, that it was not right, while his fellow-soldiers, and the general of the army, slept upon the ground, in the camp, and in an enemy's country, that he should go and take his rest, and solace himself with his wife. So when he had thus replied, the king order- e<l him to stay there that night, that he might dismiss him the next day to the general. So the king innted Uriah to supper, and after a cunning and dexterous manner plied him with drink at supper till he was thereby disordered; yet did he nevertheless sleep at the king's giites, without any incUnation to go to his unfe. Upon this the king was very angry at him; and wrote to Joab, and com- manded him to punish Uriah, for he told him that he bad offended him; and he suggested to him the manner in which he would hare him punished, that it might not be discovered that he was himself the author of this his pun- ishment; for he charged him to set him over-against that part of the enemy's army where the attack would be most hazardous, and where he might be deserted, and be in the greatest jeopardy; for he bade him order his fellow-soldiers to retire out of the fight. When he had ^vritt^n thus to him, and sealed the letter \vith his own seal, he gave it to Uriah to carry to Joab. When Joab had re- ceived it, and upon reading it understood the king's purpose, he set Uriah in that place where he knew the enemy would be most troublesome to them; and gave him for his partners some of the best soldiers in the army ; and said that he would also come to their assist- ance with the whole army, that if possible they might break down some part of the wall, and enter the city. And he desired him to be glad of the opportunity of exposing himself to such great pains, and not to be displeased at it, since he was a valiant soldier, and had a great reputation for his valour, both with the king and with his countrymen. And when Uriah undertook the work he was set upon \vith alacrity, he gave private orders to those who were to be his companions, that when they saw the enemy make a sally, they should leave him. When, therefore, the Hebrews made an attack upon the city, the Ammonites were afraid that the enemy might prevent them, and get up into the city, and this at the very place. whither Uriah was ordered; so they exposed their best soldiers to be in the fore- front, and opened their gates suddenly, and tell upon the enemy with great vehemence, and ran violently upon them. When those that were with Uriah saw this,t hey all retreated back ward, as Joab hud directed them beforehand; but Uriah, as ashamed to run away and leave his post, sustained the enemy, and receiving the violence of their onset, he slew many of them; but being ericompassed round, and caught in the midst of them, he was slain, and some other of his companions were slain with him. 2. When this was done, Joab sent messen- gers to the king, and ordered them to tell him that he did what he could to take the city soon ; but that a« they made an assault on the wall, they had been forced to retire with great loss; and bade them, if they saw the king was angry at it, to add this, that Uriah was slain also. When the king had heard this of the messengers, he took it heinously, and said that they did wrong when they assaulted the wall, whereas they ought, by undermining and other stratagems of war, to endeavour the taking of the city, especially when they had before their eyes the example of Abime- lech, the son of Gideon, who would needs take the tower in Thebes by force, and was killed by a large stone thrown at him by an old woman; and, although he was a man of great prowess, he died ignominiously by the dangerous manner of his assault. That they should remember this accident, and not come near the enemy's wall, for that the best me- thod of making war with success was to call to mind the accidents of former wars, and what good or bad success had attended them in the like dangerous cases, that so they might imitate the one, and avoid the other. But when the king was in this disposition, the messenger told him that Uriah was slain also; whereupon he was pacified. So he bade the messenger go back to Joab, and tell him that this misfortune is no other than what is com- mon among mankind; and that such is the nature, and such the accidents of war, inso- much that sometimes the enemy will have success therein, and sometimes others; but that he ordered him to go on still in his care about the siege, that no ill accident might be- fall him in it hereafter: that they should raise bulwarks and use machines in besieging the city; and when they have gotten it, to overturn its very foundations, and to destroy all those that are in it. Accordingly the mes- senger carried the king's message with which he was charged, and made haste to Joab. But Bathsheba, the wife of Uriah, when she was informed of the death of her husband, mourned for his death many days; and when her mourning was over, and the tears which she shed for Uriah were dried up, the king took her to wife presently; and a son was born to him by her. 3. With this marriage God \yas not well pleased, but was thereupon angry at David; and he appeared to Nathan the prophet in his sleep, and complained of the king. Now N 194 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VII Nathan was a fidr and prudent man; and con- sidering that kings, when they fall into a pas- sion, are guided more by that passion than they are by justice, he resolved to conceal the threatenings that proceeded from God, and made a good-natured discourse to him, and this after the manner followang: — He desired that the king would give him his opinion in the following case: — " There were," said he, " two men inhabiting the same city, the one of them was rich and [the other poor]. The rich man had a great many flocks of cattle, of sheep, and of kine ; but the poor man had but one ewe-lamb. This he brought up \nih his children, and let her eat her food with them; and he had the same natural affection for her which any one might have for a daugh- ter. Now upon the coming of a stranger to the rich man, he would not vouchsafe to kill any of his own flocks, and thence feast his friend ; but he sent for the poor man's lamb, and took her away from him, and made her ready for food, and thenf^e feasted the stran- ger." This discourse troubled the king ex- ceedingly ; and he denounced to Nathan, that " this man was a wicked man, who could dare to do such a thing ; and that it was but just that he should restore the lamb fourfold, and be punished with death for it also." Upon this, Nathan immediately said, that he was himself the man who ought to suffer those punishments, and that by his own sen- tence; and that it was he who had perpe- trated this great and horrid crime. He also revealed to him, and laid before him, the anger of God against him, who had made him king over the army of the Hebrews, and lord of all the nations, and those many and great nations round about him ; who had formerly delivered him out of the hands of Saul, and had given him such wives as he had justly and legally married ; and now this God was des- pised by him, and affronted by his impiety, when he had married, and now had another man's wife; and by exposing her husband to the enemy, had really slain him; that God would inflict punishments upon him on ac- count of those instances of wickedness; that his own wives should be forced by one of his sons; and that he should be treacherously supplanted by the same son; and that al- though he had perpetrated his wickedness secretly, yet should that punishment which he was to undergo be inflicted publicly upon him; "that, moreover," said he, "the child who was born to thee of her, shall soon die." When the king was troubled at these mes- satres, and sufficiently confounded, and said, with tears and sorrow, that he had sinned (for lie was without controversy a pious man, and guilty of no sin at all in his whole life, ex- ceptinc those in the matter of Uriah), God bod com passion on him, and was reconciled to him, ana promised that he would preserve to him both hii life and his kingdom ; for he said, that seeing he repented of the things he had done, he was no longer displeased with him. So Nathan, when he had delivered tliis prophecy to the king, returned home. 4. However, God sent a dangerous dis- temper upon the child that was born to David of the wife of Uriah ; at M^hich the king was troubled, and did not take any food for seven days, although his servants almost forced him to take it ; but he clothed himself in a black garment, and fell down, and lay upon the ground in sackcloth, entreating God for the recovery of the child, for he vehemently loved the child's mother; but when, on the seventh day, the child was dead, the king's servants durst not tell him of it, as supposing that when he knew it, he would still less ad- mit of food and other care of himself, by rea- son of his grief at the death of his son, since when the child was only sick, he so greatly afflicted himself, and grieved for him; but when the king perceived that his servants were in disorder, and seemed to be affected as those are who are very desirous to conceal something, he understood that the child was dead ; and when he had called one of his ser- vants to him, and discovered that so it was, he arose up and washed himself, and took a white garment, and came into the tabernacle of God. He also commanded them to set supper before him, and thereby greatly sur- prised his kindred and servants, while he did nothing of this when the child was sick, but did it all when he was dead. Whereupon, hav- ing first begged leave to ask him a question, they besought him to tell them the rea?on of this his conduct; he then called them unskil- ful people, and instructed them how he had hopes of the recovery of the child while it was alive, and accordingly did all that was proper for him to do, as thinking by such means to render God propitious to him; but that when the child was dead, there was no longer anj occasion for grief, which was then to no pur- pose. When he had said this, they com. mended the king's vrisdom and understanding. He then went in unto Bathshcba his wife, and she conceived and bare a gon; and by the command of Nathan the prophet, called his name Solomon. 5. But Joab sorely distressed the Ammon- ites in the siege, by cutting off their waters, and depriving them of other means of sub- sistence, till they were in the greatest want of meat and drink, for they depended only on one small well of water, and this they duist not drink of too freely, lest Ihe fountain should entirely fail them. So he wrote to the king, and informed him thereof; and per- suaded him to come himself to take the city, that he might have the honour of the victory. Upon this letter of Joab's, thf; king accepf^d of his good-will and fidelity, and took with him his army, aiid came to tlie destruction of Kabbah ; and when he had taken it b.y force. CHAP. VIII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JE^s. 195 hepraveittoliis soldiers to plunder it; but he himseit took the king of the Ammonites* crown, the weight of which was a talent of gold;* and it had in its middle a precious stone called a sardonyx; which crown David ever after wore on his owii head. He also found many other vessels if the city /and those both splendid and of great price; but as for the men, he tormented them,t and then de- stroyed them: and when he had taken the «ther cities of the Ammonites by force, he treated them after the same manner. CHAPTER VIIL «0W ABSALOM MURDERED AMNON, WHO HAD FORCED HIS OWN SISTER; AND HOW HE WAS BANISHED, AND AFTERWARDS RECALLED BY DAVID. § 1. When the king was returned to Jerusa- lem, a sad misfortune befell his house, on the occasion following: He had a daughter, who was yet a virgin, and very handsome, inso- much that she surpassed aU the most beauti- ful women; her name was Taraar; she had the same mother with Absalom. Now Am- non, David's eldest son, fell in love with her, and being not able to obtain his desires, on ac- count of her Wrginity, aad the custody she was under, was so much out of order, nay, his grief so eat up his body, that he grew lean, and his colour was changed. Now there was one Jonadab, a kinsman and friend of his, who discovered this his passion, for he was an extraordinary wise man, and of great sagacity of mind. When, therefore, he saw that every morning Amnon was not in body as he ought to be, he came to him, and desired him to tell him what was the cause of it: however, be said that he guessed that it arose from the pas- sion of love. Amnon confessed his passion, that he was in love with a sister of his, who had the same father with himself. So Jona- dab suggested to him by what method and • That a talent of gold was aboat seven pounds weight. «ee the description of the temples, chap. xiii. Nor could Josephus well estimate it higher, since be here says that David wore it on his head perpetually. + Whether Jose{>lius saw the words or our copies, 2 Sara. xii. 31, and 1 Chron. xx. 3, that David put the in- habitants, or at least the garrison of Rabbah, and of the otlier Ammonite cities whicn he besieged and took, under, «r cut ttiena with saws, and under, or with harrows of .Jron, and undt|r, or with axes of iron, and made them pass through the brick kiln, is not here directly ex- pressed. If he saw them, as it is most probable he did, be certainly expounded them of tormenting these Am- monites to death, who were none of those seven nations of Canaan, whose wickedness had rendered them inca- pable of mercy ; otherwise 1 shoull be inclinable to think that the meaning, at least as the words are in Samuel, night only be this: That they were made the lowest t'aves, to work in sawing timber or stone, in harrowing the Selds, in hewing timber, ia making and burning bricks, and the like hard services, but without taking away their lives. We never elsewhere, that I remem- , her, meet with such methods of cruelty in putting men to death in all the Bible, or in any other ancient history whatsoever: nor do the words in Samuel seem Mittirally * to nicT to lor such *lii»g contrivance he might obtain his desires; fot he persuaded him to pretend sickness, a.nri bade him, when his father should come to him, to beg of him that his sister might come and minister to him; for, if that were done, be should be b^ter, and should quickly recover from his distemper. So Amnon lay down ot his bed, and pretended to be sick, as Jonadab had suggested. When his father came, ami inquired how he did, he begged of him to send his sister to him. Accordingly, he presently ordered her to be brought to him ; and whcr she was come, Amnon bade her make cakes for him, and fry them in a pan, and do it au with her own hands, because he should take them better from her hand [than from any one's else]. So she kneaded the flour in the sight of her brother, and made him cakes, and baked them in slj^slxi, and brought them to him ; but at that time he would not taste them, but gave order to his servants to send all that were there out of his chamber, because he bad a mind to repose himself, free from tumult and disturbance. As soon as what he had commanded was done, he desired his sister to bring his supper to him into the inner parlour; which, when the damsel had done, he took hold of her, and endeavoured to persuade her to lie with him. Whereupon the damsel cried out, and said, " Nay, brother, do not force me, nor be so wicked as to transgress the laws, and bring upon thyself the utmost confusion. Curb this thy xmrighteous and impure lust, from which our house will get nothing but reproach and disgrace." She also advised him to speak to his father about this afiair; for he would permit him [to marry herj. This she said, as desirous to avoid her brother's vio- lent passion at present. But he would not yield to her; but, inflamed with love, and blinded with the vehemency of his passion, he forced his sister: but as soon as Amnon had satisfied his lust, he hated her inunediately, and giving her reproachful words, bade her rise up and be gone. And when she said that this was a more injurious treatment than the former, if, now he had forced her, he would not let her stay with him till the evening, biit bid her go away in the day-time, and while it was light, that she might meet with people that would be witness of her shame, — he coin- manded his servant to turn her out of his house. Whereupon she was sorely grieved at the injury and violence that had been oifer- ed to her, and rent her loose coat (for the vir- gins of old time wore such loose coats tied at the hands, and let do\vn to the ankles, that the inner coats might not be seen), and sprinkled ashes on her head; and went up the middle of the city, crying out and lament- ing for the violence that had been offered her. Now Absalom, her brother, happened to meet her, and asked her what sad thing had be- fallen her, that she was in that plight; and when she had told him what injury had been 196 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. Bt)OK vn offered her, lie comforted her, and desired her to be quiet, and take all patiently, and not to esteem her being corrupted by her biother as an injury. So she yielded to his advice, and left off her crying out, and discovering the force offered her to the multitude: and she continued a& a widow with her brother Absa- lom a long time. 2 When David his father knew this, he was grieved at the actions of Amnon ; but because he had an extraordinary affection for him, for he was his eldest son, he was com- pelled not to afflict him; but Absalom watch- ed for a fit opportunity of revenging this crime upon him, for he thoroughly hated him. Now the second year after this wicked affair about his sister was over, and Absalom was about to go to shear his own sheep at Baalhazor, whicn is a city in the portion of Ephraim, he be- sought his father, as well as his brethren, to come and feast with him; but when David excused himself, as not being willing to be burdensome to him, Absalom desired he would however send his brethren; whom he did send accordingly. Then Absalom charged his own servants, that when they should see Amnon disordered and drowsy with wine, and he should give them a signal, they should fear nobody, but kill him. 3. When they had done as they were com- manded, the rest of his brethren were aston- ished and disturbed, and were afraid for them- selves, so they immediately got on horseback, and rode away to their father; but somebody there was who prevented them, and told their father they were all slain by Absalom; where- upon he was overcome with sorrow, as for so many of his sons that were destroyed at once, and that by their brother also; and by this con- sideration that it was their brother that ap- peared to have slain them, he aggravated hit sorrow for them. So he neither inquired what was the cause of this slaughter, nor staid to hear anything else, which yet it was but reasonable to have done, when so very great, and by that greatness so incredible a misfortune was relat- ed to him, he rent his clothes, and threw him- self upon the ground, and there lay lamenting the loss of all his sons, both those who, as he was informed, were slain, and of him who slew them. But Jonadab, the son of his brother Sbemeah, entreated him not to indulge his Borrow 80 far, for as to the rest of his sons he did not believe that they were slain, for he found no cause for such a suspicion ; but he «aid it might deserve inquiry as to Amnon, for it was not unlikely that Absalom might venture to kill him on account of the injury he had offered to Tamar. In the mean time, a great noise of horses, and a tumult of some people that were coming, turned their attention to them ; they were the king's sons, who were lied sway from the feast. So their father met them as they were in their grief, and he him- self grieved with them; but it was more than he expected to see those his sons again, whom he had a little before heard to have perished'. However, there were tears on both sides; they lamenting their brother who was killed, ai;d the king lamenting his son who was killed also; but Absalom fled to Geshur, to his grandfath'er by his mother's side, who was king of that country, and he remained with him' three whole years. 4. Now David bad a design to send to Ab- salom, not that he should come to be punished, but that he might be with him, for the effect* of his anger were abated by length of time. It was Joab, the captain of his host, that chief- ly persuaded him so to do; for he suborned an ordinary woman, that was stricken in age^ to go to the king in mourning apparel, who said thus to him That two of her sons, in a coarse way, had some diflerence between them, and that in the progress of that difference they came to an open quarrel, and that one was smitten by the other, and was dead ; and she desired him to interpose in this case, and to do her the favour to save this her son from her kindred, who were very zealous to have him. that had slain his brother put to death, that so she might nc^. be farther deprived of the hopes she had of being taken care of in her old age by him; and that if he would hinder thi» slaughter of her son by those that wished for it, he would do her a great favour, because the kindred would not be restrained from their purpose by any thing else than by the fear of him ; — and when the king had given his con- sent to what the woman had begged of him, she made this reply to him; — *' I owe thee thanks for thy benignity to me in pitying my old age, and preventing the loss of my only remaining child ; but in order to assure me of" this thy kindness, be first reconciled to thine own son, and cease to be angry with him ; for how shall I persuade myself that thou hast really bestowed this favour upon me, while thou thyself continuest after the like manner in thy wrath to thine own son? for it is a fool- ish thing to add wilfully another to thy dead son, while the death of the other was brought about without thy consent;" — and now the k'.ng perceived that this pretended story was a subornation derived from Joab, and was of his contrivance; and when, upon inquiry of the old woman, he understood it to be so in* reality, he called for Joab, and told him he had obtained what he requested According tO' his own mind; and he bid him bring Absalom back, for he was not now displeased, but had already ceased to be angry with him. So Joab bowed himself down to the king, and took his words kindly, and went immediately to Ge- shur, and took Absalom with him, and came to Jerusalem. 5. However, the king sent a message to his son beforehand, as he was coming, and com- manded him to retire to his own house, fof he was not yet in such a dispositioa as i» . CHAP. IX. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 197 think fit at present to see him. Accordingly, upon the father's command, he avoided com- ing into his presence, and contented him- self with the respects paid him by his own family only. Now his beauty was not im- paired, either by the grief he had been under, or by the want of such care as was proper to be taken of a king's son, for he still surpassed and excelled all men in the tallness of his body, and was more eminent [in a fine appearance] than those that dieted the most luxuriously ; and, indeed, such was the thickness of the hair of his head, that it was %vith difficulty he was polled every eighth day; and his hair weighed two hundred she- kels,* which are five pounds. However, he dwelt in Jerusalem two years, and became the father of three sons, and one daughter ; which daughter was of very great beauty, and which Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, took to wife afterward, and had by her a son named Abijah ; but Absalom sent to Joab, and desired him to pacify his father entirely towards him; and to beseech him to give him leave to come to him to see him, and speak with him ; but when Joab neglected so to do, he sent some of his own servants, and set fire to the field adjoining to him; which, when Joab understood, he came to Absalom, and accused him of what he had done; and asked him the reason why he did so? To which Absalom replied, that " I have found out this strata- gem that might bring thee to us, while thou hast taken no care to perform the injunction I laid upon thee, which was this, to reconcile my father to me; and I really beg it of thee, now thou art here, to pacify my father as to me, since I esteem my coming hither to be more grievous than my banishment, while my father's wrath against me continues." Here- by Joab was persuaded, and pitied the distress that Absalom was in, and became an interces- sor with the king for him ; and when he had discoursed with his father, he soon brought hira to that amicable disposition towards Ab- salom, that he presently sent for him to come to him ; and when he had cast himself down upon the ground, and had begged for the forgiveness of his offences, the king raised him up, and promised him to forget what he had formerly done. CHAPTER IX. CON'CERNING THE INSURRECTION OF ABSALOM AGAINST DAVID; AND CONCERNING AHI- THOPHKL AND HUSHAI; AND CONCERNING ' ZIBA AND SHIMEI; AND HOW AHITHOPHEL HANGED HIMSELF. § 1. Now Absalom, upon this his success with the king, procured to himself a great many • Of this weight of Absalom'5 hair, how in twenty or thirty years it miebt well amount to two hundred shekels, I horses, and many chariots, and that in a little time also. He had moreover fifty armour- bearers that were about him, and he came early every day to the king's pdace, and spake what was agreeable to such as came 'or .justice and lost their causes, as if that hap- pened for want of good counsellors about the king, or perhaps because the judges mistook in that unjust sentence they gave; whereby he gained the good- will of them all. He told them, that had he but such authority committed to him, he would distribute justice to them in a most equitable manner. When he had made himself so pc^jujar among the multitude, he thought he had thready the good- will of the people secured to him; but when four years f had passed since his fa- ther's reconciliation to him, he came to him, and besought him to give him leave to go to Hebron, and pay a sacrifice to God, because he vowed it to him when he fled out of the country. So when Da\nd had granted his recjuest, he went thither, and great multitudes came running together to him, for he had sent to a great number so to do. 2. Among them came Ahithophel the Gi- lonite, a counsellor of David's, and two hun- dred men out of Jerusalem itself, who knew not his intentions, but were sent for as to a sacrifice. So he was appointed king by all of them, which he obtained by that stratagem. As soon as this news was brought to David, and he was informed of what he did not ex- pect from his son, he was aflrighted at this his impious and bold undertaking, and wondered that he was so far from remembering how his oflence had been so lately forgiven him, that he undertook much worse and more wicked enterprises; first, to deprive him of that kingdom which was given him of God ; and, secondly, to take away his own father's life. He therefore resolved to fly to the parts be- yond Jordan ; so he called his most intimate friends together, and communicated to them all that he had heard of his son's madness. He committed himself to God, to judge be- tween them about all their actions ; and left the care of his royal palace to his ten concu- bines, and went away from Jerusalem, being willingly accompanied by the rest of the mul- or to somewhat above six pounds aroirdupois, see the Literal Accomplishment of Prophecies, page 77, 78. But a late very judicious author thinks that the IxxlL meant not its weight, but its value was twenty shekels. Dr. Wall's Critical Notes on the Old Testament, upon 2 Samuel xiv. 26. It does not appear what was Jose- phus's opinion: he sets the text down honestly as he found it in his copies, only he thought, that "at the end of days," when Absalom polled or weighed his hair, was once a week. t This is one of the best corrections that Josephus's copy affords us of a text that, in our ordinary copies, is grossly corrupted. They say that this rebellion of Ab- salom was forty years after what went before (of his re- conciliation to his father), whereas the series of the history shows it could not be more than four years after it, as here in Josephus, whose number is directly con- firmed by that copy of the Septuagint version whence the Armenian translation was made, which gives us the small number of four years. 198 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VII, titude, who went hastily away with him, and particularly by those six hundred armed men, who had been with him from his first flight in the days of Saul. But he persuaded Abia- thar and Zadok, the high-priests, who had de- termined to go away with him, as also all the Levites, who were with the ark, to stay be- hind, as hoping that God would deliver him without its removal; but he charged them to let him know privately how all things went on; and he had their sons, Ahimaaz the son of Zadok, and Jonathan the son of Abiathar, for faithful ministers in all things; but Ittai the Gittite went out with him whether David would let him or not, for he would have per- suaded him to stay, and on that account he appeared the more friendly to him; but as he was ascending the mount of Olives barefoot- ed, and all his company were in tears, it was told him that Ahithophel was with Absalom, and was of his side. This hearing augment- ed his grief; and he besought God earnestly to alienate the mind of Absalom from Ahitho- phel, for he was afraid that he should persuade him to follow his pernicious counsel, for he was a prudent man, and very sharp in seeing what was advantageous. 'When David was gotten upon the top of the mountain, he took a view of the city; and prayed to God with abundance of tears, as having already lost his kingdom: and here it was that a faithful friend of his, whose name was Hushai, met him. When David saw him with his clothes rent, and having ashes aU over his head, and in lamentation for the great change of affairs, he comforted him, and exhorted him to leave off grieving; nay, at length he besought him to go back to Absalom, and appear as one of his party, and to fish out the secretest coun- sels of his mind, and to contradict the coun- sels of Ahithophel, for that he could not do him so much good by being with him as he might by being with Absalom. So he was prevailed on by David, and left him, and came to Jerusalem, whither Absalom himself came also a little while afterward. 3. When David was gone a little farther, there met him Ziba, the servant of Mephi- bosheth (whom he had sent to take care of the possessions which had been given him, as he son of Jonathan, the son of Saul), with a ouple of asses, loaden with provisions, and desired him to take as much of them as he a/ id his followers stood in need of. And when the king asked him where he had left Mephibosheth, he said he had left him in Jerusalem, expecting to be chosen king in the present confusions, in remembrance of the benefits Saul had conferred upon them. At thig the king had great indignation, and gjive to Ziba all that he had formerly bestowed on I Mephibosheth, for he determined that it was ff)uch fitter that he should have them than the Other; at which Ziba greatly rejoiced. 4. When David was at Bahuriiu, a place so called, there came out a kinsman of Saul's whose name was Shimei, and threw stones at him, and gave him reproachful words; and as his friends stood about the king and pro- tected him, he persevered still more in his re- proaches, and called him a bloody man, and the author of all sorts of mischief. He bade him also go out of the land as an impure and accursed wretch; and he thanked God for depriving him of his kingdom, and causing him to be punished for what injuries he had done to his master [Saul], and this by the means of his own son. Now when they were all provoked against him, and angry at him, and particularly Abishai, who had a mind to kill Shimei, David restrained his anger. " Let us not," said he, " bring upon ourselves an- other fresh misfortime to those we have already, for truly I have not the least regard nor con- cern for this dog that raves at me : I submit myself to God, by whose permission this man treats me in such a wild manner ; nor is it any wonder that I am obliged to undergo these abuses from him, while I experience the like from an impious son of my own; but perhaps God will have some commiseration upon us; if it be his >vill we shall overcome them." So he went on his way without troubling himself with Shimei, who ran along the other side of the mountain, and threw out his abusive lan- guage plentifully. But when David was come to Jordan, he allowed those that were with him to refresh themselves; for they were weary. 5. But when Absalom, and Ahithophel his counsellor, were come to Jerusalem, with all the people, David's friend, Hushai, came to them ; and when he had worshipped Absalom, he withal wished that his kingdom might last a long time, and continue for all ages. But when Absalom said to him, " How comes this, that he who was so intimate a friend of my father's, and appeared faithful to him in all things, is not with him now, but hath left him, and IS come over to me?" Hushai 's answer was very pertinent and prudent; for he said> " We ought to follow God and the multitude of the people ; while these, therefore, my lord, and master, are with thee, it is fit that I should follow them, for thou hast received the king- dom from God. I will, therefore, if thou be- lievest me to be thy friend, show the same fidehty and kindness to thee, which thou knowest I have shown to thy father: nor is there any reason to be in the least dissatisfied with the present state of affairs, for the king- dom is not transferred into another, but re- mains still in the same family, by the son's receiving it after his father." This speech persuaded Absalom, who before suspected Hushai. And now he called Ahithophel, iind consulted with him what he ought to do; he persuaded him to go in unto his father's confuljines ; for he said, that *' hiy this ac- ti<;n »he people wo'ild beli**.ve that thy differ- CHAP. IX. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 199 ence with thy father is irreconcileable, and will thence fight with great alacrity against thy father, for hitherto they are afraid of ta- king up open ennaity against him, out of an expectation that you wll be reconciled again." Accordingly Absalom was prevailed on by this advice, and commanded his servants to pitch him a tent upon the top of the royal palace, in the sight of the multitude; and he went in and lay with his father's concubines. Now this came to pass according to the pre- diction of Nathan, when he prophesied and signified to him that his son would rise up in rebellion against him. 6. And when Absalom had done what he was advised to by Ahithophel, he desired his advice, in the second place, about the war, against his father. Now Ahithophel only ask- ed him to let him have ten thousand chosen men, and he promised he would slay his fa- ther, and bring the soldiers back again in safety ; ♦nd he said, that then the kingdom would be firm to him when David was dead £but not otherwise]. Absalom was pleased with this advice, and called for Hushai, Da- vid's friend (for so did he style him), and in- formed him of the opinion of Ahithophel: he asked, farther, what was his opinion concern- ing that matter. Now he was sensible that if Ahithophel's counsel were followed, David would be in danger of being seized on, and slain ; so he attempted to introduce a contrary opinion, and said, " Thou art not unacquaint- ed, O king, with the valour of thy father, and of those that are now with him; that he hath made many wars, and hath "always come off with victory, though probably he now abides in the camp, for he is very skilful in strata- gems, and in foreseeing the deceitful tricks of his enemies; yet will be leave his own soldiers in the evening, and will either hide himself in some valley, or will place an anr.bush at some rock ; so that, when our army joins battle with him, his soldiers will retire for a little while, but will come upon us again, as en- couraged by the king's being near them ; and in the meantime your father will show him- self suddenly in the time of the battle, and will infuse courage into his own people when they are in danger, but bring consternation to thine. Consider, therefore, my advice, and reason upon it, and if thou canst not but ac- knowledge it to be the best, reject the opinion of Ahithophel. Send to the entire country of the Hebrews, and order them to come and fight with thy father ; and do thou thyself take the army, and be thine own general in this war, and do not trust its management to another ; then expect to conquer him with ease, when thou overtakest him openly with bis few part.izans, but hast thyself many tea thousands, who will be desirous to demon- strate to thee their diligence and alacrity. And if thy father shall shut himself up in some dty, and bear a siege, we will overthrow that city with machines of war, and by iindenni- ning it." When Hushai had said this, he ob- tained his point against Ahithophel, for his opinion was preferred by Absalom before the other's: however, it was no other than God* who made the counsel of Hushai appear best to the mind of Absalom. 7. So Hushai made haste to the high-priests Zadok and Abiathar, and told them the opi- nion of Ahithophel, and his own, and that tbfe resolution was taken to follow this latter ad- vice. He therefore bade them send to David, and tell him of it, and to inform him of the counsels that had been taken; and to desire him farther to pass quickly over Jordan, le.st his son should change his mind, and make haste to pursue him, and so prevent him, and seize upon him before he be in safety. Now the high-priests had their sons concealed in a proper place out of the city, that they might carry news to David of what was transacted. Accordingly, they sent a maid-servant, wboni they could trust, to them, to carry the news of Absalom's counsels, and ordered them to signify the same to David with all speed. So they made no excuse nor delay, but, taking- along with them their fathers' injunctions, j became pious and faithful ministers ; and {judging that quickness and suddenness was the best mark of faithful service, they made haste to meet with David. But certain horse- men saw them when they were two furlongs from the city, and informed Absalom of iem, who immediately sent some to take them ; but when the sons of the high-priests perceived this, they went out of the road, and betook them, selves to a certain village (that village was called Bahurim): there they desired a certain woman to hide them, and afibrd them secu- rity. Accordingly she let the young men down by a rope into a well, and laid fleeces of wool over them; and when those that pur- sued them came to her, and asked her whether she saw them, she did not deny that she had seen them, for that they staid ^vith her some time, but she said they then went their ways ; and she foretold, that, however, if they would follow them directly, they would catch them ; » This reflection of Josephns's, that God brouifht to Bonsht the dangerous counsel of Ahithophel, and di- rectly infatuated wicked Absalom to reject it (whi«»a in- fatuation is what the Scripture styles the judicial harden- ing the hearts, and blinding the eyes of men, who, by their former voluntary wickedness, have justly deserved to be destroyed, and are thereby brought ti' destruction), is a very just one. a_nd in him not unfrequent Nor does Josephus ever puzzle himself, or perplex his readers, with subtle hypotheses as to the manner of such judicial infatuations by God, while the justice of them is gene- rally so obvious. That peculiar manner of the divine operations, or permissions, or the means God maJies use of in such cases, is often impenetrable by us. "Secret things belong to the Lord our God; but those things that are revealed belong to us, and to our children for ever, that we may do all the words of this law," Deut. xxix. 29. Nor have all the subtilties of the moderns, w far as I see, given any considerable light in this, and many other the, like points of difficulty relating either U divine or human operations. — *See the notes on Aatiq. b. T. ch. L tert. 2; ai»<t Aatiq. b. ix. eh. ir. Mct '± SM ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK Til but when, after a long pursuit, they could not catch them, they came back again; and when the woman saw those men were returned, and that there was no longer any fear of the young men's being caught by them, she drew them up by the rope, and bade them go on their journey. Accordingly they used great dili- gence in the prosecution of that journey, and came to David and informed him accurately ef all the counsels of Absalom. So he com- manded those that were with him to pass over Jordan while it was night, and not to delay at all on that account. 8. But Ahithophel, on rejection of his ad- vice, got upon his ass and rode away to his own country, Gilon; and, calling his family together, he told them distinctly what advice he had given Absalom; and since he had not been persuaded by it, he eaid he would evi- dently perish, and this in no long time, and that David would overcome him, and return to his kingdom again ; so be said it was better that he should take his own life away with freedom and magnanimity, than expose him- self to be punished by David, in opposition to whom he had acted entirely for Absalom. When he bad discoursed thus to them, he went iato the inmost room of his house, and hanged himself; and thus was the death of Ahitl'ophrf, who was self-condemned; and when his relations had taken him down from the halter they took care of his funeral. Now, as for David, he passed over Jordan, as we have said already, and came to Mahanaim, a very fine and very strong city; and all the chief men of the country received him with great pleasure, both out of the shame they had that he should be forced to flee away [from Jerusalem], and out of the respect they bare him while he was in his former prospe- rity. These were Barzillai the Gileadite, and Siphar the ruler among the Ammonites, and Machir the principal man of Gilead; and these furnished him with plentiful, provisions for himself and his followers, insomuch that they wanted no beds nor blankets for them, nor loaves of bread, nor wine; nay, they brought them a great many cattle for slaugh- ter, and atforded them what furniture they wanted for their refreshment when they were weary, and for food, with plenty of other ne- cessaries. CHAPTER X. HOW WHEN ABSALOM WAS BEATEN, HE WAS CAUGHT IN A TREE BY HIS HAIR, AND WAS SLAIN. § 1. And this was the state of David and his followers: but Absalom got together a vast Army of the Hebrews tO oppose his father, and passed therewith o'ver the river Jordan, and sat down not far off Mahanaim, in the countrj of Gilead. He appointed Amasa to be cap- tain of all his host, instead of Joab his kins- man: his father was Ithra, and his mother Abigail: now she and Zeruiah, the mother of Joab, were David's sisters; but when David had numbered his followers, and found them to be about four thousand, he resolved not to tarry till Absalom attacked him, but set over his men captains of thousands, and captains of hundreds, and divided his army into three parts; the one part he committed to Joab, the next to Abishai, Joab's brother, and the third to Ittai, David's companion and friend, but one that came from the city Gath; and when he was desirous of lighting himself among them, his friends would not let him: and this refusal of theirs was founded upon very wse reasons: — "For," said they, **iJF we be con- quered when he is with us, we have lost all good hopes of recovering ourselves; but if we should be beaten in one part of our army, the other parts may retire to him, and may thereby prepare a greater force, while the ene- my will naturally suppose that he hath another army with him." So David was pleased with this their advice, and resolved himself to tarry at Mahanaim ; and as he sent his friends and commanders to the battle, he desired them to show all possible alacrity and fidelity, and to bear in mind what advantages they had received from him, which, though they had not been very great, yet had they not been quite incon- siderable; and he begged of them to spare the young man Absalom, lest some mischief should befall himself, if,he should be killed; and thus did he send out his army to the battle, and wished them victory therein. 2. Then did Joab put his army in battle array over-against the enemy in the Great Plain, where he had a wood behind him. Ab- salom also brought his army into the field to op- pose him. Upon the joining of the battle, both sides showed great actions with their hands and their boldness; the one side exposing themselves to the greatest hazards, and using their utmost alacrity, that David might recover his kingdom ; and the other being no way de- ficient, either in doing or suffering, that Ab- salom might not be deprived of that kingdom, and be brought to punishment by his father, for his impudent attempt against him. Those also that were the most numerous were solici- tous that they might not be conquered by those few that were with Joab,and with the other com- manders, because that would be the greatest disgrace to them; while David's soldiers strove greatly to overcome so many ten thou- sands as the enemy had with them. Now David's men were conquerors, as superior in strength and skill in war ; so they fo'ilowed the others as they fled away through the forests and valleys; some they took prisoners and many they slew, and more in th«« flight than in the battle, for iiw.re fell about twenty thou* CHAP. X, ANTIQUITIES OF TriE JEWS, 201 sand that day. But all David's men ran vio- lently upon Absalom, for he was easily known by his beauty and tallness. He was himself also afraid lest his enemies should seize on him, so he got upon the king's mule and fled; but as he was carried with violence, and noise, and a great motion, as being himself light, he en- tangled his hair greatly in the large boughs of a knotty tree that spread a great way, and there he hung, after a surprising manner; and as for the beast it went on farther, and that swiftly, as if his master had been still upon his back; but he hanging in the air upon the boughs, was taken by his enemies. Now when, one of David's soldiers saw this, he informed Joab of it ; and when the general said. That if he had shot at and killed Absalom, he would have given him fifty shekels, he replied, — *' I would not have killed my master's son if thou wouldst have given me a thousand shekels; especially when he desired that the young man might be spared, in the hearing of us all." But Joab bade him show him where it was that he saw Absalom hang; whereupon he shot him to the heart, and slew him, and Joab's armour-bearers stood round the tree, and pulled down his dead body, and cast it into a great chasm that was out of sight, and laid a heap of stones upon him, till the cavity was filled up, and had both the appearance and the bigness of a grave. Then Joab sounded a retreat, and recalled his own soldiers from pursuing the enemy's army, in order to spare their countrymen. 3. Now Absalom had erected for himself a marble pillar in the king's dale, two fur- longs distant from Jerusalem, which he named Absalom's Hand, saying, that if his children were killed, his name would remain by that pillar; for he had three sons and one daugh- ter, named Tamar, as we said before, who, when she was married to David's grandson, Rehoboam, bare a son, Abijah by name, who succeeded his father in the kingdom; but of these we shall speak in a part of our history which \vill be more proper. After the death of Absalom, they returned every one to *heir own homes respectively. 4. But now Ahimaaz, the son of Zadok the high-priest, went to Joab, and desired he would permit him to go and tell David of this vic- tory, and to bring him the good news that God had afforded his assistance and his pro- vidence to him. However, he did not grant his retjuest, but said to him, " Wilt thou, who hast always been the messenger of good news, now go and acquaint the king that his son is dead?" So he desired him to desist. He then called Cushi, and committed the business to him, that he should tell the king what he had seen. But when Ahimaaz again desired him to let him go as a messenger, and assured him that he would only relate what concerned the viotory, but not concerning the death of Absalom, lie gave him leave to go to David. Now he took a nearer road than the former did, for nobody knew it but himself, and he came before Cushi. Now as David was sitting between the gates,* and waiting to see when somebody would come to him from the battle, and tell him how it went, one of the watchmen saw Ahimaaz running, and before he could discern who he was, he told David that he saw somebody coming to him, who said, he was a good messenger. A little while after, he informed him, that another messenger followed him; whereupon the king said that he also was a good messenger: but when the watchman saw Ahimaaz, and that he was already very near, he gave the king notice, that it was the son of Zadok the high-priest, who came running. So David was very glad, and said he was a messenger of good tidings, and brought him some such news from the battle as he desired to hear. 5. While the king was saying thus, Ahi- maaz appeared, and worshipped the king. And when the king inquired of him about the battle, he said he brought him the good news of victory and dominion. And when he inquired what he had to say concerning' his son, he said that he came aw^y on the sudden as soon as the enemy was defeated, but that he heard a great noise of those that pursued Absalom, and that he could iearn no more, because of the haste he made when Joab sent him to inform him of the victory. But when Cushi was come, and had worship- ped him, and informed him of the victory ,.he asked him about his son, who replied, " May the like misfortune befall thine enemies as hath befallen Absalom." That word did not permit either himself or his soldiers to rejoice at the victory, though it was a very great one; but David went up to the highest part of the city,t and wept for his son, and beat his breast, tearing [tne hair of] his head, torment- ing himself all manner of ways, and crying out, " Oh, my son ! I wish that I had died myself, and ended my days with thee!" for he was of a tender natural affection, and had extraordinary compassion for this son in par- ticular. But when the army and Joab heard that the king mourned for his son, they were ashamed to enter the city in the habit of con- querors, but they all came in as cast down, • The reader need not be surprised at this account of David's throne, both here and 2 Sam. xviii. 24, that it was between two gates, or portals; gates being in cities, as well as at the temple, large open places, with a portal at the entrance, and another at the exit, between which jiidiciHl cansfs were heard, and public consultations ta- ken, as is well known from several places of Scripture, 2 Chron. xxxi. 2; Psal. ix. 14j cxxvii. 3; Prov, i. 21; Tiii 3, 34; xxxi. 2:}; and often elsewhere. + Since David was now in Mahanaim, and in the open place of that city-gate, which seems still to have been built the highest of any part of the wal.; and since our other copies say he went up to the chamber over the gate (2 Sam. xviiL 33), I think we ought to correct our present reading in Josephus, and for city should read gate. i.e. instead of the hiuhest part of the ci/y should say the highest part of the gate. Accordingly we find David presently, in Josephus. as well as in our other copies, 2 Sam. xix. 6, sitting a^ before, in theyoie of the city. 202 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VII. and in tears, as if they had been beaten. Now while the king covered himself, and grievously lamented his son, Joab went in to him, and said, " O my lord the king, thou art not aware that thou layest a blot on thy- self by what thou now doest; for thou now seemest to hate those that love thee, and un- dergo dangers for thee; nay to hate thyself and thy family, and to love those that are thy bitter enemies, and to desire the company of those that are no more, and who have been justly slain; for had Absalom gotten the vic- tory, and firmly settled himself in the kingdom, there had been none of us left alive, but all of us, beginning with thyself and thy children, had miserably perished, while our enemies had not wept for us, but rejoiced over us, and punished even those that pitied us in our misfortunes; and thou art not ashamed to do this in the case of one that has been thy bit- ter enemy, who, while he was thine own son, hath proved so wicked to thee. Leave off, therefore, thy unreasonable grief, and come abroad and be seen by thy soldiers, and return them thanks for the alacrity they showed in the fight; for I myself will this day per- suade the people to leave thee, and to give the kingdom to another, if thou continuest to do thus; and then I shall make thee to grieve bitterly and in earnest." Upon Joab's speaking thus to him, he made the king leave off his sorrow, and brought him to the consi- deration of his affairs. So David changed hi^ habit, and exposed himself in a manner fit to be seen by the multitude, and sat in the gates; whereupon all the people heard of it, and ran together to him, and saluted him. And this was the present state of David's affiiirs. CHAPTER XI. HOW DAVID, WHEN HE HAD RECOVERED HIS KINGDOM, WAS RECONCILED TO SHIMEI, AND TO ZIBA ; AND SHOWED A GREAT AFFEC- TION TO BARZILLAI: AND HOW, UPON THE BI8E OF A SEDITION, HE MADE AMASA CAP- TAIN OF HIS HOST, IN ORDER TO PURSUE 8HEBA; WHICH AMASA WAS SLAIN BY JOAB. § 1. Now those Hebrews that had been with Absalom, and had retired out of the battle, when tbey were all returned home, sent mes- bengers to every city to put them in mind of what benefits David had bestowed upon them, and of that liberty which he had procured them, by delivering them from many and great wars. But they complained, that whereas they had ejected liim out of his kingdom, and committed it to another governor, whidi Other governor, whom they had set up, wu> already dead; they did not now beseech Davn to leave off his anger at them, and to become friends with them, and, as he used to do, to resume the care of their affairs, and take the kingdom again. This was often told to Da- vid. And, this notwithstanding, David sent to Zadok and Abiathar the high- priests, that they should speak to the rulers of the tribe ot Judah after the manner following: That it would be a reproach upon them to permit the other tribes to choose David for their king, before their tribe, and this, said he, while you are akin to him, and of the same common blood. He commanded them also to say the same to Amasa the captain of- their forces. That whereas he was his sister's son, he had not persuaded the multitude to restore the kingdom of David: that he might expect from him not only a reconciliation, for that was al- ready granted, but that supreme command of the army also which Absalom had bestowed upon him. Accordingly the high-priests, when they had discoursed with the rulers of the tribe, and said what the king had ordered them, persuaded Amasa to undertake the care of his affairs. So he persuaded that tribe to send immediately ambassadors to him, to be- , seech him to return to his own kingdom. The same did all the Israelites, at the like persua- sion of Amasa. 2. When the ambassadors came to him, he came to Jerusalem ; and the tribe of Judah was the first that came to meet the king at the river Jordan; and Shimei, the son of Gera, came with a thousand men, which he brought with him out of the tribe of Benjamin ; and Ziba, the freedman of Saul, with his sons, fifteen in number, and with his twenty ser- vants. All these, as well as the tribe of Ju- dah, laid a bridge [of boats] over the river, that the king, and those that were with him, might with ease pass over it. Now as soon as he was come to Jordan, the tribe of Judah saluted him. Shimei also came upon the bridge, took hold of his feet, and prayed bini to forgive him what he had offended, and not to be too bitter against him, nor to think fit to make him the first example of severity un- der his new authority; but to consider that he had repented of his failure of duty, and had taken care to come first of all to hini. While he was thus entreating the king, and moving him to compassion, Abishai, Joab's brother, said. And shall not this man die for this, that he hath cursed that king whom God hath appointed to reign over us? But Da- vid turned himself to him, and said, " Will you never leave off, ye sons of Zeruiah? Do not you, I pray, raise new troubles and sedi- tions among us, now the former are over; for I would not have you ignorant, that I this dny begin my reign, and tl)erefore swear to remit to all offenders their punishments, and not to animadvert on any one that has sinned. Be thou, therefore," said he, " O Shirnei, of good courage, and do not at all fear being put to CHAP. XI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 203 death." So he worshipped him, and went on before him. 3. Mephibosheth also, Saul's grandson, met David, clothed in a sordid garment, and having his hair thick and neglected; for after David was fled away, he was in such grief that he had not polled his head, nor had he washed his clothes, as dooming himself to un- dergo such hardships upon occasion of the change of the king's affairs. Now he had been unjustly calumniated to the king by Ziba, his steward. When he had saluted the king, and worshipped him, the king began to ask him why he did not go out of Jerusalem with him, and accompany him during bis flight? He replied, that this piece of injus- tice was owing to Ziba ; because, when he was ordered to get things ready for his going out with him, he took no care of it, but re- garded him no more than if he had been a slave; "and, indeed, had I had my feet sound and strong, I had not deserted thee, for I could then have made use of them in my flight; but this is not all the injury that Ziba has done me, as to my duty to thee, my lord and master, but he hath calumniated me be- sides, and told lies about me of his own in- vention; but I know thy mind will not ad- mit of such calumnies, but is righteously dis- posed, and a lover of truth, which it is also the will of God should prevail. For when thou wast in the greatest danger of suffering by my grandfather, and when, on that ac- count, our whole family might justly have been destroyed, thou wast moderate and mer- ciful, and didst then especially forget all those injuries, when, if thou hadst remembered them, thou hadst the power of punishing us for them; but thou hast judged me to be thy friend, and hast set me every day at thine own table; nor have I wanted any thing which one of thine own kinsmen, of great- est esteem with thee, could have expected." When he had said this, David resolved nei- ther to punish Mephibosheth, nor to con- demn Ziba, as having belied his master; but said to him, that as he had [before] granted all his estate to Ziba, because he did not come along with him, so he [now] promised to for- give him, and ordered that the one half of his estate should be restored to him.* Where- upon Mephibosheth said, " Nay, let Ziba take all; it suffices me that thou hast recovered thy kingdom." 4. But David desired Barzillai the Gilead- • By David's disposal of half Mephiboshetb's estate to Ziba, one would imagine that be was a sood deal dissa- tis6ed. ai.d doubtful whether Mephiboshetb's story were entirely true or not: nor does David now invite him to diet with him. as he did before, but only *brcives him. If be had been at all euihy. Nor is this odd way of mourning that Mephibosheth made use of here, and it S^am. xix. 24. wholly free from suspicion of hypocrisy. If Z<ba neglected or refused to brine Mephibosheth an ass of his own, on which he might ride to David, it is hard to suppose that so great a man as he was should rot be able to procure some other beast for the same l^urpose. ite, that great and good man, and one that had made a plentiful prp vision for him at Mahanaim, and had conducted him as far as Jordan, to accompany him to Jerusalem, for he promised to treat him in his old age with all manner of respect — to take care of him, and provide for him. But Barzillai was so desirous to live at home, that he entreated him to excuse him from attendance on him; and said, that his age was too great to enjoy the pleasures [of a court], since he was four- score years old, and was therefore making provision for his death and burial ; so he de- sired him to gratify Lim in this request, and dismiss him; for he had no relish of his meat or his drink, by reason of his age ; and that his ears were too much shut up to hear the sound of pipes, or the melody of other musi- cal instruments, such as all those that live with kings delight in. When he entreated for this so earnestly, the king said, *' 1 dis- miss thee; but thou shalt grant me thy son Chimham, and upon him I will bestow all sorts of good things." So Barzillai left his son with him, and worshipped the king, and wished him a prosperous conclusion of all his affairs according to his own mind, and then returned home: but David came to Gilgal, having about him half the people [of Israelj and the [whole] tribe of Judah. 5. Now the principal men of the country came to Gilgal to him with a great multitude, and complained of the tribe of Judah, that they had come to him in a private manner, whereas they ought all conjointly, and with one and the same intention, to have given him the meeting. But the rulers of the tribe of Judah desired them not to be displeased if they had been prevented by them: for, said they, " We are David's kinsmen, and on that account we the rather took care of him, and loved him, and so came first to him;" yet had they not, by their early coming, received any gifts from him, which might give them who came last any uneasiness. When the rulers of the tribe of Judah had said this, the rulers of the other tribe were not quiet, but said farther, ** O brethren, we cannot but wonder at you when you call the king your kinsman alone, whereas he that hath received from God the power over all of us in com- mon, ought to be esteemed a kinsman to us all; for which reason the whole people have eleven parts in him, and you but one part if we are also elder than you; wherefore you have not done justly in coming to the king ir this private and concealed manner." 6. While these rulers were thus disputing + 1 clearly prefer Josephns's reading here, when it sup- poses eleven tribes including Benjamin, to be on theoue side, and the tribe of Judah alone on the other, sine? Benjamin, in general, had been still founder of the house of Saul, and less firm to David hiiberto. than any of lh« rest, and so cannot be supposed to be joined with Judah at this time, to make it double, especially when the foU lowing rebellion was headed bv % Benjamite. See sect 6- and 3 Sam. XX. 2,^ 204 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK Vll. one with another, a certain wicked man, who took a pleasure in seditious practices (his name was Sheba,' the son of Bichri, of the tribe of Benjamin), stood up in the midst of the multitude, and cried aloud, and spake thus to them: — ** We have no part in David, nor inheritance in the son of Jesse." And when he had used those words, he blew with a trumpet, and declared war against the king; and they all left David, and followed him ; the tribe of Judah alone staid with him, and settled him at his royal palace at Jerusalem. But as for his concubines, with whom Absa- lom his son had accompanied, truly he re- moved them to another house; and ordered those that had the care of them to make a plentiful provision for them; but he came not near them any more. He also appointed Amasa for the captain of his forces, and gave him the same high office which Joab before had ; and he commanded him to gather together, out of the tribe of Judah, as great an army as he could, and come to him within three days, that he might deliver to him his entire army, and might send him to fight against [Sheba] the son of Bichri. Now while Amasa was gone out, and made some delay in gathering the army together, and so was not yet returned, on the third day the king said to Joab, — "It is not fit we should make any delay in this afiair of Sheba, lest he get a numerous army about him, and be the occasion of great- er mischief and hurt our affairs more than did Absalom himself; do not thou therefore wait any longer, but take such forces as thou hast at hand, and that [old] body of six hun- dred men and thy brother Abishai with thee, and pursue after our enemy, and endeavour to fight him wheresoever thou canst overtake him. Make haste to prevent him, lest he seize upon some fenced cities, and cause us great labour and pains before we take him." 7. So Joab resolved to make no delay, but taking with him his brother, and those six hundred men, and giving orders that the rest of the army which was at Jerusalem should follow him, he marched with great speed against Sheba; and when he was come to Gibeon, which is a village forty furlongs dis- tant from Jerusalem, Amasa brought a great army with him, and met Joab. Now Joab was girded with a sword, and his breast-plate on ; and when Amasa came near him to sa- lute him, he took particular care that his sword should fall out, as it were, of its own accord; so he took it up from the ground, and while he approached Amasa, who was then near him, as though he would kiss him, he took hold of Amasa's beard with his other hand, and he smote him in his belly when he did not foresee it, and slew him. This im- pious and altogether profane action, Joab did to a good young man and his kinsman, and one that had done him no injury, and this out of jealousy ihat he woiii.l uhtiiin the chief command of the army, and be in equal dig- nity with himself about the king; and for the same cause it was that he killed Abner; but as to that former wicked action, the death of his brother Asahel, which he seemed to revenge, afforded him a decent pretence, and made that crime a pardonable one; but in this muider of Amasa there was no such covering for it. Now when Joab had killed this general, he pursued after Sheba, having left a man with the dead body, who was or- dered to proclaim aloud to the army that Ama- sa was justly slain, and deservedly punished. "But," said he, "if you be for the king, fol- low Joab his general, and Abishai, Joab's bro- ther;" but because the body lay on the road, and all the multitude came running to it, and, as is usual with the multitude, stood wonder- ing a great while at it, he that guarded it removed it thence, and carried it to a certain place that was very remote from the road, and there laid it, and covered it with his gar- ment. When this was done, all the people followed Joab. Now as he pursued Sheba through all the country of Israel, one told him that he was in a strong city called Abel- beth-maachah. Hereupon Joab went thither, and set about it with his army, and cast up a bank round it, and ordered his soldiers to undermine the walls, and to overthrow them ; and since the people in the city did not admit him, he was greatly displeased at them. 8. Now there was a woman of small ac- count, and yet both wise and intelligent, who seeing her native city lying at the last extre- mity, ascended upon the wall, and, by means of the armed men, called for Joab; and when he came to her, she began to say, " That God ordained kings and generals of armies, that they might cut off the enemies of the He- brews, and introduce a universal peace among them; but thou art endeavouring to over- throw and depopulate a metropolis of the Israelites, which hath been guilty of no of- fence." But he replied, " God continue to be merciful unto me: I am disposed to avoid killing any one of the people, much less would I destroy such a city as this; and if they will deliver me up Sheba. the son of Bichri, who hath rebelled against the king, I will leave off the siege, and withdraw the army from the place." Now as soon as the woman heard what Joab said, she desired him to intermit the siege for a little while, for that he should have the head of his enemy thrown out to him presently. So she went down to the ci- tizens and said to them, " Will you be so wicked as to perish miserably, with your chil- dren and wives, for the sake of a vile fellow, and one whom nobody knows who he is? And will you have him for your king instead of David, who hath been so great a benefactor to you, and oppose your city alone to such a mighty and strong army?" So she prevailed with them, and thev cut off the head of She- CHAP. XII. ANTIQUITIES OF TMK JEWS. 205 ba, and threw it into Joab's army. When this was done, the king's general sounded a retreat, and raised the siege. And when be was come to Jerusalem, he was again appoint- ed to be general of all the people. The king also constituted Benaiah captain of the guards, and of the six hundred men. He also set Adoram over the tribute, and Sabathes and Achilaus over the records. He made Sheva the scribe; and appointed Zadok and Abia- thar the high- priests. CHAPTER XII. HOW THE HEBREWS WERE DELIVERED FROM A FAMINE WHEN THE OIBEONITES HAD CAUSED PUNISHMENT TO BE INFLICTED FOR THOSE OF THEM THAT HAD BEEN SLAIN: AS ALSO, WHAT GREAT ACTIONS WERE PER- FORMED AGAINST THE PHILISTINES BY DA- VID, AND THE MEN OF VALOUR ABOUT HIM. § 1. After this, when the country was great- ly afflicted with a famine, David besought God to have mercy on the people, and to dis- cover to him what was the cause of it, and how a remedy might be found for that dis- temper. And when the prophets answered, that God would have the Gibeonites avenged, whom Saul the king was so wicked as to be- tray to slaughter, and had not observed the oath which Joshua the general and the senate had sworn to them. If, therefore, said God, the king would permit such vengeance to be taken for those that were slain as the Gibeon- ites should desire, he promised that he would be reconciled to them, and free the multitude from their miseries. As soon therefore as the king understood that this it was which God sought, he sent for the Gibeonites, and asked them what it was they would have; — and when th«y desired to have seven sons of Saul delivereQ to them to be punished, he delivered them up, but spared Mephibosheth the son of Jonathan. So when the Gibeonites had re- ceived the men, they punished them as thej pleased; upon which God began to send rain, and to recover the earth to bring forth its fruits as usual, and to free it from the foregoing drought; so that the country of the Hebrews flourished again. A little afterward the king made war against the Philistines: and when he had joined battle with them, and p^^t them to flight, he was left alone, as he was in pursuit of them : and when he was quite tired down, he was seen by one of the enemy, his name was Achmon, the son of Araph ; he was one of the sons of the giants. He had a spear, the handle of which weighed three hun- dred shekels, and a breast-plate of chain- work, and a sword. He turned back, and ran vio- lently to slay [David] their enemy's king, for he was quite tired out with labour: but Abi- sh:!i. Jonh's brother, appeared on the sudden, and protected the king with his shield, as he lay down, and slew the enemy. Now the multitude were very uneasy at these dangers of the king, and that he was very near to be slain: and the rulers made him swear that he would no more go out with them to battle, lest he should come to some great misfortune by his courage and boldness, and thereby de- prive the people of the benefits they now en- joyed by his means, and of those that they might hereafter enjoy by his living along time among them. 2. When the king heard that the Philis- tines were gathered together at the city Ga- zara, he sent an army against them, when Sib- bechai the Hittite, one of David's most cou- rageous men, behaved himself so as to deserve great commendation, for he slew many of those that bragged they were the posterity of the giants, and vaunted themselves highly on that account, and thereby was the occasion of victory to the Hebrews. After which defeat, the Philistines made war again; and when David had sent an arnoy against them, Nephan his kinsman fought in a single combat with the Stoutest of all the Philistines, and slew him, and put the rest to flight. Many of them also were slain in the fight. Now a little while after this, the Philistmes pitched their camp at a city which lay not far off the bounds of the country of the Hebrews. They had a man who was six cubits tall, and had on each of his feet and hands one more toe and fin- ger than men naturally have. Now the per- son who was sent against them by David out of his army was Jonathan, the son of Shimea, who fought this man in a single combat, and slew hira; and as he was the person who gave the turn to the battle, he gained the greatest reputation for courage therein. This man also vaunted himself to be of the sons of the giants. But after this fight, the Philistines made war no more against the Israelites. 3. And now David being freed from wars and dangers, and enjoying for the future a profound peace,' composed songs and hymns • This section is a very remarkable one, and shows that, 'n the opinion of Josephus, Uavid composed the Book of Psalms, not at several times before, as their present inscriptions frequently imply, hut generally at the latter end of his life, or after his wars were over. Nor does Josephus. nor the authors of the known books of the Old and New Testament, nor the Apostolical Constitutions, seem to have ascribed any of them to any other author than to David himself. See Essay on the f)ld Testament, pa^es 174, 175. Of these metres of the Psalms, see the note on Antiq. b ii. ch. xvi. sect ^ However, we must observe here, that as Josephus says, Antiq. b. ii. ch. xvi. st-ct. 4, that the song at the Red Sea. Exod. xv. 1 — 21, was composed by Moses in the hexameter tune or metre; as also, Antiq. b. iv. chap, viii. sect. 44, that the song of Moses. Deut. xxxii. 1 — 43. was an hexameter poem ; so does he say that the Psalins of David were of various kinds of metre, and particularly, that they contained trimeters and penta- meters, Antiq. b. ii. ch xii. sect. 3; all which implies, that he thought these Hebrew poems might be best de- scribed to the Greeks and Romans under those names and characters of Hexameters, Trimeters, and Penta- meters. Now it appears that the iostrumcpta of masu> 206 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VII. to God, 'of several sorts of metre; some of those which he made were trimeters and some were pentameters. He also made instru- ments of music, and taught the Levites to sing hymns to God, both on that called the Sabbath-Day, and on other festivals. Now the construction of the instruments was thus: The viol was an instrument of ten strings, it was played upon with a bow; the psaltery had tVvelve musical notes, and was played upon by the fingers; the cymbals were broad and large instruments, and were made of brass. And so much shall suffice to be spoken by us about these instruments, that the rea- ders may not be wholly unacquainted with their nature. 4. Now all the men that were about David, were men of courage. Those that were most illustrious and famous of them for their actions were thirty-eight; of five of whom I will only relate the performances,, for these will suffice to make manifest the virtues of the others also; for these were powerful enough to subdue countries, and conquer great nations. First, therefore, was Jessai, the son of Achimaas, who frequently leaped upon the troops of the enemy, and did not leave off fighting till he overthrew nine hundred of them. After him was Eleazar, the son of Dodo, who was with the king at Arasam. This man, when once the Israelites were under a consternation at the multitude of the Philistines, and were running away, stood alone, and fell upon the enemy, and slew many of them, till his sword clung to his hand by the blood he had shed, and till the Israelites, seeing the Philistines retire by his means, came down from the mountains and pursued them, and at that time won a surprising and a famous victory, while Eleazar slew the men, and the multitude followed and spoiled their dead bodies. The third was Sheba, the son of Ilus. Now this man, when, in the wars against the Philistines, they that were orifnnally used, by the command of king David and Solomon, and were carried to Babylon at the captivity of the two tribes, were brought back after that captivity; as also, that the singers and musicians, who out-lived that captivity, came back with those instru- ments, Ezra ii. 41; viL 24; Neh. vii. 44; Antiq. b. xi. ch. iii. sect. 8; and ch. iv sect. 2; and that this music and these instruments at the temple, could not but be well known to Josephus, a priest belonging to that tem- ple; who accordingly gives us a short description of three of the tustruments, Antiq. b. vii. ch. xii. sect 3; and gives us a distinct arcnunt, that such psalms and hymns were sung in his dajs at that temple, Antiq. b, XX. ch ix. sect. 6; so that Jo!(ephus*r« authority is beyond exception in these matters. Nor can any hypothesis of the moderns that does not agree with .losephus's cha- racters, be Justly supposed the true metre of the ancient Hebrews; nor indeed is there, 1 think, any other origi- | nal authority now extant, hereto relating, to be opposed i to these testimonies hefoie us. I'hat the ancient music \ of the Hebrews was very complete alxo, and had in it great variety of tunes, is evtdfnt by tlie ninnher of their musical instruments, and by the textimony o\ another roost authentic witness, Jesus, the son of Sirach, Fcdus, I. 18, who says that, at the temple, in his d.iys, ••The ■ii rs sang praises wMh their voice; with great variety Pi suundi was there made sweet luelody. " ' pitched their camp at a place called Lebi, and when the Hebrews were again afraid of their army, and did not stay, he stood still alone, as an army and a body of men; and some of them he overthrew, and some who were not able to abide his strength and force, he pursued. These are the works of the hands, and of fighting, which these three per- formed. Now at the time when the king was once at Jerusalem, and the army of the Philistines came upon him to fight»him, Da- vid went up to the top of the citadel, as we have already said, to enquire of God concern- ing the battle, while the enemy's camp lay in the valley that extends to the city Bethlehem, which is twenty furlongs distant from Jeru- salem. Now David said to his companions, — " We have excellent water in my own city, especially that which is in the pit near the gate," wondering if any one would bring him some of it to drink; but he said that he would rather have it than a great deal of money. When these three men heard what he said, they ran away immediately, and burst through the midst of their enemy's camp, and came toBeth- lehem; and when they had drawn the water, they returned again through the enemy's camp to the king, insomuch that the Philistines were so surprised at their boldness and alacrity, that they were quiet, and did nothing against them, as if they despfsed their small number. But when the water was brought to the king, he would not drink it, saying, that it was brought by the danger and the blood of men, and that it was not proper on that account to drink it. But he poured it out to God, and gave him thanks for the salvation of the men. Next to these was Abishai, Joab's brother; for he in one day slew six hundred. The fifth of these was Benaiah, by lineage a priest; for being challenged by [two] eminent men in the coun- try of Moab, he overcame them by his valour. Moreover, there was a man, by nation an Egyptian, who was of a vast bulk, and chal- lenged him, yet did he, when he was unarmed, kill him with his own spear, which he threw at him, for he caught him by force, and took away his weapons while he was alive and fight- ing, and slew him with his own weapons. One may also add this to the forementioned actions of the same man, either as the princi- pal of them in alacrity, or as resembling the rest. When God sent a snow, there was a lion who slipped a:id fell into a certain pit, and because the pit's mouth was narrow, it^ was evident he would perish, being enclosed with the snow; so when he saw no way tc get out and save himself, he roared. When Benaiah heard the wild beast, he went to- wards him, and coming at the noise he made, he went down into the mouth of the pit, and smote him, as he struggled, with a stake thiit lay there, and immediately slew him. The other thirty-three were like these. in valour also. ciiAP. xm. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 207 CHAPTER xm. THAT WHEN DAVID HAD NUMBERED THE PEOFLE, THEY WERE PUNISHED; AND HOW THE DIVINE COMPASSION RESTRAINED THAT PUNISHMENT. § I. Now king David was desirous to know how imrny ten thousands there were of the people, but forgot the commands of Moses,* who toll! them beforehand, that if the multi- tude were numbered, they should pay half a shekel to God for every head. Accordingly, the king commanded Joab, the captain of his host, to go and number the whole multitude ; but when he said there was no necessity for such a numeration, he was not persuaded [to countermand it], but he enjoined him to make no delay, but to go about the numbering of the Hebrews immediately. So Joab took with him the heads of the tribes, and the scribes, and went over the coimtry of the Israelites, and took notice how numerous the multitude were, and returned to Jerusalem to the king, after nine months and twenty days ; and he gave in to the king the number of the people, without the tribe of Benjamin, for he had not yet numbered that tribe, no more than the tribe of Levi, for the king repented of his hav- ing sinned against God. Now the number of the rest of the Israelites was nine hundred thousand men, who were able to bear arms and go to war; but the tribe of Judah, by itself, was four hundred thousand men. 2. Now when the prophets had signified to « The words of God by Moses (Exod. xxx. 12), suffi- ciently justify the reason here given by Josephus tor the threat pla^e mentioned in this chapter: — "When thou takest the sura of the children of Israel, after their num- ber, then shall they give every man a ransom for his soul unto the Lord, when thou numberest them, that there be no gla?ue amongst them when thou numberest them." Nor indeed could David's or the Sanhedrim's neglect at executing this law at this numeration, excuse tb? people, who ought still to have brought their beunden oblation of half a shekel a- piece with them, when they came to be numbered. The great reason why nations are so constantly punished by and with their wicked kings and governors is this, that they almost con- stant!;- comply with them in their neglect of, or disobe- dience to, the divine laws, and suffer those divine laws to go into disuse or contempt, in order to please tliose wicked kings and governors; and that they submit to several wicked political laws and commands of those kings and governors, instead of the righteous laws of God, which all mankind ought ever to obey, let their kings and governors say what they please to the con- trary ; this preference of human before divine laws seem- ing to me the principal character of idolatrous or anti- christian nations. Accordingly, Josephus well observes (Antiq. b iv. ch viii. sect 17), that it was the duty of the people of Israel to take care that their kings, when they should have them, did not exceed their proper limits of power, and prove ungovernable by the laws of God. which would certainly be a most pernicious thing to their divine settlement. iVordo I think that negli- gence peculiar to the Jews: those nations which are calif d Chnstiaus are sometimes inieed very solicitous to r> strain their Wings and governors from breaking the h'tnan laws of their several kingdoms, hut without the like care for restraining them from breaking the laws of a,>]. '• Wh'*ther it be right in tlie sight of God. to hearken unto ni*n more th m to i^od. judge ye." Acts T. 19; •* We ought to obey Gal ruber than men," v. '£i. David that God was angry at Mm, he began to entreat him, and to desire he would be merci%l to him, and forgive him his sin. But God sent Nathan the prophet to him, to propose to him the election of three things, that he might choose which he liked best: Whether he would have a famine come upon the country for seven years, or would have a war, and be subdued three months by his enemies? or, whether God should send a pes- tilence and a distemper upon the Hebrews for three days? But as he was fallen to a fatal choice of great miseries, he was in trouble, and sorely confounded; and when the pro- phet had said that he must of necessity make his choice, and had ordered him to answer quickly, that he might declare what he had chosen to God, the king reasoned with him- self, that in case he should ask for famine, he would appear to do it for others, and without danger to himself, since he had a great deal of com hoarded up, but to the harm of others ; that in case he should choose to be overcome [by his enemies] for three months, he would appear to have chosen war, because he had va- liant men about hiAi, and strong holds, and that therefore he feared nothing therefrom: so he chose that affliction which is common to kings and to their subjects, and in which the fear was equal on all sides; and said this beforehand, that it was much better to fall into the hands of God than into those of his enemies. 3. When the prophet had heard this, he de- clared it to God ; who thereupon sent a pes- tilence and a mortality upon the Hebrews; nor did they die after one and the same man- ner, nor so that it was easy to know what the distemper was. Now, the miserable disease was one in deed, but it carried them off by ten thousand causes and occasions, which those that were afflicted could not understand; for one die'd upon the neck of another, and the terrible malady seized them before they were aware, and brought them to their end suddenly, some giving up the ghost immediately with very great pains and bitter grief; and some were worn away by their distempers, and had nothing remaining to be buried, but as soon as ever they fell, were entirely macerated; some were choked, and greatly lamented their case, as being also stricken >v'ith a sudden darkness; some there were who, as they were burying a relation, fell down dead,t without finishing the rites of the funeral. Now there perished of this disease, which began with the morning, and lasted till the hour of dinner, seventy thousand. Nay, the aagel stretched out his hand over Jerusalem, as sending this terrible judgment upon it; but David had put on sackcloth, and lay upon the ground, en- + Whence Josephus took these his distinct and me- lancholy acci»int» of the particular symptoms, and most mis-frable methods of dying, in this terrible pestilence, we canuot now tell, our other copies aflbrding us n» such accouBta. 208 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VII. trratingr God, and begging that the distemper might now cease, and that he would be satis- fied with those that had already perished; and when the king looked up into the air, and saw the angel carried along thereby into Jerusalem,, wth his sword drawn, he said to God, that he might justly be punished, who was their shep- herd ; but that the sheep ought to be preserved, as not having sinned at all; and he implored God that he would send his wrath upon him, and upon all his family, but spare the people. 4. When God heard his supplication, he caused the pestilence to cease ; and sent Gad the prophet to him, and commanded him to go up immediately to the thrashing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite, and build an altar there to God, and offer sacrifices. When David heard that, he did not neglect his duty, but made haste to the place appointed him. Now Araunah was thrashing wheat; and when he saw the king and all his servants coming to him, he ran before, and came to him, and worshipped him: he was by his lineage a Jebu- site, but a particular friend of David's; and for that cause it was that, when he overthrew the . city, he did him no harm, as we informed the reader a little before. Now Araunah inquired, wherefore is my lord come to his servant? He answered, to buy of him the thrashing- floor, that he might therein build an altar to God, and offer a sacrifice. He rephed, that he freely gave him both the thrashing-floor, and the ploughs and the oxen for a burnt- offering; and he besought God graciously to accept his sacrifice. But the king made an- swer, that he took his generosity and magnani- mity kindly, and accepted his good- will; but he desired him to take the price of them all, for that it v/as not just to offer a sacrifice that cost nothing. And when Araunah said he would do as he pleased, he bought the thrash- ing-floor of him for fifty shekels; and when he had built an altar, he performed divine service, and brought a burnt-offering, and offered peace-offerings also. With these God was pacified, and became gracious to them again. Now it happened that Abraham * came and offered his son Isaac for a burnt-offering at that very place; and when the youth was ready to have his throat cut, a ram appeared on a sudden, standing by the altar, which Abraham sacrificed in the stead of his son, as we have before related. Now when king David saw that God had heard his prayer, and had graciously accepted of his sacrifice, he re- solved to call that entire place The Altar of all the People, and to build a temple to God there ; which words he uttered very appositely to what was to be done afterward; for God sent • What Josephus adds here is very remarkable, that this mount Moriah was cot only the very place where Abraham offered up Isaac long a^o, but that God had foretold to David by a proohet, that here his son should build him a temple; which is not directly in any of our other copies, though very agreeable to what is in them, particularly in 1 Chron. xxi. 26, 28; and xxii. Ij to Which planes I refer the rr^er. I the prophet to him, and told him that there should his son biuld him an altar, — that son who was to take the kingdom after him. CHAPTER XIV. THAT DAVID MADE GREAT PREPARATIONS FOR THE .HOUSE OF GOD; AND THAT UPON ADONIJAH's ATTEMPT TO GAIN THE KING- DOM, HE APPOINTED SOLOMON TO REIGN. § 1. After the delivery of this prophecy, the king commanded the strangers to be numbered, and they were found to be one hundred and eighty thousand; of these he appointed four- score thousand to be hewers of stone, and the rest of the multitude to carry the stones, and of them he set over the workmen three thousand and five hundred. He also prepared a great quantity of iron and brass for the work, with many (and those exceeding large) cedar-trees, the Tyrians and Sidonians sending them to him, for he had sent to them for a supply of those trees; and he told his friends that these things were now prepared, that he might leave materials ready for the biulding of the temple to his son, who was to reign after him, and that he might not have them to seek then, when he was very young, and, by reason of his age, unskilful in such matters, but might have them lying by him, and so might the more readily complete the work. 2. So David called his son Solomon, and charged him, when he had received the king- dom, to build a temple to God; and said, " I was wilfing to build God a temple myself, but he prohibited me, because I was polluted with blood and wars; but he hath foretold that Solomon, my youngest son, should build him a temple, and should be called by that name ; over whom he hath promised to take the like care as a father takes over bis son; and that he would make the country of the Hebrews happy under him, and that not only in other respects, but by giving it peace, and freedom from wars, and from internal seditions, which are the greatest of all blessings. Since, therefore," says he, "thou wast ordained king by God himself before thou wast born, endeavour to render thyself worthy of* this his providence, as in other instances, so particularly in being religious, and righteous, and courageous. Keep thou also his commands, and his laws, which he hath given us by Moses, and do not permit others to break them. Be zealous also to deuicate to God a temple, which he hath chosen to be built under thy reign; nor be thou affrighted by the vastness of the work, nor set about it timorously, for I will make all things ready before I die: and take notice, that there are already ten thousand talents of gold, and a hundred thousand talents of silver,! + Of the quantity of cold and silver expanded in the budding of »«olomon's temple, and whence it arose, SM the description of the temple, chap. xiiL CHAP. XIV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS 209 collected together. I have also laid together brass and iron without number, and an im- mense quantity of timber, and of stones. More- over, thou hast many ten thousand stone- cutters, and carpenters; and if thou shalt want any thing farther, do thou add somewhat of thine own. Wherefore, if thou performest this work, thou wilt be acceptable to God, and have him for thy patron." David also farther exhort- ed the rulers of the people to assist his son in this building, and to attend to the divine ser- vice, when they should be free from all their misfortunes, for that they by this means should enioy, instead of them, peace and a happy se'itlement; with which blessings God rewards such men as are religious and righteous. He also gave orders, that when the temple should be once built, they should put the ark therein, with the holy vessels; and he assured them, that they ought to have had a temple long ago, if their fathers had not been negligent of God's commands, who had given it in charge, that when they had got the possession of this land they should build him a temple. Thus did David discourse to the governors, and to his son. 3. David was now in years, and his body, by length of time, was become cold and be- numbed, insomuch that he could g«t no heat by covering himself with many clothes; and when the physicians came together, they agreed to this advice, that a beautiful virgin, chosen out of the whole country, should sleep by the king's side, and that this damsel would com- municate heat to him, and be a remedy against his numbness. Now there was found in the city one woman, of a superior beauty to all other women (her name was Abishag), who, sleeping \vith the king, did no more than com- municate warmth to him, for he was so old that he could not know her as a husband knows his wife; but of this woman we shall speak more presently. 4. Now the fourth son of David was a beautiful young man, and tall, born to him of Haggith his wife. He was named Adonijah, and was in his disposition like to Absalom; and exalted himself as hoping to be king, and told his friends that he ought to take the government upon him. He also prepared many chariots, and horses, and fifty men to run before him. When his father saw this, he did not reprove him, nor restrain him from his purpose, nor did he go so far as to ask wherefore he did so. Now Adonijah had for his assistants Joab, the captain of the army, and Abiathar the high-priest; and the only persons that opposed him were Zadok the high- priest, and the prophet Nathan, and Benaiah, who was captain of the guards, and Shimei, David's friend, wth all the other most mighty men. Now Adonijah had prepared a supper out of the city, near the fountain that was in the king's paradise, and had invited all'his brethren except Solomon, and bad taken with him Joab, the captain of the army, Bnd Abia* thar, and the rulers of the tribe of Judah; but had not invited to this feast either Zadok the high-priest, or Nathan the prophet, or Benaiah the captain of the guards, nor any of those of the contrary party. This matter was told by Nathan the prophet to Bathsheba, So- lomon's mother, that Adonijah was king, and that David knew nothing of it; and he advised her to save herself and her son Solomon, and to go by herself to Da^nd, and say to him, that he had indeed sworn that Solomon should reign after him : but that, in the mean time. Adoniiah had already taken the king- dom. He said that he, the prophet himself, would come after her, and when she bpd spofeen thus to the king, would confirm what she had said. Accordingly- Bathsheba agreed witn Nathan, and went in to the king, and worsnipped him; and when she had desired leave to speak with him, she told him all things in the manner that Nathan had suggested to her; and related what a supper Adonijah had made, and who they were whom he had invi- ted; Abiathar the high-priest, and Joab the general, and David's sons, excepting Solo- mon and his intimate friends. She also said, that all the people had their eyes upon him, to know whom he would choose for their king. She desired him also to consider, how, after his departure, Adonijah, if he were king, would slay her and her son Solomon. 5. Now, as Bathsheba was speaking, the keeper of the king's chambers told hun that Nathan desired to see him; and when the king had commanded that he should be ad- mitted, he came in, and asked him whether he had ordained Adonijah to be king, and de- livered the government to him, or not; for that he had made a splendid supper and invi- ted all his sons, except Solomon; as a.so that he had inv'ited Joab, the captain of his host [and Abiathar the high-priest], who are feast- ing with applauses, and many joyful sounds of instruments, and wish that his kingdom may last for ever; but he hath not inWted me, nor Zadok the high-priest, nor Benaiah the captain of the guards; and it is but fit that all should know whether this be done by thy approbation or not. When Nathan had said thus, the king commanded that they should call Bathsheba to him, for she had gone out of the room when the prophet came; and when Bathsheba was come, David said, " I swear by Almighty God, that thy son Solo- mon shall certainly be king, as I formerly swore, and that he shall sit upon my throne, and thatthis very day also." So Bathsheba wor- shipped him, and wished him a long life; and the king sent for Zadok the high-priest, and Benaiah the captain of the guards; and when they were come, he ordered them to take with them Nathan the prophet, and all the armed men about the palace, and to set his son Solo- mon upon the king's mule and to carry hira () 210 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VII. out of the city to the fountain called Gihon, and to anoint him there with the holy oil, and to make him king. This he charged Zadok the high.-priest, and Nathan the prophet, to do ; and commanded them to follow Solomon through the midst of the city, and to sound the trumpets, and to wish aloud that Solomon the king may sit upon the royal throne for ever, that so all the people may know that he is ordained king by his father. He also gave Solomon a charge concerning his government, to rule the whole nation of the Hebrews, and particularly the tribe of Judah, religiously and righteously. And when Benaiah had prayed to God to be favourable to Solomon, — with- out any delay, they set Solomon upon the mule, and brought him out of the city to the fountain, and anointed him with oil, and brought him into the city again, with accla- mations and wishes that his kingdom might continue a long time ; and when they had in- troduced him into the king's house, they set him upon the throne ; — whereupon all the people betook themselves to make merry, and to celebrate a festival, dancing and delighting themselves with musical pipes, till both the earth and the air echoed with the multitude of the instruments of music. 6. Now when Adonijah and his guests per- ceived this noise, they were in disorder ; and Joab the captain of the host said he was not pleased with these echoes, and the sound of these trumpets. And when supper was set before them, nobody tasted of it, but they were all very thoughtful what could be the matter. Then Jonathan, the son of Abiathar the high- priest, came running to tbemj and when Adonijah saw the young man gladly, and said to him that he was a good messenger, he de- clared to them tUe whole matter about Solo- men, and the determination of king David ; hereupon both Adonijah and all his guests rose hastily from the feast and every one fled to their own homes. Adonijah also, as afraid of the king for what he had done, became a supplicant to God, and took hold of the horns of the altar, which were prominent. It was also told Solomon that he had so done ; and that he desired to receive assurances from him that he would not remember the injury he had done, and not inflict any severe punishment for it. Solomon answered very mildly and prudently, that he forgave him this his of- fence, but said withal, that if he were found out in any attempt for new innovations, that he would be the author of his own punish- ment. So he sent to him, and raised him up from the place of his supplication. And when he was come to the king, and had worshipped him, the king bid him go away to his own house, and have no suspicion of any harm ; and desired him to show himself a worthy man, as what would tend to his own advan- tage. 7. But David being desirouh of ordaining his son king of all the people, called together their rulers to Jerusalem, with the priests and the Levites ; and having first numbered the Levites, he found them to be thirty-eight thou- sand, from thirty years old to fifty ; out of which he appointed twenty-three thousand to take care of the building of the temple, and out of the same six thousand to be judges of the people and scribes ; four thousand for porters to the house of God, and as many for singers, to sing to the instruments which Da- vid had prepared, as we have said already. He divided them also into courses; and when he had separated the priests from them, he found of these priests twenty-four courses, sixteen of the house of Eleazar, and eight of that of Ithamar ; and he ordained that one course should minister to God eight days, from Sabbath to Sabbath. And thus were the courses distributed by lot, in the presence of David, and Zadok and Abiathar the high- priests, and of all the rulers; and that course which came up first was written down as the first, and accordingly the second, and so on to the twenty-fourth ; and this partition hath remained to this day. He also made twenty- four parts of the tribe of Levi ; and when they cast lots they came up in the same manner for their coursts of eight days; he also honoured the posterity of Moses, and made them the keepers of the treasures of God, and of the donations which the kinp^s dedicated; he also ordained that all the tribe of Levi, as well as the priests, should serve God night and day, as Moses had enjoined them. 8. After this he parted the entire army into twelve parts, with their leaders [and captains of hundreds], and commanders. Now every part had twenty-four thousand, which were ordered to wait on Solomon, by thirty days at a time, from the first day to the last, with the captains of thousands and captains of hun- dreds ; he also i^et rulers over every part, such as he knew to be good and righteous men; he set others also to take charge of the treasures, and of the villages, and of the fields, and of the beasts, whose names I do not think it ne- cessary to mention. When David had or- dered all these oflices after the manner before mentioned, he called the rulers of the Hebrews, and their heads of tribes, and the officers over the several divisions, and those that were ap- pointed over every work and every possession; and standing upon a high pulpit, he said to the multitude as follows: — "My brethren and my people, I would have you know that I intended to build a house for God, and pre- pared a large quantity of gold, and a hundred thousarul talents of silver; but God prohibited tne by the prophet Nathan, because of the wars I had on your account, and because my right hand was polluted with the slaughter of our enemies; but he commanded that my son, who was to succeed me in the kingdom, should build a temple for him Now therefore, since CHAP. XV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 211 you know that of the twelve sons whom Jacob our forefather had, Judah was appointed to be kmg, and that I was preferred before my six brethren, and received the government from God, and that none of them were uneasy at it, so do 1 also desire that my sons be not seditious one against another, now Solomon has received the kingdom, but to bear him cheerfully for their lord, as knowing that God hath chosen him ; for it is not a grievous thing to obey even a foreigner as a ruler if it be God's will, but it is tit to rejoice when a brother hath ob- taine'i that dignity, since the rest partake of it with him. And I pray that the promises of God may be fulfilled; and that this happiness which he hath promised to bestow upon king Solomon, over all the country, may continue therein for all time to come. And these promises, O son, will be firm, and come to a happy end, if thou showest thyself to be a re- ligious and a righteous man, and an observer of the laws of thy country; but if not, expect adversity upon thy disobedience to them." 9. Now when the king had said this, he left off; but gave the de>cription and pattern of the building of the temple in the sight of them all, to Solomon; of tho foundations and of the chambers, inferior and superior; how many there were to be, and how li||ge in height and in breadth ; as also he deivrinined the weight of the golden and silver vessels ; more- over, he earnestly excited them with his words, to use the utmost alacrity about the work: he exhorted the rulers also, and particularly the tribe of Levi, to assist him, both i>ecause of his youth, and because God had chosen him to take care of the building of the temple, and of the government of the kingdom. He also de- clared to them that the work would be e^y, and not very laborious to them, because he iiad prepared lor it many talents of gold, anu more of silver, with timber, and a great man} carpenteis and stone-cutters, and a large quan- tity of emeralds, and all sorts of precious stones: — and he said, that even now he would give of the proper goods of his own dominion two hundred talents, and three hundred other after, must go; from which way it is no longer talents of pure gold, for the most holy place; possible to return, and to know any thing that and for the chariot of God, the cherubim, which is done in this world. On which account 1 and the priests, and of all the rest; and he be- gan to bless God wth a loud voice, calling him the Father and Parent of the universe, and the Author of human and divine things, ^vith which he had adorned Solomon, the patron and guardian of the Hebrew nation, and of its hap- piness, and of that kingdom which he hath given his son. Besides this, he prayed for happiness to all the people ; and to Solomon his son, a sound and a righteous mind, and confirmed in all sorts of virtue; and then he commanded the multitude to bless God. Upon which they all fell down upon the ground and worshipped him. They also gave thanks to David, on account of all the blessings which they had received ever since he had taken the kingdom. On the next day he presented sa- crifices to God, a thousand bullocks, and as many lambs, which they offered for burnt- offerings. They also offered peace-offerings; and slew many ten thousand sacrifices; and the king feasted all day, together with all the people ; and they anointed Solomon a second time ^vith the oil, and appointed him to be king; and Zadok to be the high-priest of the whole multitude. And when they had brought Solomon to the royahpalace, and had set him upon his father's throne, they were obedient to him from that day. CHAPTER XV. WHAT CHARGE DAVID GAVE TO HIS SON SOLO- MON AT THE APPROACH OF HIS DEATH; AND HOW MANY THINGS HE LEFT HIM FOR THE BUILDING OF THE TEMPLE. § 1. A LITTLE afterward, David also fell into a distemper, by reason of his age; and per- ceiving that he was near to death, he called his son Solomon, and discoursed to him thus: — " I am now, O my son, going to my grave, and to my fathers, which is the common way which all men that now are, or shall be here- are to stand over and cover the ark. Now, when David bad done speaking, there ap- peared great alacrity among the rulers, and the priests, and the Levites, who now contributed and made great and splendid promises for a future contribution; for they undertook to bring of gold five thousand talents, and ten thousand drachms, and of silver ten thousand talents, and many ten thousand talents of iron : and if any one had a precious stone he brought It, and bequeathed it to be put among the trea- sures; of which Jachiel, one of the posterity of Moses, had the care. 10. Upon this occasion all the people re- joiced, as in particular did David, when he $aw the zeal and forward ambition of the rulers. exhort thee, while I am still alive, though al- ready very near to death, in the same manner as 1 have formerly said in my advice to thee, to be righteous towards thy subjects, and re- ligious towards God, that hath given thee thy kingdom ; to observe his commands, and lis laws, which he hath sent us by Moses; and neither do thou, out of favour nor flattery, al- low any lust or other passion to weigh with thee to disregard them • for if thou transgress- est his laws, thou wilt lose the favour of God, and thou wilt turn away his providence from thee in all things; but if thou behave thyself so as it behoves thee, and as I exhort thee, thou wilt preserve our kingdom to our family, and no other house will bear rule over the He- 212 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK VIL brews, but we ourselveg for all ages. Be thou also mindful of the transgressions of Joab,* the captain of the host, who hath slain two ge- nerals out of envy, and those righteous and good men, Abner the son of Ner, and Amasa the son of Jether; whose death do thou avenge as shall seem good to thee, since Joab hath been too hard for me, and more potent than myself, and so hath escaped punishment hither- to. I aho commit to thee the son of Barzil- lai, the Gileadite, whom, in order to gratify me, thou shalt have in great honour, and take great care of; for we have not done good to him first, but we only repay that debt which we owe to his father, for what he did to me in my flight. There is also Shimei, the son of Gera, of the tribe of Benjamin, who, after he had cast many reproaches upon me, when, in my flight, I was going to Mahanaim, met me at Jordan, and received assurances that he should then suffer nothing. Do thou now seek out for some just occasion, and punish him." 2. When David had given these admoni- tions to his son about public affairs, and about his friends, and about those whom he knew to deserve punishment, he died, having lived seventy years, and reigned seven years and SIX months in Hebron, over the tribe of Ju- dah, and thirty-three years in Jerusalem, over « David is here greatly blamed by some for recom- mending Joab and Shimei to be punished by Solomon, if he could find a proper occasion, after he had borne with the first a long while, and seemed to have pardoned the other entirely, which Solomon executed accordingly: yet I cannot discern any fault either in David or Solomon in these cases. Joab's murder of Abner and Amasa were very barbarous, and could not properly be forgiven either by David or Solomon; for a dispensing power in kings for the crime of wilful murder is warranted by no law of God, nay, is directly against it every where; nor is it, for certain, in the power of men to grant such a prerogative to any of their kings, though Joab was so nearly related to David, and so potent in the army under a warlike ad- ministration, that David durst not himself put him to death, 2 Sam. iii. 39, and xix. 7. Shimei's cursing the Lord's anointed, and this without any just cause, was the hishest act of treason against God and his anointed king, and justly deserved death: and though David could for- give treason against himself, yet had he done no more in th<! case of Shimei than promised him that he would not then, on the day of his return and re-inauguration, or npon that occasion, himself put him to death, 2 Sam. xix. 22; and he swore to him no farther, ver. 23, as the words are in Josephus, than that be would not then put bin to 4eath, which be j^erformed: nor was Solomon under aay vbli^tioa to apare lueh a traitor. all the country. This man was of an excellent character, and was endowed with all the vir- tues that were desirable in a king, and in one that had the preservation of so many tribes committed to him ; for he was a man of va- lour in a very extraordinary degree, and went readily and first of all into dangers, when he was to fight for his subjects, as exciting the soldiers to action by his own labours, and light- ing for them, and not by commanding them in a despotic way. He was also of very great abilities in understanding and apprehension of present and future circumstances, when he was to manage any affairs. He was prudent and moderate, and kind to such as were under any calamities ; he was righteous and humane, which are good qualities peculiarly fit for kings ; nor was he guilty of any offence in the exercise of so great an authority, but in the business of the wife of Uriah. He also left behind him greater wealth than any otlier king, either of the Hebrews or of other na- tions, ever did. 3. He was buried by his son Solomon, in Jerusalem, with great magnificence, and with all the other funeral pomp which kings use to be buried with; moreover, he had great and immense wealth buried with him, the vast- ness of whiclpmay be easily conjectured at by what I shall now say; for a thousand and three hundred years afterwards, Hvrcanus the high-priest, when he was besieged by Anti- ochus, that was called the Pious, the son of Demetrius, and waii lesirous of giving him money to get him to raise the siege, and draw off his army ; and having no other method of compassing the money, opened one room of David's sepulchre, and took out tliree thou- sand talents, and gave part of that sura to Antiochus, and by this means caused the siege to be raised, as we have informed the reader elsewhere. Nay, after him, and that many years, Herod the king opened another room, and took away a great deal of money, and 1 yet neither of them came at the coffins of the i kmes themselves, for their bodies were buried I ivUicr the earth so artfully, that they did not I appear even to those that enterftd into tb»T i monuments: — but so much shall suffi#« us to I have said concerning these matters. 213 BOOK VIII. CGSTAJSnXQ THE nrTBRVAL OF ONE HUin)RED AST) SDCTT-TnBEB TEAftS. FROM THE DEATH OF DAVH) TO THE DEATH OF AHAB. CHAPTER I. HOW SOLOMON, WHEN HE HAD RECEIVED THE KINGDOM, TOOK OFF HIS ENEMIES. § 1. We have already treated of David and bis virtue, and of the benefits he was the au- thor of to his countrymen ; of his %vars also and battles, which he managed with success, and then died an old man, in the foregoing hook. And when Solomon his s»n, who was but a youth in age, had taken the kingdom, and whom David had declared, while he was alive, the lord of that people, according to God's will; when he sat upon the throne, the whole body of the pe6ple made joyful accla- mations to him, as is usual at the beginning of a reign; and mshed that all his aflfairs might come to a blessed conclusion; and that he might arrive at a great age, and at the most happy state of affairs possible. 2 But Adonijah, who, whfle his father was living, attempted to gain possession of the government came to the king's mother Bathsheba, and saluted her with great civi- lity; and when she asked him, whether he came to her as desiring her assistance in any thing or not; and bade him tell her if that were the case, for that she would cheerfully afford it him; he began to say, that she knew herself that the kingdom was his, both on account of his elder age, and of the disposition of the multitude; and that yet it was transferred to Solomon her son, according to the will of God. He also said that he was contented to be a servant under him, and was pleased with the present settlement; but he desired her to be a means of obtaining a favour from his bro- ther to him, and to persuade him to bestow on him in marriage Abishag, who had indeed slept by his father, but, because his father was too old, he did not lie with her, and she was still a virgin. So Bathsheba promised him to afford him her assistance very earnestly, and to bring this marriage about, because the king would be willing to gratify him in such a thing, and because she would press it to him very earnestly. Accordingly, he went away, in hopes of succeeding in tnis niatcn. So So- lomon's mother went presently to her son, to speak to him about wnat she had promised, upon Adonijah's supplication to her. And when her son came forward tc meet her, and embraced her, and wh^n he had brcughfc her into the house where his royal throne was set, he sat thereon, and bid them set another throne on the right hand for his mother. When Bathsheba ^vas set do\vn, she said, "O my son, grant me one request that I make of thee, and do not any thing to me that is disagreeable or ungrateful, which thou ^^alt do if thou de- niest me." And when Solomon bid her to lay her commands upon him, because it was agreeable to his duty to grant her every thing she should ask, and complained that she did not begin her discourse with a firm expectation of obtaining what she desired, but had some suspicion of a denial, — she entreated him to grant, that his brother Adonijah might marry Abishag. 3. But the king was greatly offended at these words, and sent away his mother, and said that Adonijah aimed at great things; and that he wondered that she did not desire him to yield up the kingdom to him, as to his elder brother, since she desired that he might marry Abishag; and that he had potent friends, Joab the captain of the host, and Abiathar the priest. So he called for Benaiah, the captain of the guards, and ordered him to slay his brother Adoitijah; he also called for Abiathar, the priest, and said to him, " I will not put thee to death, because of those other hardships which thou hast endured with my father, and because of the ark which thou hast borne along with him ; but I inflict the following punish- ment upon thee, because thou wast among Adonijah's followers, and wast of his party. Do not thou continue here, nor come any more into my sight, but go to thine own town, and live on thy own fields, and there abide all thy life ; for thou hast offended so greatly, that it is not just that thou shouldest retain thy dignity any longer." For the foremention«d cause, there- S14 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VIII. fore, it was that the house of Ithamar was de- prived of the sacerdotal dignity, as God had foretold to Eli the grandfather of Abiathar. So it was transferred to the family of Phineas, to Zadok. Now those that were of the family of Phineas, but lived privately during the time that the high-priesthood was transferred to the house of Ithamar (of which family Eli was the first that received it), were these that follow: Bukki, the son of Abishua the high-priest; bis son was Joatham ; Joatham's son was Me- raioth ; Meraioth's son was Arophaeus ; Aro- phaeus's son was Ahitub; and Ahitub's son was Zadok, who was first made high-priest in the reign of David. 4. Now when Joab the captain of the host heard of the slaughter of Adonijah, he was greatly afraid, for be was a greater friend to him than to Solomon; and suspecting, not without* reason, that he was in danger, on ac- count of his favour to Adonijah, he fled to the altar, and supposed he might procure safety thereby to himself, because of the king's piety towards God. But when some told the king what Joab's supposal was, he sent Benaiah, and commanded hinj to raise him up from the altar, and bring to the judgment-seat, in or- der to make his defence. However, Joab said he would not leave the altar, but would die there rather than in another place. And when Benaiah had reported his answer to the king, Solomon commanded him to cut off his head there,* and let him take that as a punish- ment for those two captains of the host whom he had wickedly slain, and to bury his body, that his sins might never leave his family, but that himself and his father, by Joab's death, might be guiltless; and when Benaiah had done what he was commanded to do, he was himself appointed to be captain of the whole army. The king also made Zadok to be alone the high-priest, in the room of Abiathar, whom h^ had removed. 5. But as to Shimei, Solomon commanded that he should build him a house, and stay at Jerusalem, and attend upon him, and should not have authority to go over the brook Cedron ; and that if he disobeyed that command, death should be his punishment. He also threatened him so terribly, that he compelled him to take an oath that he would obey. Accordingly Shimei said that he had reason to thank So- lomon for giving him such an injunction; and bddeJ an oath, that he would do as he bade him; and leaving his own country, he made his abode in Jerusalem ; but three years after- wards, when he heard that two of his servants were run away from him, and were in Gath, he went for his servants in haste; and when he wms come back with them, the king per- • This execntion npon Joab, as a murderer, by slay- init him, eren when hn had taken sanctuary at God's altar, is perf«:tly agreeable to the law of Moses, which enjoinn, that, " if a man com* presumptuously upon his neighbour to slay him ♦^ith tnile. thou shalt take him titn,thtb»dim.* Exod. xxi. 14. ceived it, and was much displeased that he had contemned his commands, and what was more, bad no regard to the oaths be had sworn to God; so be called him, and said to him, *' Didst not thou swear never to leave me, nor to go out of this city to another? Thou shalt not therefore escape punishment for thy per- jury; but I will punish thee, thou wicked wretch, both for this crime, and for those wherewith thou didst abuse mv father when he was in his flight, that thou mayest know that wicked men gain nothing at last although they be not punished immediately upon their unjust practices ; but that in all the time wnerein they think themselves secure, because they have yet suffered nothing, their punishment increases, and is heavier upon them, and that to a greater degree than if they had been punished immedi- ately upon the commission of their crimes." So Benaiah, on the king's command, slew ShimeL CHAPTER II. CONCERNING THE WIFE OT SOLOMON; CON- CERNING HIS WISDOM AND RICHES; AND CONCERNING WHAT HE OBTAINED OF HIRAM FOR THE BUILDING OF THE TEMPLE. § 1. Solomon having already settled himself firmly in his kingdom, and having brought his enemies to punishment, he married the daughter of Pharaoh, king of Egypt, and built the walls of Jerusalem much larger and stronger than those that had been before,* and thenceforward he managed public affairs very peaceably : nor was his youth any hinderance in the exercise of justice, or in the observation of the laws, or in the remembrance of what charges his father had given him at his death ; but he discharged every duty with great ac- curacy, that might have been expected from such as are aged, andof the greatest prudence. He now resolved to go to Hebron, and sacri- fice to God upon the brazen altar that was built by Moses. Accordingly he offered there burnt offerings, in number a thousand ; and when he had done this, he thought he had paid great honour to God ; for, as he was asleep that very night, God appeared to him, and commanded him to ask of him some gifts which he was ready to give him as a reward for his piety. So Solomon asked of God what was most excellent, and of the greatest worth in itself, what God would bestow with the greatest joy, and what it was most profit- able for man to receive ; for he did not desire to have bestowed upon him either gold or silver, or any other riches, as a man and a • This building of the walls of Jerusalem, soon aftel David's death, ilhistr.ite* the conclusion of the .5l!,f psalm, where Oavid prays. "Build thou the walls ot Jerusalem j" — Ihfv beitu;, it set-ms. unfinished or im- p«Tfect at that fimf. See oh a p. vL stHJt. 1| and ch. viL keot. 7{ »lso 1 Kings ix. 1&, CHAP. II. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 215 youth might naturally have done, for these are the things that generally are esteemed by most men, as alone of the greatest worth, and the best gifts of God; but, said he, "Give me, O Lord, a sound mind and a good under- standing, whereby I may speak and judge the people according to truth and righteousness." With these petitions God was well pleased; and promised to give him all those things that he had not mentioned in his option, riches, glory, victory over his enemies; and, in the first place, understanding and wisdom, and this in such a degree, as no other mortal man, neither kings nor ordinary persons, ever had. He also promised to preserve the kingdom to his posterity for a very long time, if he con- tinued righteous and obedient to him, and imitated his father in those things wherein he excelled. When Solomon heard this from God, he presently leaped out of his bed; and when he had worshipped him, he returned to Jerusalem ; and after he had offered great sa- crifices before the tabernacle, he feasted all his own family. 2. In these days a hard cause came before i him in judgment, which it was very difficult to find any end of; and I think it necessary to explain the fact about which the contest was, that such as light upon my writings may know what a difficult cause Solomon was to de- termine; and those that are concerned in such matters may take this sagacity of the king for a pattern, that they may the more easily give sentence about such questions. There were two women, who were harlots in the course of their lives, that came to him, of whom she that seemed to be injured began to speak first, and said, " O king, I and this other woman dwell together in one room. Now it came to pass that we both bore a son at the same hour of the same day; and on the third day this wo- man overlaid her son, and killed it, and then took my son out of my bosom, and removed him to herself; and as I was asleep she laid her dead son in my arms. Now, when in the n\orning I was desirous to give the breast to the child, I did not find my own, but saw the woman's dead child lying by me; for I con- sidered it exactly, and found it so to be. Hence it was that I demanded my son, and when I could not obtain him, I have recourse, my lord, to thy assistance; for since we were alone, and there was nobody there that could convict her, she cares for nothing, but perse- veres in the stout denial of the fact." When tliis woman had told this her story, the king asked the other woman what she*had to say in c«>ntra(Uction to that story. But when she dejiied that she had drone what was charged upon her, and said that it was. her child that was Uving, and that it was her antago- m>t's child that was dead, and when no one coidd devise what judgment could be given, a/ii! the whole court were blin(] in their un- derstanding, and fe'ouM not tell how ti) find out this riddle, the king alone invented the following way how to discover it : He bade them bring in both the dead child and the living child; and sent one of his guards, and commanded him to fetch a sword, and draw it, and to cut both the children into two pieces, that each of the women might have half the living and half the dead child. Hereupon all the people privately laughed at the king, as no more than a youth. But in the mean time, she that was the real mother of the liv- ing child cried out, that he should not do so, but deliver that child to the other woman as her own, for she would be satisfied with the life of the child, and with the sight of it, al- though it were esteemed the other's child; but the other woman was ready to see the child divided, and was desirous, moreover, that the first woman should be tormented. When the king understood that both their words proceeded from the truth of their pas- sions, he adjudged the child to her that cried out to save it, for that she was the real mother of it ; and he condemned the other as a wick- ed woman, who had not only killed her o\vn child, but was endeavouring to see her friend's child destroyed also. Now the multitude looked on this determination as a great sign and demonstration of the king's sagacity and wisdom ; and, after that day, attended to him as to one that had a divdne mind. 3. Now the captains of his armies, and officers appointed over the whole country, were these: — Over the lot of Ephraim was Ures; over the toparchy of Bethleheni was Dioclerus; Abinadab, who married Solomon's daughter, had the region of Dora and the sea-coast under him; the Great Plain was under Benaiah, the son of Achilus; he also governed all the country as far as Jordan; Gabaris ruled over Gilead and Gaulantis, and had under him the sixty great and fenced cities [of Og]; Achinadab managed the af- fairs of all Gahlee, as far as Sidon, and had himself also married a daughter of Solomon's, whose name was Basima; Banacates had the sea-coast about Arce; as had Shaphot Mount Tabor, and Carmel, and [the lower] Galilee as far as the river Jordan; one man was ap- pointed over all this country; Shimei was in- trusted with the lot of Benjamin; and Ga- bares had the country beyond Jordan, over whom there was again one governor appoint- ed. Now the people of the Hebrews, and particularly the tribe of Judah, received a wonderful increase when they betook them- selves to husbandry and the cultivation of their grounds; for as they enjoyed peace, and were not distracted wth wars and troubles, and having besides an abundant fruition of the most desirable liberty, every one was busy in augmenting the product of their own lands, and making them worth more than they had formerly been. 4. The king had also other rulers, w^Q 216 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VDI. were orer the land of Syria and the Philis- tines, which reached from the river Euphrates to Egypt, and these collected his tributes of the nations. Now these contributed to the king's table, and to his supper every day,* thirty cori of fine flour, and sixty of meal; as also ten fat oxen, and twenty oxen out of the pastures, and a hundred fat lambs; all these were besides what were taken by hunt- ing harts and buffaloes, and birds and fishes, which were brought to the king by foreigners day by day. Solomon had also so great a num- ber of chariots, that the stalls of his horses for those chariots were forty thousand; and besides these, he had twelve thousand horse- men, the one half of whom waited upon the king in Jerusalem, and the rest were dis- persed abroad, and dwelt in the royal vil- lages; but^the same officer who provided for the king's expenses, supplied also the fodder for the horses, and still carried it to the place where the king abode at that time. 5. Now the sagacity and wisdom which God had bestowed upon Solomon was so great, that he exceeded the ancients, inso- much that he was no way inferior to the Egyptians, who are said to have been beyond all men in understanding; nay, indeed, it is evident that their sagacity was very much in- ferior to that of the king's. He also excelled and distinguished himself in wisdom above those who were most eminent among the He- brews at that time for shrewdness: those I mean were Ethan, and Heman, and Chalcol, and Darda, the sons of Mahol. He also composed books of odes and songs, a thou- sand and five; of parables and similitudes, three thousand; for he spake a parable upon every sort of tree, from the hyssop to the cedar; and in like manner also about beasts, about all sorts of living creatures, whether upon the earth, or in the seas, or in the air; for he was not unacquainted with any of their natures, nor omitted inquiries about them, but described them all like a philosopher, and demonstrated his exquisite knowledge of their several properties. God also enabled • It may not be amiss to compare the daily furniture of king Solomon'8 table, here set down, and 1 Kings iv. 22, 23, wita 'he like daily furniture of jNehemiah (be eovernor's table, af«er the Jews were come back from Babylon: and to remember withal, that Nehemiah was now building the walls of Jerusalem, and maintained, more than H8r?l. pbove 1-50 considerable men every day; and that, because the nation was then very poor, at his own charges also, without laying any burden upon the people at all. " Now that which was prepared for me daily was an ox, and six choice sheep; also fowls were prepared for me; and once in ten (Fays, store ot all sorts of wine; and yet for all this I required not tiie bread of the governor, because the bondage was heavy apon this people." Neh. v. 18. See the whole context, ▼er 14 — 19. Nor did the governor's usual allowance of40 shekels of silver a day,ver. 15, amount to £5 a day, nor to £1800 a year. Nor does it indeed ap|)ear, that, under the Judges, or under Namuel the prophet, there Wai any such pub'ic allowance to those governors at all: thoae grrat charges upon the public for maintaining •oarta, came In wiili kiiii{«. — as God foretold they would, lS<Mo Via il-iri. him to learn that skill which expells demons,f which is a science useful and sanative to men. He composed such incantations also by which distempers are alleviated. And he left behind him the manner of using exor- cisms, by which they drive away demons, so that they never return, and this method of cure is of great force unto this day; for I have seen a certain man of my own country, whose name was Eleazar, releasing people that were demoniacal in the presence of Ves- pasian, and his sons, and his captains, and the whole multitude of his soldiers. The man- ner of the cure was this: — He put a ring that had a root of one of those sorts men- tioned by Solomon to the nostrils of the de- monaic, after whch he drew out the demon through his nostrils; and when the man fell dovm immediately, he abjured him to return into him no more, making still mention of Solomon, and reciting the incantations which he composed. And when Eleazar would per- suade and demonstrate to the spectators that he had such a power, he set a little way off a cup or bason full of water, and commanded the demon, as he went out of the man, to overturn it, and thereby to let the spectators know that he had left the man ; and when this was done, the skill and wisdom of Solo- mon was shown very manifestly: for which reason it is that all men may know the vast- ness of Solomon's abilities, and how he was beloved of God, and that the extraordinary virtues of every kind with which this king was endowed, may not be unknown to any people under the sun; for this reason, I say, it is that we have proceeded to speak so largely of these matters. 6. Moreover Hiram, king; of Tyre, when he had heard that Solomon succeeded to his father's kingdom, was very glad of It, for be was a friend of David's. So he sent ambas- sadors to him, and saluted aim, aad congratu- lated him on the present happy state of ais affairs. Upon which Solomon sent aim an epistle, the contents oi wmch aere lolluw ; — SOLOMON TO KING HIRAM. *' J Know thou that my father would have + Some pretended frigmen*? •'f *Vr-^ ?-7~''f of con- juration of Solomon are &t>ll tSLV^nt .A ;> Aoi»o.u8's Cud. I'seudepigr. Vef. Test, page 1064, though I entirely differ from Jcsephus in this his supposul, that such book% and arts of Solomon were nsxU of that Wisdoui which was impaitea lo nun »; ^anw in his younger days; they mu.st rather have belonged to such prolane ^but curious arts as we find mentioned. Acts xix. l:)— 20, and had b<'en derived from the idolatry and .nuperslition of his heathen wives and concubines in his old aue, when he had forsaken (ioti, and (io<l had forsaken h;m, and given him up to demoniacal delusions. Nor does Josephus's strange account of the root Baara (of the War, b. viii. ch. vi. sect. 3^ seem to be other than that of its magicitl use in such conjurations. As for Uie following history, it confirms what Christ says (Matt xii. 27), "If I by Beelaebub cast out deoions, by whom do your sons cast them oufr"' t 'F'hesf epiJ'tles of Solomon and Hiram are those lo I Kinns V. :<— 9. and. as enlarKrd. in 2 Chron. ii. .3 — Id) bi.t hviv ){ivrn us by Josephu* in his own words. CHAP. II. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 217 built a temple to God, but was hindered by wars, and continual expeditions: for he did not leave oflf to overthrow his enemies till he made them all subject to tribute. But I give thanks to God for the peace I at present en- joy, and on that account I am at leisure, and design to build a house to God, for God fore- told to my father that such a house should be built by me; wherefore I desire thee to send some of thy subjects with mine to Mount Lebanon, to cut down timber; for the Sido- nians are more skilful than our people in cut- ting of wood. As for wages to the hewers of wood, I will pay whatsoever price thou shalt determine." 7. >yhen Hiram had read this epistle, he was pleased with it, and WTote back this an- swer to Solomon: — HIEAM TO KING SOLOMON. " It is fit to bless God, that he hath commit- ted thy father's government to thee, who art a wise man, and endowed with all virtues. As for myself, I rejoice at the condition thou art in, and will be subservient to thee in all that thou sendest to me about; for when by my subjects I have cut down many and large trees of cedar and cypress wood, I will send them to sea, and will order my subjects to make floats of them, and to sail to what place soever of thy country thou shalt desire, and leave them there, after which thy subjects may carry them to Jerusalem : but do tbou take care to procure us corn for this timber, which we stand in need of, because we inha- bit in an island."* * What Josephas here pats into his copy of Hiram's epistle to Solomon, and repeats afterwards (ch. v. sect. 3), that Tyre was now an island, is not in any of the three other copies, viz. that of the KinEjs, Chronicles, or Kuse- bius; nor is it any otfaer, I suppose, than his own con- jectural paraphrase; for when I, many years ago, inquired into this matter, I found the state of this famous city, and of the island whereupon it stood, to have been very dif- ferent at different times. The result of my inquiries in this matter, with the addition of some later improve- ments, stands thus:— That the best testimonies hereto relating, imply, that Palretyrus, or Oldest Tyre, was no other than that most ancient smaller fort or city Tyre, si- tuated on the continent, and mentioned in Josh. xix. 29, out of which the Canaianite or Phoenician inhabitants were driven into a larije island, that lay not far off in the sea, by Joshua: that this island was then joined to the continent, at the present remains of Palattyrus, by a neck of land, over auiainst Solomon's cisterns, still so called; and the city's fresh water, probably, was carried along in pipes by that neck of land; and that this island was therefore, in strictness, no other than a peninsula, having villages in its Jields (Ezek. xxvL 6), and a wall about it (Amos L 10) ; and the city was not of so great reputation as Sidon for some ages; that it was attacked both by sea and land by Salmanasser,as Josephus informs us (Antiq. b. ix. ch. xiv. sect 2), and afterwards came to be the me-* tropolis of Phoenicia; and was afterwards taken and de- stroyed by Nebuchadnezzar, according to the numerous scripture prophecies thereto relating, Isa.xxiii; Jer.xxv. 22; xxvii 3; xlvii. 4; Ezek. xxvi. xxvii. xxviii. That seventy years after that destruction by Nebuchadnezzar, this city was in some measure revived and rebuilt (Isa, xriii. 17, 18), but that, as the prophet Ezekiel had fore- told (xxvi. :J, 4, 5, 14; xxvii. 3t), the sea arose higher than before, till at last it overflowed, not only the neck of land, but the main island or peninsula itself, and de- stroyed that old and famous city for ever: that, however, tiirrb still remained an adjoining smaller 'sland, once 8. The copies of these epistles remain at this day, and are preserved not only in our books, but among the Tyrians also; inso- much that if any one would know the cer- tainty about them, he may desire of the keep- ers of the public records of Tyre to show him them, and he will find what is there set down to agree with what we have said. I have said so much out of a desire that my readers may know that we speak nothing but the truth, and do not compose a history out of some plausible relations, which deceive men and please them at the same time, nor attempt to av oid examination, nor desire men to believe us immediately; nor are we at liberty to depart from speaking truth, which is the proper commendation of a historian, and yet to be blameless. But we insist upon no admission of what we say, imless we be able to manifest its truth by demonstration and the strongest vouchers. 9. Now king Solomon, as soon as this epistle of the king of Tyre was brought him, commended the readiness and good-will he declared therein, and repaid him in what he desired, and sent him yearly twenty thousand cori of wheat, and as many baths of oD : now the bath is able to contain seventy-two sexta- ries. He also sent him the same measare of wine. So the friendship between Hiram and Solomon hereby increased more and more; and they swore to continue it for ever. And the king appointed a tribute to be laid on all the people, of thirty thousand labourers, whose work he rendered easy to them, by prudently dividing it among them; for he made ten thousand cut timber in mount Lebanon for one month, and then to come home; and to rest two months, until the time when the other twenty thousand had finished their task at the appointed time; and so afterward it came to pass, that the first ten thousand re- turned to their work every fourth month: and it was Adoram who was over this tribute. There were also of the strangers who were left by David, who were to carry the stones and other materials, seventy thousand; and of those that cut the stones, eighty thousand. Of these three thousand and three hundred were rulers over the rest. He also enjoined them to cut out large stones for the founda- tions of the temple, and that they should fit them and unite them together in the moun- tain, and so bring them to the city. This connected to Old Tyre itself by Hiram, which was after- wards inhabited; to which Alexander the Great, with incredible pains, raised a new bank or causeway: and that it plainly appears from Maundrell, a most authentic eye-witness, that the old, lari;e, and famous city, on the original large island, is now laid so generally under \n- fer that scarce more than forty acres of it, or rather of that adjoining small island, remain at this day: so that, perhaps, not above a hundredth part of the first island and city is now above water. This was foretold in the same prophecies of Ezekiel; and, according to them, aa IMr. Mauadrell distinctly observes, these poor remains of Old Tyre are now "become like the top of a rock; a place for the spreading of nets in the midst of the seA." 218 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VIII was done, not only by our own country workmen, but by those workmen whom Hiram sent also. CHAPTER IIL OF THE BUILDING Or THE TEMPLE. § 1. Solomon began to build the temple in the fourth year of his reign, on the second month, which the Macedonians call Artemi- sius, and the Hebrews Jur; five hundred and ninety-two years after the exodus out of Egypt, but one thousand and twenty years from Abraham's coming out of Mesopotamia into Canaan; and after the Deluge one thou- sand four hundred and forty years; and from Adam, the first man who was created, until Solomon built the temple, there had passed in all three thousand one hundred and two years. Now that year on which the temple began to be built, was already the eleventh year of the reign of Hiram; but from the building of Tyre to the building of the temple, there had passed two hundred and forty years. 2. Now, therefore, the king laid the foun- dations of the temple very deep in • the ground,* and the materials were strong stones, and such as would resist the force of time: these were to unite themselves with the earth, and become a basis and a sure foundation for that superstructure which was to be erected over it: they were to be so strong, in order to sustain with ease those vast superstructures, and precious ornaments, whose own weight was to be not less than the weight of those other high and heavy buildings which the king designed to be very ornamental and magnificent. They erected its entire body, quite up to the roof, of white stone: its height was sixty cubits, and its length was the same, and its breadth twenty. There was another building erected over it, equal to it in its measures; so that the entire alti- tude of the temple was a hundred and twenty cubits. Its front was to the east. As to the porch, they built it before the temple: its length was twenty cubits, and it was so order- ed that it might agree with the breadth of the house; and it had twelve cubits in lati- tude, and its height was raised as high as a hundred and twenty cubits. He also built round about the temple thirty small rooms. and the same in length, but in height twenty. Above these were other rooms, and others above them, equal, both in their measures and number; so that these reached to a height equal to the lower part of the house ; for the upper part had no buildings about it. The roof that was over the house was of cedar; and truly every one of these rooms had a roof of their own, that was not connected with the other rooms; but for the other parts, there was a covered roof common to them all, and built with very long beams, that passed through the rest, and through the whole building, that so the middle walls, beiiig strengthened by the same beams of timber, might be thereby made firmer; but as for that part of the roof that was under the beams, it was made of the same materials, and was all made smooth, and had ornaments proper for roofs, and plates of gold nailed upon them; and as he enclosed the walls with boards of cedar, so he fixed on them plates of gold, which had sculptures upon them ; so that the whole temple shined, and dazzled the eyes of such as entered, by the splendour of the gold that was on every side of them. Now the whole structure of the temple was made, with great skill, of polished stones, and those laid together so very harmoniously and smoothly, that there appeared to the spec- tators no sign of any hammer, or other in- strument of architecture, but as if, without any use of them, the entire materials had na- turally united themselves together, that the agreement of one part with another seemed rather to have been natural, than to have arisen from the force of tools upon them. The king also had a fine contrivance for an ascent to the upper room over the temple, and that was by steps in the thickness of its wall; for it had no large door on the east end, as the lower house had, but the entrances were by the sides, through very small doors. He also overlaid the temple, both within and without, with boards of cedar, that were kept close together by thick chains, so that this contrivance was in the nature of a support and a strength to the building. 3. Now when the king had divided the tem- ple into two parts, he made the inner house of twenty cubits [every way], to be the most se- cret chamber, but he appointed that of forty cubits to be the sanctuary; and when he had cut a door-place out of the wall, he put therein doors of cedar, and overlaid them with a great which might include the whole temple, by ^deal of gold, that had sculptures upon it. He their closeness one to another, and by theii also had veils of blue, and purple, and scarlet, number, and outward position round it. He, and the brightest and softest of linen, with the also made passages through them, that they most curious flowers wrought upon them, might come into one through another. Every which were to be drawn before those doors, one of these rooms had five cubits in breadth,! lie also dedicated for the most secret place, • Of the temple of Solomon here described by Jose-, been by Joscphns's desoiiption, no less than twenty phaa, in this and the followinj: sections of this chapter, '^ubiis high u pifce, otherwise there must have been a •ee loy description of the temples belonging to this lar^e interval between one and the other that was over work, ch. xiii. itj and this with double floors, the one of six cubits dis. f These small rooms, or side chambers, seem to have| t^nce from the floor beneath it, as 1 Kings vL & CHAP, III. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 219 whose breadth was twenty cubits, and the Jengtfa the same, two cherubims of solid gold ; the height of each of them was five cubits:* they h^ each of them two wings stretched out as far as five cubits; wherefore Solomon set them up not far from each other, that with one wing they might touch the southern wall of the secret place, and with another the north- ern; their other wings, which joined to each other, were a covering to the ark, which was set between them: but nobody can tell, or even conjecture, what was the shape of these cherubims. He also laid the floor of the temple with plates of goW; and he added doors to the gate of the temple agreeable to the measure of the height of the wall, but in breadth twenty cubits, and on them he glued gold plates; and, to say all in one word, he left no part of the temple, neither internal nor ^ external, but what was covered with gold. He also had curtains drawn over these doors, in like manner as they were drawn over the inner doors of the most holy place; but the porch of the temple had nothing of that sort. 4. Now Solomon sent for an artificer out of Tyre, whose name was Hiram : he was by birth of the tribe of Naphtali, on the mother's side (for she vtras of that tribe) ; but his father was Ur, of the stock of the Israelites. This man was skilful in all sorts of work; but his chief skill lay in working in gold, in silver, and brass ; by whom were made all the me- chanical works about the temple, according to the will of Solomon, Moreover, this Hiram made two [hollow] pillars, whose outsides were of brass; and the thickness of the brass was four fingers' breadth, and the height of the pillars was eighteen cubits,f and their circum- ference twelve cubits; but there was cast \vith each of their chapiters lily- work, that stood upon the pillar, and it was elevated five cubits, round about which there was net- work inter- woven with small palms, made of brass, and covered with lily- work. To this also were hung two hundred pomegranates in two rows. The one of these pillars he set at the entrance of the porch on the right hand, and called it Ja- chin; and the other at the left hand, and called it Booz. 5. Solomon also cast a brazen sea, the (Igure of which was that of an hemisphere. This brazen vessel was called a sea for its largeness, for the laver was ten feet in diame- ter, and cast of the thickness of a palm: its middle part rested on a short pillar, that had |te ten spirals round it, and that pillar was ten ^ • Josephus says here that the cherubims were of solid gold, and only five cubits bij(h; while our Hebrew copies 'I Kings vL 2:3. 28) say they were of the olive- tree; and the Ixxii. of the cypress-tree, and only over- laid with gold ; and both a^ree they were ten cubits high. I suppose the number here is falsely transcribed, and that Josephus wrote ten cubits also. + As for these two famous pillars, Jachin and Booz, their height could be no more than 18 cubits, as here, and I Kins* vii. 15; 2 Kings xxr. 17; Jer. iii. 21; those i6 cubits in 2 Chron. iii. 15, being contrary to all the taie» vf aivbitecture in the world. cubits in diameter. There stood round about t twelve oxen that looked to the four winds of heaven, three to each wind, having their hinder parts depressed, that so the hemisphe- rical vessel might rest upon them, which itself was also depressed round about inwardly. Now this sea contained three thousand baths. 6. He also made ten brazen bases for so many quadrangular lavers: the length of every one of these bases was five cubits, and the breadth four cubits, and the height six cubits This vessel was partly turned, and was thus contrived: There were four small quadran- gular pillars, that stood one at each corner; these had the sides of the base fitted to them on each quarter; they were parted into three parts ; every interval had a border fitted to support [the laver] ; upon which was engraven, in one place a lion, and in another place a bull, and an eagle. The small pillars had the same animals engraven that were engraven on the sides. Tl|p whole work was elevated, and stood upon four wheels, which were also cast, which had also naves and felloes, and were a foot and a half in diameter. Any one who saw the spokes of the wheels, how exactly they were turned, and united to the sides of the bases, and \vith what harmony they agreed to the felloes, would wonder at them. How- ever, their structure was this: Certain shoul- ders of hands stretched out held the corners above, upon which rested a short spiral pillar, that lay under the hollow part of the laver, resting upon the fore part of the eagle and the lion, which were adapted to them, inso- much that those who viewed them would think they were of one piece : between these were engravings of palm trees. This was the construction of the ten bases : he also made ten large round brass vessels, which were the lavers themselves, each of which con- tained forty baths ;i for it had its height four cubits, and its edges were as much distant from each other: he also placed these lavers lipon the ten bases that were caUed Mecho- noth : and he set five of the lavers on the left side of the temple,§ which was that side to- wards the north wind, and as many on the t The round or cylindrical lavers of four cubits in diameter, and four in height, both in oar copies, I Kings vii. 38, 39, and here in Josephus, mnst have contained a great deal more than these forty baths, which are always assigned them. Where the error lies is hard to say: perhaps Josephus honestly followed his copies here, though they had been corrupted, and he was not able to restore the true reading. In the mean time, the forty baths are probably the true quantity contained in each laver, since they went upon wheels, and were to be drawn by the Levites about the courts of the priests, for the washings they were designed for; and had they held much more, the? would have been too heavy to have been so drawn. i Here Josephus gives as a key to his own language, of right and left hand in the tabernacle and temple; that by the right hand he means what is against our left, when we suppose ourselves going up from the east ^atts of the courts towards the tabernacle or temple themselves, and so vice versa; whence it follows, that the pillar Jachin, on the right hand of the temple, was on the south, against our left hand; and Booz on the north, against our right band. 220 ANTIQUITIES OF TIJE JFVfS. BOOR vrii. right side, towards the south, but looking to- wards the east; the same [eastern] way he also set thQ sea. Now, he appointed the sea to be for washing the hands and the feet of the priests when they entered into the temple and were to ascend the altar; but the la vers to cleanse the entrails of the beasts that were to be burnt-offerings, -wath their feet also. 7. He also made a brazen altar, whose length was twenty cubits, and its breadth the same, and its height ten, for the burnt-offer- ings: he also made aU its vessels of brass; the pots, and the shovels, and the basons, and besides these, the snuffers and the tongs, and all its other vessels he made of brass, and such brass as was in splendoiu: and beauty like gold. The king also dedicated a great number of tables, but one that was large and made of gold, upon which they set the loaves of God; and he made ten thousand more that resem- bled them, but were done after another man- ner, upon which lay the vials and the cups; those of gold were twenty thousand, thos6 of silver were forty thousand. He also made ten thousand candlesticks, according to the command of Moses, one of which he dedica- ted for the temple, that it might bum in the day-time, according to the law ; and one table with loaves upon it, on the north side of the temple, over against the candlestick; for this he set en the south side, but the golden altar stood between them. All these vessels were contained in that part of the holy house, which was forty cubits long, and were before the vail of that most secret place wherein the ark was to be set. 8. The king also made pouring vessels, in number eighty thousand, and a hundred thou- sand golden vials, and tudce as many silver vials: of golden dishes, in order therein to of- fer kneaded fine flour at the altar, there were eighty thousand, and twice as many of silver. Of large basons also, wherein they mixed fine flour with oil, sixty thousand of gold, and twice as many of silver. Of the measures like those which Moses called the Hin, and the Assaron (a tenth deal), there were twenty thousand of gold, and twice as many of silver. The golden censers, in which they carried the incense to the altar, were twenty thousand : the other censers, in which they carried fire from the great altar to the little altar, within the temple, were fifty thousand. The sacer- dotal garments which belong to the high- priest, with the long robes, and the oracle, and the precious stones, were a thousand; but the crown upon which Moses wrote [the name of God],* was only one, and hath remained to this very day. He also made ten thousand sacerdotal garments of fine linen, with purple girdles, for every priest; and two hundred ♦ Of the golden plate on the high-priest't forehead thatwa* in t>eing in the days of Josephus, and a century or two at *a»t later, tec the note on Anti'q b. iii. ch. tIi, sad 0. thousand trumpets, according to the command of Moses; also two hundred thousand gar- ments of fine linen for the singers that were Levites; and he made musical instruments, and such as were invented for singing of hymns, called Nahlce and Cimjrce [ppalteries and harps], which were made of electrum [the finest brass], forty thousand. 9. Solomon made all these things for the honour of God, with great variety and mag- nificence, sparing no cost, but using all pos- sible liberality in adorning the temple; and these things he dedicated to the treasures of God. He also placed a partition round about the temple, which, in our tongue, we call Gison, but it is called Thrigcos by the Greekb, and he raised it up to the height of three cu- bits; and it was for the exclusion of the multi- tude from coming into the temple, and show- ing that it was a place that was free and open only for the priests. He also built beyond this court a temple, the figure of which was that of a quadrangle, and erected for it great and broad cloisters; this was entered into by very high gates, each of which had its front exposed to one of the [four] winds, and were shut by golden doors. Into this temple all the people entered that were distinguished from the rest by being pure, and observant of the laws; but he made that temple which was beyond this a wonderful one indeed, and such as exceeds all description in words ; nay, if I may so say, is hardly believed upon sight; for when he had filled up great valleys with earth, which, on account of their immense depth, could not be looked on when you bended dowTi to see them, without pain, and had ele- vated the ground four hundred cubits, he made it to be on a level with the top of the mountain on which the temple was built, and by this means the outmost temple, which was exposed to the air, was even with the temple itself, t He encompassed this also with a biiilding of a double row of cloisters, which stood on high upon pillars of native stone, while the roofs were of cedar, and were polish- ed in a manner proper for such high roofs; bul he made all the doors of this temple of silver. CHAPTER IV. HOW SOLOMON REMOVED THE ARK INTO THB TEMPLE; HOW HE MADE SUPPLICATION TO GOD, AND OFFERED PUBLIC SACRIFICES TO HIM. § 1. When king Solomon had finished these works, these large and beautiful buildings, + When Josephus here says that the floor of the out- most temple or court of the Gentiles was with vast labour raised to be even, or of equal height, with th* floor of the inner, or court of the priests, he must moaa this in a gross estimation only; for he and all othew agree tliat tb« inatr tempU, or cvurt of tha pri«»ts, wa» CHAP. IV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 221 and had laid up his donations in the temple, and all this in the interval of seven years,* and had given a demonstration of his riches and alacrity therein; insomuch, that any one who saw it would have thought it must have been an immense time ere it could have been finished, and [would be surprised] that so much should be finished in so short a time; — short, I mean, if compared with the great- ness of the work: he also wrote to the rulers and elders of the Hebrews, and ordered all the people to gather themselves together to Jeru- salem, both to see the temple which he had built, and to remove the ark of God into it; and when this invitation of the whole body of the people to come to Jerusalem was every where carried abroad, it was the seventh month Vefore they came together; which month is, by our countrymen, called Tliisri; but by the Macedonians, Hyperberetceus. The Feast of Tabernacles happened to fall at the same time, which was kept by the Hebrews as a most holy and most eminent feast. So they carried the ark and the tabernacle which Moses had pitch- ed, and all the vessels that were for ministra- tion to the sacrifices of God, and removed them to the temple. t The king himself, and ^1 the people and the Levites, went before, renaering the ground moist with sacrifices, and drink- offerings, and the blood of a great number of oblations, and burning an immense quantity of incense; and this till the very air itself every where round about was so full of these odours, that it met, in a most agreeable man- ner, persons at a great distance, and was an indication of God's presence, and, as men's opinion was, of his habitation with them in this newly-built and consecrated place, for they did not grow weary, either of singing hymns, or of dancing, until they came to the temple; and in this manner did they carry the ark: but when they should transfer it into the most secret places, the rest of the multitude went away, and only those priests that carried it set it between the two cherubims, which embra- cing it with their wings (for so they were framed by the artificer), they covered it, as un- der a tent or a cupola. Now the ark contained a few cubits more elevated than the midille court, the court of Israel, and that much more was the court of the priests elevated several cubits above the outmost court, since the court of Israel was lower than the one, and hi-her than the other. • The Septua?int say, that " they prepared timber and stones to build the temple for three years," I Kins^s v. 18; and although neither our present Hebrew copy, nor Jo- eephus, directly name that number of years, yet do they both say the building itself did not begin till Solomon's fourth year; and both sptak of the preparation of mate- rials beforehand, 1 Kings v. 18; Antiq. b.viii. ch. 5, sect. 1. There is no reason, therefore, to alter the Septuagint's number; but we are to suppose three years to have been the just time of the preparation, as I have done in my computation of the expense in building the temple. + This solemn removal of the ark from mount Sion to mount Moriah, at the distance of almost three quar- ters of a mile, cunfutes that notion of the modern Jews, and followed by many Christians also, as it those two Wf re, after a sort, one and the same mountain: for which there is, I think, very little foundation. nothing else but those two tables of stone that preserved the ten commandments, which God spake to Moses in mount Sinai, and which were engraved upon them; but they set the candlestick, and the table, and the golden altar in the temple, before the most secret place, in the very same places wherein they stood till that time in the tabernacle. So they offered up the daily sacrifices; but for the brazen altar, Solomon set it before the temple, over against the door, that when the door was open- ed, it might be exposed to right, and the sacred solemnities, and the richness of the sacrifices, migbt be thence seen ; and all the rest of the vessels they gathered together, and put them within the temple. 2. Now, as soon as the priests had put all things in ordei* about the ark, and were gone out, there came down a thick cloud, and stood there; and spread itself after a gentle man- ner, into the temple: such a cloud it was a!s was diffused and temperate, — not such a rough one as we see full of rain in the win- ter season. This cloud so darkened the place, that one priest could not discern another; but it afforded to the minds of all a visible image and glorious appearance of God's hav- ing descended into this temple, and of his having gladly pitched his tabernacle therein. So these men were intent upon this thought; but Solomon rose up (for he was sitting be- fore), and used such words to God as he thought agreeable to the divine nature to re- ceive, and fit for him to give; — for he said, " Thou hast an eternal house, O Lord, and such a one as thou hast created for thyself out of thine own works; — we know it to be the heaven, and the air, and the earth, and the sea, which thou pervadest, nor art thou contained within their limits. I have indeed built this temple to thee, and thy name, that from thence, when we sacrifice, and perform sacred operations, we may send our prayers up into the air, and may constantly believe that thou art present, and art not remote from what is thine own; for neither when thou seest all things, and hearest all things, nor now, when it pleases thee to dwell here, dost thou leave off the care of all men, but rather thou art very near to them all, but especially thou art present to those that address themselves to thee, whether by night or by day." When he had thus solemnly addressed himself to God, he converted his discourse to the mul- titude, and strongly represented the power and' providence of God to them; — how he had shown all things that were come to pass to David his father, as many of those thing? had already come to pass, and the rest would certainly come to pass hereafter; and how he had given him his name, and told to David what he should be called before be was bomj and foretold, that when he should be king af- ter his father's death, he should build him a temple, which since they saw accomplished. 222 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VIII, eccording to his prediction; he required them to bless God, and by believing him, from the sight of what they had seen accomplished, ne- ver to despair of any thing that he had pro- njised for the future, in order to their happi- ness, or suspect that it would not come to pass 3. When the king had thus discoursed to the multitude, he looked again towards the temple, and lifting up his right hand to the multitude, he said, " It is not possible by what men can do to return sufficient thanks to God for his benefits bestowed upon them, for the Deity stands in need of nothing, and is above any such requital; but so far as we have been made superior, O Lord, to other animals by thee, it becomes us to bless thy Majesty, and it is necessary for us to return thee thanks for what thou hast bestowed upon our house, and on the Hebrew people; for with what other instrument can we better appease thee, when thou art angry at us, or more properly preserve thy favour, than with our voice; which, as we have it from the air, §o do we know that by that air it ascends upwards [to- wards thee]. I therefore ought myself to return thee thanks thereby, in the first place, concerning my father, whom thou hast raised from obscurity unto so great joy; and, in the next place, concerning myself, since thou hast performed all that thou hast promised unto this very day; and I beseech thee, for the time to come, to afford us whatsoever thou, O God, hast power to bestow on such as thou dost esteem; and to augment our house for all ages, as thou hast promised to David my father to do, both in his lifetime and at his death, that our kingdom shall con- tinue, and that his posterity should successive- ly receive it to ten thousand generations. Do not thou therefore fail to give us these bless- ings, and to bestow on my children that vir- tue in which thou delightestl and besides all this, I humbly beseech thee, that thou wilt let some portion of thy Spirit come down and inhabit in this temple, that thou mayest ap- pear to be with us upon earth. As to thy- self, the entire heavens, and the immensity of the things that are therein, are but a small habitation for thee, much more is this poor temple so ; but 1 entreat thee to keep it as thine )wn house, from being destroyed by our ene- mies for ever, and to take care of it as thine own possession; but if this people be found to have sinned, and be thereupon afflicted by thee with any plague, because of their sin, as with dearth, or pestilence, or any other affliction which thou usest to inflict on those that transgress any of thy holy laws, and if they fly all of them to this temple, beseech- ing thee, and begging of thee to deliver them, then do thou hear their prayers, as being within thine house, and have mercy u[)on them, and deliver them from their afflictions 1 nay, moreover, this help is what 1 implore of thee, not for the Hebrewb only, when they are in distress, but when any shall come hither from any ends of the world whatso- ever, and shall return from their sins and im- plore thy pardon, do thou then pardon them, and hear their prayer! for hereby all shall leani that thou thyself wast pleased with the building of this house for thee ; and that we are not ourselves of an unsociable nature, nor behave ourselves like enemies to such as are not of our own people, but are wiUing that thy assistance should be communicated by thee to all men in common, and that they may have the enjoyment of thy benefits be- stowed upon them." 4. When Solomon had said this, and had cast himself upon the ground, and worshipped a long time, he rose up and brought sacri- fices to the altar; and when he had filled it with unblemished victims, he most evidently discovered that God had with pleasure ac- cepted of all that he had sacrificed to him, for there came a fire running out of the air, and rushed wdth violence upon the altar, in the sight of all, and caught hold of and consumed the sacrifices. Now, when this divine appear- ance was seen, the people supposed it to be a demqjistration of God's abode in the temple, and were pleased with it, and fell down upon the ground, and worshipped. Upon which the king began to bless God, and exhorted the multitude to do the same, as now having sufficient indications of God's favourable dis- position to them ; and to pray that they might always have the like indications from him, and that he would preserve in them a mind pure from all wickedness, in righteousness and rehgious worship, and that they might continue in the observation of those precepts which God had given them by Moses, because by that means the Hebrew nation would be happy, and indeed the most blessed of all na- tions among all mankind. He exhorted them also to be mindful, that by what methods they had attained their present good things, by the same they must preserve them sure to them- selves, and make them greater, and more than they were at present; for that it was not suf- ficient for them to suppose they had received them on account of their piety and righteous- ness, but that they had no other way of pre- serving them for the time to come; for that it is not so great a thing for men to acquire somewhat which they want, as to preserve what they have acquired, and to be guilty of no sin, whereby it may be hurt. 5. So when the king had spoken thus to the multitude, he dissolved the cong'-egation, but not till he had completed his oblations, both for himself and for the Hebrews, inso- much that he sacrificed twenty and two thou- sand oxen, and a hundred and twenty thou- sand sheep; for then it was that the temple did first of all taste of the victims; arui all the Hebrews, with their wives and children, feast- ed therein: ^lay, besides this, the kin^ tbtn CHAP. V, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. observed splendidly and magniScently the feast which is called the Feast of Tabernacles, before the temple, for twice seven days, and he then feasted together with all the people. 6. When all these solemnities were abun- dantly satisfied, and nothing was omitted that concerned the divine worship, the king dis- missed them; and every one went to their own homes, giving thanks to the king for the care be had taken of them, and the works he had done for them; and praying to God to preserve Solomon to be their king for a long time. They also took their journey home with rejoicing, and making merry, and sing- ing hymns to God: and indeed the pleasure they enjoyed, took away the sense of the pains they all underwent in their journey home. So when they had brought the ark into the temple, and had seen its greatness, and how fine it was, and had been partakers of the many sacrifices that had been offered, and of the festivals that had been solemnized, they every one returned to their o%vn cities. But e dream that appeared to the king in his sleep, informed him, that God had heard his pray- ers; and that he would not only preserve the temple, but would always abide in it; that is, in case his posterity and the whole multitude would be righteous. And for himself, it said, that if he continued according to the admo- nitions of his father, he would advance him to an immense degree of dignity and happi- ness, and that then his posterity should be kings of that country, of the tribe of Judah, for ever; but that still, if he should be found a betrayer of the ordinances of the law, and forget them, and turn away to the worship of strange gods, he would cut him ofi* by the roots, and would neither sufi*er any remainder of his family to continue, nor would overlook the people of Israel, or preserve them any lougei fjom afflictions, but would utterly de- stroy theitt with ten thousand wars and mis- fortunes; would cast them out of the land which he had given their fathers, and make them sojourners in strange lands; and deliver that temple which was now built, to be burnt and spoiled by their enemies; and that city to be utterly overthrown by the hands of their enemies; and make their miseries deserve to be a proverb, and such as should very hardly be credited for their stupendous magnitude, till their neighbours, when they should hear of them, should wonder at their calamities, and very earnestly inquire for the occasion, why the Hebrews, who had been so far ad- vanced by God to such glory and wealth, shoubi be then so hated by him? And that the answer that should be made by the re- mainder of the people should be, by confess- ing their sins, and their transgression of the laws of their country. Accordingly, we htve it transmitted to us in writing, that thus did God speak to Solomon in his sleep. CHAPTER V. HOW SOLOMON BUILT HIMSELF A EOYAL PA- LACE, VERY COSTLY AND SPLENDID; AND HOW HE SOLVED THE RIDDLES WHICF WERE SENT HIM BY HIRAM. § 1. After the building of the temple, which, as we haVe before said, was finished in seven years, the king laid the foundation of his palace, which he did not finish under thirteen years; for he was not equally zealous in the biulding of this palace as he had been about the temple; for as to that, though it was a great work, and required wonderful and surprising application, yet God, for whom it was made, so far co-operated therewith, that it was finished in the foreraentioned number of years; but the palace, which was a building much inferior in dignity to the temple, both on account that its materials had not been so long beforehand gotten ready, nor had been so zealously prepared, and on account that this was only a habitation for kings, and not for God, it was longer in finishing. However, this building was raised so magnificently, as suited the happy state of the Hebrews, and of the king thereof: but it is necessary that I describe tlie entire struc- ture and disposition of the parts, that so those tbat light upon this book may thereby make a conjecture, and, as it were, have a prospect of its magnitude. 2. This house was a large and curious building, and was supported by many pillars, which Solomon built to contain a multitude for hearing causes, and taking cognizance of suits. It was sufficiently capacious to con- tiiin a great body of men, who would come together to have their causes determined. It was a hundred cubits long, and fifty broad, and thirty high, supported by quadrangular pillars, which were all of cedar ; but its roof was according to the Carinthian order,* \vith folding doors, and their adjoining pillars of equal magiutude, each fluted with three cavi- • This mention of the Corinthian ornaments of archi- tecture in Solomon's palace by Josephns, seems to bo here set down by way of prolepsis; for although it ap- pears to me tliat the Grecian and Roman most ancient orders of architecture were taken from Solomon's temple, as from their original patterns, yet it is not so clear that the last and most ornamental order of the Corinthian was so ancient, although what the same Josepbus says (Of the War, b. v. ch. v. sect. 3). that one of the gates of Herod's temple was built according to the rules ef this Coriiithian order, is no way improbable, that order beinsj, without dispute, much older than the reis;n oi Herod, However, upon some trial, I confess I have not hitherto been able fully to understand the structure of this palace of Solomon, either as described in our Bibles, or even with the additional help of this description here by Jose- pbus: only the reader may easily observe with me, that the measures of this first buildinif in Josepbus, 100 cubits Ions, and 50 cubits broad, are the very same with the area of the court of the tabernacle of Moses, and jua* half an Egyptian tununu, or acre 224 ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS. BOOK VIII ties: which buildfnff was at once firm and very ornamental. There was also another house so ordered, that its entire breadth was placed in the middle; it was- quadrangular, and its breadth was thirty cubits, having a ^emple over against it, raised upon massy pil- lars; in which temple there was a large and very glorious room, wherein the king sat in iudgment. To this was joined another house, that was built for his queen. There were Dther sm^er edifices for diet, and for sleep, after public matters were over; and these were all floored with boards of cedar. Some of these Solomon built with stones of ten cubits, and wainscoted the walls with other stones that were sawed, and were of great value, such as are dug out of the earth for the ornaments of temples, and to make fine prospects in royal palaces, and which make the mines whence they are dug famous. Now the contexture of the curious workman- ship of these stones was in three rows, but the fourth row would make one admire its sculptures, whereby were represented trees, and si] sorts of plants, with the shades that arose from their branches, and leaves that hung down from them. Those trees and plants covered the stone that was beneath them, and their leaves were wrought so pro- digious thin and subtile, that you would think they were in motion; but the other part, up to the roof, was plastered over, and, as it were, embroidered with colours and pic- tures, lie, moreover, built other edifices for pleasure ; as also very long cloisters, and those situate in an agreeable place of the pa- lace; and among them a most glorious di- ning-room, for feastings and compotations, and fuU of gold, and such other furniture as so fine a rown ought to have for the conveniency of the guests, and where all the vessels were made of gold. Now it is very hard to reck- on up the magnitude and the variety of the royal apartments; how many rooms there were of the largest sort, how many of a big- ness inferior to those, and how many that were subterraneous and invisible; the curi- osity of those that enjoyed the fresh air ; and the groves for the most delightful prospect, for the avoiding the heat, and covering of their bodies. And to say all in brief, Solo- mon made the whole building entirely of white stone, and cedar-wood, and gold, and silver. He also adorned the roofs and walls with stones set in gold, and beautified them thereby in the same manner as he had beau- tified the temple of God with the like stones. He also made himself a throne of prodigious bigness, of ivory, constructed as a seat of jus- tice, and having six steps to it; on every one of which stood, on each end of the step, two liorift, two other lions standing above also; but at the sitting place of the throne, hands came out, and received the king; and when he sat backward, he rented on half a bullock. that looked towards his back; but still all was fastened together with gold. 3. When Solomon had completed all this in twenty years' time, because Hiram king ol Tyre had contributed a great deal of gold, and more silver to these buildings, as also cedar- wood and pine- wood, he also rewarded Hiram with rich presents; corn he sent him also year by year, and wine and oil, which were the principal things that he stood in need of, because he inhabited an island, as we have already said. And besides these, he granted him certain cities of Galilee, twen- ty in number, that lay not far from Tyre;, which, when Hiram went to, and viewed, and did not like the gift, he sent word to Solo- mon that he did not want such cities as they were; and after that time those cities were called the land of Cabul^ which name, if it be interpreted according to the language of the Phoenicians, denotes what does not please. Moreover, the king of Tyre sent sophisms and enigmatical sayings to Solomon, and de- sired he would solve them, and free then* from the ambiguity that was in them. Now of so sagacious an understanding was Solo- mon, that none of these problems were too hard for him ; but he conquered them all by his reasonings, and discovered their hidden meaning, and brought it to light. Menan- der also, one who translated the Tyrian ar- chives out of the dialect of the Phoenicians into the Greek language, makes mention of these two kings, where he says thus: — " When Abibalus was dead, his son Hiram recrived the kingdom from him, who, when he had lived fifty-three years, reigned thirty-four. He raised a bank in the large place, and de- dicated the golden pillar which is in Jupiter's temple. He also went and cut down mate- rials of timber out of the mountain called Li- banus, for the roof of temples; and when lie had pulled down the ancient temples, he both built the temple of Hercules and that of Astarte; and he first set up the temple of Hercules in the month Peritius; he also made an expedition against the Euchii [or Titii], who did not pay their tribute; and when he had subdued them to himself he returned. Under this king there was Abdemon, a very youth in age, who always conquered the dif- ficult problems which Solomon, king of Je- rusalem, commanded him to explain." Dius also makes mention of him, where he says thus: — "When Abibalus was dead, his son Hiram reigned. He raised the eastern parts of the city higher, and made the city itself larger. He also joined the temple of Jupi- ter, which before stood by itself, to the city, by raising a bank in the middle betAveen them; and he adorned it with donations of gold. Moreover, he went uj) to Mount Libnnus and cut down materials of wood for the build ing of the teinplei." He says also, that " SolouiOii, who vvuii then kiiig of Jerusalem* Palmyra, (Tadmor in the Desert.)— Page 225. CHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIKS OF THE JCWS. 225 ■ent riddles to Hiram, and desired to receive the like from him ; but that he who could not solve them should pay money to them that did solve them ; and that Hiram ac- cepted the conditions; and when he was not able to solve the riddles [proposed by So- lomon], he paid a great deal of money for his fine ; but that he afterwards did solve the proposed riddles by means of Abdemon, a man of Tyre; and that Hiram proposed other riddles, which, when Solomon could not solve, he paid back a great deal of money to Hiram." This it is which Dius wrote. CHAPTER VI. BOW SOLOMON FORTIFIED THE CITY OF JERU- SALEM, AND BUILT GREAT CITIES ; AND HOW HE BROUGHT SOME OF THE CANAAN- ITES INTO SUBJECTION, AND ENTERTAf^ED THE QUEEN OF EGYPT AND OF ETHIOPIA. § 1. Now when the king saw that the walls of Jerusalem stood in need of being better se- cured, and made stronger (for he thought the walls that encompassed Jerusalem ought to correspond to the dignity of the city) he both repaired them and made them higher, with great towers upon them ; he also built cities which might be counted among the strongest, Hazor and Megiddo, and the third Gezer, which had indeed belonged to the Philistines; but Pharaoh, the king of Egypt, had made an expedition against it, and besieged it, and taken it by for€e; and when he had slain all its inhabitants, he utterly overthrew it, and gave it as a present to his daughter, who had been married to Solomon: for which reason the king rebuilt it, as a city that was natu- rally strong, and might be useful in wars, and the mutations of affairs that sometimes hap- pen. Moreover, he built two other cities not far from it; Beth-horon was the name of one of them, and Balaath of the other. He also built other cities that lay conveniently for these, in order to the enjoyment of plea- sures and delicacies in them, such as were naturally of a good temperature of the air, and agreeable for fruits ripe in their proper seasons, and well watered with springs. Nay, Solomon went as far as the desert above Sy- ria, and possessed liimself of it, and built tiiere a very great city, which was distant two days' journey from the Upper Syria, and one day's journey from Euphrates, and six long days' journey from Babylon the Great. Now the reason why this city lay so remote from the parts of Syria that are inhabited, is this : That below there is no water to be had, and that it is in that place orily that there are springs and jiits of water. "When he bad therefore built tl«!s "ity, *nd encompassed it with very strong walls, he gave it the name of Tadmor; and that is the name it is still called by at this day among the Syrians; but the Greeks name it Palmyra. 2. Now Solomon the king was at this time engaged in building these cities. But if any inquire why all the kings of Egypt from Menes, who built Memphis, and was man^ years earlier than our forefather Abraham until Solomon, where the interval was more than one thousand three hundred years, were called Pharaohs, and took it from one Pha- raoh that lived after the kings of that inter- val, I think it necessary to inform them of it, and this in order to cure their ignorance, and to make the occasion of that name manifest. Pharaoh, in the Egyptian tongue, signifies a king* but I suppose they made use of other names from their childhood; but when they were made kings, they changed them into the name which, in their own tongue, denoted their authority ; for thus it was also that the kings of Alexandria, who were called formerly by other names when they took the king- dom, were named Ptolemies, from their first king. The Roman emperors also were, from their nativity, called by other names, but are styled Caesars, their empire and their dignity imposing that name upon them, and not suffer- ing them to continue in those names which their fathers gave them. I suppose also that Herodo- tus of Halicarnassus, when he said there were three hundred and thirty kings of Egypt after Menes, who built Memphis, did therefore not tell us their names, because they were in com- mon called Pharaohs ; for when after their death there was a queen reigned, he calls her by her name Nicaule, as thereby declaring, that while the kings were of the male line, and so ad- mitted of the same name, while a woman did not admit the same, he did therefore set down that her name, which she could not naturally have. As for myself, I have discovered from our own books that after Pharaoh, the father- in-law of Solomon, no other king of Egypt did any longer use that name ; and that it was after that time when the forenamed queen of Egypt and Ethiopia came to Solomon, con- cerning whom we shall inform the reader pre- sently ; but I have now made mention of these things, that I may prove that our bookis • This signification of the name Pharaoh appears to be true. But what Josephns adds presently, that no kinsi of Egypt was called I'liaraoh after Solomon's falher- in-law. do»-s hardly agree to our copies, which have !on>; afterwards the names of Pharaoh Nechoh and Pharaoh M-phrah (2 Kings xxiii. 29; Jer. xliv. 30); bcsiiies the frequent mention of that name in the pro- phets HowS^er, Josephus himself, in his own speech to the Jews («)f the War, b. v. chap. ix. sect. 4), speaks of Nechao, who was also called Pharaoh, as the name of that king of Egypt with whom Abraham was concern- ed; of which, name Nechao yet we have elsewhere no mention till the days of Josiah, but only of Pharaoh. And inde«-d it must be confessed that here, and sect. 5, we have more mistakes made by Josephus. and those relating to the kings of >• gypt, and to the queen of Kuypt and Ethiopia, whom he supposes to have cocie to see Solomon, than almuf;t an; where el&e in all bU Antiquities. 226 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VIII, and those of the Egyptians agree together in many things. 3. But king Solomon subdued to himself the remnant of the Canaanites that had not before submitted to him; — those I mean that dwelt in mount* Lebanon, and as far as the city Hamath; and ordered them to pay tri- bute. He also chose out of them every year Sich as were to serve him in the meanest offices, and to do his domestic works, and to follow husbandry; for none of the Hebrews were servants [in such low employments]; nor was it reasonable that, when God Lad brought so many nations under their power, they should depress their own people to such mean offices of life, rather than those nations; but all the Israelites were concerned in war- like affairs, and were in armour, and were set over the chariots and the horses rather than leading the life of slaves. He appointed also five hundred and fifty rulers over those Ca- naanites who were reduced to such domestic slavery, who received the entire care of them from the king, and instructed them in those labours and operations wherein he wanted their assistance. 4. Moreover, the king built many ships in the Egyptian Bay of the Red Sea, in a cer- tain place called Ezion-geber: it is now called Berenice, and is not far from the city Eloth. This country belonged formerly to the Jews, and became useful for shipping, from the do- nations of Hiram, king of Tyre ; for he sent a sufficient number of men thither for pilots, and such as were skilful in navigation; to whom Solomon gave this command: That they should go along with his own stewards to the land that was of old called Ophir, but now the Aurea Chersonesus, which belongs to India, to fetch him gold. And when they had gathered four hundred talents together, they returned to the king again. 5. There was then a woman, queen of Egypt and Ethiopia ;* she was inquisitive into philosophy, and one that on other accounts also was to be admired. When this queen heard of the virtue and prudence of Solo- mon, she had a great mind to see him ; and the reports that went every day abroad in- duced her to come to him, she being desirous to be satisfied by her own experience, and not by a bare hearing (for reports thus heard are likely enough to comply with a false opinion, while they wholly depend on the credit of the relaters); so she resolved to come to him, and that especially, in order to have a trial of his • That this queen of Sh#»ba wan a qiie*n of Sabtea in South Arabia, and not of Exypt. and Ethiopia, as Jose- phus here assorts, is, 1 suppose, now generally aereed; and since Sabaea is well known to be a country near the •ea in the south nf Arabia Kelix. which lay south from Judra also; and since our Saviour calls this queen " the queen of the south," and nays, " she came from the ntmunt parts of the earth " (Matt xii. 42,- I.uke xi. 31), which descriptions atn'ee better to this Arabia than (O Eirvpt and Ethiopia, there is little occasion for doubtini; in this matter. wisdom, while she proposed questions of very great difficulty, and entreated that he would solve their hidden meaning. Accordingly she came to Jerusalem with great splendour and rich furniture; for she brought with her camels laden with gold, with several sorts of sweet spices, and with precious stones. Now, upon the king's kind reception of her, he both showed a great desire to please her, and easily comprehending in his mind the meaning of the curious questions she propounded to him, he resolved them sooner than any body could have expected. So she was amazed at the wisdom of Solomon, and discovered that it was more excellent upon trial than what she had heard by report beforehand; and espe- cially she was surprised at the fineness and largeness of his royal palace, and not less so at the good order of the apartments, for she ob- served that the king had therein shown great wisdom; but she was beyond measure asto- nished at the house which was called the Po- rest \f Lebanon^ as also at the magnificence of his daily table, and the circumstances of its preparation and ministration, with the apparel of his servants that waited, and the skilful and decent management of their attendance: nor was she less afiected with those daily sacrifices which were offered to God, and the careful management which the priests and Levites used about them. When she saw this done every day, she was in the greatest admiration imaginable, insomuch that she was not able to contain the surprise she was in, but openly confessed how wonderfully she was affected; for she proceeded to discourse with the king, and thereby owned that she was overcome with admiration ' at the things before related ; and said, " All things, in- deed, O king, that came to our knowledge by report, cqme with uncertainty as to our belief of them; but as to those good things that to thee appertain, both such as thou thy- self possessest, I mean wisdom and prudence, and the happiness thou hast from thy king- dom, certainly the same that came to us waa no falsity; it was not only a true report, but it related thy happiness after a much lowe. manner than I now see it to be before my eyes. For as for the report, it only attempted to persuade our hearing, but did not so make known the dignity of the things them- selves as does the sight of them, and being present among them. I, indeed, who did not believe what was reported, by reason of tlie multitude and graiuleur of the things I inquired about, do see them to be much more numerous than they were reported to be. Accordingly, I esteem the Hebrew people, as well as thy servants and friends, to be happy, who enjoy thy presence, and hear th; wisdom every day continually. One would therefore bless God, who hath so loved this coiiutry, and those that inhabit therein, as to make thee king over them." iiiiiiifc IIP" ''''''III liiP'ii ^7»'.'. ■ CHAP. VII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 227 6. Now when the queen had thus demon- strated in words how deeply the king had affected her, her disposition was known by certain presents, for she gave him twenty- talents of gold, and an immense quantity of spices and precious stones. (They say also that we possess the root of that bal- sam which our country still bears by this woman's gift).* Solomon also repaid her with many good things, and principally by bestowing upon her what she chose of her own inclination, for there was nothing that she desired which he denied her; and as he was very generuus and liberal in his own temper, so did he show the greatness of his soul in bestowing on her M'hat she herself desired of him. So M'hen this queen of Ethopia had obtained what we already given an account of, and had again communicated to the king what she brought M'ith her, she returned to her own kingdom. CHAPTER VII. HOW SOLOMON GREW RICH, AXDFELLDESPE- KATELY IN LOVE WITH WOMEN, AND HOW GOD, BEING INCENSED AT IT, RAISED UP ADER AND JEROBOAM AGAINST HIM. CON- CERNING THE DEATH OF SOLOMON. § 1. About the same time there were brought to the king from the Aurea Cher- sonesus, a country so called, precious stones and pine-trees, and these trees he made use of for supporting the temple and the palace, as also for the materials of musical instru- ments, the harps, and the psalteries, that the Levites might make use of them in their hymns to God. The wood which was brought to him at this time was larger and finer than any that had ever been brought before; but let no one imagine that these pine-trees were like those which are now so named, and which take that theirdenomina- tion from the merchants, who so call them, that they may procure them to be admired • Some blame Josephns for supposinjr that the balsam - tree minht be first hrou;;ht out ot Arahin, or Eiiypt, or Etbiopia, into Jiidea, by tbis queen of Slieba since seve- ral have said.lbat of olil no country bore this precious oalsani but J udea ; yet it is not only false that this balsam was peculiar to Judea, but boih ^ gypt and Arabia, and particularly Sabiea.tiad it; which la.stw as tbat very cun- try wht ncc J osephus. if understood not ot Ethiopia but of Arabia, intimates thia queen mi^bt bring it first into Jii- jea. Nor are we to suppose that the queen of Sabafa 3ou!d w^U omit such a present, as this balsam-tree woulil oe esteemed by S lomon, in case it were then almost i»e- ciiliar to nerown ountry: nor is the mention of balm or ba sam, as carried by merchants, and sent as a presejit out of Judea by Jacob, to the guvernor ot Eg^ypt ((ien. xxxvii. 2-x and xliii 11). to be alleged to tne contrary, since what we there reniet fta/m or Aa/sflm denotes nther that turpentine which we now call Turpfntmr of CJiiokt Ct/prus, thejuiceof iheturpentine-tree.thaii this (irerifiis balsam. I his last is also the same word that wi- eUe- where render, by ibe same iiiis*ake Bul.ii nt iiiit-H": i' should be rend ■^r»:d the 7 Hrpeulnitof (Jiiemi. J^-r y\>\. t2. jy those that purchase them; for those we .speak of were to the sight like the wood of the fig-tree, but were whiter and more i shining. Now we have said thus much, 1 that nobody may be ignorant of the differ- ence between these sorts of wood, nor unac- quainted with the nature of the genuine pine-tree; and we thought it both a season- able and humane thing when we mentionet* it, and the uses the king made of it, to ex plain this difference so far as we have done 2. Now the weight of gold that was brought him was six hundred and sixty- six talents, not including in that sum what was brought by the merchants, nor what the toparchd aixl kings of Arabia gave him in presents. He also cast two himdred targets of gold, each of ther/lPweighing six hundred shekels: he also made three hun- dred shields, every one weighing three pounds of gold, and he had them carried and put into that house which was called The Forest of Lebanon. He also made cups of gold, and of [precious] stones, for the entertainment of his guests, and had them adorned in the most artificial manner; and he contrived that all his other fiu"niture of vessels should be of gold, for there was iiothing then to be sold or bought for silver; for the king had many ships which lay upon the Sea of Tarsus, these he commanded to carry out all sorts of merchandise into the remotest nations, by the sale of which silver and gold were brought to the king, and a great quantity of ivory, and Ethiopians, and apes; and they finished their voyage, going and returning, in three years' time. 3. Accordingly there went a great fame all around the neighbouring countries, which proclaimed the virtue and wisdom of Solo- mon, insomuch that all the kings every- whtire were desirous to see him, as not giving credit to what was reported, on account of j its being almost incredible: they also de- monstrated the regard they had for him by the presents they made 'him; for they sent him vessels of gold and silver, and purple garments, and many sorts of spices, and horses, and chariots, and as many mules for his carriages as they could find proper to please the king's eyes, by their strength and beauty. This addition that he made to those chariots and horses which he had before from those that were sent him aug- mented the number of his chariots by above four hundred, for he had a thousand before, and augmented the number of his horses by two thousand, for he had twenty thou- sand before. These horses also were so much exercised, in order to their making a fine appearance, and running swiftly, that no others could, upon the comparison, appear either finer or swifter; but they were at once the most beautiful of all others, and their swiftness was incomparable. Their riders also were a further ornament to them,being, in the first place, young men in the most delightful flower of their age, and being emi- 228 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VIII nent for their largeness, and far taller than other men. They had also very long heads of hair hanging down, and were clothed in gar- ments of Tyrian purple. They had also dust of gold every day sprinkled on their hair, so that their heads sparkled with the reflection of the sun-beams from the gold. The king himself rode upon a chariot in the midst of these men, who were still in armour, and had their bows fitted to them. He had on a white garment, and used to take his progress out of the city in the morning. There was a certain place, about fifty furlongs distant from Jeru- salem, which is called Etham, very pleasant it is in fine gardens, and abounding in rivu- lets of water ;* thither did he use to go out in the morning, fitting on high [in his chariot]. 4. Now Solomon had a divine sagacity in all things, and was very diligent and studious to have things done after an elegant manner; so he did not neglect the care of the ways, but he laid a causeway of black stone along the roads that led to Jerusalem, which was the royal city, both to render them easy for tra- vellers, and to manifest the grandeur of his riches and government. He also parted his chariots, and set them in a regular order, that a certain number of them should be in every city, still keeping a few about him; and those citijjs he called the cities of his chariots; and the king made silver as plentiful in Jerusa- lem as the stones in the street; and so multi- plied cedar-trees in the plains of Judea, which did not grow there before, that they were like to the multitude of common sycamore-trees. He also ordained the Egyptian merchants that brought him their merchandise, to sell him a chariot, with a pair of horses, for six hundred drachmae of silver, and he sent them to the kings of Syria, and to those kings that were beyond Euphrates. 5. But although Solomon was become the most glorious of kings, and the best beloved by God, and had exceeded in wisdom and riches those that had been rulers of the He- brews before him, yet did not he persevere in this happy state till he died. Nay, he for- sook the observation of the laws of his father, and came to an end no way suitable to our foregoing history of him. He grew mad in his love of women, and laid no restraint on himself in his lusts ; nor was he satisfied with the women of his country alone, but he mar- ♦ WheAer these fine gardens and rivnfets of Etham, about six miles from Jenisalem, whither Solomon rode so often in state, be not those alluded to, Ixcles. ii. 5, 6; where he says, " He made him gardens and orchards, and planted trees in them of all kinds of fruits,- he made him pools of water, to water the wood that bringeth forth trees;" and to the finest part whereof beseems to allude, when, in the Canticles, he compares his spouse to a " gar- den enclosed,*' to a "spring shut up," to a "fountain sealed," ch. Iv. li (part of which fountains are still extant, as Mr. IMaundiell informs us, pp 87, 88), cannot now he certainly determined, but may very probably be conjec- ture*], li'jt, whether this Etham has any relation to those Hv<*rQofCih:im, which Providence once drie<l up in a mi- raculous maucier, P$. Ixxir. l-'i, in the Sepluatfint, 1 can- BOtMy. ried many wives out of foreign nations: Si- donians, and Tyrians, and Ammonites, and Edomites; and he transgressed the laws of Moses, which forbade Jews to marry any but those that were of their own people. He also began to worship their gods, which he did in order to the gratification of his wives, and out of his affection for them. This very thing our legislator suspected, and so admo- nished us beforehand, that we should not marry women of other countries, lest we should be entangled with foreign customs, and apostatize from our own; lest we should leave off to honour our own God, and should worship their gods. But Solomon was fallen headlong into unreasonable pleasures, and regarded not those admonitions; for when he had married seven hundred wives,t the daughters of princes, and of eminent persons, and three hundred concubines, and these be- sides the king of Egypt's daughter, he soon was governed by them, till he came to imitate their practices. He was forced to give them this demonstration of his kindness and affec- tion to them, to live according to the laws of their countries. And as he grew into years, and his reason became weaker by length of time, it was not sufficient to recall to his mind the institutions of his own country ; so he still more and more contemned his own God, and continued to regard the gods that his marriages had introduced: nay, before this happened, he sinned, and fell into an error about the observation of the laws, when he made the images of brazen oxen that sup- ported the brazen sea, J and the images of lions about his own throne; for these he made, although it was not agreeable to piety so to do; and this he did, notwithstanding that he had his father as a most excellent and domestic pattern of virtue, and knew what a glorious character he had left behind him, because of his piety towards God; nor did he imitate David, although God had twice ap- peared to him in his sleep, and exhorted him to imitate his father: so he died ingloriously. There came therefore a prophet to him, who was sent by God, and told him that his wicked + These 700 wives, or the daughters of great men, and the 300 concubines, the daughters of the ignol)le, make 1000 in all; and are. I suppose, those very 1000 women intimated elsewhere by Solomon himself, when he speaks of his not having found one [good] woman among tiiat very number, Eccles. vii. "28. t Josephus is here certainly too severe upon Solomon, who, in making the cherubims and these twelve bnizen oxen, seems to have done no more than imitate the pat- terns left him by David ; which were all given l)avi(l by divine inspiration. See my description of the temples, ch. X. ; and although God gave no direction for the lioni that adorned his throne, yet does not Solomon s^em therein to have broken any law of Moses; for although the Pharisees and latter Uabhins have extended the se- cond commandment, to forbid the very makiiiy of any tmage,though without any intention to have it worshipped, yet do not I suppose that Solomon so understood it, nor that it ought to be so understood. The making any other altar for worship but that at the tabernacle, was equally forbidden by Moses, Ant. b. iv. ch. viii. s. 5; yet did not the two tribes and a half utfend when they made an altar for a memorial only. Josh. xxiL{ Ant. b.v.ch.i. s.2(i.'i7. CHAP. VII. ANTIQUITIES OF TliE JEU'S, 229 actions were not concealed from God; and threatened him that he should not long re- ioice in what he had done: that indeed the kingdom should not be taken from him while be was alive, because God had promised to his father David that he would make him his successor, but that he would take care that this should befall his son when he was dead ; not that he would withdraw all the people from him, but that he would give ten tribes to a servant of his, and leave only two tribes to David's grandson for his sake, because he loved God, and for the sake of the city of Jerusalem, wherein he should have a temple. 6. When Solomon heard this he was grieved, and greatly .confounded, upon this change of almost all that happiness which had made him to be admired, into so bad a state ; nor had there much time passed after the prophet had foretold what was coming, before' God raised up an enemy against him, whose name was Ader, who took the following occasion of his enmity to him: — He was a child of the stock of the Edomites, and of the blood royal; and when Joab, the captain of David's host, laid waste the land of Edom, and destroyed all that were men gro\vn, and able to bear arms, for six months' time, this Hadad fled away, and came to Pharaoh, the king of Egypt, who received him kindly, and assigned him a house to dwell in, and a country to supply him with food; and when he was grown up, he loved him exceedingly, insomuch that he gave him his wife's sister, whose name was Tahpenes, to \vife, by whom he had a son, who was brought up with the king's children. When Hadad heard in Egypt that both David and Joab were dead, he came to Pharaoh, and desired that he would permit him to go to his own country: upon which the king asked what it was that he wanted, and what hardship he had met with, that he was so desirous to- leave him; and when he was often trouble- some to him, and entreated him to dismiss him, he did not then do it. But at the time when Solomon's aflfairs began to grow worse, on account of his forementioned transgres- sions,* and God's anger against him for the same, Hadad, by Pharaoh's permission, came to Edom ; and when he was not able to make the people forsake Solomon, for it was kept under by many garrisons, and an innovation was not to be made with safety, he removed thence, and came into Syria; there he lighted upon one Rezon, who had run away from Ha- dadezer, king of Zobah, his master, and was become a robber in that country, and joined friendship with him, who had already a band • Since th"e beginning of Solomon's evil life and ad- \ varsity was the time when Hadad or Ader, who was born ■: at least 20 or 30 years before Solomon came to the crown, ;. in the days of David, began to give him disturbance, this implies that Solomon's evil life began early, and am continued very long, which the multitude of his wives Ut and concubines does imply also: I suppose when be was BP act fifty years of age. of robbers about him. So he went up, and seized upon that part of Syria, and was made king thereof. He also made inciu-sions into the land of Israel, and did it no small mis- chief, and spoiled it, and thsit in the life-time of Solomon. And this was the calamity which the Hebrews suffered by Hadad. 7. There was also one of Solomon's own nation that made an attempt against him, Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who had an ex- pectation of rising, from a prophecy that had been made to him long before. He was left a child by his father, and brought up by his mother ; and when Solomon saw that he was of an active and bold disposition, he made him the curator of the walls which he built round about Jerusalem; and he took such care of those works, that the king approved of his behaviour, and gave him, as a reward for the same, the charge of the tribe of Joseph. And when about that time Jeroboam was once going out of Jerusalem, a prophet of the city Shilo, whose name was Ahijah, met him, and saluted him; and when he had taken him a little aside, to a place out of the way, where there was not one other person present, he rent the garment he had on into twelve pieces, and bid Jeroboam take ten of them ; and told Lira beforehand, that "this is the will of God: he Avill part the dominion of Solomon, and give one tribe, Avith that which is next it, to his son, because of the promise made to David for his succession, and will give ten tribes to thee, because Solomon hath sinned against him, and delivered uphimself to women, and to their gods. Seeing therefore thou knowest the cause for which God hath changed his mind, and is alienated from Solomon, be thou righteous and keep the laws, because he hath pro^sed to thee the greatest of all re- wards for thy piety, and the honour thou shalt pay to God, namely, to be as greatly exalted as thou knowest David to have been." 8. So Jeroboam was elevated by these words of the prophet; and being a young man,f of a warm temper, and ambitious of greatness, he could not be quiet; and when he had so great a charge in the government, and called to mind what had been revealed to him by Ahijah, he endeavoured to persuade the people to forsake Solomon, to make a dis- turbance, and to bring the government over to himself; but when Solomon understood his intention and treachery, he sought to catch him and kill him; but Jeroboam was informed of it beforehand, and fled to Shishak, the king of Egypt, and there abode till the death of + This youth of Jeroboam, when Solomon built the walls of Jerusalem, not very long after he had finished his twenty years building of the temple and his own palace, or not very long after the twenty-fourth of his reign (1 Kings ix. 24; 2 Chron. viii. 11), and his youth here still mentioned, when Solomon's wickedness was become intolerable, fully confirm ray former observation, that such his wickedness began early, and continticd Terj long. See Eccles. xlviL 14. 230 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK VIII, Solomon; by whicli means he gained these two advantages, — to suffer no harm from So- lomon, and to be preserved for the kingdom. So Solomon died when he was already an old man, having reigned eighty years, and lived ninety-four. He was buried in Jerusalem, having been superior to all other kings in happiness, and riches, and wisdom, excepting that when he was growing into years he was deluded by women, and transgressed the law; concerning which transgressions, and the miseries which befell the Hebrews thereby, I think proper to discourse at another oppor- tunity. CHAPTER VIII. HOW, UPON THE DEATH OF SOLOMON, THE PEOPLE FORSOOK HIS SON REHOBOAM, AND ORDAINED JEROBOAM KING OVER THE TEN TRIBES. § I. Now when Solomon was dead, and his son Rehoboam (who was born of an Ammon- ite wife, whose name was Naamah) had suc- ceeded him in the kingdom, the rulers of the multitude sent immediately into Egypt, and called back Jeroboam; and when he was come to them, to the city Shechem, Reho- boam came to it also, for he had resolved to declare himself king to the Israelites, while they were there gathered together. So the rulers of the people, as well as Jeroboam, came to him, and besought him, and said that he ought to relax, and to be gentler than his father, in the servitude he had imposed on them, because they had borne a heavj yoke, and that then they should be better affected to him, and be well contented to serve him under his moderate government, and should do it more out of love than fear; but Rehoboam told them they should come to him again in three days' time, when he would give an answer to their request. This delay gave occasion to a present suspicion, since he had not given them a favourable answer to their mind immediately, for they thought that he should have given them a humane answer offhand, especially since he was but young. However, they thought that this consultation about it, and that he did not presently give them a denial, afforded them some good hope of success. 2. Rehoboam now called his father's friends, and advised with them what sort of answer he ought to give to the multitude: upon which they gave him the advice which became friends, and those that knew the temper of such a multitude. Th^y advised hiui to speak in a way more popular than suited the grandeur of a king, because he would thereby oblige them to submit to him with good-will, it be- ing mo«>t agreeable to sulyecta that their kings should be almost upon thtt level with them; — but Rehoboam rejected this so good, and hi general so profitable advice (it was such at least, at that time when he was to be made king), God himself, I suppose, causing what was most advantageous to be condemned by him. So he called for the young men who were brought up with him, and told them what adnce the elders had given him, and bade them speak what they thought he ought to do. They advised him to give the follow- ing answer to the people (for neither their youth nor God himself suffered them to dis- cern what was best): — That his little finger should be thicker than his father's loins ; and if they had met with hard usage from his fii- ther, they should experience much rougher treatment from him; and if his father had chastised them with whips, they must expect that he would do it with scorpions.* The king was pleased with this advice, and thought it agreeable to the dignity of his government to give them such an answer. Accordingly, when the multitude was come together to hear his answer on the third day, all the people were in great expectation, and very intent to hear what the king would say to them, and supposed they should hear somewhat of a kind nature; but he passed by his friends, and an- swered as the young men had given him counsel. Now this was done according to the will of God, that what Ahijah had fore- told might come to pass. 3. By these words the people were struck, as it were, by an iron hammer, and were so grieved at the words, as if they had already felt the effects of them ; and they had great indignation at the king; and all cried out aloud, and said, " We will have no longer any relation to David or his posterity after this day;" and they said farther, " We only leave to Rehoboam the temple which his father built;" and they threatened to forsake him. Nay, they were so bitter, and retained their wrath so long, that when he sent Adoram, who was over the tribute, that he might pacify them, and render them milder, and persuade them to forgive him, if he had said any thing that was rash or grievous to them in his youth, they would not hear it, but threw stones at him and killed him. When Rehoboam saw this, he thought himself aimed at by those stones with which they had killed his servant, and feared lest he should undergo the last of punishments in earnest; so he got imniedi- mely into his chariot, and fled to Jerusalem, where the tribe of Judah and that of Benja- min ordained him king; but the rest of the multitude forsook the sons of David from thai day, and appointed Jeroboam to be the ruler of their public affairs. Upon this Rehoboam, • That by scorjriont is not hen* meant that small ani- mal so called, which wa* nevir used in corrections; but either a shrub with sharp prink Irs, like the stings of scorpions, such as our fuizt-bush. or else some terrible siTt of whip of the like nature. See f ludson'i and Span- bciru's notes lierg. CHAP. VIII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 231 Solomon's son, assembled a great congrega- tion of those two tribes that submitted to him, and was ready to take a hundred and eighty thousand chosen men out of the army, to make an expedition against Jeroboam and his people, that he might force them by war to be his servants; but he was forbidden of God by the prophet [Shemaiah] to go to war; for that it was not just that brethren of the same country should fight one against another. He also said that this defection of the multi- tude was according to the purpose of God. So he did not proceed in this expedition: — and now I will relate first the actions of Je- roboam the king of Israel, after which we will relate what are therewith connected, the actions of Rehoboam, the king of the two tribes; by this means we shall preserve the good order of the history entire. 4. When therefore Jeroboam had built a palace in the city Shechem, he dwelt there. He also built him another at Penuel, a city so called; and now the Feast of Tabernacles was approaching in a little time, Jeroboam considered if he should permit the multitude to go to worship God at Jerusalem, and there to celebrate the festival, they would probably repent of what they had done, and be enticed by the temple, and by the worship of God there performed, and would leave him, and return to their first king; and if so he should run the risk of losing his own life: so he in- vented this contrivance: He made two golden heifers^nd built two little temples for them, the one in the city Bethel, and the other in Dan, which last was at the fountains of the Lesser Jordan,* and he put the heifers into both the little temples, in the forementioned cities. And when he had called those ten tribes together, over whom he ruled, he made a speech to the people in these words: " I suppose, my countrymen, that you know this, that every place hath God in it; nor is there any one determinate place in which he is, but he every where hears and sees those that wor- ship him; on which account I do not think it right for you to go so long a journey to Jerusalem, which is an enemy's city, to wor- ship him. It was a man that built the temple : I have also made two golden heifers, dedi- cated to the same God; and one of them I have consecrated in the city Bethel, and the other in Dan, to the end that those of you that dwell nearest those cities may go to them, and worship God there: and I will ordain for • Whether these " fountains of the lesser Jordan" were near a place called Dan, aud the fountains of the Greater near a place called Jor, before their conjunction; or whe- t'ler there was only one fountain, arisinc; at the lake Phiala, at f.rst 8inkiii<; nnder ground, and then arising near the mountain Paneum. and thence runnins; through the lake Semochonitis to tlie •"»«*a of (ialilee, and so lar called the Lesser Jordan, is hatdly certain, even in Jose- phiis himself, thout^h thr latter account be the most pro- bable. However, the northern idolatrous calf, set up by Jeroboam, was where little Jonian tell into Great Jordan, f ar a place called D.tphna;. aii JoNepiius elsewhere in- ■*ui« us (< )f I he Wan, b. i V. c L 8. I). See the note there. you, certain priests and Lerites from among yourselves, that you may have no want of the tribe of Levi, or of the sons of Aaron; but let him that is desirous among you of being a priest, bring to God a bullock and a ram, which they say Aaron the first priest brought also." When Jeroboam had said this, he de- luded the people., and made them to revolt from the worship of their forefathers, and to transgress their laws. This was the beginning of miseries to the Hebrews, and the cause why they were overcome in war by foreigners, and so fell into captivity. But we shall relate those things in their proper places hereafter. 5. When the feast [of Tabernacles] was just approaching, Jeroboam was desirous to celebrate it himself in Bethel, as did the two tribes celebrate it in Jerusalem. Accordingly he built an altar before the heifer, and under- took to be high-priest himself. So he went up to the altar, with his own priests about him ; but when he was going to offer the sacrifices, and the burnt-ofierings in the sight of all the people, a prophet, whose name was Jadon, was sent by God, and came to him from Jerusa- lem, who stood in the midst of the multitude, and in the hearing of the king, and directing t iiis discourse to the altar, said thus: — " God foretells that there shall be a certain man of the family of David, Josiah by name, who shall slay upon thee those false priests that shall Uve at that time, and upon thee shall burn the bones of those deceivers of the peo- ple, those impostors and wicked wretches. However, that this people may believe that these things shall so come to pass, I foretell a sign to them that shall also come to pass: This altar shall be broken \o pieces immedi- ately, and all the fat of the sacrifices that is upon it, shall be poured upon the ground.*' When the prophet had said this, Jeroboam fell into a passion, and stretched out his hand, and bid them lay hold of him: but the hand which he stretched out was enfeebled, and he was not able to pull it in again to him, for it was become withered, and hung down as if it were a dead hand. The altar also was broken to pieces, and all that was upon it was poured out, as the prophet had foretold should come to pass. So the king understood that he was a man of veracity, and had a divine foreknowledge; and entreated hitn to pray to God that he would restore his right hand. Accordingly the prophet did pray to God to grant him that request. So the king having his hand recovered to its natural state, rejoiced at it, and invited the prophet to sup with him ; but Jadon said, that he could not en- dure to come into his house, nor to taste of bread or water in this city, for that was a thing God had forbidden him to do; as aiso to go back by the same way which he came; but he said he was to return by another way. So the king wondered at the abstinence of the man ; but was himself in fear, as suspecting 232 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK vni a diange of his affairs for the worse, from what had been said to him. CHAPTER IX. HOW JADON THE PROPHET WAS PERSUADED BY ANOTHER LYING PROPHET, AND RETURNED [to bethel], AND WAS AFTERWARDS SLAIN BY A LION. AS ALSO WHAT WORDS THE WICKED PROPHET MADE USE OF TO PER- SUADE THE KING, AND THEREBY ALIEN- ATED HIS MIND FROM GOD. § ]. Now there was a certain wicked man in that city who was a false prophet, whom Je- roboam had in great esteem, but was deceived by him and his flattering words. This man was bedrid by reason of the infirmities of old age; however, he was informed by his ^fps concerning the prophet that was come from Jerusalem, and concerning the signs done by him; and how, when Jeroboam's right hand had been enfeebled, at the pro- phet's prayer, he had it revived again. Where- upon he was afraid that this stranger and prophet should be in better esteem with the king than himself, and obtain greater honour from him; and he gave order to his sons to saddle his ass presently, and make all ready that he might go out. Accordingly they made haste to do what they were commanded, and he got upon the ass and followed af- ter the prophet; and when he had overtaken him, as he was resting himself under a very large oak-tree that was thick and shady, he at first saluted^ him, but presently he com- plained of him, because he had not come in- to his house, and partaken of his hospitality. And when the other said, that God had for- bidden him to taste of any one's provision in that city, he replied, that " for certain God bad not forbidden that I should set food be- fore thee, for I am a prophet as thou art, and worship God in the same manner that thou dost; and I am now come as sent by him, in order to bring thee into my house, and make thee my guest." Now Jadon gave credit to this lying prophet, and returned back with him. But when they were at din- ner, and merry together, God appeared to Jadon, and said, that he should suffer pun- ishment for transgressing his commands, — and he told him what that punishment should be for he said that he should meet with a lion as he was going on his way, by which lion he should be torn in pieces, and be de- prived of burial in the sepulchres of his fa- thers; — which things came to pass, as I sup- pose, according to the will of God, that so Jeroboam might not give heed to the words of Jadon, as of one that had been convicted of lying. However, as Jadon was again go- ing to Jerusalem, a lion assaulted him, and pulled him off the beast he rode on, and slew him; yet did he not at all hurt the ass, but sat by him, and kept him, as also the prophet's body. This continued till some travellers that saw it came and told it in the city to the false prophet, who sent his sons and brought the body into the city, and made a funeral for him at great expense. He also charged his sons to bury himself with him ; and said, that all which he had foretold against that city, and the altar, and priests, and false prophets, would prove true ; and that if he were buried with him, he should receive no injurious treatment after his death, the bones not being then to be distinguished asunder. But now when he had performed those funeral rites to the prophet, and had given that charge to his sons, as he was a wicked and impious man, he goes to Jeroboam, and says to him, " And wherefore is it now that thou art disturbed at the words of this silly fellow?" And when the king had related to him what had hap- pened about the altar, and about his own hand, and gave him the names of divine man, and an excellent prophet, he endeavoured by a wicked trick, to weaken that his opinion; and by using plausible words concerning what had happened, he aimed to injure the truth that was in them; for he attempted to per- suade him that his hand was enfeebled by the labour it had undergone in supporting the sacrifices, and that upon its resting a while it returned to its former nature again; and that as to the altar, it was but new, and had borne abundance of sacrifices, s^ those large ones too, and was accordingly broken to pieces, and fallen down by the weight of what had been laid upon it. He also inform- ed him of the death of him that had foretold those things, and how he perished; [whence he concluded that] he had not any thing in him of a prophet, nor spake any thing like one. When he had thus spoken, he persuaded the king, and entirely alienated his mind from God, and from doing works that were righteous and holy, and encouraged him to go on in his impious practices;* and accord- ingly, he was to that degree injurious to God, and so great a transgressor, that he sought for nothing else every day but how he might be guilty of some new instances of wickedness, and such as should be more de- testable than what he had been so insolent as • How much a larRcrand better copy Joscphus had in this remarkable iiistory of the true prophet of Judea, arid his concern with Jeroboam, and with the false prophet of Bethel, than our other copies have, is evident at first sight. The prophet's very nam«, Jadon, or, as the Con- stitutions call him, Adonais, is wanting in our other copies; and it is there, with no little absurdity, said that God revealed Jadon the true prophet's death, not to himself, as here, but to the false prophet Whether the particular account of the arRuments, made use of, after all, by the false prophet against his own belief, and his own conscience, in order to persuade Jeroboam to per- severe in his idolatry and wickedness, than which more plausible could not be invented, was intimated in Josephus's copy, or in some other ancient book, can- not now be determined; our other copies say not one word of iU CHAP. X. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 233 to do before. And so much shall at present suffice to have said concerning Jeroboam. CHAPTER X. CONCERNING REHOBOAM, AND HOW GOD IN- FLICTED PUNISHMENT UPON HIM FOR HIS IMPIETY, BY SHISHAK [KING OF EGYPt]. § 1. Now Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, wno, as we said before, was king of the two tribes, buUt strong and large cities, Beth- lehem, and Etam, and Tekoa, and Bethzur, and Shoco, and AduUam, and Ipan, and Ma- resha, and Ziph, and Adoriam, and Lachish, and Azekah, and Zorah, and Aijalon, and Hebron; these he built first of all in the tribe of Jiidah. He also built other large cities in the tribe of Benjamin, and walled tneiu about, and put garrisons in them all, and captains, and a great deal of corn, and wine, and oil ; and he furnished every one of them plentifully with other provisions that were necessary for sustenance: moreover, he put therein shields and spears for many ten thousand men. The priests also that were in all Israel, and the Levites, and if there were any of the multitude that were good and righteous men, they gathered themselves together to him, having left their own cities, that they might worship God in Jerusalem; for they were not wilhng to be forced to wor- ship the heifers which Jeroboam had made; and they augmented the kingdom of Reho- boam for three years. And after he had married a woman of his own kindred, and had by her three children born to him, he married also another of his own kindred, who was daughter of Absalom by Tamar, whose name was Maachah ; and by her -he had a son, whom he named Abijah. He had more- over many other children by other Mives, but he loved Maachah above them all. Now he had eighteen legitimate wives, and thirty con- cubines, and he had born to him twenty-eight sons and threescore daughters; but he ap- pointed Abijah, whom he had by Maachah, to be his successor in the kingdom, and in- trusted him already \vith the treasures and the strongest cities. 2. Now I cannot but think that the great- ness of a kingdom, and its change into pro- sperity, often become the occasion of mischief and of transgression to men; for when Reho- boam saw that his kingdom was so much in- creased, he went out of the right way, unto unrighteous and irreligious practices, and he despised the worship of God, till the people themselves imitated his wcked actions; for 60 it usually happens, that the manners of subjects are corrupted at the same time with those or iheir governors; which subjects then lay aside their own sober way of living, as a reproof of their governors' ^temperate courses, and follow their wickedness as if it were virtue; for it is not possible to show that men approve of the actions of their kings, unless they do the same actions with them. Agreeable whereto it now happened to the subjects of Rehoboam; for when he was grown impious, and a transgressor himgelf, they endeavoured not to offend him by re- solving still to be righteous; but God sent Shishak, king of Egypt, to punish them for their unjust behaviour towards him; concern- ing whom Herodotus was mistaken, and ap- plied his actions to Sesostris; for this Shi- shak,* in the fifth year of the reign of Reho- boam, made an expedition [into Judea] with many ten thousand men; for he had one thousand two hundred chariots in number that followed him, and threescore thousand horsemen, and four hundred thousand foot- men. These he brought with him, and tl^ were the greatest part of them Libyans and Ethiopians. Now, therefore, when he fell upon the country of the Hebrews, he took the strongest cities of Rehoboam's kingdom without fighting; and when he had put gar- risons in them, he came last of all to Jerusa« lem. 3. Now when Rehoboam, and the multi*. tude with him, were shut up in Jerusalem by the means of the army of Shishak, and when they besought God to give them victory and deliverance, they could not persuade God to be on their side; but Shemaiah the prophet told them, that God threatened to forsake them, as they had forsaken his worship. When they heard this, they were immediately in a consternation of mind, and seeing no way of deliverance, they all earnestly set them- selves to confess that God might justly over- look them, since they had been guilty of im- piety tow^s him, and had let his laws lie in confusion. So when God saw them in that disposition, and that they acknowledged their sins, he told the prophet that he M'ould not destroy them, but that he would, how- ever, make them servants to the Egyptians, that they ma); learn whether they will suffer less by serving men or God. So when Shi- shak had taken the city without fighting, be- cause Rehoboam was afraid, and received him into it, yet did not Shishak stand to the covenants he had made, but he spoiled the temple, and emptied the treasures of God and those of the king, and carried off innumerable ten thousands of gold and silver, and left no- thing at all behind him. He also took away the bucklers of gold, and the shields, which Solomon the king had made; nay, he did not leave the golden quivers which David • That this Shishak was not the same person with ths famous Sesostrig, as some have very lately, in contradic tion to all antiquity, supposed, and that our Josephus did not take him to be the same, a& they pretend, but that Sesostris was many centuries earlier than Shishak, le** Aafhent, Records, Part ii. pa^ 10-24. 234 ANTIQUITIES OF TflE JEWS. BOOK vm. had taken from the king of Zobah, and had dedicated to God: and when he had thus done, he returned to his own kingdom. Now Herodotus of Halicarnassus mentions this ex- pedition, having only mistaken the king's name; and [in saying that] he made war upon many other nations also, and brought Syria of Palestine into subjection, and took the men that were therein prisoners without fight- ing. Now it is manifest that he intended to declare that our nation was subdued by him ; for he saith, that he left behind him pillars in the land of those that delivered themselves up to him without fighting, and engraved upon them the secret parts of women. Now our king Rehoboam delivered up our city with- out fighting. He says withal,* that the Ethiopians learned to circumcise their privy parts from the Egyptians; with this addition, t^t the Phoenicians and Syrians that live in P'Mfestine confess that they learned it of the Egyptians; yet it is evident that no other of the Syrians that live in Palestine, besides us alone, are circumcised. But as to such mat- ters, let every one speak what is agreeable to his own opinion. 4. When Shishak was gone away, king Re- hoboam made bucklers and shields of brass, instead of those of gold, and delivered the same number of them to the keepers of the king's palace: so, instead of warlike expedi- tions, and that glory which results from those public actions, he reigned in great quietness, though not without fear, as being always an enemy to Jeroboam; and he died when he had lived fifty-seven years and reigned seventeen. He was in his disposition a proud and a fool- ish man, and lost [part of his] dominions by not hearkening to his father's friends. He was buried in Jerusalem, in the sepulchres of the kings; and his son Abijah succeeded him in the kingdom, and this in the Eighteenth year of Jeroboam's reign over the ten- tribes; ^nd this was the conclusion of these affairs. It must be now our business to relate the af- fairs of Jeroboam, and how he ended his life; for he ceased not, nor rested to be injurious to God, but every day raised up altars upon • Herodotus, as here quoted by JosepHus, and as this passajje still stands in his present copies, b. ji.chap. civ. adirms that '*the Phoenicians and Syrians in F'alestine [which last are generally supposed to denote the Jews] owned their receivincf circumcision from the F>Kyptians;" whereas it Is abundantly evident that the Jews received their circumcision from the patriarch Abraham, Gen. xvii. 9—14, John vii. 22, 23, as I conclude the Rtcyptian priests did also. It is not therefore very unlikely, that Herodotus, because the Jews had lived Ion? in Kffypt. and came out of it circumcised, did thereupon tiiink they had learned that circumcision in Kgypt, and bad it not before Manetho, the famous Eifypti:in chro- nolof^er and historian, who knew the history of his own country much better than Herodotus, complains fre- quently of his mistakes about their affairs; as does Jose- fhus more than once in this chapter. Nor, indeed, does lermlotus seem at all acquainted with the affairs of the Jews; for as be never names tht-m, so little or nothinif of what he says al>out thein, their country, or maritime I .lies, two of which he alone mentions, Cadytis and Jfiiysna, proves true; nor, indetvl, do there appear to kftva •ver bscn any iimH cities on th«ir ocast. high mountains, and went on making priegte out of the multitude. CHAPTER Xr. CONCERNING THE DEATH OP A SON OF XERO> BOAM. HOW JEROBOAM WAS BEATEN BY ABIJAH, WHO DIED A LITTLE AFTERWARDS, AND WAS SUCCEEDED IN HIS KINGDOM BY ASA. AND ALSO HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OF JEROBOAM, BAASHA DESTROYED HIS SON NADAB, AND ALL THE HOUSE OF JEROBOAM. § 1. However, God was in no long time ready to return Jeroboam's wicked actions, and the punishment they deserved, upon his own head, and upon the heads of all his house: and whereas a son of his lay sick at that time who was called Abijah, he enjoined his wife to lay aside her robes, and to take the gar- ments belonging to a private person, and to go to Abijah the prophet, for that he was a ■■ wonderful man in foretelling futurities, it • having been he who told me that I should be . king. He also enjoined her, when she came ! to him, to inquire concerning the child, as if she • were a stranger, whether he should escape this distemper. So she did as her husband bade ! her, and changed her habit, and came to the ^city Shiloh, for there did Ahijah live: and as she was going into his house, his eyes being then dim with age, God appeared to him, and informed him of two things; that the wife oi Jeroboam was come to him, and what answer he should make to her inquiry. Accordingly, as the woman was coming into the house like a private person and a stranger, he cried out, "Come in, O thou wife of Jeroboam! Wh) concealest thou thyself? Thou art not con- cealed from God, who hath appeared to me, and informed me that thou wast coming, and hath given me in command what I shall say to thee." So he said that she should go away to her husband, and speak to him thus: — " Since I made thee a great man when thou wast little, or rather wast nothing, and rent the kingdom from the house of David, and gave it to thee, and thott hast been unmindful of these benefits, hast left off my worship, hast made thee molten gods, and honoured them, I will in like manner cast thee down a^'ain, and destroy all thy house, and make them food for the dogs and the fowls ; for a certain king is rising up, by appointment, over all this people, who shall leave none of the family of Jeroboam remaining. The multi- tude also shall themselves partake of the same punishment, and shall be cast out of this good land, and shall be scattered into the Oiaces be- yond Euphrates, because they have followed the wicked practices of their king, and have worshipped the gods that he marie, and for- saken my sacnfioes. Hut do thou. O woman. CHAP. XI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS# fi35 make hnste back to thy husband, and tell him this message; but thou shalt then find thy son dead, for as thou enterest the city he shall depart this life; yet shall he be buried with tfie lamentation of all the multitude, and ho- noured with a general mourning, for he is the only person of goodness of Jeroboam's fam'l" " When the prophet had foretold these p vents, the woman went hastily away wth a disordered mind, and greatly grieved at the death of the forenamed child: so she was in lamentation as she went along the road, and mourned for the death of her son, that was just at hand. She was indeed in a miserable condition, at the unavoidable misery of his death, and went apace, but in circumstances very unfortunate, because of her son; for the greater haste she made, she would the sooner see her son dead, yet was she forced to make such haste, on account of her husband. Ac- cordingly, when she was come back, she found that the child had given up the ghost, as the prophet had said ; and she related all the cir- cumstances to the king. 2. Yet did not Jeroboam lay any of these things to heart, but he brought together a very numerous army, and made a warlike expedi- tion against Abijah, the son of Rehoboam, who had succeeded his father in the kingdom of the two tribes; for he despised him because of his age. But when he heard of the ex- pedition of Jeroboam, he was not affrighted at it, but proved of a courageous temper of mind, superior both to his youth and to the hopes of his enemy ; so he chose him an army out of the two tribes, and met Jeroboam at a place called Moun't Zemaraim, and pitched his camp near the other, and prepared every thing necessary for the tight. His army con- sisted of four hundred thousand, but the army of Jeroboam was double to it. Now, as the armies stood in array, ready for action and dangers, and were just going to fight, Abijah stood upon an elevated place, and, beckoning with his hand, he desired the multitude and Jeroboam himself to hear first with silence what he had to say. And when silence was made, he began to speak, and told them, — " God had consented that David and his pos- terity should be their rulers for all time to come, and this you yourselves are not unac- quainted with; but I cannot but wonder how you should forsake my father, and join your- selves to his servant Jeroboam, and are now here with him to fight against those who, by God's own determination, are to reign, and to deprive them of that dominion which they nave still retained; for as to the greater part of it, Jeroboam is unjustly in possession of it. However I do not suppose he will enjoy it any longer; but when he hath suffered that punisnment which God thinks due to him for wnat is past, he will leave off the transgressions he bath been guilty of, and the injuries he hath ollered to him. and which he hath still con- tinued to offer, and hath persuaded you to do the same; yet when you were not any farther unjustly treated by my father, than that he did not speak to you so as to please you, and this only in compliance with the advice of Avicked men, you in anger forsook him, as you pre- tended, but, in reality, you withdrew your- selves from God, and from his laws, although it had been right for you to have forgive'i a man that was young in age, and not used to govern people, not only some disagreeable words, but if his youth and his unskilfulness in affairs had led him into some unfortunate actions, and that for the sake of his father So- lomon, and the benefits you received from him; for men ought to excuse the sins of pos- terity on account of the benefactions of pa- rents: but you considered nothing of all this then, neither do you consider it now, but come with so great an army against us. And what is it you depend upon for Anctory? Is it upon these golden heifers, and the altars that you have on high places, which are demonstrations of your impiety, and not of religious worship? Or is it the exceeding multitude of your army which gives you such good hopes? Yet cer- tainly there is no strength at all in an army of many ten thousands, when the war is unjust; for we ought to place our surest hope of suc- cess against our enemies in righteousness alone, and in piety towards God; which hope we justly have, since we have kept the laws from the beginning, and have worshipped our own God, who was not made by hands out of cor- ruptible matter; nor was he formed by a wicked king, in order to deceive the multitude ; but who is his own workmanship,* and the beginning and end of all things. I thereforv? give you counsel even now to repent, and to take better advice, and to leave off the prose- cution of the war ; to call to mind the laws of your country,, and to reflect what it hath been that hath advanced you to so happy a state as you are now in." 3. This was the speech which Abijah made to the multitude. But, while he was still speaking, Jeroboam sent some of his sol- diers privately to encompass Abijah round about, on certain parts of the camp that were not taken notice of; and when he was thu3 within the compass of the enemy, his army was affrighted, and their courage failed them. But Abijah encouraged them, and exhorted them to place their hopes on God, for that he was not encompassed by the enemy. So they all at once implored the divine assistance, while the priests sounded with the trumpet, and they made a shout, and fell upon their enemies, and God brake the courage, and cast down the force of their enemies, and made Abijah's army superior to them, for God • This is a strange expression in Josephns, that God is his own workmanship, or that he made himself, con« trary to common sense and to catholic Christianityi per- haps he only means that he was not made by oua, 'cut was nnoriginat«d. 236 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VIII. vouchsafed to grant them a wonderful and very fiEimous victory: and such a slaughter was now made of Jeroboam's army* as is never recorded to have happened in any other war, whether it were of the Greeks or of the Barbarians, for they overthrew [and slew] fiv.e hundred thousand of thtir enemies, and they took their strongest cities by force, and spoiled them; and besides those, they did the same to Bethel and her towns, and Jeshanah and her towns. And after this defeat, Jeroboam never recovered himself during the life of Abijah, who yet did not long survive, for he reigned about three years, and was buried in Jerusalem in the sepulchres of his forefathers. He left behind him twenty-two sons and six- teen daughters, and he had also those children by fourteen wives; and Asa his son succeeded in the kingdom; and the young man's mother was Michaiah. Under his reign the country of the Israelites enjoyed peace for ten years. 4. And so far concerning Abijah, the son of Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, as his his- tory hath come down to us; but Jeroboam, the king of the ten tribes, died when he had governed them two and twenty years; whose son Nadab succeeded him, in the second year of the reign of Asa. Now Jeroboam's son governed two years; and resembled his father in impiety and wickedness. In these two years he made an expedition agamst Gibbe- thon, a city of the Philistines, and continued the siege in order to take it; but he was con- spired against while he was there, by a friend of his, whose name was Baasha, the son of Abijah, and was slain; which Baasha took the kingdom after the other's death, and destroy- ed the whole house of Jeroboam. It also came to pass, according as God had foretold, that some of Jeroboam's kindred that died in the city were torn to pieces and devoured by dogs; and that others of them that died in the fields, were torn and devoured by the fowls. So the house of Jeroboam suffered the just punishment of his impiety and of his wicked actions. CHAPTER XII. HOW ZERAH, KING OF THE ETHIOPIANS, WAS BEATEN BY ASA; AND HOW ASA, UPON BAASHA's making war AGAINST HIM, IN- VITED THE KING OF THE DAMASCENS TO ASSIST HIM; AND HOW, ON THE DESTRUC- TION OF THE HOUSE OF BAASHA, ZIMRI GOT THE KINGDOM, AS DID HIS SON AHAB AFTER HIM. § 1. Now Asa, the king of Jerusalem, was of an excellent character, and had a regard ♦ B/ tUJt terrible and perfectly nn parallelled sloufthter of fiOO.OOO men of the newly idolatrous and rebellious t»B Mb«ii, God's high diipleniuie and indignation to God, and neither iid no- designed any thing but what had relation to the observation of the laws. He made a reformation of hia kingdom, and cut off whatsoever was wicked therein, and purified it from every impurity. Now he had an army of chosen men, that were armed with targets and spears: out of the tribe of Judah three hundred thousand; and out of the tribe of Benjamin, that bore shields and drew bows, two hundred and fifty thousand; but when he had already reigned ten years, Zerah, king of Ethiopia,f made an expedition against him, with a great army of nine hundred thousand footmen, and one hundred thousand horsemen, and three hun- dred chariots, and came as far as Mareshah, a city that belonged to the tribe of Judah. Now when Zerah had passed so far with his own army, Asa met him, and put his army in array over-against him, in a valley called Zephathah, not far from the city; and when he saw the multitude of the Ethiopians, he cried out, and besought God to give him the victory, and that he might kill many ten thou- sands of the enemy: "For," said he, "I depend on nothing else but that assistance which I expect from thee, which is able to make the fewer superior to the more nume- rous, and the weaker to the stronger; and thence it is alone that I venture to meet Ze- rah and fight him." 2. While Asa was saying this, God gave him a signal of victory, and joining battle cheerfully on account of what God had fore- told about it, he slew a great many of the Ethiopians; and when he had put them to flight, he pursued them to the country of Gerar; and when they left oif killing their enemies, they betook themselves to spoiling them (for the city Gerar was already taken), and to spoiling their camp, so that they car- ried off much gold, and much silver, and a great deal of [other] prey, and camels, and great cattle, and flocks of sheep. Accord- ingly, when Asa and his army had obtained such a victory, and such wealth from God, they returned to Jerusalem. Now, as they were coming, a prophet, whose name was Azariah, met them on the road, and bade them stop their journey a little, and began to say to them thus: — That the reason why they had obtained this victory from God was this, that they had showed themselves righteous and religious men, and had done every thing ac- cording to the will of God; that therefore, he said, if they persevered therein, God would against that idolatry and rebellion fully appeared; the remainder were thereby seriously caiitioned not to per- sist in them, and a kind of balance or equilibrium was made between the ten and the two tribes for the time to come; while otherwise the perpetually idolatrous and rebellious ten tribes would naturally have been too powerful for the two tribes, which were pretty frequently free both from huch idolatry and rebellion; nor is there any reason to doubt of the truth of the prodigious num. ber slain upon so siRiinl an occasion. + The reader it to rvmember, that Cuth is not Ethio> pia, but Arabia. Kee Uuuhait, b. iv. ffi), IL CHAP. XII, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 237 grant that they should always avercome their enemies, and live happily; but that if they ieft off his worship, all things shall fall out on the contrary; and a time should come,* wherein no true prophet shall be left in your whole multitude, nor a priest who shall deli- ver you a true answer from the oracle; but your cities shall be overthrown, and your na- tion scattered over the whole earth, and live the life of strangers and wanderers. So he advised them, while they had tinie, to be good, and not to deprive themselves of the favour of God, When the king and the people heard this, they rejoiced; and all in common, and every one in particular, took great care to behave themselves righteously. The king also sent some to take care that those iu, the country should observe the laws also. 3. And this was the state of Asa, king of the two tribes. I now return to Baasha, the king of the multitude of the Israelites who slew Nadab, the son of Jeroboam, and retained the government. He dwelt in the city Tirzah, having made that his habitation, and reigned twenty-four years. He became more wicked and impious than Jeroboam or his son. He did a great deal of mischief to the multitude, and was injurious to God, who sent the prophet Jehu, and told him before- hand, that his whole family should be de- stroyed, and that he would bring the same miseries on his house which had brought that of Jeroboam to ruin; because when he had been made king by him, he had not requited his kindness, by governing the multitude righteously and religiously; which things, in the first place, tended to their own happi- ness; and, in the next place, were pleasing to God: that he had imitated this very wicked king Jeroboam ; and although that man's soul had perished, yet did he express to the life his \vickedness; and he said that he should therefore justly experience the like calamity with him, since he had been guilty of the like wickedness. But Baasha, though he heard beforehand what miseries would be- fall him and his whole family for their inso- lent behaviour, yet did not he leave off his I wicked practices for the time to come, nor! did he care to appear to be other- than worse i and worse till he died ; nor did he then re- ' pent of his past actions, nor endeavour to ob- tain pardon of God for them, but did as those do who have rewards proposed to them, when they have once in earnest set about their work, they do not leave off their labours ; for thus did Baasha, when the prophet foretold to him what would come to pass, grow worse, as if what were threatened, the perdition of his fa- mily, and the destruction of his house (which are really among the greatest of e^ils), were • Here is a rery great error in our Hebrew copy in this place (i Chron. vi. 3 — 6), as appljin.^ what follows to times p:ist, and not to times future; wb«nce that text u quite ui«appli«d by Sir Isaac Newtoa. good things ; and, as if he were a combatant for wickedness, he every day took more and more pains for it ; and at last he took his army, and assaulted a certain considerable city called Ramah, which was forty furlongs distant from Jerusalem; and when he had taken it, he fortified it, having determined beforehand to leave a garrison in it, tnat they might thence make excursions, and do mis- chief to the kingdom of Asa. 4. Whereupon Asa was afraid of the at- tempts the enemy might make upon him ; and considering with himself what mischiefs this army that was left in Ramah might do to the country over which he reigned, he sent ambassadors to the king of the Damascens, with gold and silver, desiring his assistance, and putting him in mind that we have had a friendship together from the times of our forefathers. So he gladly received that sum of money, and made a league with him, and broke the friendship he had with Baasha, and sent the commanders of his own forces unto the cities that were under Baasha's dominion, and ordered them to do them mischief. So they went and burnt some of them, and spoiled others ; Ijon, and Dan, and Abelmain, f and many others. Now when the king of Israel heard this, he left off building and fortifying Ramah, and returned presently to assist his own people under the distresses they were in; but Asa made use of the materials that were prepared for building ' that city, for building in the same place two strong cities, the one of which was called Geba, and the other Mzpah ; so that after this, Baasha had « no leisure to make expeditions against Asa, for he was prevented by death, and was bu- ried in the city Tirzah; and Elah, his son, took the kingdom, who, when he had reigned two years, died, being treacherously slain by Zimri, the captain of half his army; for when he was at Arza, his steward's house, he per- suaded some of the horsemen that were un- der him to assault Elah, and by that means he slew him when he was ^vithout his armed men, and his captains, for they were all busied in the siege of Gibbethon, a city of the Phi- listines. 5. When Zimri, the captain of the army, had killed Elah, he took the kingdom him- self, and, according to Jehu's prophecy, slew all the house of Baasha; for it cam^to pass that Baasha's house utterly perisheo, on ac- + Tkis Abelmain, or, in Josephas's copy, Abellane, that belonged to the land of Israel, and bordered on the country of Damascus, is supposed, both by Hudson and Spanheim, to be the same with Abel, or Abila, whence carae Abilene. This may be that city so denominated from Abel the righteous, there buried; concerning the shedding of whose blood within the compass of the land of Israel, I understand our SaTiour's words, about the fatal war and overthrow of Judea by Titus and his Ro- man army, "That upon you may come all the righteous blood shed upon the land, from the blood of righteous Abel to the blood of Zacharias, son of Barachias, whom ye slew between the temple and the altar. Verily I say unto you, all these things shall come upoa tkis g«Qera« UoH." M»tt sxiii. 34 3^ J'Uks s. M. 238 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS,^ count of his impiety, in the same manner as we have already described the destruction of the house of Jeroboam ; but the army that was besieging Gibbethon, when they heard, what had befallen the king, and that \\hen Zimri bad killed him he had gained the king- dom, they made Omri their general king, who drew oflf his army from Gibbethon, and came to Tirzah, where the royal palace was, and assaulted the city, and took it by force. But when Zimri saw that the city had none to defend it, he fled into the inmost part of the palace, and set it on fire, and burnt him- self with it, when he had reigned only seven days. Upon which the people of Israel were presently divided, and part of them would have Tibni to be king, and part Omri ; but when those that were for Omri's ruling had beaten Tibni, Omri reigned over all the mul- titude. Now it was in the thirtieth year of the reign of Asa that Omri reigned for twelve years ; six of these years he reigned in the city of Tirzah, and the rest in the city called Semareon, but named by the Greeks Sama- ria ; but he himself called it Semareon, from Semer, who sold him the mountain whereon he built it. Now Omri was no way different from those kings that reigned before him, but that he grew worse than they, for they all sought how they might turn the people away from God, by their daily wicked prac- tices; and on that account it was that God niade one of them to be slain by another, and that no one person of their families should •remain. This Omri also died at Samaiia, and Ahab his son succeeded him. 6. Now by these events we may learn what concern God hath for the affairs of mankind, and how he loves good men, and hates the wicked, and destroys them root and branch; for many of these kings of Israel, they and their families, were miserably destroyed, and taken away one by another, in a short time, for their transgression and wickedness ; but Asa, who was king of Jerusalem, aijd of the two tribes, attained, by God's blessing, a long and a blessed old age, for his piety and righ- teousness, and died happily, when he had reigned forty and one years; and when he was dead, his son Jehoshaphat succeeded him in the government. He was born of Asa's wife Azi^h. And all men allowed that he followed the works of David his forefather, and this both in courage and piety; but we ure not obliged now to speak any more of the aifaird of this king. CHAPTER XIII. HOW AHAB, WHEN HE HAD TAKEN JEZEBEL TO WIFE, BECAME MORE WICKED THAN AI>L. THS KINGS THAT HAD BEEN BEFORE HIM. OF THE ACTIONS OF THE PROPHET ELWAU ; AND WHAl BEFEL NABOTH. § 1. Now Ahab, the king of Israel, dwelt ir» Samaria, and held the government for twenty- two years; and made no alteration in the conduct of the kings that were his predeces- sors, but only in such things as were of bis owninvention for the worse, and in his most gross wickedness. He imitated them in their wicked courses, and in their injurious beha- viour towards God; and more especially he imitated the trangression of /eroboam; for he worshipped the heifers that he had made; and he contrived other absurd objects of w or- ship besides those heifers; he also took to wife the daughter of Ethbaal, king of the Tyrians and Sidonians, whose name was Jeze- bel, of whom he learned to worship her own gods. This woman was active and bold, and fell into so great a degree of impurity and wickedness, that she built a temple to the god of the Tyrians, which they called Belus, and planted a grove of all sorts of trees ; she also appointed priests and false prophets to this god. The king also himself had many such about him; and so exceeded in madness and wickedness all [the kings] that went before him. 2. There was now a prophet of God Al- mighty, of Thesbon, a country in Gilead, that came to Ahab, and said to him that God foretold he would not send rain nor dew in those years upon the country but when he should appear. And when he had confirmed this by an oath, he departed into the southern parts, and made his abode by a brook, out o) which he had water to drink; for as for his food, ravens brought it to him every day; but when that river was dried up for want of rain, he came to Zarephath, a city not far from Sidon and Tyre, for it lay between them, and this at the command of God, for [God told him] that he should there find a woman, who was a widow, that should give him sustenance: so when he was not far off the city, he saw a woman that laboured with her own hands, gathering of sticks; SQ God informed him that this was the woman who was to give him sustenance ; so he came and saluted her, and desired her to bring him some water to drink; but as she was going so to do, he called to her, and would have her to bring him a loaf of bread also; whereupon she affirmed upon oath, that she had at home nothing more than one handful of meal and a little oil, i^nd that she was going to gut her some sticks, that she anight knead it. and m&k») bread for hi^rself CHAP. XIII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 239 and her son ; after which, she said, they must perish, and be consumed by the famine, for they bad nothing for themselves any longer. Hereupon he said, "Go on with good cou- rage, and hope for better things; and first of all make me a little cake, and bring it to Uie, for 1 toreiel to thee that this vessel of meal and this cruise of oil shall not fail until God send rain." When the prophet had said this, she came to him, and made him the before-named cake: of which she had part for herself, and gave the rest to her son, and to the prophetalso ; nor did any thing of this fail until the drought ceased. Now Menander mentions this drought in his account of the act of Ethbaal, king of the Tyrians; where he says thus: — "Un- der him, there was a want of rain from the month Hyperberetaeus till the month Hyper- beretaeus of the year following; but when he made sup[)lications, there came great thun- ders. This Ethbaal built the city Botrys, in Phoenicia, and the city Auza, in Libya." By these words he designed the want of rain that was in the days of Ahab; for at that time it was that Ethbaal also reigned over the Ty- rians, as Menander informs' us. 3. Now this woman, of whom we spake before, that sustained the prophet, when her son was fallen into a distemper till he gave up the ghost, and appeared to be dead, came to the prophet weeping, and beating her breasts with her hands, and sending out such expressions as her passions dictated to her, and complained to him that he had come to her to reproach her for her sins, and that on this account it was that her son was dead. But he bid her be of good cheer, and deliver her son to him, for that he would deliver him a>rain to her alive. So when she had delivered I)er son up to him, he carried him into an up- per room, where he himself lodged, and laid him down upon the bed, and cried unto God, ami said, that God had not done well in re- warding the woman who had entertained him and sustained him, by taking away her son; and he prayed that he would send again the soul of the child into him, and bring him to life again. Accordingly God took pity on the mother, and was willing to gratify the pro- phet, that he might not seem to have come to lio her a mischief; and the child, beyond all expectation, came to life again. So the mo- ther returned the prophet thanks, and said she was then clearly satisfied that God did coji verse with him. 4. After a little while Elijah came to king Ahab, according to God's will, to inform him that rain was coming.* Now the famine ♦ Josephus, in hi« present copies, says. That a little while after the recovery of the widow's son of Sarepta, God sent niin upon the earth: whereas, in our other copies, it is after many days, 1 Kintrs xviii. I. Several jf^:trs are also intimated there, and in Jo'ephus (sect. 2). ^« liel. inking to this drou-tht and famine; nay, we have m^ express mention of thp tl.ird vi-ar. which. I suppose, w 1.S rickoned from the r.-covery of thr widow's son and | the CAxinn of this dron^ht in iNiH-ni«ia (wkitsh. as V!«.- | had seized upon the whole country, and there was a great want of what was necessary for sustenance, insomuch that it was not only men that wanted it, but the earth itself also, which did not produce enough for the horses and the other beasts, of what was useful for them to feed on, by reason of the drought. So the king called for Obadiah, who was steward over his cattle, and said to him, that he would have him go to the fountains of water, and to the brooks, that if any herbs could be found for them, they might mow it down, and reserve it for the beasts. And when he had sent persons all over the habi- table earth, f to discover the prophet Elijah, and they could not find him, he bade Obadiah accompany him: so it was resolved they should make a progress, and divide the ways between them; and Obadiah took one road, and the king another. Now it happened, that the same time when queen Jezebel slew the prophets, this Obadiah had hidden a hun- dred prophets, and had fed them with no- thing but bread and water. But when Oba- diah was alone, and absent from the king, the prophet Elijah met him ; and Obadiah asked him who he was; and when he had learned it from him, he worshipped him. Elijah then bid hira go to the king, and teU him that I am here ready to wait on him. But Obadiah replied, " What evil have I done to thee, that thou sendest me to one who seeketh to kill thee, and hath sought over all the earth for thee? Or was he so igno- rant as not to know that the king had left no place untouched unto which he had not sent persons to bring him back, in order, if they could take him, to have him put to death;" For he told him he was afraid lest God should appear to him again, and he should go away into another place; and that when the king should send him for Elijah, and he should miss of him, and not be able to find him any- where upon earth, he should be put to death. He desired him therefore to take care of his preservation; and told him how diligently he had provided for those of his own profession, and had saved a hundred prophets, when Jezebel slew the rest of them, and bad kept them concealed, and that they had been sus- tained by him. But Elijah bade him fear nothing, but go to the king; and he assured him upon oath that he would certainly show himself to Ahab that very day. 5. So when Obadiah had informed the king that Elijah was there, Ahab met him, and asked him in anger, if he were the man that nander informs us here, lasted one whole year); and both our Saviour and St. James affirm, that this drought lasted three years and six months, as their copies of the Old Testament then informed them, Luke iv. 25: James V. 17. + Josephus here seems to mean, that this drought affected all the habitable earth, and presently all the earth, as onr Saviour says it was upon all the earth, Luke iv. 2% They who restrain these expressions to the la.iU of Judea alone, go with«»ut snfficient authori^ »»r ifrx»m pies. 840 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK VIII afflicted the people of the Hebrews, and was tlie occasion of the drought they lay under? But Elijah, without any dattery, said that he was himself the man; he and his house, which brought such afflictions upon them ; and that by introducing strange gods into their country, and worshipping them, and by leaving their own, who was the oidy true God, and having no manner of regard to him. However, he bade him go his way, and gather together all the people to him, to mount Carmel, with his own prophets, and those of his wife, telling him how many there were of them, as also the prophets of the groves, about four hundred in number. And as all the men whom Ahab sent for ran away to the forenamed mountain, the prophet Elijah stood in the midst of them, and said, "How long will you live thus in un- certainty of mind and opinion?" He also ex- horted them, that in case they esteemed their own country God to be the true and only God, they would follow him and his commandments ; but in case they esteemed him to be nothing, but had an opinion of the strange gods, and that ^ey ought to worship them, his counsel was, that they should follow them. And when the multitude made no answer to what he said, Elijah desired, that, for a trial of the power of the strange gods and of their own God, he, who was his only prophet, while they had four hundred, might take a heifer and kill it as a sacrifice, and lay it upon pieces of wood, and not kindle any fire, and that they should do the same things, and call upon their own gods to set the wood on fire, for if that were done, they would thence learn the nature of the true God. This proposal pleased the people. So Elijah bade the prophets to choose out a heifer first, and kill if, and to call on their gods; but when there appeared no effect of the prayer or invocation of the prophets upon their sa- crifice, Elijah derided them, and bade them call upon their gods with a loud voice, for they might either be on a journey or asleep; and when these prophets had done so from morn- ing till noon, and cut themselves with swords and lances,* according to the customs of their country, and he was abdut to offer his sacri- fice, he bid [the prophets] go away; but bade [the people] come near and observe what he did, lest he should privately hide fire among the pieces of wood. So, upon the approach of the multitude, he took twelve stones, one for each tribe of the people of the Hebrews, and built an altar with them, and dug a very ieep trench; and when he had laid the pieces of wood upon the altar, and upon them had laid the pieces of the sacrifices, he ordered them to till four barrels with the water of the fou^itain, and to pour it upon the altar, till it ran over it, and till the trench was filled with • Mr. Spanheim taken notice here, that In the ^«orsh{p bf Miihra (the frtid of the Prr^iun.^' the pri»-Bts cut them- •rives 111 the Mine mano<T a» rfi'l thcue priesrt in tb*ir iovucntiou vl Baail (Uie j{iMi <•! Uir i'lKriiiiiiiiiNi. the water poured into it. When he had don^ this, he began to pray to God, and to invocate him to make manifest his power to a people that had already been in an error a long time; upon which words a fire came on a sudden from heaven, in th^' sight of the multitude, and fell upon the altar, and consumed the sacrifice, till the very water was set on fire, and the place was become dry. 6. Now when the Israelites saw this, they fell down upon the ground, and worshipped one God, and called him The great and the only true God; but they called the others mere names, frained by the evil and vvnld opinions of men. So they caught their pro- phets, and, at the command of Elijah, slew them. Elijah also said to the king, that he should go to dinner without any farther con- cern; for that in a little time he would see God send them rain. Accordingly, Ahab went his way; but Elijah went up to the highest top of Mount Carmel, and sat down upon the ground, and leaned his head upon his knees, and bade his servant go up to a certain elevated place, and look towards the sea, and when he should see a cloud rising anywhere, he should give him notice of it, for till that time the air had been clear. When the servant had gone up, and had said many times that he saw nothing, at the seventh time of his going up, he said that he saw a small black thing in the sky, not larger than a man's foot. When Elijah heard that, he sent to Ahab, and desired him to go away to the city before the rain came down. So he came to the city Jezreel; and in a little time the air was all obscured, and covered with clouds, and a vehement storm of wind came upon the earth, and with it a great deal oi rain; and the prophet was under a divine fury, and ran along with the king's chariot unto Jezreel, a city of Izarf [Isachar]. 7. When Jezebel, the wife of Ahab, under- stood what signs Elijah had wrought, and how he had slain her prophets, she was angry, and sent messengers to him, and by them threa- tened to kill him, as he had destroyed her pro- phets. At this Elijah was affrighted, and Hed to the city called Beersheba, which is situate at the utmost limits of the country belonging to the tribe of Judah, towards the land of Edom; and there he left his servant, and went away into the desert. He prayed also that he might die, for that he was no better than his fathers, nor need he be very desirous to live, when they were dead ; and he lay and slept under a certain tree; and when somebody awakened him, and he was risen up, he found food set by him and water; so when he had eaten, and recovered his strength by that his • For Ixar we may here read (with Hudson and Coc- ceiiid) Isnchar. \. e of the tribe of Isachar, for to tliat tribe did Jezie.-I heionK; and presently, at tne heiM|. iii IK oi »<ct 8. .iH also ch. xv. sect. 4, we may r^H,! JW tiur v.\U\ uHf M-» really, am) the Scripture. Jtzrtrii tor t».At WH« he CUV meant iR the history f'^^^^^K CHAP. XIII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 1541 food, he came to that mountain which is cJIed Sinai, where it is related that Moses received his laws from God; and finding there a certain hollow cave, he entered into it, and continued to make his abode in it. But when a certain voice came to him, but from whence he knew not, and asked him, why he was come thither, and had left the city? he said, that because he had slain the prophets of the foreign gods, and had per- suaded the people that he alone whom they had worshipped from the beginning was God, he was sought for by the king's wife to be punished for so doing. And when he had heard another voice, telling him that he should come out the next day into the open air, and should thereby know what he was to do, he came out of the cave the next day accordingly, when he both heard an earth- quake, and saw the bright splendour of a fire; and after a silence made, a divine voice ex- horted him not to be disturbed with the cir- cumstances he was in, for that none of his enemies should have power over hira. The voice also commanded him to return home, and to ordain Jehu, the son of Nimshi, to be king over their own multitude; and Hazael, of Damascus, to be over the Syrians; and Elisha, of the city Abel, to be a prophet in his stead: and that of the impious multitude, some should be slain by Hazael, and others by Jehu. So Elijah, upon hearing this charge, returned into the land of the Hebrews. And when he found Elisha, the son of Shaphat, ploughing, and certain others with him, driving twelve yoke of oxen, be came to him, and cast his own garment upon him; upon which Elisha began to prophesy presently, and leav- ing his oxen, he followed Elijah. And when he desired leave to salute his parents, Elijah gave him leave so to do: and when he had taken his leave of them, he followed hira, and became the disciple and the servant of Elijah all the days of his life. And thus have I dispatched the affairs in which this prophet was concerned. 8. Now there was one Naboth, of the city Izar [Jezreel], who had a field adjoining to that of the king: the king would have per- suaded him to sell him that his field, which lay so near to his own lands, at what price he pleased, that he might join them together, and make them one farfn; and if he would not accept of money for it, he gave him leave to choose any of his other fields in its stead. But Naboth said he would not do so, but would keep the possession of that land of his own, which he had by inheritance from his father. Upon this the king was grieved, as if he had received an injury, when he could not get another man's possession, and he would neither wash himself, nor take any iocd: and when Jezebel asked him what it wa>-< that troubled him, and why he would neither wash himself, nor eat either dinner or supper, he related to her the perverseness of Naboth ; and how when he had made use of gentle words to him, and such as were be- neath th€ royal authority, he had been affront- ed, and had not obtained what he desired. However, she persuaded him not to be cast down at this accident, but to leave off his grief, and return to the usual care of his body, for that she would take care to have Naboth punished: and she immediately sent letters to the rulers of the Israelites [Jezreelites] in Ahab's name, and commanded them to fast, and to assemble a congregation, and to set Na- both at the head of them, because he was of an illustrious family, and to have three bold men ready to bear witness that he had blas- phemed God and the king, and then to stone him, and slay him in that manner. Accordingly, when Naboth had been thus tes- tified against, as the queen had written to them, that he had blasphemed against God and Ahab the king, she desired him to take possession of Naboth's vineyard on free cost. So Ahab was glad at what had been done, and rose up immediately from the bed wherein he lay, to go to see Naboth's vineyard; but God had great indignation at it, and sent Elijah the prophet to the field of Naboth, to speak to Ahab, and to say to hira, that he had slain the true owner of that field unjustly. And as soon as he came to him, and the king had said that he- might do with him what he pleased (for he thought it a reproach to him to be thus caught in his sin), Elijah said, that in that very place in which the dead body of Naboth was eaten by dogs, both his own blood and that of his wife should be shed; and that all his family should perish, because he had been so insolently wicked, and had slain a citi- zen unjustly and contrary to the laws of his country. Hereupon Ahab began to be sorry for the things he had done, and to repent of them; and he put on sackcloth, and went barefoot,* and would not touch any food: he also confessed his sins, and endeavoured thus to appease God. But God said to the pro- phet, that while Ahab was living he would put off the punishment of his family, because he repented of those insolent crimes he had been guilty of, but that still he \yould fulfil his threatening under Ahab's son. Which message the prophet delivered to the king. ♦ "The Jews weep to this day (says Jerome, here cited by Reland) and roll themselves upon sackcloth, in ashes, barefoot, upon such occasions." To which 8pan- heim adds, " that after the same manner Bemice, when her life A^as in danf^cr, stood at the tribunal of Florus barefoot" (Of the War, b. ii. chap, li, sect. I.}— See the like of David, 2 Sam. xv. 30. Antiq. b. tu. chap. ix. sect. 2. 242 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK vin. CHAPTER XIV. HOW HADAD, KING OF DAMASCUS AND OF SYRIA, MADE TWO EXPEDITIONS AGAINST AHAB, AND WAS BEATEN. § 1. When tbe affairs of Ahab were thus, at that very time the son of Hadad [JJenhadad], who was king of the Syrians and of Damascus, got together an army out of all his country, and procured thirty-two kings beyond Eu- phrates, to be his auxiliaries: so he made an expedition against Ahab; but because Ahab's army was not like that of Bcnhadad, he did not set it in array to fight him, but having shut up every thing that was in the country, in the strongest cities he had, he abode in Samaria himself, fx)r the walls about it were very strong, and it appeared to be not easily to be taken in other respects also. So the king of Syria took his army with him, and came to Samaria, and placed his army round about the city, and besieged it. He also sent a herald to Ahab, and desired he would admit the ambassadors he would send him, by whom he would let him know his pleasure. So upon the king of Israel's permission for him to send, those am- bassadors came, and by their king's command spake thus: — That Ahab's riches, and his children, and his wives, were Benhadad's, and if he would make an agreement, and give him leave to take as much of what he had as he pleased, he would withdraw his army, and leave off the siege. Upon this Ahab bade the ambassadors to go back, and tell their king that both he himself, and all that he hath, were his possessions. And when these am- bassadors had told this to Benhadad, be sent to him again, and desired, since he confessed that all he had was his, that he would admit those servants of his which he should send the next day; and he commanded him to deliver to those whom he should send, whatsoever, upon their searching his palace and the houses of his friends and kindred, they should find to be excellent in its kind ; but that what did not please them they should leave to him. At this second embassage of the king of Syria, Ahab was surprised, and gathered together the multitude to a congregation, and told them, that for himself lie was ready, for their safety and peace, to give up his own wives and children to the enemy, and to yield to him all his own possessions, for that was what the Sy- rian king required at his first embassage; but that now he desires to send his servants to search all their bouses, and in them to leave nothing that is excellent in its kind, seeking an occa- sion of fighting against him, " as knowing that I would not spare what is mine own for your sakes, but taking a handle from the disagree- able terms he offers concerning you to bring a war upon us; however, I will do what you shall resolve is fit to be done." But the mul- titude advised him to hearken to none of his proposals, but to despise him, and be in readi- ness to fight him. Accordingly, when he Lad given the ambassadors this answer to be le- ported — that, he still continued in the mind to comply with what terms he at first desired, for the safety of the citizens; but as for his se- cond desires, he cannot submit to them, — he dismissed them. 2. Now when Benhadad heard this, he had indignation, and sent ambassadors to Ahab the third time, and threatened that his army would raise a bank higher than those walls, in confidence of whose strength be despised him, and that by only each man of his army taking a handful of earth ; hereby making a show of the great number of his army, and aiming to affright him. Ahab answered, that he ought not to vaunt himself when he had only put on his armour, but when he should have conquered his enemies in the battle. So the ambassadors came back, and found the king at sujiper with his thirty-two kings, and informed him of Ahab's answer; who then immediately gave orders for proceeding thus: — To make lines round the city, and raise a bulwark, and to prosecute the siege all man- ner of ways. Now, as this was doing, Ahab was in a great agony and all his people with him ; but he took courage, and was freed from his fears, upon a certain prophet coming to him, and saying to him, that God had pro- mised to subdue so many ten thousands of his enemies under him ; and when he inquired by whose means the victory was to be ob- tained, he said, " By the sons of the princes; but under thy conduct as their leader, by rea- son of their unskilfulness [in war]." Upon which he called for the sons of the princes, and found them to be two hundred and thirty- two persons. So when he was informed that the king of Syria had betaken himself to feast- ing and repose, he opened the gates, and sent out the princes' sons. Now when the senti- nels told Benhadad of it, he sent some to meet them, and commanded them that if these men were come out for fighting, they should bind them, and bring them to him; and that if they came out peaceably they should do the same. Now Ahab had another army ready within the walls, but the sons of the princes fell upon the out-guard, and slew many of them, and pursued the rest of them to the camp; and when the king of Israel saw that these had the upper hand, he sent out all the rest of his army, vhich, falling suddenly upon the Syrians, beat them, for they did not think they would have come out; on which accoimt it was that they assaulted them when they were naked * and drunk, insomuch that • Mr. Reland notes here very truly, that the word naked does not nlwnys niRtilfy mtirrly naked ; but aome. times without men's usual armour, without thfir usua^ robes or urp^r carmentsj as when Vir^il bids the bus. bauilman plough uaked, ami sow naked; whro Joh«. CHAP. XIV, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 243 they left all their armour behind them when they lied out of the camp, and the king him- self escaped with difficulty, by flying away on horseback. But Ahab went a great way in pursuit of the Syrians; and when he had spoiled their camp, which contained a great deal of wealth, and moreover a large quantity of gold and silver, he took Benhadad's cha- riots and horses, and returned to the city: but as the prophet told him he ought to have his army ready, because the Syrian king would make another expedition against him the next year, Ahab >vas busy in making provision for it accordingly. 3. Now, Benhadad, when he had saved him- self, and as much of his army as he could, out of the battle, he consulted wth his friends how he might make another expedition against the Israelites. Now those friends advised him not to fight with them on the hills, because their God was potent in such places, and thence it had come to pass that they, had very lately been beaten; but they said, that if they joined battle with them in the plain they should beat them. They also gave him this farther advice, to send home those kings whom he had brought as his auxiliaries, but to retain their army, and to set captains over it instead of the lungs, and to raise an army out of their country, and let them be in the place of the former who perished in the battle, toge- ther \vith horses and chariots. So he judged their counsel to be good, and acted according to it in the management of the army. 4. At the beginning of the spring, Benha- dad took his army wth him, and led it against the Hebrews; and when he was come to a certain city which was called Aphek, he pitched his camp in the Great Plain. Ahab also went to meet him with his army, and pitched his camp over against him, although flis army was a very small one, if it were com- pared with the enemy's; but the prophet came again to him, and told him, that God would give him the victory, that he might demon- strate his own power to be not only on the mountains, but on the plains also; which it seems was cont^-ary to the opinion of the Syrians. So they lay quiet in their camp phus says (Antiq-b. iT.ch-iu.sect.2), that God had given the Jews the security of armour when they were naked j and when be bere'sayg, that Ahab fell oa the Syrians when they were both nak«d and drunk; when (Antiq. b. xi. ch. y. sect. 8) he says, that Nehemiah commanded those Jews that were building the walls of Jerusalem to take care to have th^ir armour on upon occasion, that the enemy miijht not fall upon them naked. I may add, that the case seems to be the same in the Scripture, when it «ays that Saul lay down naked among the prophets (1 Sam. x'tx. 24) ; when it says that Isaiah walked naked and barefoot (Isa. xx. 2, 3) ; and when it also says that Peter, before he girt his fishefs coat to him, was naked, John ixi. 7 What is said of David also gives light to tnis, who was reproached by Michal for •* dancing before the ark, and uncovering himself in the eyes of his hand- maids, as one of the vain fellows shamefully uncovereth himself" (2 Sam.vi 14, 20) ; yet it is there expressly said (v. 14), th«t''Oavid was girded with alinenephod,"t.e.he tad laid aside his robes of state, and put on the sacerdotal, f.«vttieMl,or saciudgamienta, proper for such a solemnity. seven days; but on the last of those days, when the enemies came out of their camp, and put themselves in array in order to fight, Ahab also brought out his own army; and when the battle \va3 joined, and they fought valiantly, he put the enemy to flight, and pursued them, and pressed upon them, and slew them; nay, they were destroyed by their own chariots," and by one another; nor could any more than a few of them escape to their own city Aphek, who were also killed by the walls falling upon them, being in number twenty-seven thousand.* Now there were slain in this battle a hundred thousand more ; but Benhadad, the Idng of the Syrians, fled away,- ^vith certain others of his most faithful servants, and hid himself in a cellar under ground; and when these told him that the kings of Israel were humane and merciful men, and that they might make use of the usual manner of supplication, and obtain de- liverance from Ahab, in case he would give them leave to go to him : he gave them leave accordingly. So they came to Ahab, clothed in sackcloth, u-ith ropes about their heads (for this \vns the ancient manner of supplica- tion among the Syrians),! and said, that Ben- hadad desired he would save him; and that he would ever be a servant to him for that favour. Ahab replied he was glad that he was alive, and not hurt in the battle; and he further promised him the same honour and kindness that a man would show to his bro- ther. So they received assurances upon oath from him, that when he came to him he should receive no harm from him, and then went and brought him out of the cellar wherein he was hid, and brought him to Ahab as he sat in his chariot. So Benhadad worshipped him; and Ahab gave him his hand, and made him come up to him mto his chariot, and kissed him, and bid him be of good cheer, and not to expect that any mischief should 'he done to him. So Benhadad returned him thanks, and professed that he would remember his kindness to him all the days of his life; and promised he would restore those cities of the Israelites which the former kings had taken from them, and grant that he should have leave to come to Damascus, as his forefathers had to come to Samaria. So they confirmed • Josephns's nnmber,two myriads and seven thousand, agrees here with that in our other copies, as those that were slain by the falling down of the walls of Aphek ; but I suspected at first that this number in Josephus's present copies could not be his original number, because he calls them "oligoi," a /<w, which could hardly be said of so many as twenty-seven thousand, aud because of the im- probability ofthefallof a particular wall killing so many; y^^hen I consider Josephus's next words, how the rest which were slain in the battle were " ten other myriads," that twenty-seven thousand were but a few in compari- son of a hundred thousand ; and that it was not "a wall," as in our English version, but " the wall," or " the entire walls" of the city that fell down, as in all the originals. + This manner of supplication for men's lives among the Syrians, with ropes or halters about their heads or necks, is, I suppose, no strange thing in later ages, even in our own countir. 244 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWSv BOOK Trin tlieir covenant by oaths ; and A hub made him many presents, and sent him back to liis owTi kingdom. And this was the conclusion of the war that Benhadad made against Ahab and the Israelites. 5. But a certain prophet, whose name was Micaiah,* came to one of the Israelites, and bade him smite him on the head, for by so do- ing he would please God; but when he would not do so, he foretold to him, that since he disobeyed the commands of God, he should meet with a lion, and be destroyed by him. When this sad accident had befallen the man, the prophet came again to another, and gave him the same injunction; so he smote him, and wounded his skull: upon which he bound up his head, and came to the king, and told him that he had been a soldier of his, and had the custody of one of the prison- ers committed to him by an officer, and that the prisoner being run away, he was in dan- ger of losing his own life by the means of that officer, who had threatened him, that if the prisoner escaped he would kill him ; and when Ahab had said that he would justly die, he took off the binding that was about his head, and was known by the king to be Micaiah the prophet, who made use of this artifice as a prelude to the following words; for he said that God would punish him who had suffered Benhadad, a blasphemer against him, to escape punishment; and that he would so bring it about, that he should die by the other's means,f and his people by the other's army. Upon which Ahab was very angry at the prophet, and gave commandment that he should be put in prison, and there kept ; but, for himself, he was in confusion at the words of Micaiah, and returned to his own bouse. CHAPTER XV. CONCERNING JEHOSHAPHAT, THE KINO OF JERUSALEM; AND HOW AHAB MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE SYRIANS, AND WAS ASSISTED THEREIN BY JEHOSHAPHAT, BUT WAS HIMSELF OVERCOME IN BATTLE,. AND PEfilSHED THEREIN. § 1. And these were the circumstances in which Ahab was. But I now return to Je- • It is here remarkable that in Josephus's copy, this prophet, whose severe denunciation of a disobedient person's slaughter by a lion had lately come to pass, was no other than IVIicaiah, the son of Ltnlah, who, %» he now denotinced God's judgment on disobedient Ahab, ■eems directly to have been that very prophet whom the same Ahab, in 1 Kings xxii. 8, 18, complains of "as one whom he hated, because he did not prr)phocy good concernini; him, but evil;" and who, in that chapter, opeiily repeats his denunciations against him ; all which came to pass accordingly; nor is there any reason to doubt but this and the former were the very same pro- phet + What is most remarkable in this history, and in muoj butories on other occasions in the Old Testament, hoshaphat, the king of Jerusalem, who, when he had augmented his kingdom, and had sot garrisons in the cities of the countries belong- ing to his subjects, and had put such garri- sons no less into thase cities which were- taken out of the tribe of Ephraim, by his grandfather Abijah, when Jeroboam reigned over the ten tribes [than he did into the other]. But then he had God favourable and assisting to him, as being both righteous- and religious, and seeking to do somewhat every day that should be agreeable and ac- ceptable to God. The kings also that were round about him honoured him with the pre- sents they made him, till the riches that he had acquired were immensely great, and the glory he had gained was of a most exalted nature, 2. Now, in the third year of his reign, he called together the rulers of the country, and the priests, and commanded them to go round the land, and teach all the people that were under him, city by city, the laws of Moses,, and to keep them, and to be diligent in the worship of God. With this the whole m at- titude was so pleased, that they were not sa eagerly set upon or aifected with any thing so much as tke observation of the laws. The neighbouring nations also continued to love Jehoshaphat, and to be at peace with him. The Philistines paid their appointed tribute^ and the Arabians supplied him every year with three hundred and sixty lambs, and as- many kids of the goats. He also fortified the great cities, which were many in number,, and of great consequence. He prepared also a mighty army of soldiers and weapons against their enemies. Now the army of men that wore their armour, was three hundred thou- sand of the tribe of Judah, of whom Adnah was the chief; but John was chief of twa hundred thousand. The same man was chief of the tribe of Benjamin, and had two hun- dred thousand archers under him. There was- another chief, whose name was Jehozabad^ who had a hundred and fourscore thousand armed men. This multitude was distributed to be ready for the king's service, besides- those whom he sent to the best fortified cities. 3. Jehoshaphat took tor his son Jehorain. to wife, the daughter of Ahab,, the king of the ten tribes, whose name was Athaliah. And when, after some time, he went to Sa- maria, Ahab received him courteously, and treated the army that followed him in a splen- did manner, with great plenty of corn and wine, and of slain beasts; and desired that he woiUd join with him in his war against the king of Syria, that he might recover from is this, that, during th* Jewish tbeeciMy, God acted en. tirely as the Supreme King of Israel, and the S*iprer3» General of their armins; and always expected that the Israelites should be in such absolute sulnectiun to tiim, their Supreme and Heavenly King, and General of »ni"l* armies, as subjects and soldiers are to their earthly king» and generals, and that uitually without knuwLug tUii piu.* tiaul«r reasons of ttu>ir iuj^nctions. CHAP. XV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 245 im the city of Bamoth, in Gileadj for though it had belonged to his Ikther, yet had the king of Syria's father taken it away from him ; and upon Jehoshaphat's promise to af- ford him his assistance (for indeed his army \ms not inferior to the other), and his sending for his army from Jerusalem to Samaria, the two kings went out of the city, and each of them saton his own throne, and each gave their orders to their several armies. Now Jeho- shaphat bade them call some of the prophets, if there were any there, and inquire of them concerning this expedition against the king of Syria, whether they would give them coun- sel to make that expedition at this time, for there was peace at that time between Ahab and the king of Syria, which had lasted three years, from the time he had taken him captive till that day. 4. So Ahab called his own prophets, being in number about four hundred, and bade them inquire of God whether he would grant him the victory, if he made an expedition against Henhadad, and enable him to over- throw that city, for whose sake it was that he was going to war. Now these prophets gave their counsel for making this expedition; and said, that he would beat the king of Syria, and, as formerly, would reduce him under his power. But Jehoshaphat, understanding by their words that they were false prophets, asked Ahab whether there were not some other prophet, and be belonging to the true God, that we may have surer information concern- ing futurities. Hereupon Ahab said, there was indeed such a one, but that he hated him, as having prophesied evil to him, and having foretold that he should be overcome and slain by the king of Syria, and that for this cause he had him now in prison, and that his name was Micaiah, the son of Imlah. — But upon Jehoshaphat's desire that he might be produced, Ahab sent a eunuch, who brought Micaiah to him. Now the eunuch had in- formed him by the way, that all the other prophets had foretold that the king should gain the victory ; but he said, that it was not lawful for him to lie against God ; but that he must speak what he should say to him about the king, whatsoever it were — When he came to Ahab, and he had adjured him upon oath to speak the truth to him, he said that God had shown to him the Israelites running away, and pursued by the Syrians, and dispersed upon the mountains by them, as flocks of sheep are dispersed when their shepherd is slain. He said farther, that God signified to him that those Israelites should return in peace to their own home, and that he only should fall in the battle. When Mi- caiah had thus spoken, Ahab 5aid to Jehosha- phat, — " I told thee, a little while ago, the disposition of the man with regard to me, and that he uses to prophesy evil to me." Upon I i .^hich Micaiah replied, that he ought to hear all, whatsoever it be, that God foretells ; and that in particular, they were false prophets that encouraged him to make this war in hope of victory, whereas he must fight; and be killed. Whereupon the king was in sus- pense with himself; but Zedekiah, one of those false prophets, came near, and exhorted him not to hearken to Micaiah, for he did no at all speak truth ; as a demonstration tr which, he instanced in what Elijah had said, who was a better prophet in foretelling futu- rities than Micaiah ;* for he foretold that the dogs should lick his blood in the city of Jez- reel, in the field of Naboth, as they licked the blood of Naboth, who by his means was there stoned to death by the multitude; that there- fore it was plain that this Micaiah was a liar, as contradicting a greater prophet than him- self, and saying that he should be slain at three days' journey distance: "and [said he] you shall soon know whether he be a true prophet, and hath the power of the Divine Spirit; for I will smite him, and let him then hurt my hand, as Jadon caused the hand of Jeroboam the king to wither when he would have caught him ; for 1 suppose thou hast certainly heard of that accident." So when, upon his smiting Micaiah, no harm happened to him, Ahab took courage, and readily led his army eigainst the king of Sy- ria; for, as I suppose, fate was too hard for him, and made him believe that the false prophets spake truer than the true one, that it might take an occasion of bringing him to his end. However, Zedekiah made horns of iron, and said to Ahab, that God made those horns signals, that by them he should over- throw all Syria. But Micaiah replied, that Zedekiah, in a few days, should go from one secret chamber to another, to hide himself, that he might escape the punishment of his lying. Then did the king give orders that they should take Micaiah away, and guard him to Amon, the governor of the city, and to give him nothing but bread and water. 5. Then did Ahab, and Jehoshaphat the king of Jerusalem, take their forces, and marched to Ramoth, 'a city of Gilead ; and when the king of Syria heard of this expedi- tion, he brought out his army to oppose them, and pitched his camp not far from Ramoth. Now Ahab and Jehoshaphat had agreed that Ahab should lay aside his royal robes, but that the king of Jerusalem should put on his [Ahab's] proper habit, and stand before the army, in order to disprove, by this artifice, • These reasoning of Zedekiah the false prophet, in order to persuade Ahab not to believe Micaiah the true prophet, are plausible; but being omitted in our other copies, we rannot now tell whence Josephus had them; whether from his own temple copy, from some other original author, or from certain ancient notes. That some such j-lausible objection was now raised against •Micaiah is very likely, otherwise Jehoshaphat, whoa3ed to disbelieve all such false prophets, could never have been induced to accompany Ahab in these desper&te oip- I cam stances. 246 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK VIII. what Micaiah had foretold.* But Ahab's fate found him out without his robes; for Benhadad, the king of Assjrria, had charged his anry, by means of their commanders, to kill nobody else but only the king of Israel. So when the Sjrians, upon their joining bat- tle with the IsraeUtes, saw Jehoshaphat stand before the army, and conjectured that he was Ahab, they fell violently upon him, and en- compassed him round ; but when they were near, and knew that it was not he, they all icturned back; and while the fight lasted trom the morning light till late in the even- ing, and the Syrians were conquerors, they killed nobody, as their king had commanded \hem ; and when they sought to kill Ahab alone, but could not find him, there was a young nobleman belonging to king Benhadad, whose name was Naaman; he drew his bow against the enemy, and wounded the king through his breastplate, in his lungs. Upon this Ahab resolved not to make his mischance known to bis army, lest they should run away; but he bid the driver of his chariot to turn it back, and carry him out of the battle, because he was sorely and mortally wounded. However, he sat in his chariot and endured the pain till sun-set, and then he fainted away and died. 6. And now the Syrian army, upon the coming on of the night, retired to their camp; and when the herald belonging to the camp • This reading of Josephus, that Jehoshaphat put on not his own but Ahab's robes, in order to appear to be Ahab, while Ahab was without any robes at all, and hoped thereby to escape his own evil fate, and disprove Micaiah's prophecy against him, is exceeding probable. It gives great light also to this whole history, and shows, that aUhoiinh Ahab hoped Jehoshaphat would be mis- tiken for him, and run the only risk of being slain in the battle, yet was he entirely disappointed; while still the escape of the good man Jehosiiaphat, and the slaughter of the bad man Ahab, demonstrated the gr»at iistiuctioa that DiriDA Proviaence made oetwixt them. gave notice that Abab was dead, they returned home; and they took the dead body of Ahab to Samaria, and buried it there ; but when they had washed his chariot in the fountain of Jezreel, which was bloody with the dead body of the king, they acknowledged that the prophecy of Elijah was true, for the dogs licked his blood, and the harlots continued afterwards to wash themselves in that foun- tain ; but still he died at Ramoth, as Micaiah had foretold. And as what things were fore- told should happen to Ahab by the two pro- phets came to pass, we ought thence to have high notions of God, and every where to ho- nour and worship him, and never to suppose that what is pleasant and agreeable is worthy of belief before what is true; and to esteem nothing more advantageous than the gift of propbecy,f and that foreknowledge of future events which is derived from it, since God shews men thereby what we ought to avoid. We may also guess, from what happened to tnis king, and have reason to consider the power of fate, that there is no way of avoid- ing it, even when we know it. It creeps upon human souls, and flatters them with pleasing hopes, till it leads them about to the place where it will be too hard for them. Accordingly Ahab appears to have been de- ceived thereby, till he disbelieved those that foretold his defeat; but by giving credit to such as foretold what was grateful to him, was slain; and his son Ahaziah succeeded him. + We have here a very wise reflection of Jo?ephiij about Divine Providence, and what is derived from it, prophecy, and the inevitable certainty of its acnornplish- ment; and that when wicked men think they take pro- per methods to elude what is denounced against tliem, and to escape the divine judgments thereby threatened them, without repentance, they are ever by Providence infatuated to bring about their own d?^5lruction, and thereby withal to demonstrate tflt perfect veradty of that God whose predictions they in vain endeavour to elttde. 347 BOOK IX. COSTAimSa the INTBRVAL of one hundred and FIBTT-SEraN TEABS. FROM THE DEATH OF AHAB TO THE CAPTIVITY OF TH3 TEN TRIBES. CHAPTER I. (judges, who would be obliged to give righ- I teous sentences concerning sucb causes; and tONCERNiNG JEHOSHAPHAT AGAIN; HOW HE tlus with the greater care, because it is pro- CONSTITUTED JUDGES, AND, BY god's AS- per that the sentences which are given in that sisTANCE, OVERCAME HIS ENEMIES. r city wherein the temple of God is, and where- in the king dwells, be given with great care § 1. "VThen Jeboshaphat the king was come I and the utmost justice. Now he set over to Jerusalem, from the assistance he had ar- I them Amariah the priest, and Zebediah, [both] forded Ahab, the king of Israel, when he I of the tribe of Judah : and after this manner fought with Benhadad, King oi Syria, the pro- I it was that the king ordered these affairs, phet Jehu met him, and accused him for as- j 2. Aoout the same time the Moabites and sistiug Ahab, a man both impious and wicked; | Ammonites made an expedition against Jeho- and said to him, that God was displeased | shaphat, and took with them a great body of with hira for so doing, but that he delivered | Arabians, and pitched their camp at Engedi, him from the enemy, notwithstanding he had i a city that is situate at the lake Asphaltitis, sinned, because of his own proper disposition, which was good. Where upoij the king be- took himself to thanksgivings and sacrifices to God; after which he presently went over all that cointry which he ruled round about, and tau4rh»; the people, as well the laws v/hich God; gave them by Moses, as that religious worship th;it was due to him. He also con- stituted judges in every one of the cities of his kingdom; and charged them to have re- gard to nothing so much in judging the mul- titude as to do justice, and not to be moved by bribes, nor by the dignity of men eminent for either their riches or their high birth, but to distribute justice equally to all, as knowing that God is conscious of every secret action of theirs. When he had himself instructed them thus, and gone over every city of the two tribes, he returned to Jerusalem. He there also constituted judges out of the priests and the Levites, and principal persons of the multitude, and admonished them to pass all their sentences with care and justice.* And that if any of the people of lus country had differences of great consequence, they should send them out of the other cities to these * These judges, constituted by Jeboshaphat, were a kind of JerusaJem Sianhedrim, out of the priests, the Invites, and the principal of the people, both here and 2 Ciironicles, xix. 8; ranch like the old Christian judi- 'v>.-':res of the bishop, tlis presbyters, the deacons, and the people. and distant three hundred furlongs from Je- rusalem. In that place grows the best kind of palm-trees, and the opobalsamum.f Now Jehoshaphat heard that the enemies had passed over the lake, and had made an irruption into that country which belonged to his king- dom, at w'aica news he was aff-'ghted, and called the people of Jerusalem to a congiega- tion in the temple, and standing over-against the temple itself, he called upon God to afford him power and strength, so as to inflict pun- ishment on those that made this expedition against them (for that those who built this his temple had prayed that he would protect that city, and take vengeance on those that were so bold as to come against it); for they are come to take from us that land which thou hast given us for a possession. When he had prayed thus, he fell into tears; and the whole multitude, together with their wives and chil- dren, made their supplications also: upon which a certain .prophet, Jahaziel by name, came into the midst of the assembly, and cried out, and spake both to the multitude and to the king, that God heard their prayers, and promised to fight against their enemies. He also gave order that the king should draw his forces out the next day, for that he should find them beliween Jerusalem and the ascent ■f Concerning this precious balsam, SM the note on Antiq. b. viii. ch. vL sect 6. 248 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK 11 of Engedi, at a place called llie Eminence, and that he should not fight against them, but only stand still, and see how God would fight against them. When the prophet had said this, both the king and the multitude fell on their faces, and gave thanks to God, and worshipped him: and the Levites continued singing hynms to -God with their instruments of music. » 3. As soon as it was day, and the king was come into that wilderness which is under the city of Tekoa, he said to the multitude, "that they ought to give credit to what the prophet had said, and not to set themselves in array for fighting; but to set the priests with their trumpets, and the Levites vdth the singers of hymns, to give thanks to God, as having already delivered our country from our ene- mies." This opinion of the king pleased [the people], and they did what he advised them to do. So God caused a terror and a com- motion to arise among the Ammonites, who thought one another to be enemies, and slew one another, insomuch that not one man out of so great an army escaped; and when Je- hoshaphat looked upon that valley wherein their enemies had been encamped, and saw it full of dead men, he rejoiced at so surprising an event as was this assistance of God, while he himself by his own power, and without their labour, had given them the victory. He also gave his army leave to take the prey of the enemy's camp, and to spoil their dead bodies; and indeed so they did for three days together, tiU they were weary, so great was the number of the slain; and on the fourth day, all the people were gathered together, unto a certain hollow place or valley, and blessed God for his power and assistance; from which the place had this name ^ven it, the Valley of [BeTachah^ or} Blessing. 4. And when the king had brought his army back to Jerusalem, he betook himself to celebrate festivals, and oflfer sacrifices, and this for many days ; and indeed, after this de- struction of their enemies, and when it came to the ears of the foreign nations, they were all greatly affrighted, as supposing that God would openly fight for him hereafter. So Jehoshaphat from that time lived in great glory and splendour, on account of his righ- teousness and his piety towards God. He was also in friendship with Ahab's son, who was king of Israel ; and he joined with him in the building of ships that were to sail to Pontus and the traffic cities of Thrace;* • What are here Pontns and Thrace, as the places whither Jehoshaphat's fleet sailed, are in our other copies Ophir and Tarshish, and the place whence it sailed U in them Eziongeher, which lay on the Red Sea, whence it was impossihle for any ships to sail to Pontus or 'I'brace; so that Josephus's copy difleied Ironi our other copies, as is fartlier plain from his own words, whicij render what we read, that " the ships were broken »t E»ionKeber, from their unwieldy grt^tness." IJul so flai we may conclude, that Josephus thought one (Jphir to b«i aomewhere ia the Meditarraaean, aad not in the but he failed of his gains, for the ships wei« destroyed by being so great [and unwieldy] ; on which account he was no longer concerned about shipping Atid this is the history of Jehoshaphat, the king of Jerusalem. CHAPTER II. CONCERNING AHA.ZIAH, THE KING OF ISRAEL; AND AGAIN CONCERNING THE PROPHET ELIJAH. § 1. And now Ahaziah, the son of Ahab, reigned over Israel, and made his abode in Samaria. He was a wcked man, and in all respects like to both his parents, and to Jero- boam, who first of all transgressed, and began to deceive the people. In the second year of his reign, the king of Moab fell off from his obedience, and left off paying those tributes which he before paid to his father Ahab. Now it happened that Ahaziah, as he was coming down from the top of his house, fell down from it, and in his sickness sent to the Fly, which was the god of Ekron, for that was this god's name, to inquire about his recovery :f but the God of the Hebrews appeared to Eli- jah the prophet, and commanded him to go and meet the messengers that were sent, and to ask them, whether the people of Israel had not a God of their own, that the king sent to a foreign god to inquire about his recovery? and to bid them return and tell the king thai he would not escape this disease. And when Elijah had performed what God had com- manded him, Jind the messengers had heard what he said, they returned to the king im- mediately; and when the king wondered how they could return so soon, and asked them the reason of it, they said that a certain man met them, and forbade them to go on any farther; but to return and tell thee, from the command of the God of Israel, that tliis disease will have a bad end. And when the king bade them describe the man that said this to them, they replied, that he was a hairy man^ and was girt about with a girdle of leather. So the king understood by this, that the man who was de- scribed by the messengers was EHjah ; where- upon he sent a captain to him, with fifty soldiers, and commanded them to bring Elijah to him ; and when the captain that was sent found Elijah sitting upon the top of a hill, he commanded him to come down, and to come to the king, for so had he enjoined ; but that in case he refused, he would carry him by South Sea, though perhaps there micht be another Ophir in tliat S( nth ^tu also, and tiiut ll. rts uiiglit then sail both from I'hoen cia and from the Util St-u, to fetch the gold of Ophir. + ''rhis God of Flies seems to have been so iwlMi, ia was the like god among the (Jreeks, fr«)m his s'ij>p<>s-d power over flies, in driving tlu-m away (roui the Ltei '<t their sacrifices, which otherwise would have beeu veij troublesom* t* them. CHAP. HI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 249 fcrce. Elijah said to hira, " That you may have a trial whether I be a true prophet, I will pray that fire may fall from heaven, and de- stroy both the soldiers and yourself."* So he prayed, and a whirlwind of fire fell [from heaven], and destroyed the captain and those that were with him. And when the king was informed of the destruction of these men, he was very angry, and sent another captain \vith the like number of armed men that were sent before. And when this captain also threatened the prophet, that unless he came down of his own accord, he would take him and carry him away; upon his prayer against him, the fire [from heaven] slew this captain as well as the other. And when, upon inquiry, the king was informed of what had happened to him, he sent out a third captain. But when this captain, who was a \vise man, and of a mild disposition, came to the place where Elijah happened to be, and spake civilly to him, and said, that he knew that it was without his own consent, and only in submission to the king's command that he came to hira ; and that those that came before did not come willingly, but on the same account, — he therefore desired him to have pity on those armed men that were with him; and that he would come down and follow him to the king. So Elijah accepted of his discreet words and courteous behaviour, and came down and followed him. And when he came to the king, he prophesied to him, and told him, that God said, — " Since thou hast despised him as not being God, and so unable to foretell the truth about thy distemper, but hast sent to the god of Ekron to inquire of him what will be the end of this thy distemper, know this, that thou shalt die." 2. Accordingly the king in a very little time died, as Elijah had foretold; but Je- boram his brother succeeded him in the king- dom, for he died without children: but for this Jehoram, he was like his father Ahab in wickedness, and reigned twelve years, indulg- ing himself in aU sorts of wickedness and im- » It is commonly esteemed a very cruel action of Eli- Ijab, when he called for fire from heaven, and consumed no fewer than two captains and a hundred soldiers, and this for no other crime.than obeying the orders of their king, in attempting to seize him ; and it is owned by our Saviour, that it was an instance of greater severity than the spirit of the New Testament allows, Luke ix.*54. But then we must consider, that it is not unlikely that these captains and soldiers believed that they were sent to fetch the prophet, that he might be put to death for foretelling the death of the king, and this while they knew him to be the prophet of the true Gotl, the Supreme King of Israel (for they were still undei the theocracy), whicti was no less than impiety, rebellion, and treason, in the highest degree: nor would the command of a subaltern or inferior captain, contradicting the command»of the general, when the captain and the soldiers both knew it to br> so, as I suppose, justify or excuse such gross rebellion and diso- bedience in soldiers at this day. Accordingly, when Saul commanded his guards to slay Aliimelech and the priests at Nob. they knew it to be an unlawful command, and would not obey it 1 Sam. xxii. 17. From which cases, both officers and soldiers may learn that the commands of their le.^ders or kiniis cannot justify or excuse them in doing what is wicked in the sight ot (iod. or in fight- ing in an unjust cause, when they know it so to be. piety towards God, for, leaving off bis worship, he worshipped foreign gods; but in other re- spects he was an active man. Now at thia time it was that Elijah disappeared from among men, and no one knows of his death to this very day; but he left behind him his disciple Elisha, as we have formerly declared. And indeed, as to Elijah, and as to Enoch, who was before the Deluge, it is written in thf sacred books that they disappeared; but so that nobody knew that they died. CHAPTER m. HOW JORAM AND JEHOSHAPHAT MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE MOABITES; AS ALSO CONCERNING THE WONDERS OF ELI- SHA; AND THE DEATH OF JEHOSHAPHAT. § 1. When Joram had taken upon him the kingdom, he determined to make an expedi- tion against the king of Moab, whose name was Mesha; for, as we told you before, he was departed from his obedience to his bro- ther [Ahaziah], while he paid to his father Ahab two hundred thousand sheep, with tHeir fleeces of wool. When therefore he had ga- thered his own army together, he sent also to Jehoshaphat, and entreated him, that since he had from the beginning been a friend to his father, he would assist him in the war that he was entering into against the Moabites, who had departed from their obedience, who not only himself promised to assist him, but would also oblige the king of Edom, who was under his authority, to make the same expedition also. When Joram had received these as- surances of assistance from Jehoshaphat, he took his army with him, and came to Jeru- salem; and when he had been sumptuously entertained by the king of Jerusalem, it was resolved upon by them to take their march against their enemies through the wilderness of Edom: and when they had taken a com- pass of seven days' journey, they were in dis« tress for want of water for the cattle and for the army, from the mistake of their roads by the guides that conducted them, insomuch that they were all in an agony, especially Jo- ram; and cried to God, by reason of their sorrow, and [desired to know] what N^ncked- ness had been committed by them that induced him to deliver three kings together, with- out fighting, unto the king of Moab. But Je- hoshaphat, who was a righteous man, encou- raged him, and bade him send to the camp and know whether any prophet of God was come along with them, that we might by him learn from God what we should do. And when one of the servants of Joram said that he had seen there Elisha, the son of Sbaphat. the disciple of Elijah, the three kings went to nim at the entreaty of Jehoshaphat; anu 260 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK IX. when they were come at the prophet's tent, which tent was pitched out of the camp, they asked him, what would become of the army? and Joram was particularly very pressing with him about it. And when he replied to him, that he should not trouble him, but go to his fiither's and his mother's prophets, for they [to be sure] were true prophets, — he still desired ira to prophesy, and to save them. So he wore by God that he would not answer him, unless it were on account of Jehoshaphat, who was a holy and righteous man : and when, at his desire, they brought him a man that could play on the psaltery, the divine spirit came upon him as the music played, and he commanded them to dig many trenches in the valley; for, said he, "though there appear neither cloud, nor wind, nor storm of rain, ye shall see this river full of water, till the army and the cattle be saved for you by drinking of it; nor will this be all the favour that you shall receive from God, but you shall Iso overcome your enemies, and take the best and strongest cities of the Moabites, and you shall cut down their fruit-trees,* and lay waste their country, and stop up their fountains and rivers." 2. When the prophet had said this, the next day, before the sun-rising, a great tor- rent ran strongly ; for God had caused it to rain very plentifully at the distance of three days' jouiney into Edom, so that the army and the cattle found water to drink in abun- dance. But when the Moabites heard that the three kings were coming upon them, and made their approach through the wilderness, the king of Moab gathered his army together presently, and commanded them to pitch their camp upon the mountains, that when the ene- my should attempt to enter their country, they might not be concealed from them. But when, at the rising of the sun, they saw the water in the torrent, for it was not far from the land of Moab, and that it was of the colour of blood, for at such a time the water especially looks red, by the shining of the sun upon it, they formed a false notion of the state of their enemies, as if they had slain one another for thirst; and that the river ran with their blood. However, supposing that this was the case, they desired their king would send them out to spoil their enemies ; whereupon tljey all went in haste, as to an advantage already gained, and came to the enemy's camp, as supposing them destroyed already; but their hope deceived them, for • This practice of cutting down, or plucking up by the roots, the fruit-trees, was lorbidden, even in ordi- nary wars, by the law of Moses, Ueut. xx. 19. 20; and only allowed by God in this particular case, when the Moabites were to be punished and cut off in an extra- ordinary manner for their wickedness. See Jer. xlviii. 11,12, 13, and many the like prophecies against them. Nothing could therefore justify this practice but a parti- cular commission from <iod by his prophet, as In the present case, which was ever a sulhcient warrant for creaking any such ritual or ceremonial law whatsoever. as their enemies stood round about them, some of them were cut to pieces, and others of them were dispersed, and fled to their own country; and when the kings fell into the land of Moab, they overthrew the cities that were in it, and spoiled their fields, and marred them, filling them vrith stones out of the brooks, and cut down the best of their trees, and stopped up their fountains of water, and overthrew their walls to their foundations; but the king of Moab, when he was pursued, endured a siege, and seeing his city in dan- ger of being overthrown by force, made a sally, and went out with seven himdred men, in order to break through the enemy's camp with his horsemen, on that side where the watch seemed to be kept most negligently; and when, upon trial, he could not get away, — for he lighted upon a place that was carefully watched, — he returned into the city, and did a thing that showed despair, and the utmost distress; for he took his eldest son, who was to reign after him, and lifting him up upon the wall, that he might be visible to all the enemies, he offered him as a whole burnt- offering to God, whom, when the kings saw, they commiserated the distress that was the occasion of it, and were so affected, in way of humanity and pity, that they raised the seige, and every one returned to his own house. So Jehoshaphat came to Jerusalem, and con- tinued in peace there, and outlived this ex- pedition but a little time, and then died, having lived in all sixty years, and of them reigned twenty-five. He was buried in a magnificent manner in Jen;salem, for he had imitated the actions of Dhvid. CHAPTER IV. JEHORAM SUCCEEDS JEHOSHAPHAT; HOW JO- RAM, HIS NAMESAKE, KING OF ISRAEL, FOUGHT WITH THE SYRIANS; AND WHAl WONDERS WERE DONE BY THE PROPHET ELISHA. § 1. Jehoshaphat had a good number of children; but he appointed his eldest son, Je- horam, to be his successor, who had the same name with his mother's brother, that was king of Israel, and the son of Ahab. Now when the king of Israel was come out of the land of Moab to Samaria, he had \vith him Elisha the prophet, whose acts I have a mind to go over partJtularly, for they were illus- trious, and worthy to be related, as we have them set down in the sacred books. 2. For they say that the widow of Oba- diah,t Ahab's steward, came to him, and said, + That this woman who cried to Klisha, and who, in our Bible, is st>led " the wile of oi.«- of the sons of the prophet"'* S Kings iv. 1, was n, oi(.er ttmu lb« widow CHAP. IV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 251 that he was not igpnorant how her husband had preserved the prophets that were to be slain by Jezebel, the wife of Ahab; for she said that he hid a hundred of them, and had borrowed money for their maintenance, and that, after her husband's death, she and her children were carried away to be made slaves by the credi- tors; and she desired of him to have mercy upon her on account of what her husband did, and afford her some assistance. And when he j asked her what she had in the house, she said, I " Nothing but a very small quantity of oil in j a cruise." So the prophet bid her go away, . and borrow a great many empty vessels of her neighbours, and when she had shut her chara- i ber-door, to pour the oil into them all; for that God would fill them full. And when the | woman had done what she was commanded to do, and bade her children bring every one of the vessels, and all were filled, and not one left empty, she came to the prophet, and told him that they were all full ; upon which he advised her to go away, and sell the oil, and pay the creditors what was owing to them, for that there would be some surplus of the price of the oil, which she might make use of for the maintenance of her children ; — and thus did Elisha discharge the woman's debts, and free her from the vexation of her creditors. 3. Elisha also sent a hasty message to Jo- ram,* and exhorted him to take care of that of Obadiah, the good steward of Ahab, is confirmed by the Chaldee paraphrast, and by the Rabbins and others. Nor is that unhkelv which Josephus lieie adds, that those debts were contracted by her husband lor the support of those ''hundred o; tae Lord's propjats, wh' m he main- tained by fifty in a cave,*" n th? days of Ahab and Jeee- bel. 1 Kings xviii. 4- vhich circumstance rendered it highly fit that the propnet Eiisna snould provide her a remedy, and enable her to redeem herself and her sons from the fear of that slavery which insolvent debtors were ! liable to by the law of Wases, Leviticus xxv. 39; Matt, xviii. 25; which he did accordingly, with God's help, at the expense of a miracle. • Ur. Hudson, w:*h Vity eocd reason, suspects, that there is no small aerect in our prt-sent copiesof Josephus, just befi»re the beginning of this section ; and chiefly, as to Vm distin.* account which he had given us reason to expect in the first section, and to which he seems to I refer (en. viiL sect. 6;, concerning the glorious miracles I which klisha wrought, which indeed in our Bibles are not | a few 12 Kings iv. to ix.) ; but of which we have several od'tted in Josephus's present copies. One of tho«e his- tories omitted at present, was evidently in his Bible, I mean that of the curing of Naaman's leprosy (2 Kings v.); for he plainly alludes to it (b. iii. chap. xi. sect 4), where he observes, that "there were lepers in many na- tions who yet have been in honour, and not only free from reproach and avoidance, but who have been great cap- tains of armies, and been intrusted v/ith high offices in the commonwealth, and have had the privilege of enter- ing into holy places and temples." But what makes me most to regret the want of that history in our present copies of Josephus is this, that we have here, as it is com- monly understood, one of the greatest difficulties in all the Bible, that in 2 Kings v. 18, 19. where Naaman. after he had been miraculously cured by a prophet of the true God, and had thereupon promised (ver. 17) that '• he would henceforth oflier neither burnt-oflerings nor sacri- fices unto other gods, but unto the Lord, adds, in 'his thing the Lord pardon thy servant, that when my m.-wter goeth into the house of Rimmon to worship there, and he lea: eth on my hands, and I bow down myself in the I nouse of Rimmon, the Lord pardon thy servant in thih | thing; and Elisha said. Go in peace." This looks like a prophtJfs permission lor bein? partaker in idolatry itself, j oat of compliance with an idolatrous court. | place, for that therein were some Syrians lying in ambush to kill him. So the king did as the % prophet exhorted him, and avoided his going a-hunting; and when Benhadad missed of the success of his lying in ambush, he was wroth with his own servants, as if they had betrayed his ambushment to Joram; and he sent for them, and said they were the betrayer of his secret counsels; and he threatened tha he would put them to death, since such their practice was evident, because be had intrusted this secret to none but them, and yet it was made known to his enemy: and when one that was present said, that he should not mistake himself, nor susj)ect that they had discovered to his enemy his senviing men to kill him, but that he ought to know that it was Elisha the prophet who discovered all to him, and laid open all his counsels. So he gave order that they should send some to learn in what city Elisha dwelt. Accordingly, those that were sent brought word that he was in Dothan; wherefore Benhadad sent to that city a great army, with horses and chariots, to take Elisha; so they encompassed the city round about by night, and kept him therein confined ; "but when the prophet's servant in the morning perceived this, and that his enemies sought to take Elisha, he came running, and crying out after a disordered manner to him, and told him of it; bu* he encouraged him, and bade him not be afraid, and to despise the enemy, and trust in the assistance of God, and was himself without fear; and he besought God to make manifest to his Servant his power and presence, so far as was possible, in order to the inspiring him with hope and courage. Accordingly, God heard the prayer of the prophet, and made the servant see a multitude of chariots and horses encompassing Elisha, till he laid aside his fear, and his courage revived at the sight of what he supposed was come to their assist- ance. After this, Elisha did farther entreat God that he would dim the eyes of their ene- mies, and cast a mist before them, whereby they might not discern him. When this was done, he went into the midst of his enemies, and asked them who it was that they came to seek; and when they replied, " The prophet Elisha," he promised he would deliver him to them, if they would follow him to the city where he was. So these men were so darkened by God in their sight and in their mind, that they followed him very diligently; and when Elisha had brought them to Samaria, he or- dered Joram the king to shut the gates, and to place his own army round about them: and prayed to God to clear the eyes of these their enemies, and take the mist from before them. Accordingly, when they were freed from the obscurity they had been in, they saw them- selves in the midst of their enemies; and as the Syrians were strangely amazed and dis- tressed, as was but reasonable, at an action so divine and surprising ; and as king Joram 262 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. — BOOK IX. asked the prophet if he would give him leave to shoot at them, Elisha forbade him so to do;' and said, that "it is just to kill those that are taken in battle; but that these men had done the country no harm, but, without knowing it, were come thither by the Divine Power." — So that his counsel was to treat them in an hospitable manner at his table, and *.hen send them away without hurting them.* Wherefore Joram obeyed the proT!)het; and when he had feasted the Syrians in a splendid and magnificent manner, he let them go to Benhadad, their king. 4. Now when these men were come back, and had showed Benhadad how strange an accident had befallen them, and what an ap- pearance and power they had experienced of the God of Israel, he wondered at it, as also at that prophet with whom God was so evi- dently present: so he determined to make no more secret attempts upon the king of Israel, out of fear of Elisha, but resolveil to make open war with them, as supposing he could be too hard for his enemies by the multitude of his army and power. So he made an ex- pedition with a great army against Joram, who, not thinking himself a match for him, shut himself up in Samaria, and depended on the strength of its walls; but Benhadad sup- posed he should take the city, if not by his engines of war, yet that he should* overcome the Samaritans by famine, and the want of necessaries, and brought his army upon them, and besieged the city; and the plenty of ne- cessaries was brought so low with Joram, that from the extremity of want, an ass's head was sold in Samaria for fourscore pieces of silver; and the Hebrews bought a sextary of. dove's dung, instead of salt, for five pieces of silver. Now Joram was in fear lest somebody should betray the city to the enemy, by reason of the famine, and went every day round the walls and the guards, to see whether any such were concealed among them; and by being thus seen, and taking such care, he deprived them of the opportunity of contriving any such thing; and if they had a mind to do it, he by this means prevented them; but upon a cer- tain woman's crying.out, " Have pity on me, my Lord," while he thought that she was about to ask for somewhat to eat, he impre- cated God's curse upon her, and said, he had neither thrashing-floor nor wine-press, whence he might give her any thing at her petition. Upon which she said, she did not desire his aid in any such thing, nor trouble him about food, but desired that he would do her justice as to another woman ; and when he bade her • Upon occasion of this stratagem of Elisha, in Jo- seplius. we take notice, that althoui;h JoMephus was one ol the greatest lovers of truth in the world, yet, in a just war, he seems to have had no manner of scruple upon hina, by all such stratagems possible, to deceive public fnemies. See this Josephus's account of Jeremiah's imposition on the great men of the Jews in somewhsit a tike caM, Antiq. b. x. ch. vii. sect. G: 2 Sam. xvi. 16, &r.. say on, and let him know what she desired, she said, she bad made an agreement with the other women, who was her neighbour and her friend, that because the famine and the want was intolerable, they should kill their children, each of them having a son of their own, " and we will live upon them ourselves for two days, — the one day upon one son, and the other day upon the other; and," said she, " I have killed my son the first day, and we lived upon my son yesterday; but this other woman will not do the same thing, but hath broken her agreement, and hath hid her son." This story mightily grieved Joram when he heard it; so he rent his garment, and cried out with a loud voice, and conceived great wrath against Eli- sha the prophet, and set himself eagerly to have him slain, because he did not pray to God to provide them some exit and way. of escape out of the miseries with which they were surrounded; and sent one away imme- diately to cut off his head, who made haste to kill the prophet; but Elisha was not unac- quainted with the wrath of the king against him; for as he satin his house by himself, with none but his disciples about him, he told them that Joram, f who was the son of a mur- derer, had sent one to take away his head; " but," said he, ** when he that is commanded to do this comes, take care that you do not let him come in, but press the door against him, and hold him fast there, for the king himself will follow him, and come to me, having altered his mind." Accordingly, they did as they were bidden, when he that was sent by the king to kill Elisha came; but Jo- ram repented of his wrath against the pro- phet; and for fear he that was commanded to kill him should have done it before he came, he made haste to hinder his slaughter, and to save the prophet: and when he came to him, he accused him that he did not pray to God for their deliverance from the miseries they now lay under, but saw them so sadly destroy, ed by them. Hereupon Elisha promised, that the very next day, at the very same nour in which the king came to him, they should have great plenty of food, and that two seahs of barley should be sold in the market for a shekel, and a seah of fine flour should be sold for a shekel. This prediction made Joram, and those that were present, very joyful, for they did not scruple believing what the pro- phet said, on account of the experience they had of the truth of his former predictions ; and the expectation of plenty made the want they were in that day, with the uneasiness + This son of a murderer was Joram, the son of A hob; whom Ahab slew, or permitted his wife Jezel)el to slay, the Lord's prophets, and Nabotli (I Kings xviii. 4; xxi. ly); and he is here called by this name, I siippofe. be- cause he had now also himself sent an officer to murder him J yet is Josephus's account of Joram's coming him- self at last, as repenting of his intended cruelty, murh more pri)hahle than that in our copies 2 Kings vi. ^3^ which rather iaiplics the contrary. CHAP. IV. ANTlQLITinf? OF THE JEWS. 253 that accompanied it, appear a light thing to them; but the captain of the third band, who was a friend of the king, and on whose hand the king leaned, said, " Thou talkest of in- credible things, O prophet 1 for as it is im- possible for God to pour down torrents of barley, of- &ie flour, out of heaven, so is it im- possible that what thou sayest should come to pass." To which the prophet made this re- ply: " Thou shalt see these things come to pass, but thou shalt hot be in the least a par- taker of them." 5. Now what Elisba had thus foretold came to pass in the manner following: — There was a law at Samaria,* that those that bad the leprosy, and whose bodies were not cleansed from it, should abide without the city. And there were four men that on this account abode before the gates, while nobody gave them any food, by reason of the extremity of the famine; and as they were prohibited from entering into the city by the law, and they considered that if they were permitted to enter, they would miserably perish by the famine; as also, that if they staid where they were, they should suffer in the same manner, — they resolved to deliver themselves up to the enemy, that in case they should spare them, they should live ; but if they should be killed, that would be an easy death. So when they had confirmed this their resolution, they came by night to the enemy's cam.p. Now God had begun to affright and disturb the Syrians, and to bring the noise of chariots and armour to their ears, as though an army were coming upon them, and had made them suspect that it was coming nearer and nearer to them. In short, they were in such a dread of this army, that they left their tents, and ran together to Benhadad, and said, that Jo- ram, the king of Israel, had hired for auxilia- ries both the king of Egypt and the king of the Islands, and led them against them; for they heard the noise of them as they were coming; and Benhadad believed what they said (for there came the same noise to his ears as well as it did to theirs) ; so they fell into a mighty disorder and tumult, and left th^r .horses and beasts in their camp, with immense riches also, and betook themselves to flight. And those lepers who had departed from Sa- maria, and were gone to the camp of the Sy- rians, of whom we made mention a little be- fore, when tht-y were in the camp, saw nothing but great quietness and silence; accordingly they entered into it, and went hastily into one of their tents; and when they saw nobody there, they eat and drank, and carried gar- ments, and a great quantity of gold, and hid it out of the camp; after which they went into another tent, and carried off what was in it, as they did at the former, and this did they • This law of the Jews for the exclusion of lepers out of the camp in the wilderness, and out of cities in Judfca, tt a known one, Lev. xiii. 46; Numb. t. 1—4. for several times, without the least interrup- tion from any body; so they gathered thereby that the enemies were departed; whereupon they reproached themselves that they did not inform Joram and the citizens of it. So they came to the walls of Samaria, and called aloud to the watchmen, and told them in what state the enCTnies were, as did these tell the king's guards, by whose means Joram came to know of it; who then sent for his friends, and the captains of his host, and said to them, that he suspected that this departure of the king of Syria was by way of ambush and treachery; "and that out of despair of ruin- ing you by famine, when you imagine them to be fled away, you may come out of the city to spoil their camp, and he may then fall upon you on a sudden, and may both kill you, and take the city without fighting; — whence it is that I exhort you to guard the city carefully, and by no means to go out of it, or proudly to despise your enemies, as though they were really gone away." And when a certain person said, that he did very well and ^visely to admit such a suspicion, but that he still advised him to send a couple of horsemen to search all the country as far as Jordan, that " if they were seized by an am- bush of the enemy, they might be a security to your army, that they may not go out as if they suspected nothing, nor undergo the like misfortune; and," said he, "those horsemen may be numbered among those tb^t have died by the famine, supposing they b^ caught and destroyed by the enemy." So Ine king was pleased with this opinion, and sent such as might search out the truth, who performed their journey over a road that was without any enemies; but found it full of provisions, and of weapons, that they had therefore thrown away, and left behind them, in order to their being fight and expeditious in their flight. When the king heard "this, he sent out the multitude to take the spoils of the camp; which gains of theirs were not of things of small value; but they took a great quantity of gold, and a great quantity of sil- ver, and flocks of all kinds of cattle. They also possessed themselves of [so many] ten thousand measures of wheat and barley, as they never in the least dreamed of; and were not only freed from their former miseries, but^ had such plenty that two seahs of barley were bought for a shekel, and a seah of tine flour for a shekel, according to the prophecy of Elisha. Now a seah is equal to aix Italian modius and a half. The captain of the third band was the only man that received no be- nefit by this plenty; for as he was appointed by the king to oversee the gate, that he might prevent the too great crowd of the multitude, and they might not endanger one ani>ther to perish, by treading on one another in the press, he suffered himself in that very way, and died in that very manner, as Efisha had foretold 254 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK IX. this his death, when he alone of them all dis- believed what he said concerning that plenty of provisions which they should soon have. 6. Hereupon, when Benhadad, the king of Syria, had escaped to Damascus, and under- stood that it was God himself that cast all his army into this fear and disorder, and that it did not arise from the invasion of enemies, he was mightily cast down at his "having God so greatly for his enemy, and fell into a distem- per. Now it happened that Elisha the pro- phet, at that time, was gone out of his own country to Damascus, of which Benhadad was informed ; he sent Hazael, the most faithful of all his servants, to meet him, and to carry him presents; and bade him inquire of him about his distemper, and whether he should escape the danger that it threatened. So Hazael came to Elisha with forty camels, that carried the best and most precious fruits that the country of Damascus afforded, as well as those which the king's palace sup- plied. He saluted him kindly, and said, that he was sent to him by king Benhadad, and brought presents with him, in order to inquire concerning his distemper, whether he should recover from it or not. Whereupon the prophet bade him tell the king no melan- choly news; but still he said he would die. So the king's servant was troubled to hear it; and Elisha wept also, and his tears ran down plenteously at his foresight of what miseries his people would undergo after the death of Benhadad; and when Hazael asked him what was the occasion of this confusion he was in, he said, that he wept out of commisera- tion for the multitude of the Israelites, and what terrible miseries they, will suffer by thee; " for thou wilt slay the strongest of them, and wilt burn their strongest cities, and wilt destroy their children, and dash them against the stones, and wilt rip up their wo- men with child." And when Hazael said, •' How can it be that I should have power enough to do such things?" the prophet re- plied, that God had informed him that he should be king of Syria. So when Hazael was come to Benhadad, he told him good news concerning his distemper;* but on the next day he spread a wet cloth, in the nature of a net, over him, and strangled him, and took his dominion. He was an active man, and had the good- will of the Syrians, and of the people of Damascus, to a great degree; by whom both Benhadad himself, and Ha- zael, who ruled after him, are honoured to • Since Elijuh did not live to anoint Hazael kins; of Syria hioiself, as he was empowered to do (I Kinjjs xix. 13), it was most probably now done, in his name, by his servant and successor Flish.i; nor does it seem to me otherwise, but that Ber.Sadad immediiitely recovered "jf his disease, as the prophet foretold ; and that Hazael, upon his beint; anointed to succeed him, thout^h he oufcht to have staid till he died by the course of nature, or some other way of divine punishment, as did David for many years in the like case, was loo impatient, and the very next day smothered or strangled him, in order to come directly to tbe succewion. this day as gods, by reason of their benefac- tions, and their building them temples by which they adorned the city of the Damas- cens. They also every day do with greet pomp, pay their worship to these kings,f and value themselves upon their antiquity; nor do they know that these kings are much later than they imagine, and that they are not yet eleven hundred years old. Now when Jo- ram, the king of Israel, heard that Benhadad was dead, he recovered out of the terror and dread he had been in on his account, and was very glad to live in peace. CHAPTER V. CONCERNING THE WICKEDNESS OF JEHORAM, KING OF JERUSALEM; HIS DEFEAT, AND DEATH. § 1. Now Jehoram, the king of Jerusalem, for we have said before that he had the same name with the king of Israel, as soon as he had taken the government upon him, betook himself to the slaughter of his brethren and his father's friends, who were governors under him, and thence made a beginning, and a demonstration of his wickedness; nor was he at all better than those kings of Israel who at first transgressed against the laws of their country, and of the Hebrews, and against God's worship : and it was Athalia, the daughter of Ahab, whom he had married, who taught him to be a bad man in other respects, and also to worship foreign gods. Now God would not quite root out this fa- mily, because of the promise he had made to David. However, Jehoram did not leave off the introduction of new sorts of customs to the propagation of impiety, and to the ruin of the customs of his own country. And when the Edomites about that time had re- volted from him, and slain their former king, who was in subjection to his father, and had set up one of their own choosing, Jehoram fell upon the land of Edom, with the horse- men that were about him, and the chariots, by night, and destroyed those that lay near to his own kingdom ; but did not proceed farther. However, this expedition did him + What M. Le Clerc pretends here, that it is more probable that Hazael and his son were worshipped by the Syrians and people of Damascus till the days of .?o- sephus, than Benhadad and Hazael, because under llen- hadad they had greatly suffered, and because it is almost incredible, that both a king and that kinij's murderer should be worshipped by the same Syrians, is of Mule force against those records, out of which Josephus drew this history, especially when it is likely that they thought klenhadad died of the distemper he laboured under, and not by Hazael's treachery. Besides, the reason that Josephus gives for this adoration, that these two kings had been great benefactors to the inhabitants of Damas- cus, and had built them temples, is loo remote from the political suspicions of I^ Clerc; nor ought such weak suspicions to be deemed of any force" against authcntiK testimonies of antiquity. CHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 255 no service, for they all revolted from him, with those that dwelt in the country of Lib- nah. He was indeed so mad as to compel the people to go up to the high places of the mountains, and worship foreign gods. 2. As he was doing this, and had entirely cast his own country laws out of his mind, there was brought him an epistle from Eli- jah the prophet,* which declared, that God would execute great judgments upon him, because he had not imitated his own fathers, but had followed the wicked courses of the kings of Israel; and had compelled the tribe of Judah and the citizens of Jerusalem to leave the holy worship of their own God, and to worship idols, as Ahab had compelled the Israelites to do, and because he had slain his brethren, and the men that were good and righteous. And the prophet gave him notice in this epistle what punishment he should undergo for these crimes, namely, the destruc- tion of his people, \vith the corruption of the king's own \vives and children; and that he should himself die of a distemper in his bow- els, with long torments, those his bowels fall- ing out by the violence of the inward rotten- ness of the parts, insomuch that, though he see his own misery, he shall not be able at all to help himself, but shall die in that man- ner. This it was which Elijah denounced to him in that epistle. 3. It was not long after this that an army of those Arabians that lived near to Ethiopia, and of the Philistines, fell upon the kingdom of Jehoram, and spoiled the country and the king's house; moreover, they slew his sons and his wives; one only of his sons was left him, who escaped the enemy; his name was Ahaziah; after which calamity, he himself fell into that disease which was foretold by the prophet, and lasted a great while (for God inflicted this punishment upon him in his beUy, out of his \vrath against him), and so he died miserably, and saw his own bowels fall out. The people also abused his dead body; I suppose it was because they thought that such his death came upon him by the wrath of God, and that therefore he was not worthy to partake of such a funeral as became kings. Accordingly, they neither buried him in the sepulchres of his fathers, nor vouchsafed him any honours, but buried him like a private man, and this when he had lived forty years, and reigned eight; and the people of Jerusalem delivered the government to his son Ahaziah. • This epistle, in some copies of Josephas, is said to corae to Joram from Elijah, with this addition, "for he was yet upon earth;" which could not be true of Elijah, who, as all a^ree, was gone from the earth above four years befjre, and could only be true of Elisha; nor per- haps is there any more mystery here, than that the name of Elijaii has very anciently crept into the text instead of E'isha, by the copiers, there being nothiQ); in any copy » that epistle peculiar to Elijah. CHAPTER VI. HOW JEHU WAS ANOINTED KING, AND SLEW BOTH JORAM AND AHAZIAH; A3 ALSO WHAT HE DID FOR THE PUNISHMENT OF THE WICKED. § 1. Now tjoram, the king of Israel, after the death of Benhadad, hoped that he might now take Ramoth, a city of Gilead, from the Sy- rians. Accordingly, he made an expedition against it, with a great army; but as he was be- sieging it, an arrow was shot at him by one of the Syrians, but the wound was not mortal; so he returned to have his wound healed in Jez- reel, but left his whole army in Ramoth, — and Jehu, the son of Nimshi, for their general; for he had already taken the city by force; and he proposed, after he was healed, to make war with, the Syrians; but Elisha the prophet sent one of his disciples to Ramoth, and gave him holy oil to anoint Jehu, and to tell Lim that God had chosen him to be their king. He also sent him to say other things to him, and bade him to take his journey as if he fled, that when he came away he might escape the knowledge of all men. So when he was come to the city, he found Jehu sitting in the midst of the captains of the army, as Elisha had foretold he should find him. So he came up to him, and said that he desired to speak with him about certain matters; and when he was arisen, and had followed him into an inward chamber, the young man took the oil, and poured it on his head, and said that God ordained him to be king, in order to his de- stroying the house of Ahab, and that he might revenge the blood of the prophets that were unjustly slain by Jezebel, that so their house might utterly perish, as those of Jeroboam the son of Nebat and of Baasha had perished for their wickedness, and no seed might re- main of Ahab's family. So when he had said this, he went away hastily out of the chamber, and endeavoured not to be seen by any of the army. 2. But Jehu came out, and went to the place where he before sat with the captains; and when they asked him, and desijjed him to tell them wherefore it was that this young man canie to him, and added withal that he was mad, he replied, — " You guess right; for the words he spake were the words of a madman:" — and when they were eager about the matter, and desired he would tell them, he answered, that God had said he had chosen him to be king over the multitude. When he had said this, every one of them put off his garment,! and strewed it under him, and blew with trumpets, and gave notice that + Spanheim here notes, that this puttings off men's garments, and strewing them under a king, was an eastern custom, which he bad elsewhere explained. 256 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK IX. Jehu was king. So when he had gotten the army together, he was preparing to set out immediately against Joram, at the city of Jezreel, in which city, as we said before, he was heahng of the wound which he had re- ceived in the siege of Ramoth. It happened also that Ahaziah, king of Jerusalem, was now come to Joram, for he was his sister's son, as we have said already, to see how he did after his wound, and this upon account of their kin- dred: but as Jehu was desirous to fall upon Joram and those with him on the sudden, he desired that none of the soldiers might run away, and tell to Joram what had happened ; for that this would be an evident demonstration of their kindness to him, and would show that their real inclinations were to make him king. 3. So they were pleased with what he did, and guarded the roads, lest somebody should privately tell the thing to those that were at Jezreel. Now Jehu took bis choice horsemen, and sat upon his chariot, and went on for Jezreel; and when he was come near, the watchman whom Joram had set there to spy out such as came to the city, saw Jehu marching on, and told Joram that he saw a troop of horsemen marching on. Upon which he immediately gave orders, that one of his horsemen should be sent out to meet them, and to know who it was that was coming. So when the horseman came up to Jehu, he asked him in what condition the army was, for that the king wanted to knovv^ it; but Jehu bade him not at all to meddle with such matters, but to foUow him. When the watch- man saw this, he told Joram that the horse- man had mingled himself among the com- pany, and came along with them. And when the king had sent a^ second messenger, Jehu commanded him to do as the former did ; and as soon as the watchman told this also to Jo- ram, he at last got upon his chariot himself, together with Ahaziah, the king of Jerusa- lem; for, as we said before, he was there to see how Joram did, after he had been wound- ed, as being his relation. So he went out to meet Jehu, who marched slowly,* and in good order; and when Joram met him in the field of Naboth, he asked him if all things were well in the camp; but Jehu reproached him bitterly, and ventured to call his mother a witch and a harlot. Upon this the king fear- ing what he intended, and suspecting he had no good meaning, turned his chariot about as soon as he could, and said to Ahaziah, " We are fought against by deceit and treachery." * Our copies say that this "driving of the chariots was liiie the driving of Jehu, the son of Nimshi; for he driveth furiously," 2 Kings ix, 20; whereas Jose- phu&'s copy, as he understood it, was this, that, ou the contrary, Jehu marched slowly and in good order. Nor can it be denied, that since there was an interval enough for king Joram to send out two horsemen, one alter another, to Jehu, and at length to go out with king Ahaziah to meet him, and all this after he was come within sight of the watchman, and before he was come to Jexrcvl, the probability is greatly on the side of Jose- phui'* copy or iaterpr^tation. But Jehu drew his bow, and smote him, the arrow going through his heart: so Joram fell down immediately on his knee, and gave up the ghost. Jehu also gave or(i»rs to Bidkar, the captain of the third part of his arniy, to cast the dead body of Joram into the field of Naboth, putting him in mind of the prophecy which Elijah prophesied to Ahab his father, when he had slain Naboth, that both he and his family should perish in that place; for that as they sat behind Ahab's chariot, they heard the prophet say so, and that it was now come to pass according to his prophecy. Upon the fall of Joram, Ahaziah was afraid of his own life, and turned his chariot into another road, supposing he should not be seen by Jehu; but he followed after him, and over- took him at a certain acclivity, and drew his bow, and wounded him ; so he left his chariot., and got upon his horse, and fled from Jehu to Megiddo; and though he was under care, in \a little time he died of that wound, and was carried to Jerusalem, and buried there, after he had reigned one year, and had proved a wicked man, and worse than his father. 4. Now when Jehu was come to Jezreel, Jezebel adorned herself and stood upon a tower, and said, he was a fine servant that had killed his master I And when he looked up to her, he asked who she was, and com- manded her to come down to him. At last he ordered the eunuchs to throw her down from the tower; and being thrown down, she besprinkled the wall with her blood, and was trodden upon by the horses, and so died. When this was done, Jehu came to the pa- lace with his friends, and took some refresh- ment after his journey, both with other things, and by eating a meal. He also bade his ser- vants to take up Jezebel and bury her, be- cause of the nobility of her blood, for she was descended from kings; but those that were appointed to bury her found nothing else re- maining but the extreme parts of her body, for all the rest were eaten by dogs. When Jehu heard this, he admired the prophecy of Elijah, for he foretold that she should perish in this manner at Jezreel. 5. Now Ahab had seventy sons brought up in Samaria. So Jehu sent two epistles, the one to them that brought up the children, the other to the rulers of Samaria, which said, that they should set up the most valiant of Ahab's sons for king, for that they had abundance of chariots, and horses, and armour, and a great army, and fenced cities, and that by so doing they might avenge the murder of Ahab. This he wrote to try the intentions of those of Sa- maria. Now when the rulers, and those that had brought up the children, had read the letter, they were afraid; and considering that they were not at all able to oppose him, who had already subdued two very great kings, they returned him this answer: — That they owned him tor their lord, and would do whaU CHAP. VII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 257 soever he bade them. So he wrote back to them such a reply as enjoined them to obey what he gave order for, and to cut off the heads of Ahab's sons, and send them to him. Accordingly the rulers sent for those that brought up the sons of Ahab, and command- ed them to slay them, to cut off their heads, and send them to Jehu. So they did what- soever they were commanded, without orait- tifig any thing at all, and put them up in wicker baskets, and sent them to Jezreel. And when Jehu, as he was at supper with his friends, was informed that the heads of Ahab's sons were brought, he ordered them to make two heaps of them, one before each of the gates; and in the morning he went out to take a view of them, and when he saw them, he began to say to the people that were present, that he did himself make an expedition against his master [Joram], and slew him; but that it was not he that slew all these: and he de- ♦ sired them to take notice, that as to Ahab's family, all things had come to pass according' to God's prophecy, and his house was perished, according as Elijah had foretold. And when he had farther destroyed all the kindred of Ahab that were found in Jezreel, he went to Samaria; and as he was upon the road, he met the relations of Ahaziah, king of Jeru- salem, and asked them whither they were going? they replied, that they came to salute Joram, and their own king Ahaziah, for they knew not that he had slain them both. So Jehu gave orders that they should catch these and kill them, being in number forty-two persons. 6. After these, there met him a good and a righteous man, whose name was Jehonadab, and who had been his friend of old. He sa- luted Jehu, and began to commend him, be- cause he bad done every thing according to the will of God, in extirpating the house of Ahab. So Jehu desired him to come up into his chariot, and make his entry with him into Samaria, and told him that he would not spare one \Nacked man, but would punish the false prophets and false priests, and those that deceived the multitude, and persuaded them to leave the worship of God Almighty, and to worship foreign gods ; and that it was a most excellent and a most pleasing sight to a good and a righteous man to see the wicked punished. So Jehonadab was persuaded by these arguments, and came up into Jehu's chariot, and came to Samaria. And Jehu sought out for all Ahab's kindred, and slew them. And being desirous that none of the false prophets, nor the priests of Ahab's god, might escape punishment, he caught them de- ceitfully by this wile : for he gathered all the people together, and said, that he would wor- ship twice as many gods as Ahab worshipped, and desired that his priests, and prophets, and servants, might be present, because he would offer cost);; and great sacrifices to Ahab's god; and that if any of his priests were wanting, they should be punished with death. Now Ahab's god was called Baal; and when he had appointed a day on which he would offer these sacrifices, he sent messengers through .all the country of the Israelites, that they might bring the priests of Baal to him. So Jehu commanded to give all the priests vest- ments; and when they had received them, he went into the house [of Baal"j, with his friend Jehonadab, and gave orders to make search whether there were not any foreigner or stran- ger among them, for he would ^ave no one of a different religion to mix among their sacred offices. And when they said that there was no stranger there, and they were beginning their sacrifices, he set four-score men without, they being such of his soldiers as he knew to be most faithful to him, and bade them slay the prophets, and now vindicate the laws of their country, which had been a long time in disesteera. He also threatened, that if any one of them escaped, their own lives should go for them. So they slew them all with the sword; and burnt the house of Baal, and by that means purged Samaria of foreign customs [idolatrous worship]. Now this Baal was the god of the Tyrians ; and Ahab, in order to gratify his father-in-law, Ethbaal, who was the king of Tyre and Sidon, built a temple for him in Samaria, and appointed him prophets, and worshipped him with all sorts of worship, although, when this god was demolished, Jehu permitted the Israelites to worship the golden heifers. However, be- cause he had done thus, and taken care to punish the wicked, God foretold by his pro- phet, that his sons should reign over Israel for four generations; and in this condition was Jehu at this time. CHAPTER VII. HOW ATHALIAH REIGNED OVER JERUSALEM FOR FIVE [six] YEARS, WHEN JEHOIADA THE HIGH-PRIEST SLEW HER, AND MADE JEHOASH, THE SON OF AHAZIAH, KING. § 1. Now when Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab, heard of the death of her brother Jo- ram, and of her son Ahaziah, and of the royal family, she endeavoured that none of the house of David might be left alive, but that the whole family might be exterminated, that no king might arise out of it afterward; and, as she though v, she had actually done it; but one of Ahaziah 's sons was preserved, who escaped death after the manner foLowing: — Ahaziah had a sister by the same father, whose name was Jehosheba, and she was mar- ried to the high-priest Jehoiada. She went into the king's palace, and found Jehoash, for B 258 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK IX. that was the little child's name, who was not above a year old, among those that were slain, but concealed with his nurse ; so she took him with her into a secret bed-chamber, and shut Lim up there; and she and her husband Je- hoiada brought him up privately in the temple six years, during which time Athaliah reigned over Jerusalem and the two tribes. 2. Now, on the seventh year, Jehoiada communicated the matter to certain of the captains of hundreds, five in number, and persuaded them to be assisting to what at- tempts he was making against Athaliah, and to join with him in asserting the kingdom to the child. He also received such oaths from them, as are proper to secure those that assist one another from the fear of discovery; and he was then of good hope that they should depose Athaliah. Now those men vvhom Je- hoiada the priest had taken to be his partners, went into all the country, and gathered toge- ther the priests and the Levites, and the heads of the tribes out of it, and came and brought them to Jerusalem, to the high-priest. So he demanded the security of an oath of them, to keep private whatsoever he should discover to them, which required both their silence and their assistance. So when they had taken the oath, and had thereby made it safe for him to speak, he produced the child that he had brought up, of the family of David, and said to them, " This is your king, of that house which you know God hath foretold should reign over you for all time to come : I exhort you, therefore, that one third part of you guard him in the temple, and that a fourth part keep watch at all the gates of the temple, and that the next part of you keep guard at the gate which opens and leads to the king's pa- lace, and let the rest of the multitude be un- armed in the ter^ple, and let no armed person go into the temple, but the priest only." He also gave them this order besides, " That a part of the priests and the Levites should be about the king himself, and be a guard to him, with their drawn swords, and to kill that man immediately, whoever he be, that should be go bold as to enter armed into the temple; and bade them be afraid of nobody, but per- severe in guarding the king." So these men obeyed what the high-priest advised them to, and declared the reality of their resolution by their actions. Jehoiada also opened that ar- moury which David had made in the temple, and distributed to the captains of hundreds, as also to the priests and Levites, all the spears and quivers, and what kind of weapons soever it contained, and set them armed in a circle round about the temple so as to touch one another's hands, and by that means ex- cluding those from entering that ought not to enter. So they brought the child into the midbt of them and put on him the royal crown, and Jehoiada anointed him with the Oil, and oiade bim king; and the multitude rejoiced, and made a noise, and cried, " God save the kingl " 3. When Athaliah unexpectedly heard the tumult and the acclamations, she was greatly disturbed in her mind, and suddenly isp.uei out of the royal palace with her own army: and when she was come to the temple, the priests received her, but as for those that stood round about the temple, as they were ordered by the high-priest to do, they hindered the armed men that followed her from going in. But when Athaliah saw the child standing upon a pillar, with the royal crown upon bis head, she rent her clothes, and cried out vehe- mently, and commanded [her guards] to kill him that had laid snares for her, and en- deavoured to deprive her of the government: but Jehoiada called for the captains of hun- dreds, and commanded them to bring Athaliah to the valley of Cedron, and slay her there, for he would not have the temple defiled with ^he punishments of this pernicious woman; and he gave order, that if any one came near to help her, he should be slain also; wherefore those that had the charge of her slaughter took hold of her, and led her to the gate of the king's mules, and slew her there. 4. Now as soon as what concerned Athaliah was, by this stratagem, after this manner, dis- patched, Jehoiada called together the people and the armed men into the temple, and made them take an oath that they vvould be obedient to the king, and take care of his safety, and of the safety of his government; after which he obliged the king to give security [upon oath] that he would worship God, and not transgress the laws of Moses. They then ran to the house of Baal, which Athaliah and heir husband Jehoram had built to the dishonour ot the God of their fathers, and to the honour of Ahab, and demolished it, and slew Mattan, that had his priesthood. But Jehoiada in- trusted the care and custody of the temple to the priests and Levites, according to the ap- pointment of king David, and enjoined them to bring their regular burnt-offerings twice a day, and to offer incense according to the law. He also ordained some of the Levites, with the porters, to be a guard to the temple, that no one that was defiled might come there. 5. And when Jehoiada had cet these things in order, he, with the captains of hundreds, and the rulers, and all t'le people, took Jehoash out of the temple into the king's palace, and when he had set him upon the king's throne, the people shouted for jcy, and betook themselves to feasting, and kept a fes- tival for many days; but the city was quiet upon the death of Athaliah. Now Jehoash was seven years old when he took the kingdom ; his mother's name was Zibiah, of the city Beer8h<*'»a. And all the time that Jehoiada lived, Jelioash was careful that the laws should be kept, and very zealous in the worship of God; and when he was of age, he married CHAP. VIII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 259 tuo wives, who were given to him by the high-priest, by whom were born to him both sons ttr.d daughters. And thus much shall suffice to have related concerning king Jeho- adi, Low he escaped the treachery of Athaliah, and Low he received the kingdom. CHAPTER VIII. HAZAEL MAKES AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE PEOPLE OF ISRAEL AND THE INHABITANTS OF JERUSALEM. JEHU DIES, AND JEHOA- HAZ SUCCEEDS IN THE GOVERNMENT. JE- HOASH, THE KING OF JERUSALEM, AT FIRST I^CAREFUL ABOUT THE WORSHIP OF GOD, BUT AFTERWARDS BECOMES IMPIOUS, AND COMMANDS ZECHARIAH TO BE STONED. WHEN JEHOASH [KING OF JUDAH] WAS DEAD, AMAZIAH SUCCEEDS HIM IN THE KINGDOM. § 1. Now Hazael, king of Syria, fought against the Israelites and their king Jehu, and spoiled the eastern parts of the country beyond Jordan, which belonged to the Reu- benites and Gadites, and to [the half tribe of] Manassites; as also Gilead and Bashan, burn- ing and spoiling, and offering violence to all that he laid his hands on, and this without impeachment from Jehu, who made no haste to defend the country when it was under this distress: nay, he was become a contemner of religion, and a despiser of holiness, and of the laws, and died when he had reigned over the Israelites twenty-seven years. He was buried in Samaria, and left Jehoahaz his son his successor in the government. 2. Now Jehoash, King of Jerusalem, had an inclination to repair the temple of God; so he called Jehoiada, and bade him send the Levites and priests through all the country, to require half a shekel of silver for every head, towards the rebuilding and repairing of the temple, which was brought to decay by Jeho- ram, and Athaliah and her sons. But the high-priest did not do this, as concluding that no one would willingly pay that money; but iu the twenty-third year of Jehoash's reign, when the king sent for him and the Levites, and complained that they had not obeyed what he enjoined them, and still commanded them to take t^re of the rebuilding the tem- ple, he used this stratagem for collecting the money, with which the multitude was pleased, fie made a wooden chest, and closed it up fast on all sides, but opened one hole in it'; he then set it in the temple, beside the altar, and desired every one to cast into it, through toe hole, what he pleased, for the repair of trie temple. This contrivance was aci ptAble to the people; and they strove one with an- otner, and brought in jouitly large quantities •r silver and gold: and wnen the scribe and the prest that were over the treasuries had emptied the chest, and counted the money iu the king's presence, they then set it in its for- mer place, and thus did they every day. But when the multitude appeared to have cast in as much as was wanted, the high-priest Je- hoiada, and king Joash, sent to hire masons and carpenters, and to buy large pieces of timber, and of the most curious sort; and when they had repaired the temple, they made use of the remaimng gold and silver, which was not a Little, for bowls, and basons, and cups, and other vessels, and they went on to make the altar every day fat with sacrifices of great value. And these things were taken suitable care of as long as Jehoiada lived. 3. But as soon as he was dead (which was when he had lived one hundred and thirty years, having been a righteous, and in every respect a very good man, and was buried in the kings' sepulchres at Jerusalem, because he had recovered the kingdom to the family of David), king Jehoash betrayed his [want of] care about God. The principal men of the people were corrupted also together with him, and offended against their duty, and what their constitution determined to be most for their good. Hereupon God was displeased with the change that was made on the king, and on the rest of the people, and sent prophets to testify to them what their actions were, and to bring them to leave off their wickedness: but they had gotten such a strong affection, and so violent an inclination to it, that neither could the examples of those that had offered affronts to the laws, and had been so severely punished, they and their entire families; nor could the fear of what the pro- phets now foretold bring them to repentance, and turn them back from their course of transgression to their former duty. But the king commanded that Zechariah, the son of the high-priest Jehoiada, should be stoned to death in the temple, and forgot the kindnesses he had received from his father; for when God had appointed him to prophesy, he stood in the midst of the multitude, ana gave this counsel to them and to the king: That they should act righteously; and foretold to them, that if they would not hearken to his admo- nitions, they should suffer a heavy punish- ment: but as Zechariah was ready to die, he appealed to God as a witness of what he suf- fered for the good counsel he had given them, and how he perished, after a most severe and violent manner, for the good deeds his father had done to Jehoash. 4. However, it was not long before the king suffered punishment for his transgressions; for when Hazael, king of Syria, made an irruption into his country, and when he .had overthrown Gath, and spoiled it, he made an expedition against Jerusalem; upon which Jehoash was afraid, and emptied all the trea- sures of God, and of the kiiigs [before bimllf 260 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK IX and took down the gifts that had been dedi- cated [in the temple], and sent them to the king of Syria, and procured so much by them, that he was not besieged, nor his kingdom quite endajigered; but Hazael was induced, by the greatness of the sum of money, not to bring his army against Jerusalem; yet Je- boash fell into a severe distemper, and was set upon by his friends, in order to revenge the death of Zechariah, the son of Jehoiada. These laid snares for the king, and slew him. He was indeed buried in Jerusalem, but not in the royal sepulchres of his forefathers, be- cause of his impiety. He lived forty-seven years; and Amaziah his son succeeded him in the kingdom. 5. In the one and twentieth year of the reign of Jehoash, Jehoahaz, the son of Jehu, took the government of the Israelites in Sa- raaria, and held it seventeen years. He did not [properly] imitate his father, but was guilty of as wicked practices as those that first had God in contempt. But the king of Syria brought him low, and, by expeditions against him, did so greatly reduce his forces, that there remained no more of so great an army than ten thousand armed men, and fifty horsemen. He also took away from him his great cities, and many of them also, and destroyed his army. And these were the things that the people of Israel suffered, ac- cording to the prophecy of Elisha, when he foretold that Hazael should kill his master, and reign over the Syrians and Damascens. But when Jehoahaz was under such unavoid- able miseries^ he had recourse to prayer and supplication to God, and besought him to deliver Ixim out of the hands of Hazael, and not overlook him, and give him up into his bands. Accordingly, God accepted of his repentance instead of virtue; and, being de- sirous "Tather to admonish those that might repent, and not to determine that they should be utterly destroyed, he granted him deliver- ance from war and dangers. So the country having obtained peace, returned again to its former condition, and flourished as before. 6. Now after the death of Jehoahaz, his son Joash took the kingdom, in the thirty- Rt-vcnth year of Jehoash, the king of the tribe of Judab. This Joash then took the king- dom of Israel in Samaria, for he had the same name wath the king of Jerusalem, and he retained the kingdom sixteen years. He was a good ttian,* and in his disposition was not • This character of Joash, the son of Jehoahaz, that *' be was a eood man, and in his disposition not at all like to bis uther," fecems a direct contradiction to oui ordinary copies, which say (2 Kin^s xiii. II), that "he did evil in the sight ol the I.ord ; and that he departed not from all the sins of Jeroboam, the son of iS'ebat, who mad« Israel to sin: he walked therein." Which copies are here the true&t, it is hardly possible to deter- piiiie. If Josephus's be true, this Joash is the single instance of a good king over the ten tribes; if the other be true, we have nrt one such example. The account that ioUows, in all copies, uf Elisha the prophet's con- Mn for bim, as** ki* conaern for Elisha, greatly favours at all like his father. Now at this time it was that when Elisha the prophet, who was already very old, and was now fallen into a disease, the king of Israel came to visit hiru , and when he found him very near death, he began to weep in his sight, and lament, to call him his father, and his weapons, because it was by his means that he never made use of his weapons against his enemies, but that he overcame his own adversaries by his pro- phecies, without fighting; and that he was now departing this life, and leaving him to the Syrians, that were already armed, and to other enemies of his that were under their power; so he said it was not safe for him to live any longer, but that it would be well for him to hasten to his end, and depart out of this life with him. As the king was thus bemoaning himself, Elisha comforted him, and bade the king bend a bow that was brought him; and when the king had fitted the bow for shooting, Elisha took hold of his hands and bade him shoot; and when he had shot three arrows, and then left off, Elisha said, " If thou hadst shot more arrows, thou hadst cut the kingdom of Syria up by the roots; but since thou hast been satisfied with shooting three times oidy, thou shalt fight and beat the Syrians no more times than three, that thou mayest recover that country which they cut off from thy kingdom in the reign of thy father." So when the king had heard that, he departed; and a little while after the pro- phet died. He was a man celebrated for righteousness, and in eminent favour with God. He also performed wonderful and surprising works by prophecy, and such as were gloriously preserved in memory by the Hebrews. He also obtained a magnificent funeral, such a one indeed as it was fit a per- son so beloved of Go4f should have. It also happened, that at that time certain robbers cast a man, whom they had slain, into Elisha's grave, and upon his dead body coming close to Elisha's body, it revived again. And thus far have we enlarged about the actions of Elisha the prophet ; both such as he did while he was alive, and how he had a divine power after his death also. 7. Now upon the death of Hazael, the king of Syria, that kingdom came to Adad, his son, Math whom Joash, king of Israel, made war; and when he had beaten him in three battles, he took from him all that country, and all those cities and villages which his Josephus's copies, and suppose this king to have been then a good man, and no idolater, with whom God's prophets used not to be so familiar. Upon the whole, since it appears, even by Josephus's own account, that Amaziah, the eood king of Judah, while be was a good king, was forbidden to make use of the 100,000 auxilia- ries he had hired of this Joash, the king of Israel^lis if Ike and they were then iditlafers ('2 Cbron. xxv. (i — 9), it is most likely that these diUeieiit characters of Joash suited the diirerent parts of his leign, and that, according to our common copiKK, be was at lirst a wicked king, and after- wards was reclaimed, and became a good one, according to Ju8cpbu» CHAP. IX. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 261 fethof Hazael had taken from the kingdom of Israel, which came to pass, however, accord- ing to the prophecy of Elisha, But when Joash happened to die, he was buried in Sa- maria; and the government devolved on his eon Jeroboam. CHAPTER IX. HOW AMAZIAH MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE EDOMITES AND AMALEKITES, AND CON- QUERED THEM; BUT WHEN HE AFTERWARDS MADE WAR AGAINSTJOASH, HE WAS BEATEN, AND NOT LONG AFTER WAS SLAIN; AND UZ- 2IAH SUCCEEDED IN THE GOVERNMENT. § 1. Now in the second year of the reign of Joash over Israel, Amaziah reigned over the tribe of Judah in Jerusalem. His mother's name was Jehoaddan, who was born at Jeru- salem. He was exceeding careful of doing what was right, and this when he was very youHg; but when he came to the manage- ment of aflfairs, and to the government, he resolved that he ought first of all to avenge his father Jehoash, and to punish those his friends that had laid violent hands upon him; so he seized upon them all, and put them to death; yet did he execute no severity on their children, but acted therein according to the laws of Moses, who did not think it just to punish children for the sins of their fathers. After this he chose him an army out of the tribe of Judah and Benjamin of such as were in the flower of their age, and about twenty years old; and when he had collected about three hundred thousand of them together, he set captains of hundreds over them. He also sent to the king of Israel, and hired a hun- dred thousand of his soldiers for a hundred talents of silver, for he had resolved to make an expedition against the nations of the Ama- lekites, and Edomites, and Gebalit€s: but as he was preparing for his expedition, and ready to go out lo the war, a prophet gave him counsel to dismiss the army of the Israelites, because they were bad men, and because God foretold that he should be beaten if he made use of them as auxiliaries; but that he should overcome his enemies, though he had but a few soldiers, when it so pleased God. And when the king grudged at his having already paid the hire of the Israelites, the prophet exhorted him to do what God would have him, because he should thereby obtain much wealth from God. So he dismissed them, and said, that he still- freely gave them their pay, and went himself with his own army, and made war with the nations before mentioned; and when he had beaten them in battle, he slew of them ten thousand, and took as many prisoners alive, whom he brought to the great rock which is in Arabia, and threw them down from it hwd^ong. He also brought away a great deal of prey and vast riches from those na- tions; but while Amaziah was engaged in this expedition, those Israelites whom he had hired and then dismissed, were very uneasy at it, and taking their dismission for an af- front (as supposing that this would not have been done to them but out of contempt), they fell upon his kingdom, and proceeded to spoil the country as far as Beth-horon, and took much cattle, and slew three thousand men, 2. Now upon the victory which Amaziah had gotten, and the great acts he had done, he was puffed up, and began to overlook God, who had given him the victory, and proceeded to worship the gods he had brought out of the country of the Amalekites. So a prophet came to him, and said, that he won- dered how he could esteem these to be gods, who had been of no advantage to their own people who paid them honours, nor had de- livered them from his hands, but had over- looked the destruction of many of them, and had suffered themselves to be carried captive, for that they had been carried to Jerusalem in the same manner as any one might have taken some of the enemy alive, and led them thither. This reproof provoked the king to anger, and he commanded the prophet to hold his peace, and threatened to punish him if he meddled with his conduct. So he replied, that he should indeed hold his peace; but foretold withal, that God would not overlook his at- tempts for innovation ; but Amaziah was not able to contain himself under that prosperity which God had given him, although he had affronted God thereupon ; but in a vein of insolence he wrote to Joash, the king of Is- rael, and commanded that he and aU his people should be obedient to him, as they had formerly been obedient to his progenitors, David and Solomon; and he let him know, that if he would not be so wise as to do what he commanded him, he must fight for his do- minion. To which message Joash returned this answer in writing: — "King Joash to king Amaziah. There was a vastly tall cy- press-tree in mount Lebanon, as also a this- tle ; this thistle sent to the cypress-tree to give the cypress-tree's daughter in marriage to the thistle's son; but as the thistle was saying this, there came a wild beast, and trode down the thistle; and this may be a lesson to thee, not to be so ambitious, and to have a care, lest upon thy good success in the fight against the Amalekites, thou growest so proud, as to bring dangers upon thyself, and upon thy kingdom." 3. When Amaziah had read this letter, he was more eager upon this expedition; which, I suppose, was by the impulse of God, that he might be punished for his offence against him. But as soon as he led out his army against Joash, and they were going to join battle with him, there came such a fear and consternation upon the army of Amaaiab, as 262 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK IX. Gotl, when lie is displeased, sends upon men, aiid disconafited them, even before they came to a close fight. Now it happened, that as they were scattered about by the terror that was upon them, Amaziah was left alone, and was taken prisoner by the enemy: where- upon Joash threatened to kill him, unless he would persuade the people of Jerusalem to open their gates to him, and receive him and his army into the city. Accordingly Ama- ziah was so distressed, and in such fear of his life, that he made his enemy to be received into the city. So Joash overthrew a part of the wall, of the length of four hundred cubits, and drove his chariot through the breach into Jerusalem, and led Amaziah cap- tive along with him; by which means he be- came master of Jerusalem, and took away the treasures of God, and carried off all the gold and silver that was in the king's palace, and then freed the king from captivity, and returned to Samaria. Now these things happened to the people of Jerusalem in the fourteenth year of the reign of Amaziah, who after this had a conspiracy made against him by his friends, and fled to the city Lachish, and was there slain by the conspirators, who sent men thither to kill him. So they took up his dead body, and carried it to Jerusalem, and made a royal funeral for him. This was the end of the life of Amaziah, because of his innovations in religion, and his contempt of God, when he had lived fifty-four years, and bad reigned twenty-nine. He was succeeded by his son, whose name was Uzziah. CHAPTER X. CONCERNING JEROBOAM, KING OF ISRAEL, AND JONAH, THE prophet; AND HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OF JEROBOAM, HIS SON ZECHA- RIAH TOOK THE GOVERNMENT. HOW UZ- ZIAH, KING OF JERUSALEM, SUBDUED THE NATIONS THAT WERE ROUND ABOUT HIM; AND WHAT BJSFEL HIM WHEN HE ATTEMPT- ED TO OFFER INCENSE TO GOD. § 1. In the fifteenth year of the reign of Amaziah, Jeroboam the son of Joash reigned over Israel in Samaria forty years. This king was guilty of contumely against God,* and became very wicked in worshipping of idols, and in many undertakings that were absurd * What I have abore not«^ concerning Jehoash, srcuiHtome to have been true also concerninK his son Jtruhoam II, viz. that although he began wickedly, as J uM-phus agrees with our other copies, and as he adds. *' wa^ the cause of a vast number of misfortunes to the Ifraelites" in those his first years (the particulars of which are unhappily wanting both in Josephus and in all our copies) ; so does it seem to me that he was after- wards reclaimed, and berime a good king, and so was enconraged by the prophet Jonah, and had great sue- ce«ses afterwards, when "God had saved the Israelites by the hand of Jeroboam, the son of Joash," 2 Kings xiv. ^j which encouragement by Jonah, and great suc- cesws, are tqtially ohMrvable in Joiiepbus, and in the and foreign. He was also the cause of ten thousand misfortunes to the people of Israel. Now one Jonah, a prophet, foretold to him that he should make war with the Syrians, and conquer their army, and enlarge tbu bounds of his kingdom on the northern parts, to the city Haniath, and on the southern, to the lake Asphaltitis; for the bounds of the Canaanites originally were these, as Joshua their general had determined them. So Jero- boam made an expedition against the Syrians, and over^ran all their country, as Jonah had foretold. 2. Now I cannot but think it necessary for me, who have promised to gire an ac- curate account of our affairs, to describe the actions of this prophet, so far as I have found them written down in the Hebrew books. Jonah had been commanded by God to go to the kingdom of Nineveh ; and, when he was there, to publish it in that city, how it should lose the dominion it had over the nations. But he went not, out of fear; nay, he ran away from God to the city of Joppa, and finding a ship there, he went into it, and sailed to Tarsus, to Ci^cia;t and upon the rise of a most terrible storm, which was so great that the ship was in danger of sinking, the mariners, the master, and the pilot himself, made prayers and vows, in case they escaped the sea. But Jonah lay still and covered [in the ship], without imitating any thing that the others did; but as the Avaves grew greater, and the sea became more violent by the winds, they suspected, as is usual in such cases, that some one of the persons that sailed with them was the occasion of this storm, and agreed to discover by lot which of them it was. When they had cast lots, % the lot fell upor> the prophet; and when they asked him whence he can^e, and what he had done? he replied, that he was an Hebrew by nation, and a pro- phet of Almighty God; and he persuaded them to cast him into the sea, if they would + When Jonah 13 said in our Bibles to have gone to Tarshish (Jonah 1.3), Josephus understood it, that he Went to 1 arsus in Cilicra, or to the Mediterranean Sea, upon which Tarsus lay; so tha he does not appear t« have r< ad the text, { Kings -^.^iL 48, as our copies do, that ships of Tarshish cou" fie at Ezion Greber, upon the Hed Sea,- but as to Josephus's assertion, that Jonah's fish was carried by the strength of the current, upon a storm, as far as the I'.uxine Sea. it is no way impossi. b)e; and since the storm might have driven the ship, while Jonah was in it, near to that Euxine Sea, an<i since in three more days, while he was in the fish's belly, that current might bring him to the Assyrian coast, and since withal that coast could bring him nearer to Nineveh than could any coast of the Mediterranean, it is by no means an improbable determination in Josephus. ♦ This ancient piece of religion, of supposing there was great sin where there was great misery, and of cast- ing lots to discover great sinners, not only among the Israelites, but among ihese heathen mariners, seems a remarkable remain of the ancient tradition which pre- vailed of old over all mankind, that I'roTidenrc used to interpose visibly in all human affairs, and never to bring, or at least not long to fniutiuuc, notor.ous judg- ments but for notorious sins, which tic must a'lo'fnt book of Job shows to luive been the state of manlind for about the fi>i-nirr tlircc ihoiisand years of (U« wwrid* till the days ot lub ud^i iMur^s. ^ CHAP. X. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 263 escape the danger they were in, for that he was the occasion of the storm which was; upon them. Now at the first they durst not do so, as esteeming it a wicked thing to cast a man, who was a stranger, and who had com- mitted his life to them, into such manifest perdition; but at last, when their misfortunes overbore them, and the ship was just going to be drowned, and when they were animated to do it by the prophet himself, and by the fear concerning their own safety, they cast him into the sea; upon which the sea became calm. It is also related that Jonah was swallowed dowTi by a whale, and that when he had been there three days, and as many nights, he yms vomited out upon the Euxine Sea, and this alive, and \\nthout any hurt upon his body; and there, on his prayer to God, he obtained pardon for his sins, and went to the city Ni- neveh, where he stood so as to be heard; and preached, that in a very little time they should lose the dominion of Asia; and when he had published this, he returned. Now I have given this account about him, as I found it written [in our books]. 3. When Jeroboam tb^ king had passed his life in great happiness, and had ruled forty years, he died, and was buried in Samaria, and his son Zechariah took the kingdom. After the same manner did Uzziah, the son of Amaziah, begin to reign over the two tribes in Jerusalem, in the fourteenth year of the reign of Jeroboam. He was born of Jeco- liah, his mother, who was a citizen of Jeru- wdem. He was a good man, and by nature ri^'hteous and magnanimous, and very labo- rious in taking care of the affairs of his king- dom. He made an expedition also against tlie Philistines, and overcame them in battle, ami took the cities of Gath and Jabneh, and brake down their walls; after which, expedi- tiou, he assaulted those Arabs that adjoined to Egypt. He also built a city upon the Red Sea, and put a garrison into it. He after this overthrew the Ammonites, and appointed that they should pay tribute. He also overcame all the countries as far as the bounds of Egypt, and then began tc^ake care of Jerusalem it- self for the rest of hi* life; for he rebuilt and ri'p-.iired aU those part's of the wall which had either fallen down by length of time, or by the carelessness of the kings his predecessors, as well as all that part which had been thrown flown by the king of Israel, when he took his tWther Amaziah prisoner, and entered with him liito the city. Moreover, he built a great many ♦^owers, of one hundred and fifty cubits high, and built walled tou-ns in desert places, and put g5irriso;\s into them, and dug many chan- nels for conveyance of water. He had also n)aiiv beasts for labour, and an immense num- ber of cattle; for his country was fit for pas- tiiiUjii. lie was also given to husbandry, and ttwik vHCf. to cultivate the ground, and planted t with all iiort8 of pWuits, and sowed it with all sorts of seeds. He had aiso about him an army composed of chosen men, in numl^er three hundred and seventy thousand, who were governed by general officers and cap- tains of thousands, who were men of valour and of unconquerable strength, in number two thousand. He also divided his whole army into bands, and armed them, giving every one a sword, with brazen bucklers and breast- plates, with bows and slings; and besides these, he made for them many engines of war for besieging of cities, such as cast stones and darts, with grapplers, and otheV instru- ments of that sort. 4. While Uzziah was in this state, and making preparations [for futurity], he was corrupted in his mind by pride, and became insolent, and this on account of that abun- dance which he had of things that Avill soon perish, and despised that power which is of eter- nal duration (which consisted in piety towards God, and in the observation of his kws) ; so he fell by occasion of the good success of his affairs, and was carried headlong into those sins of his father, which the splendour of that prosperity he enjoyed, and the glorious actions he had done, led him into, while he was not able to govern himself well about them. Accordingly, when a remarkable day was come, and a general festival was to be celebrated, he put on the holy garment, and went into the temple to offer incense to God upon the golden altar, which he was prohi- bited to do by Azariah the high-priest, who had fourscore priests Nvith him, and who told him that it was not lawful for him to offer sacrifice, and that "none besides the poste- rity of Aaron were permitted so to do." And when they cried out, that he must go out of the temple, and not transgress against God, he was wroth at them, and threatened to kill them, unless they would hold their peace. In the mean time, a great earthqtiake shook the ground,* and a rent was made in the temple, and the bright rays of the sim shone through it, and fell upon the king's face, insomuch that the leprosy seized upon him immediately; and before the city, at a place called Eroge, half the mountain broke off Orom the rest on the west, and rolled itself four furlongs, and stood stDl at the east moun- tain, tiU the roads, as well as the king's gar- dens, were spoiled by the obstruction. Now, as soon as the priests saw that the king's face was infected with the leprosy, they told him of the calamity he was under, and commanded • This accoant of an earthquake at Jenisalem, at the very same lime when Uzziah usurped the priest's office, and went into the sanctuary to burn incense, and of the consequences of the earthquake, is entirely wantin^Jn onr other copies, though it be exceeding like to a pro- phecy of Jeremiah, now in Zech. xiv. 4, 5; in which prophecy mention is made of " fleein)? from that earth- quake, as they fled from this earthquake in the days of Lzziali, king of Judah;" so that there seems to have i>»->-ii s.niip considerab'e resemblance between these iu*- tuncal and pruplietiral eartU(|uake», 264 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK IX i that he should go out of the city as a pol- luted person. Hereupon he was so con- founded at the sad distemper, and sensible that he was not at liberty to contradict, that he did as he was commanded, and underwent this miserable and terrible punishment for an intention beyond what befitted a man to have, and for that impiety against God which was implied therein. So he abode out of the city for some time, and lived a private life, while his son Jotham took the government; after which he died with grief and anxiety at what had happened to him, when he had lived sixty -eight years, and reigned of them fifty- two; and was buried by himself in his own gardens. CHAPTER XI. HOW ZECHARIAH, SHALLUM, MENAHEM, PE- KAHIAH, AND PEKAH, TOOK THE GOVERN- MENT OVER THE ISRAELITES; AND HOW PUL AND TIGLATH-PILESER MADE AN EX- PEDITION AGAINST THE ISRAELITES. HOW JOTHAM, THE SON OF UZZIAH, REIGNED OVER THE TRIBE OF JUDAH; AND WHAT THINGS NAHUM PROPHESIED AGAINST THE ASSYRIANS. § 1. Now when Zechariah, the son of Jero- boam, had reigned six months over Israel, he was slain by the treachery of a certain friend of his, whose name was Shallum, the son of Jabesh, who took the kingdom afterward, but kept it no longer than thirty days;, for Mena- hera, the general of his army, who was at that time in the city Tirzah, and heard of what had befallen Zechariah, removed thereupon with all his forces to Samaria, and, joining battle with Shallum, slew him; and when he had made himself king, he went thence, and came to the city Tiphsah ; but the citizens that were in it shut their gates, and barred them against the king, and would not admit him; but, in order to be avenged on them, he burnt the country round about it, and took the city by force upon a siege ; and being very much displeased at what the iidiabitants of Tiphsah had done, he slew them all, ar.d spared not so much as the infants, without omitting the utmost instances of cruelty and barbarity; for he used such severity upon his own countrymen, as would not be par- donable with regard to strangers who had been conquered by him. And after this manner it was that this Menahem continued to reign with cruelty and barbarity for ten years: but when Pul, king of Assyria, had ityide an expedition against him, he did not think meet to fight or engage in battle with the Assyrians, but he persuaded him to accept of a thousand talents of silver, and to go away, and so put an end to the war. This sum the multitude cull«*cted foi* Menubcin, by exact- ing fifty drachmae as poll-money for every head;* after which he died, and was buried in Samaria, and left his son Pekahiah his suc- cessor in the kingdom, who followed the bar- barity of his father, and so ruled but two years only, after which he was slain with his frienda at a feast, by the treachery of one Pekah, the general of his horse, and the son of Remaliah, who had laid snares for him. Now this Pe- kah held the government twenty years, and proved a wicked man and a transgressor. Bpt the king of Assyria, whose name was Tiglath-Pileser, when he had made an expe- dition against the Israelites, and had overrun all the land of Gilead, and the region beyond Jordan, and the adjoining country, which is called Galilee, and Kadesh, and Hazor, he made the inhabitants prisoners, and trans- planted them into his own kingdom. And so much shall suffice to have related here con- cerning the king of Assyria. 2. Now Jotham, the son of Uzziah, reigned over the tribe of Judah in Jerusalem, being a citizen thereof by his mother, whose name was Jerusha. This king was not defective in any virtue, but was religious towards God, and righteous towards men, and careful of the good of the city (for what part soever wanted to be repaired or adorned, he magnificently repaired and adorned them). He also took care of the foundations of the cloisters in the temple, and repaired the walls that were fallen down, and built very great towers, and such as were almost impregnable ; and if any thing else in his kingdom had been neglected, he took great care of it. He also made an expedition against the Ammonites, and overcame them in battle, and ordered them to pay tribute, a hun- dred talents, and ten thousand cori of wheat, and as many of barley, every year, and so aug- mented his kingdom that his enemies could not despise it; and his own people lived happily. 3. Now there was at that time a prophet, whose name was Nahum, who spake after this manner concerning the overthrow of the As- syrians and of Nineveh: — " Nineveh shall be a pool of water in motion ;f so shall all her • Dr. Wall, in his Critical Notes on 2 Kings xv 2rt, observes, "that when this Menahem is said to have exacted the money of Israel of all the mighty men of wealth, of each man fifty shekels of silver, to give Piil, the king of Assyria, a thousand talents, this is tie (irst public money raised by any [Israelite] king by a tax on the people; that they used befoie to raise it out of tlie treasures of the bouse of the Lord, or of their own hou^f; that it was a poll-money on the rich men [and tht-ni only], to raise i,'353,(K)0, or, as others count a talent, £400,000, at the rate of £6 or £7 per head; and that God commanded, by Ezekiel (ch. xlv. 8, and xlvi. 18), that no such thing should be done [at the Jews' restoration]; but the king should have land of bis own." + This passage is tiiken out of the prophet Nnhum, ch. iL 8 — 13, and is the principal, or rather the only one that is given us almost verbatim, but a little abridged, in ali Josephus's known writings: by which quotation we learn what he himself always assorts viz. that he made use of the Hebrew original, [and not of the (iie<-k version]; as also we learn, that his Hebrew copy con- .siderahiy differed from ours. Set* all tbeye texts parti- rularly ii<-l down, and compared together in the KM*y on (lie old 1'itMi.imvnt, pa|{e K7.- CHAP. XII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 2(55 people be troubled, and tossed, and go away by flight, while they say one to another, Stand istand still, seize their gold and silver, for there shall be no one to >vish them well, for they will rather save their lives than their money ; for a terrible contention shall possess them one with another, and lamentation, and loosing ot the members, and their countenances shall be perfectly black with fear. And there will be the den of the lions, and the mother of the young lions! God says to thee, Nineveh, that they shall deface thee, and the lion shall no longer go out from thee to give laws to the world." And indeed this prophet pro- phesied many other things besides these con- cerning Nineveh, which I do not think ne- cessary to repeat, and I here omit them, that I may not appear troublesome to my readers; all which things happened about Nineveh a hundred and fifteen years afterward: — so this may suffice to have spoken of these matters. CHAPTER XII. HOW, UPON THE DEATH OF JOTHAM, AHAZ REIGNED IN HIS STEAD; AGAINST WHOM EEZIN, KING OF SYRIA, AND PEKAH, KING OF ISRAEL, MADE WAR; AND HOW TIG- LATH-PILESER, KING OF ASSYRIA, CAME TO THE ASSISTANCE OF AHAZ, AND LAID SYRIA WASTE, AND REMOVING THE DAMASCENS INTO MEDIA, PLACED OTHER NATIONS IN THEIR ROOM. § 1. Now Jothan died when ne had lived forty-one years, and of them reigned sixteen, and was buried in the sepulchres of the kings ; and the kingdom came to his son Ahaz, who proved most impious towards God, and a transgressor of the laws of his country. He imitated the kings of Israel, and reared altars in Jerusalem, and offered sacrifices upon them to idols ; to which also he offered his own son as a burnt-offering, according to the practices of the Canaanites. His other actions were also of the same sort. Now as he was going on in this mad course, Rezin, the king of Sy- ria and Damascus, and Pekah, the king of Israel, who were now at amity one with an- other, made war with him ; and when they had driven him into Jerusalem, they besieged that city a long while, making but a small pro- gress, on account of the strength of its walls; and when the king of Syria had taken the city Elath, upon the Red Sea, and had slain the inhabitants, he peopled it with Syrians; and when he had slain those in the [other] garrisons, and the Jews in their neighbour- hood, and had driven away much prey, he re- turned with his army back to Damascus. Now when the king of Jerusalem knew that the 6\Tians were returned home, he, supposing himself a match for the king of Israel, drew out his army against him, and joining battle with him was beaten; and this happened be- cause God was angry with him, on account of his many and great enormities. Accord- ingly, there were slain by the Israelites one hundred and twenty thousand of his men that day, whose general, Amaziah by name, slew Zechariah the king's son in his conflict with Ahaz, as well as the governor of the kingdom, whose name was Azricam. He also carried Elkanah, the general of the troops of the tribe of Judah, into captivity. They also carried the women and children of the tribe of Ben- jamin captives; and when they had gotten a great deal of prey, they returned to Sa- maria. 2. Now there was one Obed, who was a prophet at that time in Samaria; he met the army before the city walls, and with a loud voice told them that they had gotten the vic- tory not by their own strength, but by reason of the anger God had against king Ahaz. And he complained that they were not satis- fied with the good success they had had against him, but were so bold as to make captives out of their kinsmen the tribes of Judah and Benjamin. He also gave them counsel to let them go home without doing them any harm, for that if they did not obey God herein, they should be punished. So the people of Israel came together to the assembly, and considered of these matters, when a man whose name was Berechiah, and who was one of chief reputation in the government, stood up, and three others with him, and said, — " "NVe will not suffer the citizens? to bnng these prisoners into the city, lest we be all destroyed by God: we have sms enough of our own that we have comiaittea against him, as the prophets assure us; nor ougnt we inerefore to introduce the practice of new crimes." When the soldiers heard that, they permitted them to do what they thought best. So the forenamed men took the captives and let them go, and took care of them, and gave them provisions, and sent them to their own coun- try, without doing them any harm. How- ever, these four went along wth them, and conducted them as far as Jericho, which is not far from Jerusalem, and returned to Sa- maria. 3. Hereupon king Ahaz, having been so thoroughly beaten by the Israelites, sent to Tiglath-Pileser, king of the Assyrians, and sued for assistance from him in his war against the Israehtes, and Syrians, and Da- mascens, with a promise to send him much money; he sent him also great presents at the same time. Now this king, upon the recep- tion of those ambassadors, came to assist Ahaz, and made war upon the Syrians, and laid their country waste, and took Damascus by force, and slew Rezin their king, and transpalnted the people of Damascus into the 266 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK IX Upper Media, and brought a colony of As- syrians, and planted them m Damascus. He also afflicted the land of Israel, and took tnany captives out of it. While Be was do- ing thus with the Syrians, king Ahaz took all the gold that was in the king's treasures, and the silver, and what was in the temple of God, and what precious gifts were there, and he carried them with him, and came to Da- mascus, and gave it to the king of Assyria, according to his agreement. So he confessed that he owed him thanks for all that he had done for him, and returned to Jerusalem. Now this king was so sottish and thoughtless of what was for his own good, that he would not leave off worshipping the Syrian gods when he was beaten by them, but he went on in worshipping them, as though they would procure him the victory; and when he was beaten again he began to honour the gods of the Assyrians; and he seemed more desirous to honour any other gods than his own pater- nal and true God, whose anger was the cause of his defeat: nay, he proceeded to such a degree of despite and contempt [of God's worship], that he shut up the temple entirely, and forbade them to bring in the appointed sacrifices, and took away the gifts that had been given to it. And M'hen he had offered these indignities to God, he died, having lived thirty-six years, and out of them reigned sixteen; and he left his son Hezekiah for his successor. CHAPTER XIII. HOW PEKAH DIED BY THE TREACHERY OF HO- SHEA, WHO WAS A LITTLE AFTER SUBDUED BY SHALMANESER; AND HOW HEZEKIAH REIGNED INSTEAD OF AHAZ; AND WHAT ACTIONS OF PIETY AND JUSTICE HE DID. § 1. About the same time Pekah the king of Israel died, by the treachery of a friend of his, whose name was Hoshea, who retained the kingdom nine years' time; but was a wicked man,' and a despiser of the divine worship: and Shalmaneser, the king of As- syria, made an expedition against him, and overcame him (which must have been because he had hot God favourable nor assistant to him), and brought him to submission, and or- dered him to pay an appointed tribute. Now in the fourth year of the reign of Hoshea, Hezekiah, the son of Ahaz, began to reign in Jerusalem; and his mother's name was Abi- jah, a citizen of Jerusalem. ILs nature was good, and righteous, and religious; for when he came to the kingdom, he thought that no- thing was prior, or more necesssiry, or more advantiigeous, to himself and to his subjects, than to worship God. Accordingly, he ciUed the people tugctber, and the priestg. and the Levites, and made a speech to them, anf said, — "You are not ignorant how, by tij sins of my father, who transgressed tbu*; 9;i. cred honour which was due to God, you bavt had experience of many and great miseries while you were corrupted in your mind bj him, and were induced to worship those whicl he supposed to be gods: I exhort you, th3re fore, who have learned by sad experience hov» dangerous a thing impiety is, to put that im- mediately out of your memory, and to purify yourselves from your former pollutions, and to open the temple to these priests and Levite who are here convened, and to cleanse it witi the accustomed sacrifices, and to recover all to the ancient honour which our fathers paid to it; for by this means we may render Go^ favourable, and he will remit the anger ha hath had to us." 2. When the king had said this, the priests opeiied the temple; and when they had set in order the vessels of God, and cast out what was impure, they laid the accustomed sacri- fices upon the altar. The king also sent to the country that was under him, and called the people to Jerusalem to celebrate the feast of unleavened bread, for it had been intermitted a long time, on accoimt of the wickedness of the forementioned kings. He also sent to the Israelites, and exhorted them to leave off their present way of living, and to return to their ancient practices, and to worship God, for that he gave them leave to come to Jerusalem, and to celebrate, ail in one body, the feast of unleavened bread; and this he said was by way of invitation only, and to be done of their own good- will, and for their own advantage, and not out of obedience to him, because it would make them happy. But the Israelites, upon the coming of the ambassadors, and upon their laying before them what they had in charge from their own king, were so far from complying therewith, that they laughed the ambassadors to scorn, and mocked them as fools: as also they affronted the prophets who gave them the same exhortations, and foretold what they would suffer if they did not return to the worship of God, insomuch that at length they caught them, and slew them; nor did this degree of transgressing suffice them, but they had more wicked con- trivances than what have been described : not did they leave off, before God, as a punish- ment for their impiety, brought them under their enemies: — but of that more hereafter. However, many there were of the tribe of Manasseh, and of Zebulon, and of Issachar, who were obedient to what the prophets ex- horted them to do, and returned to the wor- ship of God. Now all these came runniiijr to Jerusalem, to Hezekiah, that they inifeht worship God [there]. 3. When these men were come, king Heze- kiah went up into the temple, with the lulei^ and all the peopk, and offered fur Uiiiii>eif CHAP. XIV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 267 sevc.T bulls, and as many rams, with seven Iambs, and as many kids of the goats. The king also himself, and the rulers, laid their hands on the heads of the sacrifices, and permitted the priests to complete the sacred oflicei about them. So they both slew the sacriuces and burnt the burnt-offerings while the Levites stood round about them, wth their musical instruments, and sang hymns to God, and played on their psalteries, as they were instructed by David to do, and this while the rest of the priests returned the music, and ounded the trumpets which they had in their \nds : and when this was done, the king and the multitude threw themselves down upon their faces, and worshipped God. He also sacriliced seventy bulls, one hundred rams, and two hundred lambs. He also granted the multitude sacrifices to feast upon, six hundred oxen, and three thousand other cattle; and the priests performed all things according to the law. Now the king was so pleased here^vltn, tnat be feasted with the peo- le, and returned thanks to God ; but as the east of unleavened bread was now come, when they had offered ttiat sacririce which is called the Passover, tney atter that ofiered other sa- crifices for seven days. When the king had bestowed on the multitude, besides what they sanctified of themselves, two thousand bulls, and seven tnousand other cattle, the same thing was done by the rulers; for they gave them a thousand bulls, and a thousand and forty other cattie. Nor had this festival been so well observed from the days of king Solo- mon, as it was now fi^t observed wth great splendour and magnificence; and when the festival was ended, they went out into the country, and purged it; and cleansed the city of all the pollution of the idols. The king also gave order that the daily sacrifices should be offered, at his own charges, and according to the law; and appointed that the tithes and the first-fruits should be given by the mul- titude to the priests and Levites, that they might constantly attend upon divine service, and never be taken off from the worship of God. Accordingly, the multitude brought together all sorts of their fruits to the priests and the Levitts. The king also made garners and receptacles for these fruits, and distributed them to every one of the priests and Levites, and to their children and wives; and thus did they return to their old form of divine wor- ship. Now when the king had settled these matters after the manner already described, he made war upon the Philistines, and beat them, and possessed himself of all the enemy's cities, from Gaza to Gath; but Ihe king of Assyria sent to him, and threatened to over- turn all his dominions, unless he would pay him tbe tribute which his father paid him fo-mi;r!y; but king Hezekiah was not con- cerned at his threatenings, but depended on let piety towards God^ and upon Isaiah the prophet, by whom he inquired, and accurately knew, all future events: — and thus much shati suffice for the present concerning thi* kmg Hezekiah. CHAPTER XIV. HOW SHALMANESER TOOK SAMARIA BY FORCH»' AND HOW HE TRANSPLANTED THE TEN TRIBES INTO MEDIA, AND BROUGHT THE NATION OF THE CUTHEANS INTO THEIR COUNTRY [in THEIR ROOm]. § 1. When Shalmaneser, the king of Assyria, had it told him, that [Hoshea] the king of Israel had sent privately to So, the king of Egypt, desiring his assistance against him, he was very angry, and made an expedition against Samaria, in the seventh year of the reign of Hoshea; but when he was not ad- mitted [into the city] by the king,* he be- sieged Samaria three years, and took it by force in the ninth year of the reign of Hoshea, and in the seventh year of Hezekiah, king of Jerusalem, and quite demolished the govern- ment of the Israelites, and transplanted all the people into Media and Persia, among whom he took king Hoshea alive; and when he had removed these people out of this their land, he transplanted other nations out of Cuthah, a place so called (for there is [still] a river of that name in Persia), into Samaria, and into the country of the Israelites. So the ten tribes of the Israelites were removed out of Judea, nine hundred and forty-seven years after their forefathers were coine out of the land of Egypt, and possessed themselves of this country, but eight hundred years after Joshua had been their leader, and, as I have already observed, two hundred and forty years, seven months, and seven days, after they had revolted from Rehoboam, the grandson of David, and had given the kingdom to Jero- boam. And such a conclusion overtook the Israelites, when they had transgressed the laws, and would not hearken to the prophets, who foretold that this calamity would come upon them, if they would not leave off their evil doings. What gave birth to these evil doings, was that sedition which they raised against Rehoboam, the grandson of David, when they set up Jeroboam, his servant, to be their king, who, by sinning against God, and bringing them to imitate his bad example, • This siege of Samaria, tlioiiffh not given a parti- cular account of, either in our Hebrew or Greek Bitiles, or in Josephus, was so very lon^, no less than three years, that it was no way improbable but that parents, and particularly mothers, might therein be- reduced to eat their own children, as the law of Moses had threatened upon their disobedience (Ixjvit. xxvi. 29; OeuL xxviii. 5:3 — 57) ; and was accomplished in the other shorter sieges of both the capital cities, Jerusalem and Samaria; tha former mentioned Jer. xix. 9; Antiq, b. ix. chap. iVt sect 4{ and the latter, 2 Kings vL " 258 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK IX, made Cfod to be tlieir enemy, while Jeroboam underwent that punishment which he justly deserved. 2. And now the king of Assyria invaded all Syria and Phoenicia in a hostile manner. The name of this king is also set down in the archives of Tyre, for he made an expedition against Tyre in the reign of Eluleus; and Menander attests to it, who, when he wrote his Chronology, and translated the archives of Tyre into the Greek language, gives us the following history: — "One whose name was Eluleus, reigned thirty-six years: this king, upon the revolt of the Citteans, sailed to them, and reduced them again to a submis- sion. Against these did the king of Assyria send an arniy, and in a hostile manner over- ^ run all Phoenicia, but soon made peace with them all, and returned back; but Sidon, and Ace, and Palaetyrus, revolted; and many other cities there were which delivered them- selves up to the king of Assyria. Accord- ingly, when the Tyrians would not submit to him, the king returned, and fell upon them again, while the Phoenicians had furnished him with threescore ships, and eight hundred men to row them ; and when the Tyrians had come upon them in twelve ships, and the ene- my's ships were dispersed, they took five hundred men prisoners; and the reputation of all the citizens of Tyre was thereby in- creased; but the king of Assyria returned, and placed guards at their rivers and aque- ducts, who should hinder the Tyrians from drawing water. This continued for five years ; and still the Tyrians bore the siege, and drank of the water they had out of the wells they dug." Anrt tnis is what is written m the Tyrian archives conceriung Snalmaneser, the kmg of Assyria. 3. But now the Cutheans, who removed into Samaria (for that is the name they have been called by to this time, because they were brought out of the country called Cuthah, which is a country of Persia, and there is a river of the same name in it), each of them, according to their nations, which were in number five, brought their own gods into Sa- maria, and by worshipping them, as was the custom of their own countries, they provoked Almighty God to be angry and displeased at them, for a plague seized upon them, bj which they were destroyed ; and when they found no cure for their miseries, they learned by the oracle that they ought to worship Al- mighty God, as the method for their deUver- ance. So they sent ambassadors to the king of Assyria, and desired him to send them some of those priests of the Israelites whom he had taken captive. And when he there- upon sent them, and the people were by them taught the laws, and the holy worship of God, they worshipped him in a respectful manner, and the plague ceased immediately; and in- deed they continue to make use of the very same customs to this very time, and are called in the Hebrew tongue Cutheans; but in the Greek Samaritans. And when they see the Jews in prosperity, they pretend that they are changed, and allied to them, and call them kinsmen, as though they were derived from Joseph, and had by that means an ori- ginal alliance vdth them: but when they see them falUng into a low condition, they saj they are no way related to them, and that the Jews have no right to expect any kindness of marks of kindred from them, but they declare that they are sojourners, that come from olhcx countries. Put of I'ne&e w e shiHl iiave a nccne seasonable opportunity to discourse hereafter. 289 BOOK X. CONTAININO THB INTERVAL OP ONE HUNDRED AND EIGHTY-TWO TKABS AND A EALTl FROM THE CAPTIVITY OF THE TEN TRIBES TO THE FIRST OF CYRUS. CHAPTER I. HOW SENNACHERIB MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST HEZEKIAH; WHAT THREATENINGS RABSHAKEH MADE TO HEZEKIAH WHEN SENNACHERIB WAS GONE AGAINST THE EGYPTIANS ; HOW ISAIAH THE PROPHET ENCOURAGED HIM; HOW SENNACHERIB, HAVING FAILED OF SUCCESS IN EGYPT, RE- TURNED THENCE TO JERUSALEM; AND HOW, UPON HIS FINDING HIS ARMY DE- STROYED, HE RETURNED HOME; AND WHAT BEFELL HIM A LITTLE AFTERWARD. § 1. It was now the fourteenth year of the government of Hezekiah, king of the two tribes, when the king of Assyria, whose name was Sennacherib, made an expedition against him with a great army, and took all the cities of the tnbes of Judah and Benjamin by force; and when he was ready to bring his army against Jerusalem, Hezekiah sent ambassa- dors to him beforehand, and promised to sub- mit, and pay what tribute he should appoint. Hereupon Sennacherib, , when he heard of what offers the ambassadors made, resolved not to proceed in the war, but to accept of the proposals that were made him: and if he might receive three hundred talents of silver, and thirty talents of gold, he promised that he would depart in a friendly manner; and he gave security upon oath to the ambassa- dors that he would then do him no harm, but go av/ay as he came. So Hezekiah submit- ted, and emptied his treasures, and sent the money, as supposing he should be freed from his enemy, and from any farther distress about his kingdom. Accordingly, the As- syrian king took it, and yet had no regard to what he had promised; but while he him- self went to the war against the Egyptians and Ethiopians, he left his general Rabshakeh, and two other of his principal commanders, with great forces, to destroy Jerusalem. The names ot the two other commanders were 'l ui tan and Kabsaris. 2. Now as soon as they were come before the walls, they pitched their camp, and sent messengers to Hezekiah, and desired that they might speak wth him; but he did not himself come out to them for fear, but he sent three of his most intimate friends; the name of the one was Eliakim, who was over the kingdom, and Shebna, and Joah the re- corder. So these men came out, and stood over against the commanders of the Assyrian army; afld when Rabshakeh saw them, he bade them go and speak to Hezekiah in the manner folio mng: — That Sennacherib, the great king,* desires to know of him, on whom it is that he relies and depends, in flying from his lord, and will not hear him, nor admit his army into the city? Is it on account of the Egyptians, and in hopes that his army would be beaten by them? Whereupon he lets him know, that if this be what he expects, he is a foolish man, and like one who leans on a broken reed ; while such a one will not only fall do\\-n, but will have his hand pierced and hurt by it. That he ought to know he makes this expedition against him by the will of God, who hath granted this favour to him, that he shall overthrow the kingdom of Israel, and that in the very same manner he shall destroy those that are his subjects also. When Rabshakeh had made this speech in the He- brew tongue, for he was skilful in that lan- guage, Eliakim was afraid lest the multitude that heard him should be disturbed; so he desired him to speak in the Syrian tongue. But the general understanding what he meant, and perceiving the fear that he was in, he made his answer ^^•ith a greater and a louder voice, but in the Hebrew tongue; and said, that " since they all heard what were the king's commands, they would cotisult their own advantage in delivering up themselves to us; for it is plain that both you and your • This title of ttreat Kins;, both ir our Bibles (2 Kings xviii. 19; Isa. sxxvi 4). and here in Josephiis, is the very same that Herodotus gives tliis Seoiiactieribi as i Spanheim takes notice on this place. 270 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK X. king dissuaded the people from submitting by rain hopes, and so induce them to resist ; but If you be courageous, and think to drive our forces away, I am ready to deliver to you two ■^lousand of these horses that are with me for your use, if you can set as many horsemen on their backs, and show your strength; but what you have not, you cannot produce. Why, therefore, do you delay to deliver up Yourselves to a superior force, who can take you without your consent? although it will be safer for you to deliver yourselves up vo- luntarily, while a forcible capture, when you are beaten, must appear more dangerous, and will bring farther calamities upon you." 3. When the people, as well as the ambas- sadors, heard what the Assyrian commander said, they related it to Hezekiah, who there- upon put off liis royal apparel, and clothed himself wth sackcloth, and took the habit of a mourner, and, after the manner of his coun- try, he fell upon his face, and besought God, and entreated him to assist them, now they had no other hope of relief. He also sent some of his friends, and some of the priests, to the prophet Isaiah, and desired that he would pray to God, and offer sacrifices for their common deliverance, and so put up supplications to him, that he would have in- dignation at the expectations of their enemies, and have mercy upon his people, ^d when the prophet had done accordingly, an oracle came from God to him, and encouraged the king and his friends that were about him; and foretold, that their enemies should be beaten without fighting, and should go away in an ignominious manner, and not with that insolence which they now show, for that God would take care that they should be de- stroyed. He also foretold that Sennacherib, the king of Assyria, should fail of his purpose against Egypt, and that when he came home, he should perish by the sword. 4. About the same time* also the king of Assyria wrote an epistle to Hezekiah, in which he said he was a foolish man in sup- posing that he should escape from being his servant, since he had already brought under many and great nations; and he threatened, that, when he took him, he would utterly destroy him, unless he now opened the gates, and willingly received his army into Jerusa- lem. When he had read this epistle, he de- spised it; on account of the trust that he had in God ; but he rolled up the epistle, and laid it up within the temple; and as he made bis farther prayers to God for the city, and for the preservation of all the people, the pro- ohet Isaiah said, that God had heard his prayer, and that he should not at this time be besieged by the king of Assyria;' that, • What Jos4-phii8 iays here, how Isaiah the prophet Murred Hvzekiah, that *'at this time he shuuld not be h**i*K«d l)y the king of As^tyria; that for the future he mifrht \ir fu-rwrf of not hcinu at all djgtiirbt-d by liim; tod that r afterward 1 the people niii{ht go on peaceably, for the future, he might be secure of nojt being at all disturbed by him; and that the people might go on peaceably, and without fear, with their husbandry and other affairs; but after a little while, the king of Assyria, when he had failed of his treacherous designs against the Egyptians, returned* home with- out success on the following occasion: — He spent a long time in the siege of Pelusium i and when the banks that he had raised over against the walls were of a great height, and when he was ready to make an immediate as- sault upon them, but heard that Tirhaka, king of the Ethiopians, was coming, and bringing great forces to aid the Egyptians, and was resolved to march through the desert, and so to fall directly upon the Assyrians, this king Sennacherib was disturbed at the news; and, as I said before, left Pelusiiun, and returned back without success. Now concerning this Sennacherib, Herodotus also says, in the se- cond book of his histories, how "this king came against the Egyptian king, who was the priest of Vulcan; and that as he was besieg- ing Pelusium, he broke up the siege on the following occasion: — This Egyptian priest prayed to God, and God heard his prayer, and sent a judgment upon the Arabian king." But in this Herodotus was mistaken M'hen he called this king not king of the Assyrians, but of the Arabians; for he saith, that "a multitude of mice gnawed to pieces in one night both the bows and the rest of the ar- mour of the Assyrians; and that it was on that account that the king, when he had no bows left, drew off his army from Pelusium." And Herodotus does indeed give us this his- tory; nay, and Berosus, who wrote of the affairs of Chaldea, makes mention of this king Sennacherib, and that he ruled over the Assy- rians, and that he made an expedition against all Asia and Egypt; and says thus:f 5. "Now. when Sennacherib was return- ing from his Egyptian war to Jerusalem, he found his army under Rabshakeh his general in danger [by a plague], for God had sent a "^ pestilential distemper upon his army; and on the very first night of the siege, a hundred fourscore and five thousand, with their cap- tains and generals, were destroyed. So the king was in a great dread, and in a terrible agony at this calamity; and being in great and without fear, with their husbandry, and other affairs," is more distinct in our other copies, both of the kin^isand of Isaiah, and deserves very great consideration. Tha words are these: — ^This shall be a sign unto thee: Ya shall eat this year such as groweth of itself; and the se- cond year that which springeth of the same; and in the third year sow ye, and reap, and plant Tineyards, and eat the fruit thereof" (2 Kings xix. -20; Isa. xxxvii. 30); which seem to me plainly to design a iSabbatic year, a year of jubilee next after it, and the succeeding n»u:*l la- bours and fruits of them on the third and following years. + 'I'hat this terrible calamity of the slaughter oi the 18.j,(XX) Assyrians is here delivered in the words of He- rosus the Chaldean; and that it was certainly and fre- quently foietold by the Jewish prophets; and that it wut certainly and undeniably accMUplisbed, see AutbcnU Kec. Fart, ii page 866. CHAP. II. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 271 fear for his whole army, he fled \vith the rest ^ of his furcesKo his own kingdom, and to his city Nineveh; and when he had abode there a little while, he was treacherously assaulted, and died by the hands of his elder sons,* Afirammelech and Seraser, and was slain in jis own temple, which was called Araske. Now these sons of his were driven away, on account of the murder of their father, by the citizens, and went into Armenia, while As- s^rachoddas took the kingdom of Sennache- rib." And this proved to be the conclusion of this Assyrian expedition against the peo- ple of Jerusalem. CHAPTER IL EOW HEZEKIAH WAS SICK, AND BEADY TO DIE, AND HOW GOD BESTOWED UPON HIM FIFTEEN^ YEARS LONGER LIFE [AND SE- CURED THAT promise], BY THE GOING BACK OF THE SHADOW TEN DEGREES. § I. Now Hezekiah being thus delivered, af- ter a surprising manner, from the dread he was in, offered thank-offerings to God, %vith all his people; because nothing else had de- stroyed some of their enemies, and made the rest so fearful of undergoing the same fate, that they departed from Jerusalem, but that divine assistance: yet, whUe he was very zea- lous and diligent about the worship of God, did he soon afterwards fall into a severe dis- temper,! insomuch, that the physicians de- spaired of him, and expected no good issue of his sickness, as neither did his friends: and besides the distemper itself, there was a very melancholy circumstance that disordered the king, which was the consideration that he was ohihiless, and was going to die, and leave his touse and his government without a successor of his own body: so he was troubled at the thoughts of this his condition, and lamented himself, and entreated of Goa that he would prolong his life for a little while till he had some diildren, and not suffer him to depart this life before he was become a father. Here- upon God had mercy upon him, and accepted of his supplication, because the trouble he was « We are here to -take notice, that these two sons of E«nnacherib that ran away into Armenia, became the heads of two famous families there, the Arzerunii and the Genunii; of which see the particular histories in Moses Cborenensis, p. 60. + Jo!«ephD8, and all our copies, place the sickness of Hezekiah alter tlie destruction of Sennacherib's army, be- canse It appears to have been after his first assault, as he was going into Arabia and Egypt, where he pushed his conquests as far as they would go, and in order to dispatch his story altogether; yet does no copy but this of Josephns say it was after that destruction, but only that it happened in those d;»yR. or about that time of Hezekiah's life. Nor will the fiUeen years* prolongation of his life after his sick- ness, allow that sickness to hare been later than the for- mer part of the fifteenth year of his reign, since chronology do.-* not allow him in all above twenty-nine years and' a few months: wheri-as 'he first assault of Sennacherib was in the fourteenfli yar of Hezekinh; but the destruction «f a»eanach6rih*> army waa not till his eigbteentb year. I under at his supposed death was not because he was soon to leave the advantages he en- joyed in the kingdom; nor did he on that ac- count pray that he might have a longer life afforded him, but in order to have sons, that might receive the government after him. And God sent Isaiah the prophet, and commanded him to inform Hezekiah, that within thre<s days' time he should get clear of his distem per, and should survive it fifteen years, aid that he should have children also. Now uj)- on the prophet's saying this, as God had com- manded him, he could hardly believe it, both on account of the distemper he was under, which was very sore, and by reason of the surprising nature of what was told him; so he desired that Isaiah would give him souk sign or wonder, that he might believe him in what he had said, and be sensible that he caiue from God: for things that are beyond expec- tation, and greater than our hopes, are made credible by actions of the like nature. And when Isaiah had asked him what sign he de- sired to be exhibited, he desired that he would make the shadow of the sun, which he had already made to go down ten steps [or de- grees] in his house, to return again to the same place,J and to make it as it was before. And when the prophet prayed to God to ex- hibit this sign to the king, he saw what be desired to see, and was freed from his distem- per, and went up to the temple, where he wor- shipped God and made vows to him. 2. At this time it was that the dominion of the Assyrians was overthrown by the Medes;j; but of these things I shall treat elsewhere. But the king of Babylon, whose name was Baladan, sent ambassadors to Hezekiah with presents, and desired he would be his ally and his friend. So he received the ambassadors t As to this regress of the shadow, either upon a sun- dial, or the steps of the royal palace built by A baz. whether it were physically done by the real miraculous revolution of the earth in its diurnal motion backwards from east to west for a while, and its relurn again to its old natural revolution from west to east; or whether it were not ap- parent only, and performed by an aerial phosphorus, which imitated the sun's motion backwards, while a cloud hid the real sun, cannot now be determined. Phi- losophers and astronomers will naturally incline to the latter hypothesis. However, it must be noted, that Jose- phns seems to have understood it otherwise than we ge- nerally do; that the shadow was accelerated as much at first forward as it was made to go backward afterwards, and so the day was neitner longer nor shorter than usual; which, it must be confessed, agrees best of all to astro- nomy, whose eclipses, older than that time, were oh- served at the same times of the day^s if this miracle had never happened. After all, this wonderful signal was not, it seems, peculiar to Judea, but either seen, or at least heard of, at Babylon also, as appears by 2 Chron. XJfxii. 31; where we learn that the Babylonian ambas- sadors were sent to Hezekiah, among other things, to inquire of the wonder that was done in the land. } This expression of Josephus, that tl>e Medes, upon this destruction of the Assyrian army, " overthrew " the Assyrian empire, seems to be too strong; for although they immediately cast off the Assyrian yoke, and set up Deiuces, a king of their own, yet it waa some time be- for» the Medes and Babylonians overthrew Nineveh ; and some generations before the Medes and Persiau*, nnder Cyaxares and Cyrus, overthrew the AssyristU ot Babylonian empire, and took Babyloi). 272 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK X» gladly, and made them a feast, and showed them his treasures, and his armoury, and the other wealth he was possessed of, in precious stones, and in gold, and gave them presents to be carried to Baladan, and sent them back to him. Upon whicn the prophet Isaiah came to him, and inquirea of him whence those ambassadors came: to which he replied, that they came from Babylon, from the king; and that he had showed them all he had, that by the sight of his riches and forces he might thereby guess at [the plenty he was in], and be able to inform the king of it. But the prophet rejoined, and said, — "Know thou, that, after a little while, these riches of thine shall be carried away to Babylon, and thy posterity shall be made eunuchs there, and lose their manhood, and be servants to the king of Babylon; for that God foretold such things would come to pass." Upon which words Hezekiah was troubled, and said, that he was himself unwilling that his nation should fell into such calamities; yet, since it is not possible to alter what God had deter- mined, he prayed that there might be peace while he lived. Berosus also makes mention of this Baladan, king of Babylon. Now as to this prophet [Isaiah], he was, by the con- fession of all, a divine and wonderful man in speaking truth; and out of the assurance that he had never written what was false, he wrote down all his prophecies, and left them behind him in books, that their accomplishment might be judged of from the events by posterity. Nor did this prophet do so alone; but the others, which were twelve in number, did the same. And whatsoever is done among us, whether it be good, or whether it be bad, comes to pass according to their prophecies; but of every one of these we shall speak here- after. CHAPTER III. HOW MANASSEH REIGNED AFTER HEZEKIAH; AND HOW, WHEN HE WAS IN CAPTIVITY, HE RETURNED TO GOD, AND WAS RESTORED TO HIS KINGDOM, AND LEFT IT TO [HIS SON] AMON. § 1. When king Hezekiah had survived the interval of time already mentioned, and had dwelt all that time in peace, he died, having completed fifty-four years of his life, and reigned twenty-nine. But when his son Ma- nasseh, whose mother's name was Hephzibah, of Jerusalem, had taken the kingdom, he de- parted from the conduct of his father, and fell into a course of life quite contrary there- to, and showed himself in his manners most wicked in all respects, and omitted no sort of impiety, but imitated those transgressions of the Israelites, by the commission of which against God, they had been destroyed; for he was so hardy as to defile the temple of God, ♦ and the city, and the whole country; for, bj setting out from a contempt of God, he bar- barously slew all the righteous men that were among the Hebrews; nor would he spare the prophets, for he every day slew some of them, till Jerusalem was overflown with blood. So God was angry at these proceedings, and sent prophets to the king, and to the multitude, by whom he threatened tb.e very same calamities to them which their brethren the Israeutes, upon the like afironts ofiered to God, were now under. But these men would not be- lieve their words, by which belief they might have reaped the advantage of escaping all those miseries ; yet did they in earnest learn that what the prophets had told them was true. 2. And when they persevered in the same course of life, God raised up war against them from the king of Babylon and Chaldea, who sent an army against Judea, and laid waste the mm country; and caught king Manasseh by trea- ^ chery, and ordered him to be brought to him, and had him under his power to inflict what punishment he pleased upon him. But then ^ it was that Manasseh perceived what a mise- .,« rable condition he was in, and esteeming him- ^M self the cause of all, he besought God to ren- 9 der his enemy humane and merciful to him. ^ Accordingly, God heard his prayer, and granted him what he prayed for. So Manasseh was released by the king of Babylon, and escaped the danger he was in; and when he was come to Jerusalem, he endeavoured, if it were possible, to cast out of his memory those his former sins against God, of which he now repented, and to apply himself to a very reli- gious life. He sanctified the temple, and purged the city, and for the remainder of his days he was intent on nothing but to return his thanks to God for his dehverance, and to preserve him propitious to him all his fife long. He also instructed the multitude to do the same, as having very nearly experienced ,^ what a calamity he was fallen into by a con- ™ trary conduct. He also rebuilt the altar, and ofiered the legal sacrifices, as Moses com- manded; and when he had re-established what concerned the divine worship, as it ought to be, he took care of the security of Jerusa- lem: he did not only repair the old walls with great diligence, but added another wall to the former. He also built very lofty towers, and the garrisoned places before the city he strengthened not only in other respects, but with provisions of all sorts that they wanted; and indeed, when he had changed his former course, he so led his life for the time to come, that from the time of his return to piety to- wards God, he \v}is deemed a happy man, and a pattern for imitjxtion. When therefore he had lived sixty-sevon years, he departed this* life, having reigned niiy-live years, and wtM CHAP. IV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 273 biuied in his own garden; and the kingdom came to his son Amon, whose mother's name was Meshulemeth, of the city of Jotbath. CHAPTER IV. EOW AMCN REIGNED INSTEAD OF MANASSEH; AND AFTER AMON, REIGNED JOSIAH; HE WAS BOTH RIGHTEOUS AND RELIGIOUS. AS ALSO CONCERNING HULDAH THE PRO- PHETESS. § I. This Amon imitated those works of his father which he insolently did when he was young: so he had a conspiracy made against him by his own servants, and was slain in his ovm house, when he had lived twenty-four years, and of them had reigned two; but the multitude punished those that slew Amon, and buried him \vith his father, and gave the kingdom to his son Josiah, who was eight years old. His mother was of the city of Boscath, and her name was Jedidah. He was of a most excellent disposition, and naturally virtuous, and followed the actions of king David, as a pattern and a rule to him in the whole conduct of his life; and when he was twelve years old he gave demonstra- tions of his religious and righteous behaviour; for he brought the people to a sober way of living, and exhorted them to leave off the opi- nion they had of their idols, because they were not gods, but to worship their own God; and by reflecting on the actions of his progenitors, he prudently corrected what they did wrong, like a very elderly man, and like one abun- dantly able to understand what was fit to be done ; and what he found they had well done, he observed all the country over, and imitated the same ; and thus he acted in following the wisdom and sagacity of his own nature, and in compliance with the ad\ace and instruction of the elders; for by following the laws it was that he succeeded so well in the order of his government, and in piety with regard to the divine worship; and this happened be- cause the transgressions of the former kings were seen no more, but quite vanished away ; for the king went about the city, and the whole country, and cut do^vn the groves, which were devoted to strange gods, and over- threw their altars ; and if there were any gifts dedicated to them by his forefathers, he made them ignominious, and plucked them down; and by this means he brought the people back from their opinion about them to the worship of God. He also offered his accustomed sa- crifices and burnt-offerings upon the altar. Moreover, he ordained certain judges and overseers, that they might order the matters to them severally belonging, and have regard to justice above all things, and distribute it with the same concern they woidd have about their own soul. He also sent over all the country, and desired such as pleased to bring gold and silver for the repairs of the temple, according to every one's inclinations and abi- lities; and when the money was brought in, he made one Maaseiah the governor of the city, and Shaphan the scribe, and Joah the re- corder, and Eliakim the high-priest, curator of the temple, and of the charges contributed thereto; who made no delay, nor put the work ofi* at all, but prepared architects, and what- soever was proper for those repairs, and set closely about the work. So the temple was repaired by this means, and became a public demonstration of the king's piety. 2. But when he was now in the eighteenth year of his reign, he sent to Eliakim the high- priest, and gave order, that out of what money w^ overplus, he should cast'cups, and dishes, and vials, for ministration [in the tem- ple]; and besides, that they should bring all the gold or silver which was among the trea- sures, and expend that also in making cups and the like vessels; but as the high-priest was bringing out the gold, he lighted upon the holy books of Moses that were laid up in the temple ; and when he had brought them out, he gave them to Shaphan the scribe, who, when he had read them, came to the kmg, and informed, him that all was finished which he had ordered to be done. He also read over the books to him, who, when he had heard them read, rent his garment, and called for Eliakim the high-priest, and for [Shaphan] the scribe, and for certain [other] of his mo>=t particular friends, and sent them to Huldah the prophetess, the wife of Shallum (which Shallum was a man of dignity, and of an eminent family), and bade them go to her and say that [he desired] she would appease God, and endeavour to render him propitious to them, for that there was cause to fear lest, upon the transgression of the laws of Mo.^es by their forefathers, they should be in perD of going into captivity, and of being cast out of their own country; lest they should be in want of all things, and so end their days mi- serably. When the prophetess had heard this from the messengers that were sent to her by the king, she bade them go back to the king, and say, that God had already given sentence against them, to destroy the people, and cast them out of their country, and deprive them of all the happiness they enjoyed; which sen- tence none could set aside by any prayers of theirs, since it was passed on account of theii transgressions of the laws, and of their not having repented in so long a time, while the prophets had exhorted them to amend, and had foretold the punishments that would ensue on their impious practices; which threatening God would certainly execute upon them, that they might be persuaded that he is God, and had not deceived them in any respect as to what he had denounced by his prophets; that S 274 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK X. yet, because JosiaL was a righteous man, he would at present delay those calamities, but that, after his death, he would, send on the multitude what miseries he had determined for them. 3. So these messengers, upon this prophecy of the" woman, came and told it to the king; whereupon he sent to the people everywhere, and ordered that the priests and the Levites should come together to Jerusalem ; and commanded that those of every age should be present also; and when they were gathered together, he first read to them the holy books; after which he stood upon a pulpit, in the midst of the multitude, and obliged them to make a covenant, with an oath, that they would worship God, and keep the laws of Moses. Accordingly, they gave their assent wllingly, and undertook to do what the king had recommended to them. So they imme- diately offered sacrifices, and that after an ac- ceptable manner, and besought God to be gracious and merciful to them. He also en- joined the high-priest, that if there remained in the temple any vessel that was dedicated to idols, or to foreign gods, they should cast it out; so when a great number of such ves- sels were got together, he burnt them, and scattered their ashes abroad, and slew the priests of the idols that were not of the family of Aaron. 4. And when he had done thus in Jerusa- lem, he came into the country, and utterly destroyed what buildings had been made therein by king Jeroboam, in honour of strange gods; and he burnt the bones of the false prophets upon that altar which Jero- boam first built ; and as the prophet, [Jadon], who came to Jeroboam, when he was oflfering sacrifice, and when all the people heard him, foretold what would come to pass, viz. that a certain man of the house of David, Josiah by name, should do what is here mentioned. And it happened that those predictions took effect after three hundred and sixty one years. 5. After these things, Josiah went also to such other Israelites as had escaped captivity and slavery under the Assyrians, and per- suaded them to desist from their impious practices, and to leave ofi" the honours they paid to strange gods, but to worship rightly their own Almighty God, and adhere to him. He also searched the houses, and the villages, and the cities, out of a suspicion that some- body might have one idol or other in private; nay, indeed, he' took away the chariots [of the Sun] that were set up in his royal pa- lace,* which his predecessors had framed, * It b bard to reconcile the account in the second book of Kings (ch. xxiii. 11) with this account in Jose- phus, and to translate this pa.tsai^e truly in Josephus, whoae copies are supposed to be here imperfect. How- ever, the Kenerai sense of both seems to be this: — That there were certain chariots, witl) ilieir horses, dedicated to the idol o( the Sun, or to Mol ch. which idol mi^ht ic Oftrried about in processino. and worshipped by the and what thing soever there was besides which they worshipped as a god. 'And wbfin he had thus purged all the country, he called the people to Jerusalem, and there celebrwted the feast of unleavened bread, and that called the Passover. He also gave the people for paschal sacrifices, young kids of the goats, and lambs, thirty thousand, and three thou- sand oxen for burnt-offerings. The princi- pal of the priests also gave to the pries-ts against the passover two thousand and six hundred lambs; the principal of the Levites also gave to the Levites five thousand lambs, and five hundred oxen, by which means there was great plenty of sacrifices; and they of- fered these sacrifices according to the laws of Moses, while every priest explained the mat- ter, and ministered to the multitude. And indeed there had been no other festival thus celebrated by the Hebrews from the times of Samuel the prophet; and the plenty of sacri- fices now was the occasion that all things were performed according to the laws, and according to the custom of their forefathers. So when Josiah had after this lived in peace, nay, in riches and reputation also, amouii: all men, he ended his life in the manner followiiti;. CHAPTER V. HOW JOSIAH FOUGHT WITH NECO [KIVQ OP EGYPT], AND WAS WOUNDKD AND DIED IV A LITTLE TIME AFTERWARDS: A.S ALSO HOW NECO CARRIED JEIIOAHAZ, WHO HAD BEEN MADE KING, INTO EGYPT. AND DE- LIVERED THE KINGDOM TO JEHOIAKIM : AND [lastly]., CONCERNING JERK MIA H AND EZEKIEL. § 1. Now Neco, king of Egypt, raised an army, and marched to the river Euphrates, in order to fight with the Medes and Baby- lonians, who had overthrown tue dominion of the Assyrians,! for he bad a desire to reign over Asia. Now when he was come to the city Mendes, which belonged to the kingdom of Josiah, he brought an army to hinder him from passing through his own country, in his expedition against the Medes. Now Neco sent a herald to Josiah, and told him, that he had not made this expedition against him, but was making haste to Euphrates; and de- sired that he would not provoke him to fight against him, because he obstructed his march people; which chariots were now " taken away," as .lo- sephus says, or, as the booi; of Kings says, " burnt with fire, by Josiah." . + 1 his is a remarkable passage of chronoloRy in Jose- phus, that about the latter end of the reign of Jowab, the Medes and Babylonians overthrew the empire of the Assyrians; or, in the words of Tohirs continuntcr, that "helore Tobias died, he heard of the desrnirtion of Nineveh, which was taken by ^ebuchodononor th«» Babylonian, and Assnerus the Rlede " Tob. xiv. l«\ See Dean Prideauv** Connexion, at tb«> )oar 012. CHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 275 to the place whither he had resolved to go. Bat Josiah did not admit of this advice of Keco, but put himself into a posture to hin- der him from his intended march. I sup- pose it was fate that pushed him on to this conduct, that it might take an occasion against him ; for as he was setting his army in array,* and rode about in his chariot, from one wing of his army to another, one of the Egyptians shot an arrow at him, and put an end to his eagerness for fighting; for, being sorely wounded, he commanded a retreat to be sounded for his army, and returned to Jeru- salem, and died of that wound; and was magnificently buried in the sepulchre of his fathers, when he had lived thirty-nine years, and of them had reigned thirty-one. But all the people mourned greatly for him, lament- ing and grieving on his account many days; and Jeremiah the prophet composed an elegy to lament him,t which is extant till this time also. Moreover, this prophet denounced be- forehand the sad calamities that were coming upon the city. He also left behind him in writing, a description of that destruction of our nation which has lately happened in our days, and the taking of Babylon; nor was he the only prophet who delivered such predic- tions beforehand to the multitude; but so did Ezekiel also, who was the first person that wrote, and lelt behind him in writing two books concerning these events. Now these two oropnets were priests by birth, but or tnem Jeremiah dwelt in Jerusalem, from tne toirteentn year of the reign of Josiah, un- til tne city and temple Mere utterly destroyed. However, as to what befell this prophet, we will relate it in its proper place. 2. Upon the deatn of Josiah, which we have already mentioned, his son, Jehoahaz by name, took the kingdom, being about twenty-tnrpe years old. He reigned in Je- rusalem; and his mother was Hamutal, of the city Linnah. He was an impious man, and impure in his course of life; but as the kit)g of Egypt returned from the battle, he sent for Jehoahaz to come to him to the city called Hamath.t which belongs to Syria; and when he was come, he put him in bonds, and de- livered the kingdom to a brother of his by the father's side, whose name was Eliakim, and changed his name to Jehoiakim, and laid « This battle is justly esteemed the very same that Bertxlotus (bonk ii. sect 1.56) mentions, when l>e say?, tbat "Nccao joined baUle with the Syrians [or Jews] at Magdoium [Megiddo] and beat them," as Dr. Hud- son here observes. + Whether Josephns, from 2 Chron. xxxv. 2-5, here means the book of the Lamentations of Jeremiah, still, extant, which chiefly belongs to the destruction of Je-I rusalem under Nebuchadnezzar, or to any other like melancholy poem now lost, but extant in the days of Josephus. belonging peculiarly to Josiah, cannot now be . detemiiued. | t This ancient city Hamath, which is joined with Ar-. Kd. or Aradus, and with Damascus (2 Kings xviii. :W;! I, xxxvi. 19; Jer. xlix. 2:3). cities of Syria and I'hceni | Citt, »ea.i the borders of Jndea. was also itself evidt-nil aear the same borders though long ago utterly destroy lOfniiy} stroyn!. 1 a tribute upon the land of a hundred talents of silver, and a talent of gold ; and this sum of money Jehoiakim paid by way of tribute ; but Neco carried away Jehoahaz into Egypt, where he died, when he had reigned three months and ten days. Now Jehoiakim's mother was called Zebudah, of the city Ru- mah. He was of a wicked disposition, and ready to do mischief: nor was he either reli gious towards God, or good-natured toward men. CHAPTER VI. HOW NEBUCHADNEZZAR, WHEN HE HAD CONQUERED THE KING OF EGYPT, MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE JEWS, AND SLEW JEHOIAKIM, AND MADE JEHOIACHIN, HIS SON, KING. § 1. Now in the fourth year of the reign of Jehoiakim, one whose name was Nebuchad- nezzar took the government over the Babylo- nians, who at the same time went up with a great army to the city Carchemish, which was at Euphrates, upon a resolution he had taken to fight with Neco, king of Egypt, under whom all Syria then was. And when Neco understood the intention of the king of Baby- lon, and that this expedition was made against him, he did not despise his attempt, but made haste with a great band of men to Euphra- tes to defend himself from Nebuchadnezzar; and when they had joined battle, he was beaten, and lost many ten thousands [of his I soldiers] in the battle. So the king of Bii- bylon pa-ssed over Euphrates, and took all ' Syria, as far as Pelusium, excepting Judea. But when Nebuchadnezzar had already reign- ed four years, which was the eighth of Jehoi- akim's goverment over the Hebrews, the king of Babylon made an expedition with mighty forces against the Jews, and required tribute of Jehoiakim, and threatened, on his refusal, to make war against him. He was affrighted at his threatening, and bought his peace with money, and brought the tribute he was ordered to bring for three years. 2. But on the third year, upon hearing that the king of the Babylonians made an ex- pedition against the Egyptians, he did not pay his tribute ; yet was he disappointed of his hope, for the Egyptians durst not fight at this time. And indeed the prophet Jeremiah fore- told every day how vainly they relied oil their hopes from Egypt, and how the city would be overthrown by the king of Babylon, and Je- hoiakim the king would be subdued by him. But what he thus spake proved to be of no advantage to them, because there were none that should escape; for both the multitude, and the rulers, when they heard him, bad no concern about what they heard ; . but being 276 A^Tla1[IITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK X. displeased at wliat was said, as if the prophet were a diviner against the king, they accused Jeremiah; and bringing him before the court, they required that a sentence and a punish- ment might be given against him. Now all the rest gave their votes for his condemnation, but the elders refused, who prudently sent away the prophet from the court [of the pri- son], and persuaded the rest to do Jeremiah no harm ; for they said that he was not the cnly person who foretold what would come to the city, but that Micah signified the same before him, as well as many others, none of whom suffered any thing of the kings that then reigned, but were honoured as the pro- phets of God. So they mollified the multi- tude with these words, and delivered Jeremiah from the punishment to which he was con- demned. Now when this prophet had written all his prophecies, and the people were fast- ing, and assembled at the temple, on the ninth month of the fifth year of Jehoiakim, he read the book he had composed of his predictions of what was to befall the city, and the temple, and the multitude; and when the rulers heard of it, they took the book from him, and bade bim and Baruch the scribe to go their ways, lest they should be discovered by one or other; but they carried the book, and gave it to the king; so he gave order in the presence of his friends, that his scribe should take it and read it. When the king heard what it contained, he was angry, and tore it, and cast it into the fire, where it was consumed. He also com- manded that they should seek for Jeremiah and Baruch the scribe, and bring them to him, that they might be punished. However, they escaped his anger. 3. Now, a little time afterwards, the king of Babylon made an expedition against Je- hoiakim, whom he received [into the city], and this out of fear of the foregoing predic- tions of this prophet, as supposing that he should suffer nothing that was terrible, be- cause he neither shut the gates, nor fought jigainst him; yet when he was come into the dty, he did not observe the covenants he had made ; but he slew such as were in the flower of their age, and such as were of the greatest dignity, together with their king Jehoiakim, whom he commanded to be thrown before the walls, without any burial; and made his son Jehoiachin king of the country and of the city: he also took the principal persons in dignity for captives, three thousand in num- ber, and led them away to Babylon; among whom was the prophet Ezekiel, who was then but young. And this was the end of king Jehoiakim, when he had lived thirty-six years, and of them reigned eleven. But Jehoiachin Bucceeded him in the kingdom, whose mo- ther's name was Nehushta; she was a citizen of Jerusalem. He reigned three months and ten days. CHAPTER VII. THAT THE KING OP BABYLON REPENTED OF MAKING JEHOIACHIN KING, AND TOOK HIM AWAY TO BABYLON, AND DELIVERED THE KINGDOM TO ZEDEKIAH. THIS KING WOULD NOT BELIEVE WHAT WAS PREDICTED US JEREMIAH AND EZEKIEL, BUT JOINED HtM- SELF TO THE EGYPTIANS; WHO, WHEN THEY CAME INTO JUDEA, WERE VANQUISH- ED BY THE KING OF BABYLON; AS ALSO WHAT BEFELL JEREMIAH. § 1. But a terror seized on the king of Ba- bylon, who had given the kingdom to Jehoia- chin, and that immediately ; he was afraid that he should bear him a grudge, because of his killing his father, and thereupon should make the country revolt from him ; where- fore he sent an army, and besieged Jehoiachin in Jerusalem; but because he was of a gentle and just disposition, he did not desire to see the city endangered on his account, but he took his mother and kindred, and delivered them to the commanders sent by the king of Babylon, and accepted of their oaths, that neither should they suffer any barm, nor the city; which agreement they did not observe for a single year, for the king of Babylon did not keep it, but gave orders to his generals to take all that were in the city captives, both the youth and the handicraftsmen, and bring them bound to him: their number was ten thousand eight hundred and thirty-two; as also Jehoiachin, and his mother and friends j and when these were brought to him, he kept them in custody, and appointed Jehoiachin'p imcle, Zedekiah, to be king: and made him take an oath, that he would certainly keep tht kingdom for him, and make no innovation, nor have any league of friendship with th« Egyptians. 2. Now Zedekiah was twenty and one year^ old when he took the government; and had the same mother with his brother Jehoiakim, but was a despiser of justice and of his duty; for truly those of the same age with him were wicked about him, and the whole multitude did what unjust and insolent things they pleased; for which reason the prophet Jere- miah came often to him, and protested to him, and insisted, that he must leave off his im- pieties and transgressions, and take care of what was right, and neither give ear to the rulers (among whom were wicked men) nor give credit to their false prophets who deluded them, as if the king of Babylon would make no more war against him, and as if the Egyp- tians would make war against him, and conquer hJm, since what they said was not true; and the events would not prove such [as they expect- ed]. Now as to Zedekiah himself, while by heard the prophet speak, he believed him. and CHAP. VII. ANTIQUITIES OF Till: JEWS. 277 agreed to every thing as true, and supposed it was for bis advantage; but then his friends perverted him, and dissuaded him from what the prophet advised, and obliged him to do what they pleased. Ezekiel also foretold in Babylon what calamities were coming upon the people, which when he heard, he sent ac- counts of them unto Jerusalem; but Zede- kiah dirt not believe their prophecies, for the reason following: — It happened that the two prophets agreed with one another in what they said as in all other things, that the city should b*» taken, and Zedekiah himself should be taken captive; but Ezekiel disagreed with him, and said, that Zedekiah should not see Babylon; while Jeremiah said to him, that the king of Babylon should carry him away thither in bonds; and because they did not both say the same thing as to this circumstance, he disbelieved what they both appeared to agree in, and condemned them as not speaking truth therein, although all the things foretold him did come to pass according to their pro- phecies, as we shall show upon a litter oppor- tunity. 3. Now when Zedekiah had preserved the league of mutual assistance he had made with the Babylonians for eight years, he brake it, and revolted to the Egyptians, in hopes, by their assistance, of overcoming the Babylo- nians. When the king of Babylon knew this, he made war against him: he laid his country waste, and took his fortified towns, and came to the city Jerusalem itself to be- siege it; but when the king of Egypt heard what circumstances Zedekiah his ally was in, he took a great army with him, and came into Judea, as if he would raise the siege; upon which the king of Babylon departed from Jerusalem, and met the Egyptians, and joined battle with them and beat them ; and when he had put them to flight, he pursued them, and drove them out of all Syria. Now as soon as the king of Baby- lon was departed from Jerusalem, the false prophets deceived Zedekiah, and said that the king of Babylon would not any more make war against him or his people, nor re- move them out of their own country into Babylon; and that those then in captivity would return, with all those vessels of the temple, of which the king of Babylon had despoiled that temple. But Jeremiah came among them, and prophesied what contra- dicted those predictions, and what proved to be true, that they did ill, and deluded the king; tljat the Egyptians would be of no ad- vantage to them, but that the king of Baby- lon would renew the war against Jerusalem, and besiege it again, and would destroy the people by famine, and carry away those that remained into captivity, and would take away what they had as spoils, and would carry off those riches that were in the temple; nay, that, fcesides this, he would burn it, and ut- terly overthrow the city, and that they should serve him and his posterity seventy years; and then the Persians and the Medes should put an end to their servitude, and overthrow the Babylonians; "and that we shall be dis- missed, and return to this land, and rebuild the temple, and restore Jerusalem."* — When Jeremiah said this, the greater part believed him ; but the rulers, and those that were wicked, despised him, as one disordered in his senses. Now he had resolved to go else- where, to his own country, which was called Anathoth, and was twenty fui>longs distant from Jerusalem ; and as he was going, one of the rulers met him, and seized upon him, and accused him falsely, as though he were going as a deserter to the Babylonians; but Jere- miah said that he accused him falsely, and added, that he was only going to his own country; but the other would not believe him, but seized upon him, and led him away to the rulers, and laid an accusation against him, under whom he endured all sorts of torments and tortures, and was reserved to be punished; and this was the condition he was in for some time, while he suffered what I have already described unjustly. 4. Now, in the ninth year of the reign ot Zedekiah, on the tenth day of the tenth month, the king of Babylon made a second expedition against Jerusalem, and lay before it eighteen months, and besieged it with the utmost ap- plication. There came upon them also two of the greatest calamities, at the same time that Jerusalem was besieged, a famine and a pestilential distemper, and made great havoc of them: and though the prophet Jeremiah was in prison, he did not rest, but cried out, and proclaimed aloud, and exhorted the mul- titude to open their gates, and admit the king of Babylon, for that, if they did so, they should-be preserved, and their whole families; but if they did not so, they should be de- stroyed ; and he foretold, that if any one staid in the city, he should certainly perish by one of these ways, — either be consumed by the famine, or slain by the enemy's sword ; but that if he would fly to the enemy he should escape death: yet did not these rulers who heard believe him, even when they were in the midst of their sore calamities; but they came to the king, and, in their anger, informed him what Jeremiah said, and accused him, and complained of the prophet as of a madman, and one that disheartened their minds, and, by the denunciation of miseries, weakened the alacrity of the multitude, who were other- wise ready to expose themselves to dangers for him, and for their country, while he, in a • Josephus says here, that Jeremiah prophesied not only of the return of the Jews from the Babylonian cap- tivity, and this under the Persians and Medes. as in our other copies: but of their rebuilding the temple, and eren the city Jerusalem, which does not appear in our copies under his name. See the note on Antiq. b. U. cU. 1, sect 3. 278 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK X. \VR} of threatening, warned thenn to fly to the enemy, and told them that the city should certainly he taken, and be utterly destroyed. 5. But for the king himself, he was not at all irritated against Jeremiah, such was his gentle and righteous disposition; yet, that he might not be engaged in a quarrel with those rulers at such a time, by oppoifing what they intended, he let them do with the prophet whatsoever they would : whereupon, when the king had granted them such a permission, they presently came into the prison and took him, and let. him down with a cord into a pit full of mire, that he might be suffocated, and die of himself. So he stood up to the neck in the mire, which was all about him, and so. continued: but there was one of the king's servants, who was in esteem with him, an Ethiopian by descent, who told the king what a state the prophet was in, and said, that his friends and his rulers had done evil in put- ting the prophet into the mire, and by that means tontriving against him that he should suffer a death more bitter than that by his bonds only. "When the king heard this, he repented of his having delivered up the pro- phet to the rulers, and bade the Ethiopian take thirty men of the king's guards, and cords with them, and whatsoever else they understood to be necessary for the prophet's preservation, and to draw him up imme- diately. So the Ethiopian took the men that he was ordered to take, and drew up the pro- phet out of the mire, and left Eim at liberty in the prison. 6. But when the king had sent to call him privately, and inquired what he could say to him from God, which might be suitable to his present circumstances, and desired him to in- form him of it, Jeremiah replied, that he had somewhat to say; but he said withal, he should not be believed, nor, if he admonished them, should be hearkened to; " for," said he, " thy friends have determined to destroy me, as though I had been guilty of some wicked- ness: and where are now those men who de- ceived us, and said that the king of Babylon would not come and fight against us any 'more? but I am afraid now to speak the truth, lest thou shouldest condemn me to die." And when the king had assured him upon oath that he would neither himself put him to death, nor deliver him up to the rulers, he became bold upon that assurance that was given him, and gave him this advice; — That he should deliver the city up to the Baby- lonians; and be said, that it was God who prophesied this by him, that [he must do so] if he would be preserved and escape out of the danger he was i:., and that then neither should the city fall to ihe ground, nor should the temple be burned; but that [if he dis- ODeyed], he would be the cause of these mi- •enes coming upon the citizens, and of the Ciilamity that would btfall Lis whole house. When the king heard this, he said, that he would willingly do w bat he persuaded him to, and what he declared would be to his advan- tage, but that he was afraid of those of his own country that had fallen away to the Ba- bylonians, lest he should be accused by them to the king of Babylon, and be punished. Hut the prophet encouraged him, and said he had no cause to fear such punishment, for that he should not have the experience of any misfortune, if he would deliver all" up to the Babylonians; neither himself, jior his children, nor his wives, and that the temple should then continue unhurt. So when Jeremiah had said this, the king let him go, and charged him to betray what they had resolved on to none of the citizens, nor to tell any of these matters to any of the rulers, if they should have learned that he had been sent for, and should inquire of him what it was that he was sent for, and what he had said to him ; but to pretend to them that he besought him that he might not be kept in bonds and in prison. And indeed he said so to them, for they came to the prophet, and asked him what advice it was that he came to give the king relating to them: and thus I have finished what con- cerns this matter. CHAPTER VITI. HOW THE KING OF BABYLON TOOK JKRUSALKM AND BUKNT THE TEMPLE, AND REMOVED THE PEOPLE OF JERUSALEM AND ZKDE- KIAH TO BABYLON. AS AL.SO, WHO IHEY WERE THAT HAD SUCCEEDED IN THE HIGH- PRIESTHOOD UNDER THE KINGS. § 1. Now the king of Babylon was very intent and earnest upon the siege of Jerusjtlem; and he erected towers upon great banks of earth, and from them repelled those that stood upon the walls: he also made a great number of such banks round about the whole city, the height of which was equal to those walls. However, those that were within bore the siege with courage and alacrity, for they were not discouraged, either by the famine or by the pestilential distemper, but were of cheer- ful minds in the prosecution of the war, al- though those miseries within oppressed them also; and they did *not suffer themselves to be terrified, either by the contrivances of the enemy, or by their engines of war, but con- trived still different engines to oppose all the other withal, till indeed there seemed to be an entire struggle between the Babylonians and the people of Jerusalem, who had the greater sagacity and pkill; the former party supposing they should be thereby too hard for the other, for the destruction of the city; the latter placing their hopes of deliverance in nothing else but in persevering in such in- CHAP. VIII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 279 ventions, in opposition to the other, as might demonstrate the enemy's engines were use- less to them; and this siege they endured lor eighteen months, until they were destroyed by the famine, and by the darts which the enemy threw at them from the towers. 2. Now the city was taken on the ninth day of the fourth month, in the eleventh year of the reign of Zedekiah. They were in- deed only generals of the king of Babylon, to whom Nebuchadnezzar committed the care of the siege, for he abode himself in the city of Riblah. The names of these generals who ravaged and subdued Jerusalem, if any one desired to know them, were these : Nergal Sharezer, Samgar Nebo, Rabsaris, Sarse- chim, and Rabmag; and when the city was taken about midnight, and the enemy's gene- rals were entered into the temple, and when Zedekiah was sensible of it, he took his wives and his children, and his captains and friends, and with them fled out of the city, through the fortified ditch, and through the desert ; and when certain of the deserters had informed the Babylonians of this, at break of day they made haste to pursue after Zede- kiah, and overtook him not far from Jericho, and encompassed him about. But for those friends and captains of Zedekiah who had fled out of the city wilu him, when they saw their enemies near them, they left him, and dispersed themselves, some one way and some another, and every one resolved to save him- seli"; so the enemy took Zedekiah alive, when he was deserted by all but a few, with his chil- dren and his wives, and brought him to the king. "When he was come, Nebuthadnezzar began to call him a wicked wretch, and a covenant-breaker, and one that had forgotten his former words, when he promised to keep the country for hiui. He also reproached him for his ingratitude, that when he had received the kingdom from him, who had taken it from Jehoiachin, and given it him, he had made use of the power he gave him against him that gave it: " but," said he, " God is great, who hateth that conduct of thine, and hath brought thee under us." And when he had used these words to Zedekiah, he commanded h\< sons and his friends to be slain, while Ze- dekiah and the rest of the captains looked on; after which he put out the eyes of Zedekiah, aad bound him, and carried him to Babylon. And these things happened to him,* as Jere- miah and E/ekiel had foretold to him, that he should be caught, and brought before the king of Babylon, and should speak to him face to face, and should see his eyes with his • This observation of Josephus about the seeming disagreement of Jeremiah (ch. xxxii 4, and xxxiv. 3; au'i Exek. xii. 13), t>iit real ar:reement at last, conctrn- ing the ftfe of Zt-dekiah. is very triie and very remark- able. See ch. vii sect 2. Nor is it at all unliKely that tile counie'.s and filse prophets miijht make nse ot this feemia^ i-oiitnidiction to dissuade Zedekiah from l>eliev- in/ either of those prophets, as Josepuus here intimates U« ivis dis.'«uailed thereby. own eyes; and thus far did Jeremiah pro« phesy. But he was also made blind, and brought to Babylon, but did not see it, ac- cording to the prediction of EzekieL 3. We have said thus much, because it was sufficient to show the nature of God to such as are ignorant of it, that it is various, and acts many diiFerent \vays, and that all events happen after a regular manner, in their pro- per season, and that it foretells what must come to pass. It is also sufficient to show the ignorance and incredulity of men, whereby they are not permitted to foresee any thing that is future, and are, without any guard, exposed to calamities, so that it is impossible for them to avoid the experience of those ca- lamities. 4. And after this manner have the kings of David's race ended their lives, being in num- ber twenty-one, until the last king, who all together reigned five hundred and fourteen years, and six months, and ten days: of whom Saul, who was their first king, retained the government twenty years, though he was not of the same tribe with the rest. 5. And now it was that the king of Ba- bylon sent Nebuzaradan, the general of his army, to Jerusalem, to pillage the temple; who had it also in command to burn it and the royal palace, and to lay the city even with the ground, and to transplant the people into Babylon. Accordingly he came to Jerusalem, in the eleventh year of king Zedekiah, and pillaged the temple, and carried out the ves- sels of God, both gold and silver, and parti- cularly that large laver which Solomon dedi- cated, as also the pillars of brass, and their chapiters, with the golden tables and the can- dlesticks: and when he had carried these off, he set fire to the temple in the fifth month, the first day of the month, in the eleventh year of the reign of Zedekiah, and in the eighteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar; he also biu-nt the palace, and overthrew the city. Now the temple was burnt four hundred and seventy years, six months, and ten days, after it was built. It was then one thousand and sixty- two years, six months, and ten days, from the departure out of Egypt; and from the De- luge to the destruction of the temple, the whole interval was one thousand nine hundred and fifty-seven years, six months, and ten days; but from the generation of Adam, until this befell the temple, there were three thousand five hundred and thirteen years, six months, and ten days: so great was the num- ber of years hereto belonging; and what ac- tions were done during these years, we have particularly related. But the general of the JJabylonian king now overthrew the dty to the very toujuiiitions, and removed all the people, and tt>ok tor prisoners the higb-prip>»t Seraiah, and Zephaniah the priest that was next to him, and the rulers that guarded the tern, tie., who were tlree in number» and tne 280 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK X. eunuch who was over the armed men, and seven friends of Zedekiah, and his scribe, and sixty other rulers; all whom, together with the vessels they had pillaged, he carried to the king of Babylon to Riblah, a city of Syria. So the king commanded the heads of the high-priest and of the rulers to be cut off there ; but he himself led all the captives and Zedekiah to Babylon. He also led Josedek the high-priest away bound. He was the son of Seraiah the high-priest, whom the king of Babylon had slain in Riblah, a city of Syria, as we just now related. 6. And now, because we have enumerated the succession of the kings, and who they were, and how long they reigned, I think it- necessary to set down the names of the high- priests, and who they were.that succeeded one another in the high-priesthood under the kings. The first high-priest then at the temple which Solomon built was Zadok; after him his son Achimas received that dignity; after Achimas was Azarias; his son was Joram, and Joram's son was Isus: after him was Axioramus; his son was Phideas, and Phideas's son was Su- deas, and Sudeas's son was Juelus, and Jue- lus's son was Jotham, and Jotham's son was Urias, and Urias's son was Nerias, and Ne- rias's son was Odeas, and his son was Sallu- mus, and Sallumus's son was Elcias, and his son [was Azarias, and his son] was Sareas,* and his son was Josedec, who was carried captive to Babylon. All these received the high-priesthood by succession, the sons from their father. 7. When the king was come to Babylon, he kept Zedekiah in prison until he died, and buried him magnificently, and dedicated the vessels he had pillaged out of the temple of Jerusalem to his own gods, and planted the people in the country of Babylon, but freed the high-priest from his bonds. CHAPTER IX. HOW NEBUZARADAN SET GEDALIAH OVER THE JEWS THAT WERE LEFT IN JUDEA, WHICH GEDALIAH WAS, A LITTLE AFTER- WARD, SLAIN BY ISHMAEL; AND HOW JO- HANAN, . AFTER ISHMAEL WAS DRIVEN AWAY, WENT DOWN INTO -EGYPT WITH THE PEOPLE; WHICH PEOPLE NEBUCHADNEZ- ZAR, WHEN HE MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE EGYPTIANS, TOOK CAPTIVE, AND BROUGHT THEM AWAY TO BABYLON. § 1. Now the general of the army, Nebuza- radan, when he had carried the people of the • I have here inserted in brackets this high-priest Azarias, though he be omitted in all JosephusS copies. out of the Jewish chronicle, Seder Olam, of how little tuthority soever I generally esteem such late Kabbiniciil afstoruiu, bncause we know from Josephus himself, that I Jews into captivity, left the poor, and those that had deserted, in the country ; and made one, whose name was Gedaliah, the son of Ahikam, a person of a noble family, their governor; which Gedaliah was of a gentle and righteous disposition. He also com- manded them that they shoiild cultivate the ground, and pay an appointed tribute to the king. He also took Jeremiah the prophet out of prison, and would have persuaded him to go along with him to Babylon, for that he had been enjoined by the king to supply him with whatsoever he wanted; and if he did not like to do so, he desired him to inform him where he resolved to dwell, that he might signify the same to the king. But the pro- phet bad no mind to follow him, nor to dwell anywhere else, but would gladly live in the ruins of his country, and in the miserable re- mains of it. When the general understood what his purpose was, he enjoined GedaUah, whom he left behind, to take all possible cure of him, and to supply him with whatsoever he wanted; so when he had given him rich presents, he dismissed him. Accordingly, Jeremiah abode in a city of that country, which was called Mispah; and desired of Nebuzaradan that he would set at liberty his disciple Baruch,f the son of Neriah, one of a very eminent family, and exceeding skilful in the language of his country. 2. When Nebuzaradan had done thus, he made haste to Babylon; but as to those that lied away during the siege of Jerusalem, and had been scattered over the country, when they heard that the Babylonians were gone away, and had left a remnant in the land ot Jerusalem, and those such as were to culti- vate the same, they came together from all parts to Gedaliah to Mispah. Now the rulers that were over them were Johanan, the son oi Kareah, and Jezamah, and Seraiah, and others beside them. Now there was of the royal family, one Ishmael, a wicked man, and very crafty, who, during the siege of Jerusalem, fled to Baalis, king of the Ammonites, and abode with him during that time; aiul Geda- liah persuaded them, now they were there, to stay vnth him, and to have no fear of the Babylonians, for that if they would cultivate the country, they should suffer no harm. This he assured them of by oath; and said that they should have him for their patron, and that if any disturbance should arise, they should find him ready to defend them. He also advised them to dwell in any city, as every one of them pleased; and that they would send men along with his own servants. the number of the high-priests belonging to this interv* was eighteen (Antiq. b. xx. ch. x), whereas his copies have here but seventeen. f Ot this character of Bariich, the son of Neriah, an<i the genuineness of his book, that stands now in our Apocrypha, and that it is reully a canonical book, unrf an Appendix to Jeremiah, see Autbent. Rec. pttH , puge 1 — 11. CHAP. IX. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 281 and rebuild their houses upon the old foun- dations, and dwell there; and he admonished them beforehand, that they should make pre- paration, while the season lasted, of corn, and wine, and oil, that they might have whereon to feed during the >vinter. When he had thus discoursed to them, he dismissed them, that every one might dwell in what part of the country he pleased. 3, Now when this report was spread abroad as far as the nations that bordered on Judea, that Gedaliah kindly entertained those that came to him, after they had fled away, upon this [only] condition, that they should pay tribute to the king of Babylon, they also came readily to Gedaliah, and inhabited the country. And when Johanan, and the rulers that were Nvith him, observed the country, and the humanity of Gedaliah, they were exceed- ingly in love with him, and told him that Baalis, the king of the Ammonites, had sent Ishmael to kill him by treachery, and secret- ly, that he might have the dominion over the Israelites, as being of the royal family; and they said, that he might deliver himself from this treacherous design, if he would give them leave to slay Ishmael, and nobody should know it, for they told him they were afraid that when he was killed by the other, the entire ruin of the remaining strength of the Israelites would ensue. But he professed that he did not believe what they said, when they told him of such a treacherous design, in a man that had been well treated by him ; because it was not probable that one who, under such a want of all things, had failed of nothing that was necessary for him, should be found so wicked and ungrateful towards his benefactor, that when it would be an in- stance of wickedness in him not to save him, had he been treacherously assaulted by others, to endeavour, and that earnestly, to kill him with his own hand: that, however, if he ought to suppose this information to be true, it was better for himself to be slain by the other, than destroy a man who fled to him for refuge, and entrusted his o^vn safety to him, and committed himself to his disposal. 4. So Johanan, and the rulers that were with him, not being able to persuade Gedaliah, went away: but after the interval of thirty days was over, Ishmael came again to Geda- liah, to the city INIispah, and ten men with him : and when he had feasted Ishmael, and those that were with him, in a splendid manner at his table, and had given them presents, he became disordered in drink, while he endea- voured to be very merry with them: and when Ishmael saw him in that case, and that he was drowned in his cups to the degree of insensi- bility, and fallen asleep, he rose up on a sud- den, with his ten friends, and slew Gedaliah and those that were with him at the feast; and when he had slain them, he went out by night, ind slew aU the Jews that were in the city. and those soldiers also which were left therein by the Babylonij»ns ; but the next day four- score men came out of the country with pre- sents to Gedaliah, none of them knowing what had befallen him; when Ishmael saw them, he invited them in to Gedaliah, and when they were come in, he shut up the court, and slew them, and cast their dead bodies down into a certain deep pit, that they mi^ht not be seen ; but of these fourscore men Ishmael spared those that entreated him not to kill them, till they had delivered up to him what riches they had concealed in the fields, consisting of their furniture, and garments, and corn : but he took captive the people that were in l^lispah, with their wives and children; among whom were the daughters of king Zedekiah, whom Nebuzaradan, the general of the army of Babylon, had left with Gedaliah; and when he had done this, he came to the king of the . Ammonites. 5. But when Johanan and the rulers with him heard of what was done at Mispah by Ishmael, and of the death of Gedaliah, they had indignation at it, and every one of them took his o\vn armed men, and came suddenly to fight with Ishmael, and overtook him at the fountain in Hebron : and when those that were carried away captives by Ishmael, saw Johanan and the rulers, they were very glad*, and looked upon them as coming to their as- sistance; so they left him that had carried them captives, and came over to Johanan: then Ishmael, ^vith eight men, fled to the king of the Ammonites ; but Johanan took those whom he had rescued out of the hands of Ish- mael, and the eunuchs, and their wives and children, and came to a certain place called Mandara, and there they abode that day ; for they had determined to remove from thence and go into Egypt, out of fear, lest the Baby- lonians should slay them, in case they con- tinued in the country, and that out of anger at the slaughter of Gedaliah, who had been by them set over it for governor. 6. Now while they were under this delibe- ration, Johanan, the son of Kareah, and the rulers that were with him, came to Jeremiah the prophet, and desired that he would pray to God, that because they were at an utter loss about what they ought to do, he would discover it to them, and they sware that they would do whatsoever Jeremiah should say to them : and when the prophet said that he would be their intercessor with God, it came to pass, that after ten days God appeared to him, and said, that he should inform Johanan and the other rulers and all the people, that he would be wth them while they continued in that country, and take care of them, and keep them from being hurt by the Babylonians, of # whom they were afraid; but that he would desert them if they went into Egypt ; and, out of his wrath against them, would inflict the same punishments upon them which the> I 282 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK X, Knew their brethren had already endured. ] So when the prophet had informed Jobanan and the people that God had foretold these things, he was not believed, when he said that God commanded them to continue in that country; but they imagined that he said so to gratify Baruch, his own disciple, and be- lied God, and that he persuaded them to stay there, that they might be destroyed by the Babylonians. Accordingly, both the peopie and Johanan disobeyed the counsel of God, which he gave them by the prophet, and re- moved into Egypt, and carried Jeremiah and Baruch along with them. 7. And when they were there, God signi- fied to the prophet that the king of Babylon was about making an expedition against the Egyptians, and commanded him to foretell to the people that Egypt should be taken, and the king of Babylon should slay some of them, and should take others captives, and bring them to Babylon; which things came to pass accordingly; for on the fifth year after the destruction of Jerusalem, which was the twenty-third of the reign of Nebuchad- nezzar, he made an expedition against Cele- feyria; and when he had possessed himself of it, he made war against the Ammonites and Moabites; and when he had brought all those nations under subjection, he fell upon Egypt, in order to overthrow it; and he slew the king that then reigned,* and set up ano- ther: and he took those Jews that were there captives, and led them away to Babylon; and such was the end of the nation of the Hebrews, as it hath been delivered down to us, it having twice gone beyond Euphrates; for the people of the ten tribes were carried out of Samaria by the Assyrians in the days of king Hoshea; after which the people of the two tribes that remained after Jerusalem was taken [were carried away] by Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon and Chaldea. Now as to Shalmanezer, he removed the Israelites out of their country, ^d placed therein the nation of the Cutheans, who had formerly belonged to the inner parts of Persia and Media, but were then called Samaritans^ by taking the name of the country to which they were re- moved ; but the king of Babylon, who brought out the two tribes.f placed, no other nation ill their country, by which means all Judea and Jerusalem, and the temple, continued to • Herodotus says, this king of Egypt (Pharoah Mophra, or Apries) was slain by the Etcypti.tns, as Jeremiah fore- told his slaughter by his enemies (Jer. xliv. 29, 30); and that as a siijn of the destruction of ligypt by Nebuchad- nezzar. Josepbus says, this kin^ was slain by Nebu- chadnezzar himself. T We see here that Judea was left in a manner deso- lati after the captivity of the two tril)c», and wa.s not re- peopled with forergn colonies, perhaps as an indication **>f Providence, that the Jews were to rt-people it withuul opposition themselves. 1 also esteem the latter and pre- sent desolate condition of the same country, without being repeopled by foreiKn colonies, to be a like indica- .lion, that the same Jews are herrulter to repeople it •gala tbeoiMlveii. »i their so lon(;-eXK<^cted resluruliun. be a desert for seventy years; but the enure interval of time which passed from the cauu- vity of the Israelites, to the carrying a way of the two tribes, proved to be a hundred and thirty years six months, and ten days. CHAPTER X. CONCERNING DANIEL, AND WHAT BEFELL HIM AT BABYLON. § 1. But now Nebuchadnezzar, king of Ba- bylon, took some of the most noble of the Jews that were children, and the kinsmen of Zedekiah their king, such as were remarkable for the beauty of their bodies and the comeli- ness of their countenances, and delivered them into the hands of tutors, and to the improve- ment to be made by them. He also made some of them to be eunuchs; which course he took also with those of other nations whom he had taken in the flower of their age, and afforded them their diet from his own table, and had them instructed in the institutes of the country, and taught the learning of the Chaldeans; and they had now exercised them- selves sufficiently in that wisdom which he had ordered they should apply themselves to. Now among these there were four of the family of Zedekiah, of most excellent dispositions; the one of whom was called Daniel, another was called Ananias, another Misael, and the fourth Azarias: and the king of Babylon changed their names, and commanded that they shoidd make use of other names. * Daniel he called Baltasar; Ananias, Shadrach; Mi- sael, Meshach; and Azarias, Abednego. These the king had in esteem, and continued to love, because of the very excellent temper they were of, and because of their appUcation to learning, and the progress they had made in wisdom. 2. Now Daniel and his kinsman had re- solved to use a severe diet, and to abstain from those kinds of food which came from the king's table, and entirely to forbear to eat of all liv- ing creatures: so he came to Ashpenaz, who was that eunuch to whom the care of them was committed,* and desired him to take and spend what was brought for them from the king; but to give them pulse and dates for their food, and any thing else, besides the flesh of hving creatures, that he pleased, for that their inclinations were to that sort oi food, and that they despised the other. He replied, that he was ready to serve them in what they desired, but he suspectud that they t That Daniel wjis made one of these euniicl.a of which Isaiah prophesied (I-sa. xxxix. 7), and the three children his companions also, seems to me plain, both here in Josepbus and in our copies of Daniel (Dan. i. \i, 6, 7, II, 18)j altliough. It must he gran ted, that 3om» manied persons, that had children, were somttinics f a\ltt^ eunuch!^, in a gerir-ral arreptatiun tnr rourtiers. on ao count that so many ol the auo'»nt courtiers wertt naJ eunUv-liB. See. Geu. CHAP. X, . ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 283 M'ouM be discovered by the king, from their| mruirre bodies, and the alteration of their t'O'JM^enances; because it could not be avoided n !* tlipir bodies and colours must be changed with their diet, especially while they would be clearly discovered by the finer appearance of the other children, who would fare better, and thus they should bring him into danger, a;id occasion him to he punished: yet did (Ih'v persuade Arioch, who was thus fearful to give them what food they desired for ten days, by way of trial; and in case the habit of their bodlss were not aUered, to go on in the same way, as expecting that tbey should not be hurt thereby afterwards; but if he saw them look meagre, and worse than the rest, he should reduce them to their former diet. Now when it appeared that they were so far from becoming worse by the use of this food^ that they grew plumper and fuller in body than the rest, insomuch, that he thought those who fed on what cam^ from the kuig's table seemed less plump and full, while those that were with Daniel looked as if they had lived in plenty, and in all sorts of luxury, Arioch, from that time, securely took himself what the king sent every day from his supper, according to custom, to the children, but gave them the fore-mentioned diet, while they had their souls in some measure more pure, and less burdened, mul so titter for learning, and had their bodies in better tune for hard labour ; for they neither had the foruier oppressed and heavy \nth variety of meats, nor werp the other* effeminate on the same account; so they readily understood all the learning that was among the Hebrews, and among the Chaldeans, as especially did Daniel, who, be- ing already sufficiently skilled in wisdom, was very busy about the interpretation ot dreams: and God manifested himself to him. 3. Now two years after the destruction of Egypt» king Nebuchadnezzar saw a wonderful dream, the accomplishment of which God showed him in his sleep ; but when he arose out of his bed, he forgot the accomplishment: so he sent for the Chaldeans and magicians, and the prophets, and told them that he hatl seen a dream, and informed them tha*. he had forgotten the accomplishment of what he had seen, and he enjoined them to tell him both what the dream was, and what was its signi- fication; and they said that this was a thing impossible to be discovered by men; but they promised him, that if he would explain to them what dream he had seen, they would tell him its signification. Hereupon he threatened to put them to death, unless they told him his dream: and he gave command to have them all pat to death, since they confessed they cottid not do what they were commanded to do No\v when Daniel heard that the king ha^ feiven a command that all the wise men shoiilcj hf put to death, and that among them himself and bis three kinsmen were in danger. he went to Arioch, who was captain of the king's guards, and desired to know of him what was the reiison why the king had given command that all the \vise men, and Chal- deans, and magicians, should be slain. So when he had learned that the king had had a dream, and had forgotten it, and that when they were enjoined to inform the king of it, they had said they could not do it, and had thereby provoked him to anger, he desired of Arioch that he would go in to the king, and desire respite for the magicians for one night, and to put off their slaughter so long, for that he hoped within that time to obtain, by prayer to God, the knowledge of the dream. Ac- cordingly, Arioch informed the king of what Daniel desired: so the king bade them delay the slaughter of the magicians till he knew what Daniel's promise would come to; but the young man retired to his own house, with his kinsmen, and besought God that whole night to discover the dream, and thereby de- liver the magicians and Chaldeans, with whom they were themselves to perish, from the king's anger, by enabling him to declare his vision, and to make manifest what the king had seen the night before in his sleep, but had forgotten it. Accordingly, God, out of pity to those that were in danger, and out of regard to the wis- dom of Daniel, made known to him the dream and its interpretation, that so the king might understand by him its signification also. When Daniel had obtained this knowledge from God, he arose very joyful, and told it his brethren, and made them glad, and to hope well that they should now preserve their lives, of which they despaired before, and had their minds full of nothing but the thoughts of dying. So when he had with them returned thanks to God, vj^ho had commiserated their youth, when it was day he came to Anoch, and dtsired him to bring him to the king, because he would discover to him that dream which he had seen the night before. 4. When Daniel was come in to the king, he excused himself first, that he did not pre- tend to be wiser than the other Chaldeans and magicians, when, upon their entire inability to discover his dream, he was undertaking to inform him of it; for this was not by his o.ni skill, or on account of his having better cul- tivated his understanding than the rest; but he said, " God hath Lad pity upon us, when we were in danger of death, and when I prayed for the life of myself, and of those of ray own nation, hath made manifest to me both the dream and the interpretation there- of; for I was not less concerned for thy glory than for the sorrow that we were by thee con- demned to die, while thou didst so unjustly command men, both good and excellent in themselves, to be put to death, when thou enjoinedst them to do what was entirely above the reach of human wisdom, and requiredst of thea what was only th« woik of God. SS4 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK X. Wherefore, as thou in thy sleep wast solici- tous concerning those that should succeed thee in the government of the whole world, God was desirous to show thee all those that should reign alter thee, and to that end exhibited to thee the following dream: — Thou seemedst to see a great image standing before thee, the head of which proved to be of gold, the shoulders and arms of silver, and the belly and the thighs of brass, but the legs and the feet of iron; after which thou sawest a stone broken off from a mountain, which fell upon the image and threw it down, and brake it to pieces, and did not permit any part of it to remain whole; but the gold, the silver, the brass, and the iron, became smaller than meal, which, upon the blast of a violent wind, was by force carried away, and scattered abroad ; but the stone did increase to such a degree, that the whole earth beneath it seemed to be filled therewith. This is the dream which thou sawest, and its interpretation is as follows: — The head of gold denotes thee, and the kings of Babylon that have been before thee; but the two hands and arms signify this, that your government shall be dissolved by two kings; but another king that shall come from the west, armed with brass, shall destroy that go- vernment; and another government, that shall be like unto iron, shall put an end to the power of the former, and shall have dominion over all the earth, on account of the nature of iron, which is stronger than that of gold, of silver, and of brass." Daniel did also de- clare the meaning of the stone to the king;* but I do not thnig proper to relate it, since I have only undertaken to describe things past or things present, but not things that are fu- ture; yet if any one be so very desirous of knowing truth, as not to w^e such points of curiosity, an^ cannot curb his inclination for understanding the uncertainties of futurity, and whether they will happen or not, let him be diUgent in reading the book of Daniel, which he will find among the sacred writings. 5. When Nebuchadnezzar heard this, and recollected his dream, he was astonished at the nature of Daniel, and fell upon his face, and saluted Daniel in the manner that men worship God, and gave command that he should be sacrificed to as a god. And this was not all, for he also imposed the name of his own god upon him [Baltasar], and made him and his kinsmen rulers of his whole king- dom; which kinsmen of his happened to fall into great danger by the envy and malice [of * or the most remarkable passage in Josephiis con- cerning the " stone cut out of the mountain, and destroy- ing the image," which he would not explain, but intimated to be a prophecy of futurity, and probably not safe for him to explain, as belonging to the destruction ot the Koman empire by Jesus Christ, the true Messiah of the Jews, take the words of Havercamp (ch. x. sect. 4): ♦♦ Nor is this to be wondered at, that he would not now meddle with things future, for he had no mind to provoke the Humans, by speaking of the destruction of tiiat city wkioh tbcy called the Eternal City." their enemies]; for they offended the king upon the occasion following: — He made an image of gold, the height of which was sixty cubits, and its breadth six cubits, and set it in the great plain of Babylon; and when be was going to dedicate the image, he invited the principal men out of all the earth that were under his dominions, and comnmnded them, in the first place, that when they should hear^ the sound of the trumpet, they should then fall down and worship the image; and he threatened, that those who did not do so should be cast into a fiery furnace. When, therefore, all the rest, upon the hearing of the sound of the trumpet, worshipped the image, they re- late that Daniel's kinsmen did not do it, be- cause they would not transgress the laws of their country: so these men were convicted, and cast immediately into the fire, but were saved by Divine Providence, and after a sur- prising manner escaped death ; for the fire did not touch them : and 1 suppose that it touched them not, as if it reasoned with itself, that they were cast into it without any fault of theirs, and that, therefore, it was too weak to burn the young men -when they were in it. This was done by the power of God, who made their bodies so far superior to the tire, that it could not consume them. This it was which recommended them to the king as righteous men, and men beloved of God ; on which account they continued in great esteem with him. 6. A little after this the king saw in his sleep again another vision; how hfe should fall from his dominion, and feed among the wild beasts; and that, when he had lived in this manner in the desert for seven years, f he should recover his dominion again. When he had seen this dream, he called the magi- cians together again, and inquired of them about it, and desired them to tell him what it + Since Josephus here explains the seven prophctio times which were to pass over Nebuchadnezzar (Dan, iv. 16) to be seven years, we thence learn how he most probably must have understood those other parallel phrases, of "a time, times, and a half" (Antiq. b. vii. ch. xxv), of so many prophetic years also, though he withal lets us know, by his hint at the interpretation of the seventy weeks, as belonging to the fourth monarchy, and the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in the days of Josephus (ch. ii. sect 7), that he did not think those years to he bare )ears, but rather days for years; by which reckoning, and by which alone, could seventy^ weeks, or lour hundred and ninety days, reach to the age of Josephus. But as to the truth of those seven years' bani:>hment of Nebuchadnezzar from men, and his living so long among the beasts, the very small re- mains we have anywhere else of this Nebuchadnezzar, prevent our expectation of any other full account of it So far we know by Ptolemy's canon, a contemporary record, as well as by Josephus presently, that he reigned in all forty-three jears, that is, eight years after wo meet with any account ot his actions; one of the last of which was the thirteen years' siege of Tyre (Antiq, U xi ch. xi); where yet the old I.atin has but three yea" and tea months: yet weie his actions belore so remarkable, both in sacred and profane authors, that such a vacuity of eight years at the least, &t the latter end of his reign, must be allowed to ai,ree very well with Daniel's ac- counts, that alter a se\en years' bi-utal lite, Ite migli/ return to his rrason, and to the exercise of his ruy«l autborkty, lor one whole year at Itast bvfore hu death.' CflAP. XI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 285 *ignified ; but when none of them couM find out the meaning of the dream, nor discover 4t to the king, Daniel was the o."ly person that explained it; and as he foretold, so it came to pass; for after he had continued in the wilderness the forementioned interval of time, while no one durst attempt to seize his kingdom during those seven years, he prayed to God that he might recover his kingdom, and he returned to it. But let no one blame me for writing down every thing of this na- ture, as I find it in our ancient books; for as to that matter, I have plainly assured those that think me defective in any such point, or •complain of my management, and have told them in the beginning of this history, that I intended to do no more than translate the Hebrew books into the Greek language, and promised them to explain those facts, without adding any thing to them of my own, or tak- ing any thing away from them. CHAPTER XI. CONCERNING NEBUCHADNEZZAR AND HIS SUC- CESSORS, AND HOW THEIR GOVERNMENT WAS DISSOLVED BY THE PERSIANS; AND WHAT THINGS BEFELL DANIEL IN MEDIA; AND WHAT PROPHECIES HE DELIVERED THERE. § 1. Now when king Nebuchadnezzar had reigned forty-three years,* he ended his life. He was an active man, and more fortunate than the kings that were before him. Now Berosus makes mention of his actions in the third book of his Chaldaic History, where he says thus: — "When his father Nebuchodo- nosor [Nabopollassar] heard that the gover- nor whom he had set over Egypt, and the places about Celesyria and Phoenicia, had re- volted from him, while he was not himself able any longer to undergo the hardships [of war], he committed to hi^son Nebuchadnez- zar, who was still but a youth, some parts of his army, and sent them against him. So when Nebuchadnezzar had given battle,* and fought with the rebel, he beat him, and re- duced the country from under his subjection, and made it a branch of his own kingdom; but about that time it happened that his fa- ther Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar] fell ill, and ended his life in the city of Babylon, when he had reigned twenty-one years ; f and * These forty-three years for the duration of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar are, as I have just now observed, the very same number in Ptolemy's canon. Moses Chore- nensis does also confirm this captivity of the Jews under Nebuchadnezzar; and adds, what is very remarkable, that one of those Jews that were carried by him into captivity, got away into A^nenia, and raised the great family of the Bagratidge there. + These twenty-one years here ascribed to one Na- boiilassir, in the first book against Apion, or to Nabo- pollassar, the father of the great Nebuchadnezzar, are also the very same with those given him in Ptolemy's canon- And note here, that what l>r. Prideaux >ays, when he was made sensible, as W was in a little time, that his father, Nebuchodonosor [Nabopollassar], was dead, and having set- tled the affairs of Egypt, and the other coun- tries, as also those that concerned the captive Jews, and Phcenicians, and Syrians, and those of the Egyptian nations, and having com- mitted the conveyance of them to Babylon to certain of his friends, together with the gross of his array, and the rest of their ammunition and provisions, he went himself hastily, ac- companied with a few others, over the desert, and came to Babylon. So he took upon him the management of public affairs, and of the kingdom which had been kept for him by one that was the principal of the Chaldeans, and he received the entire dominions of his father, and appointed, that when the captives came, they should be placed as colonies, in the most proper places of Babylonia; but then he adorned the temple of Belus, and the rest of the temples, in a magnificent manner, with the spoils he had taken in the war. He also added another city to that which was there of old, and rebuilt it, that such as would besiege it hereafter might no more turn the course of the river, and thereby attack the city itself: he therefore bidlt three walls round about the inner city, and three others about that which was the outer, and this he did with burnt brick. And after he had, after a becoming manner, walled the city, and adorned its gates gloriously, he built another palace before his father's palace, but so that they joined to it; to describe the vast height and immense riches of which, it would perhaps be too much for me to attempt; yet, as large and lofty as they were, they were completed in fifteen days.f He also erected elevated places for walking, of stone, and made it resemble mountains, and biult it so that it might be planted wth all sorts of trees. He also erected what was called a pensile pa- radise, becausefhis Mdfe was desirous to have things like her o\vn country, she having been bred up in the palaces of Media." Megas- thenes also, in his fourth book of his Accounts of India, makes mention of these things, and thereby endeavours to show that this king [Nebuchadnezzar] exceeded Herculus in for- titude, and in the greatness of his actions; in the year 612, that Nebuchadnezzar must bave been a common name of other kings of Babylon, besides the great Nebuchadnezzar himself, is a groundless mistake of some modern chronologer* only, and destitute of all proper original authority. t These fifteen days for finishing such vast buildings at Babylon, in Josephus's copy of Berosus, would seem too absurd to be supposed to be the true number, were it not for the same testimony extant also in the first book against Apion (sect. 19), with the same number. It thence indeed appears, that Josephus's copy of Berosus bad this small number; but that it is the true number J still doubt. J osephus assures us^that the walls of so much a smaller city as Jerusalem were two years and four months in building by Nehemiah, who yet hastened the work all that he could, Antjq. b.xi.c.v. sect. 8. I should think one hundred and fifteen days, or a year and fifteca ^ days, muab more prepertiooable to so great a work> '■'-' 286 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK X. for he aaith, that he conquered a great part of Libya and Iberia. Diodes also, in the second book of his Accounts of Persia, men- tions this king; as does Pbilostratus, in his Accounts both of India and Phoenicia, say, that this king besieged Tyre thirteen years, while at the same time Etbbaal reigned at Tyre. These are all the histories that I have met with concerning this king. 2. But now, after the death of Nebuchad- nezzar, Evil-Merodach his son succeeded in the kingdom, who immediately set Jeconiah at liberty, and esteemed him amongst his most intimate friends. He also gave him many presents, and made him honourable above the rest of the kings that were in Ba- bylon; for his father had not kept his faith with Jeconiah, when he voluntarily delivered up himself to him, vnth. his wives and chil- dren, and his whole kindred, for the sake of his country, that it might not be taken by siege, and utterly destroyed, as we said be- fore. When Evil-Merodach wag dead, after a reign of eighteen years, Neglissar his son took the government, and retained it forty years, and then ended his life; and after him the succession in the kingdom came to his son Labosordacus, who continued in it in all but nine months; and when he was dead, it came to Baltasar,* who by the Babylonians was called Naboandelus: against him did Cyrus, the king of Persia, and Darius, the king of Media, make war; and when he was besieged in Babylon, there happened a won- derful and prodigious vision. He was sat down at supper in a large room, and there yvere a great many vessels of silver, such as were made for royal entertainments, and he had \vith him his concubines and his friends; whereupon he came to a resolution, and commanded that those vessels of God which Nebuchadnezzar had plundered out of Jeru- salem, and had not made use of, but had put them into his own temple, shoidd be brought out of that temple. He also grew so haughty as to proceed to use them in the midst of his cups, drinking out of them, and blaspheming • It is here remarkable that Josephus, without the knowledge of Ptolemy's canon, should call the same kin^ whom he himsell here (Bar. i. II, and Dan. v. 1, 2. 9, 12, 22, :i9, 30) styles Beltazar or.Belshazjiar, from Ihr Babylonian god Bel, Neboandelus also; and ia the first book against Apion (sect. 19. vol. iii), from the same citation out of Berosus, Nabonned6n, from the liitbv Ionian nod Nabo, or Nebo. Thi« last is not re- i.intf- from the original pronunciation itself in PtoLMny>8 ca'.on, Nabonadius; for both the place of this king in thai canou, as the last of the Assyrian or Babylonian kings, and the number of years of his reign, seventeen, tlie same in both demonstrate that it is one and the sume king that is meant by tliem all. It is also worth noting, that Josephus knew that Darius, the partner of Cyrus, was the son of Antyages, and was called by ano- ther name among the Greeks, though it does not appear he knew what that name was, as having never seen the bett history of this period, which is Xenophon'si but tJien what Josephus's present copies say presently (sect 4j. that it was only within no long time after the hand- writing on the wall that Uallasar was slain, does not so well agree with our copies of Daniel, which say it was tbm HuiM Bicbt, Da«. v. SO. against- God. In the mean timp, he saw a hand proceed out of the wall, and writing upon the wall certain syllables; at. -which sight, being disturbed, he cai'iea toe mnin- cians and Chaldeans together, and ail itiat sort of men that are among these narniinans, and were able to interpret signs and dreams, that they might explain the writing to him, But when the magicians said they couid dis- cover nothing, nor did understand it, the king was in great disorder of mind, and un- der great trouble, at this surprising accident,; so he caused it to be proclaimed through aii the country, and promised, that to him who could explain the writing, and give the signi- fication couched therein, he wouid give him a golden chain for his neck, and leave to wear a purple garment, as did the kings of Chal- dea, and would bestow on him the third part of his own dominions. When this proclama- tion was made, the magicians ran together more earnestly, and were very ambitious to find out the importance of the writing; but still hesitated about it as much as laefore. Now when the king's grandmother saw hiiu cast down at this accident,f she began to en- courage him, aud to say, that there was a certain captive who came firom Judea, a Jew by birth, but brought away thence by Nebu- chadnezzar when he had destrgyed Jerusa- lem, whose name was Daniel, a wise man, and one of great sagacity in finding out what was impossible for others ;o discover, and what was known to God aione; who brought to light and answered such questions to Ne- buchadne-'-zar as no one else was able to an- swer when they were consulted. She tliere- fore desired that he wotdd send for hiui, and inquire of him concerning the writing, dnc^ to condemn the unskiii'ulness of those that could not find their meaning, and this, al- though what God signified tiiereby should be of a melancholy nature. 3. When Baltasar heard this, he called for Daniel : and when he had. discoursed to him what he had learned concerning him and his wisdom, and how a divine spirit was with him, and 1>hat he alone was fully capable of finding out what others wotUd never have thought of, he desired him to declare to him what this writing meant: that if he did so, he would give him leave to wear purple, and to put a chain of gold about his neck, and would be- stow on him the third part of his dominion, as an honorary reward for his wisdom, thai, thereby he might become illustrious to those who saw him, and who inquired upon what occasion he obtained such honours. But Daniel desired that he would keep his gills + This grandmother, or "^lothcr of Baltasar, th* queen-dowager of Babylon {M she is distinguia'ied from his queen (Dan. v. 10, 23), seems to have been tlie famouH Mtocris, who fortified Babylon agairtst the >led<-8 and Persians, and in all probuhilUy gove.'ned uiv* (ier Hallnxur, who seems to be a weak and eiTemlnnte piince. CHAP. XI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 287 to himself; for what is the effect of wisdom and of divniie revelation admits of no gifts, ana bestow:* its advantages on petitioners irfcfiy D'lt that still he would explain the writme to him; which denoted that he should soon (UP, and this because he had not learnt to nonour God, and not to admit things anove human nature, by what punishments his proj^enitor had undergone for the injuries he had otfered to God ; and because he had quite forgotten how Nebuchadnezzar was re- moved to f-ed among wild beasts for his im- pieties, and did not^ecover his former life among men and his kingdom, but upon God's mercy to him, after many supplications and prayers; who did thereupon praise God all the days of his hfe, as one of almighty power, and who takes care of mankind. [He also put him in mind] how he had greatly blas- phemed against God, and had made use of bis vessels amongst his concubines: that there- fore God saw this, and was angry wth him, and declared by this writing beforehand what a sad conclusion of his life he should come to. And be explained the writing thus: — " Ma- NEH. This, if it be expounded in the Greek language, may signify a Number, because God hath numbered so long a time for thy life, and for thy government, and that there r.'inains but a small portion. — Thekel. This signities a Weighty and means that God hath weighed thy kingdom in a balance, and finds it going down already. — Phares. This also, m the Greek tongue, denotes a fragment; God will therefore break thy kingdom in pieces, and divide it among the Medes and Persians." 4. When Daniel had told the king that the writing upon the wall signified these events, Baltasar was in great sorrow and afflic- tion, as was to bo expected, when the inter- pretation was so heavy upon him. However, be did not refuse what he had promised Da- niel, although he were became a foreteller of misfortunes to him, but* bestowed it all upon him: as reasoning- thus, that what he was to reward was peculiar to himself, and to fate, and did not belong to the prophet, but that it was the part of a good and a just man to give what he had promised, although the events were of a melancholy nature. Accord- i.igly, the king determined so to do. Now, after a little while, both himself and the city were taken by Cyrus, the king of Persia, who fought against him; for it was Baltasar, un- der whom Babylon was taken, when he had reigned seventeen years. And this is the end o^ the posterity of king Nebuchadnezzar, as history informs us; but when Babylon was tnken by Darius, and when he, with his Irins- iruui Cyrus, had put an end to the dominion t>i the Babylonians, he was sixty-two years «)'(!. He was the son of Astyages, and had aiiOtl-.er name among the Greeks. Moreover, oe to k Daniel the prophet, and carried him with him into Media, and h^lftotjifecl him very greatly, and kept him with him; for he waa one of the three presidents whom he set over his three hundered and sixty provinces; for into so many did Darius part them. 5. However, while Daniel was in so great dignity, and in so great favour wth Darius, and was alone entrusted with every thing by him, as having somewhat divine in him, he was en- Vied by the rest: for those that see others in greater honour than themselves wth kings, envy them: and when those that were grieved at the great favour Daniel was in with Darius, sought for an occasion against him, he afforded them no occasion at all, for he was above all the temptations of money, and despised bribery, and esteemed it a very base thing to take any thing by way of reward, even when it might be justly given him, he afforded those that envied him not the least handle for an accusation. So when they could find nothing for which they might calumniate him to the king, nothing that was shameful or reproach- ful, and thereby deprive him of the honour he was in with him, they sought for some other method whereby they might destroy him. When therefore they saw that Daniel prayed to God three times a day, they thought they had gotten an occasion by which they might ruin him; so they came to Darius, and told him, that " the princes and governors had thought proper to allow the multitude a relaxation for thirty days, that no one might offer a petition or prayer either to himself, or to the gods, but that he who shall transgress this decree shall be cast into a den of lions, and there perish." 6. Whereupon the king, not being acquaint- ed with their ^vicked design, nor suspecting that it was a contrivance of theirs against Daniel, said he was pleased with this decree of theirs, and he promised to confirm what they desired ; he also published an edict to promulgate to the people that decree which the princes had made. Accordingly, all the rest took care not to transgress those injunctions, and rested in quiet; but Daniel had no regard to them, but, as he was wont, he stood and prayed to God in the sight of them all: but the princes having met with the occasion they so earnestly sought to find against Daniel, came presently to the king, and accused him, that Daniel was the only person that transgressed the de- cree, while not one of the rest durst pray to their gods. This discovery they made, not because of his impiety, but because they had watched him, and observed him out of envy; for supposing that Darius did thus out of a greater kindness to him than they expected, and that he was ready to grant him a pardon for this contempt of lus injunctions, and envy- ing this very pardon to Daniel, they did not become more favourable to him, but desired he might be cast into the den of hons, according to the law. So Darius, hoping that Go4 288 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK X. would deliver him, and that he would under- go nothing that was terrible by the wild beasts, bade him bear this accident cheerfully; and when he was cast into the den, he put his seal to the stone that lay upon the mouth of the den, and went his way; but he passed all the night ivdthout food and without sleep, being in great distress for Daniel; but when it was day, he got up, and came to the den, and. found the seal entire, which he had left the stone sealed' withal; he also opened the seal, and cried out, and called to Daniel, and asked him if he were alive; and as soon as he heard the king's voice, and said that he had suffered no harm, the king gave order that he should be drawn up out of the den. Now when his enemies saw that Daniel had suffered nothing which was terrible, they would not own that he was preserved by God, and by his providence; but they said, that the lions had been tilled full with food, and on that account it was, as they sup- posed, that the lions would not touch Daniel, nor come to him; and this they alleged to the king; but the king, out of an abhorrence of their wickedness, gave order that they should throw in a great deal of flesh to the lions; and when they had filled themselves, he gave farther order that Daniel's enemies should be cast into the den, that he might learn whether the lions, now they were full, would touch them or not; and it appeared plain to Darius, after the princes had been cast to the wild beasts, that it was God who preserved Daniel,* for the lions spared none of them, but tore them all to pieces, as if they had been very hungry, and wanted food. I suppose, therefore, it was not their hunger, which had been a little before satisfied with abundance of flesh, but the wickedness of these men, that provoked them [to destroy the princes] ; for if it so please God, that wicked- ness might, by even those irrational creatures, be esteemed a plain foundation for their pun- ishment. 7. When, therefore, those that had intended thus to destroy Daniel by treachery were themselves destroyed, king Darius sent [let- ters] over all the country, and praised that God whom Daniel worshipped, and said that he was the only true God, and had all power. He had also Daniel in very great esteem, and made him the principal of his friends. Now when Daniel was become so illustrious and famous, on account of the opinion men had that he was beloved of God, he built a tower at Ecbatana, in Media: it was a most elegant building, and wonderfully made; and it is • It is no way improbable that Daniel's enemies miKht suf^cest this reafun to the kiri^ why the lions did not me<*dle with him, and that tliey might siispeci the king's kinaness to Daniel had procured these lions to be so filltd oeforehand, and that thence it wan that he encoiirauvd Daniel to submit to this experiment, in hopt-s of coming off safe; and that tliis was the true rea.soti of makine •o terrihie an experiment upon those his enemies, and all their families (D .n vi. 5i4), though our oth;?r copies 40 oot iiirectl J Uike ooti<» of i%. still remaining, and preserved to this day, and to such as see it, it, appears to have been lately built, and to have been no older than that very day when any one looks upon it, it is so fresh,f flourishing, and beautiful, and no way grown old in so long time; for buildings suffer the same as men do; they grow old as well as they, and by immbers of years their strength is dissolved, and their beauty wi- thered. Now they bury the kings of Media, of Persia, and Parthia, in this tower, to this day; and he who was intrusted with the care of it, was a Jewish priest; which thing is also ob- served to this day. Bm. it is fit to give an account of what this man did, which is most admirable to hear; for he was so nappy as to have strange revelations made to him, and those as to one of the greatest of the prophets, insomuch, that while he was alive he had the esteem and applause both of the kings and of the multitude; and now he is dead, he re- tains a remembrance that will never fail, for the several books that he wrote and left be- hind him are still read by us till this time; and from them we believe that Daniel con- versed with God; for he did not only prophecy of future events as did the other prophets, but he also determined the time of their ac- complishment; and while the prophets used to foretell misfortunes, and on that account were disagreeable both to the kings and to the mul- titude, Daniel was to them a prophet of good things, and this to such a degree, that, by the agreeable nature of his predictions, he pro- cured the good- will of all men; and by the accomplishment of them, he procured the be- lief of their truth, and the opinion of [a sort (of] divinity for himself, among the nmlti- i tude. He also wrote and left behind him what I made manifest the accuracy and undeniable \ veracity of his predictions; for he saith, that when he was in Susa, the metropolis of Per- sia, and went out into the field with his com- panions, there was, on the sudden, a motion, and concussion of the- earth, and that he wag left alone by himself, his friends flying away from him, and that he was disturbed, anti fill on his face, and on his two hands, and that a certain person touched him, and, at the same time, bade him rise, and see what would befall his countrymen after many generations, lie also related, that when he stood up, he was shown a great ram, with many horns growing out of his head, and that the last was higher than the rest • that after this he looked to the west, and saw a he-goat carried through the + What Josrpbiis here says, that the stones of the sepulchres of the kings of Persia at this tower, or those perhaps of the same sort that are now commonly called the Kuim of Persrpolis, continued so entire and uimU tered in his days, as if they were lately put there, "I (says l< eland) here can show to be true, as to thow stones (It the Persian kings' mausoimm, which Corn. Bruinus brake off ond gave me." He ascribed this to the liora- tieM •>< the sttines, which scarcely yields to iron tools, and proves frequently too hard for cutting by the cliiitel, liul oftenliines breaks it to pieces. CHAP. XI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 289 air from that quarter; that he rushed upon the ram with violence, and smote him twice with his horns, and overthrew him to the ground, and trampled upon him : that after- wards he saw a very great horn growing out of the head of the he-goat; and that when it was broken off, four horns grew up that were exposed to each of the four winds, and he wrote, that out of them arose another lesser horn, which, as he said, waxed great; and that God showed to him, that it should fight against his nation, and take their city by force, and bring the temple-worship to confusion, and forbid the sacrifices to be offered for one thousand two hundred and ninety-six days. Daniel wrote that he saw these visions in the plain of Susa; and he hath informed us that God interpreted the appearance of this vision after the following manner : — "He said that the ram signified the kingdoms of the Medes and Persians, and the horns those kings that were to reign in them; and that the last horn sig- nified the last king, and that he should ex- ceed all the kings in riches and glory; that the he-goat signified that one should come and reign from the Greeks, who should twice fight wth the Persian, and overcome him in bat- tle, and should receive his entire dominion; that by the great horn which sprang out of the forehead of the he-goat was meant the first king; and that the springing up of four horns upon its falling off, and the conversion of every one of them to the four quarters of the earth, signified the successors that should arise after the death of the first king, and the partition of the kingdom among them, and that they should be neither his children nor of his kindred that should reign over the ha- bitable earth for many years; and that from among them there should arise a certain king that should overcome our nation and their laws, and should take away our political go- vernment, and should ipoU the temple, and forbid the sacrifices to be offered for three years' time." And indeed it so came to pass, that <4ir nation suffered these things under Antiochus Epiphanes, according to Daniel's vision, and what he wrote many years before they came to pass. In the very same manner Daniel also wrote concerning the Roman go- vernment, and that our country should be made desolate by them. All these things did this man leave in writing, as God had showed them to him, insomuch, that such as read his prophecies, and see how they have been ful- filled, would wonder at the honour where- \vith God honoured Daniel; and may thence discover how the Epicureans are in an error, who cast p-ovidence out of human life, and do not beheve that God takes care of the affairs of the world, nor that the universe is governed and continued in being by that blessed and immortal nature, but say that the world IS carried along of its own accord, without a ruler and a curator; which, were it destitute of a guide to conduct, as they imagine, it would be like ships without pilots, which we see drowned by the winds, or like chariots without drivers, which are overturn- ed; so would the world be dashed to pieces by its 'being carried without a Providence, and so perish, and come to nought. So that, by the fore-mentioned predictions of Daniel, those men seem to me very much to err from the truth, who determine that God exercises no providence over human affairs; for if that were the case, that the world went on by me- chanical necessity, we should not see that all things would come to pass according to his prophecy. Now, as to myself, I have so de- scribed these matters as I have found them and read them ; but if any one is inclined to another opinion about them, let him enjoy his different sentiments without any Uamc from 290 BOOK XI. CONTAINING THE INTERVAL 07 TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTT-THREB TEARS P I TK MONTHS. FROM THE FIRST OF CYRUS TO THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. CHAPTER I. HOW CTEUS, KING OF THE PERSIANS, DELI- VERED THE JEWS OUT OF BABYLON, AND SUF- FERED THEM TO RETURN TO THEIR OWN COUNTRY, AND TO BUILD THEIR TEMPLE; FOR WHICH WORK HE GAVE THEM MONEY. § 1. In the first year of the reign of Cyrus,* which was the seventieth from the day that our people were removed out of their own land into Babylon, God commiserated the capti- vity and calamity of these poor people, accord- ing as he had foretold to them by Jeremiah the prophet, before the destruction of the city, that after they had served Nebuchadnez- zar and his posterity, and after they had un- dergone that servitude seventy years, he would restore them again to the land of their fathers, and they should build their temple, and enjoy their ancient prosperity; and these things God did afford them; for he stirred up the mind of, Cyrus, and made him write this throughout all Asia: — " Thus saith Cyrus the king: — Since God Almighty hath appointed me to be king of the habitable earth, I beUeve that he is that God which the nation of the Israelites worship ; for indeed he foretold my name by the prophets, and that I should build him a house at Jerusalem, in the country of Judea." 2. This was known to Cyrus by his read- ing the book which Isaiah left behind him of his prophecies ; for this prophet said that God had spoken thus to him in a secret vision: — V My will is, that Cyrus, whom I have ap- pointed to be king over many and great na- tions, send back my people to their own land, and build my temple." This was foretold by Isaiah one hundred and forty years before the temple was demolished. Accordingly, when Cyrus read this, and admired the divine • This Cyrna is called God's Shepherd by Xenophon, as well as by Isaiah (isa. xlir 2H;; ts also' it is said of him by the same prophet, that "I will make a man more precious than fine i^old,erKn a man than tho golden wedfeof Opbir" (Isa. xiii. Vi), which character make.-t Xenophon's meet oxoell^nt hlsti-y uT ».iu. vji j cr«lil)lr. power, an earnest desire and ambition seized upon him to fulfil what was so written; so he called for the most eminent Jews that were in Babylon, and said to them, that he gave them leave to go back to their own country, and to rebuild their city Jerusalem,! and the temple of God, for that he would be their assistant, and that he would write to the rulers and go- vernors that were in the neighbourhood of their country of Judea, that they should con- tribute to them gold and silver for the building of the temple, and, besides that, beasts for their sacrifices. 3. When Cyrus had said this to the Is- raelites, the rulers of the two tribes of Judah and Benjamin, with the Levites and priests, went in haste to Jerusalem, yet did many of them stay at Babyl«n, as not willing to leave their possessions; and when they were come thither, all the king's friends assisted them, and brought in, for the building of the tem- ple, some gold, and some silver, and some a great many cattle and horses. So they per- formed their vows to God, and offered the sacrifices that had been accustomed of old time; I mean this upon the rebiiilding of their city, and the revival of the ancient prac- tices relating to their worship. Cyrus also sent back to them the vessels of God which king Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged out of the temple, and carried to Babylon. So he com- mitted these things to Mithridates, the trea- surer, to be sent away, with an order to give them to Sanabassar, that he might keep them + This leave to build Jerusalem (sect. 2, 3), and this epistle of Cyrus to Sisinnes and Sathrabuzanes, to the same purpose, are most unfortunately omitted in all our copies, but this best and completest copy of .losephusj atid by such omission the famous prophecy of Isaiah (Isa. xliv.'iS). where we are informed that <iod said of or to Cyrus, "He is my shepherd, and shall perform all my pleasure; even saying to Jerusalem, thou shall be built; and to the temple, thy foundation shall be laid," cou.d not hitherto be demonstrated from the sacnd history to have been completely fulfilled, I mean as t» that part of it which concerned his jjiving leave or c.iu- misMicm for rebuilding the city Jerusalem as distinct from the templf. »b.' rclniilding of which is alone pcr- .iii'tpd at dirwted <u t^ie decree of Cy^l^ in nit OUI ropu •. CHAP. II. ANTIQUITIES CF THE JEWS. 291 till the temple was built; and when it was finished, he might deliver them to the priests and rulers of the multitude, in order to their being restored to the temple. Cyrus also sent an epistle to the governors that were in Syria, the contents whereof here follow: — "KING CYRUS TO SISINNES AND SATHRABUZA- ^ _ NES, SENDETH GREETING." "I nave given leave to as many of the Jew? that dwell in my country as please to return to their own country, and to rebuild their city, and to build the temple of God at Jerusalem, on the same place where it was before. I have also sent my treasurer, Mith- ridates, and Zorobabel, the governor of the Jews, that they may lay the foundations of the temple, and may build it sixty cubits high, and of the same latitude, making three edi- fices of polished stones, and one of the wood of the country, and the same order extends to the altar whereon they offer sacrifices to God. I require also, that the expenses for these things may be given out of my revenues. Moreover, I have also sent the vessels which king Nebuchadnezzar pillaged out of the temple, and have given them to Mithridates the treasurer, and to Zorobabel the governor of the Jews, that they may have them carried to Jerusalem, and may restore them to the temple of God. Now their number is as fol- lows:* — Fifty chargers of gold and five hun- dred of silver; forty Thericlean cups of gold, and five hundred of silver; fifty basons of gold, and five hundred of silver; thirty vessels for pouring [the drink-offerings], ^nd three hun- dred of silver, thirty vials of gold, and two thousand four hundred of silver; with a thou- sand other large vessels. I permit them to have the same honour which they were used to have from their forefathers, as also for their small cattle, and for wine and oil, two hun- dred and five thousand and five hundred drachmae; and for wheat-flour, twenty thou- sand and five hundred artabae: and I give order that these expenses shall be given them out of the tributes due from Samaria. The priests shall also offer these sacrifices accord- ing to the laws of Moses in Jerusalem ; and v/hen they offer them they shall pray to God for the preservation of the king and of his fa- mily, that the kingdom of Persia may conti- nue. But my will is, that those who disobey these injunctions, and make them void, shall be hung upon a cross, and their substance brought into the king's treasury." And such was the import of this epistle. Now the number of those that came out of captivity to Jerusalem, were forty-two thousand four hun- dred and sixty-two. ♦ Of the true number of go Wen and silver vessels here •nd elsewhere belonging to the temple of Solomon, see ttM descriiHioQ of the temple, chap- riii. CHAPTER XL HOW, UPON THE DEATH OF CYRUS, THE JEWS WERE HINDERED IN BUILDING OF THF TEMPLE BY THE CUTHEANS, AND THF NEIGHBOURING GOVERNORS ; AND HOW CAMBYSES ENTIRELY FORBADE THE JEWS TO DO ANY SDCH THING. § 1. "When the foundations of the temple were laying, and when the Jews were very zealous about building it, the neighbouring nations, and especially the Cutheans, whom Shalmanezer, king of Assyria, had brought out of Persia and Media, and had planted in Samaria, when he carried the people of Israel captive, besought the governors, and those that had the care of such affairs, that thev would interrupt the Jews, both in the rebuihl- ing of their city, and in the building of their temple. Now as these men were corrupted by them with money, they sold the Cutheans their interest for rendering this building a slow and a careless woik, for Cyrus, who was busy about other wars, knew nothing of all this; and it so happened, that when he had led his army against the Massagetae, he ended his life.f But when Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, had taken the kingdom, the governors in Syria, and Phoenicia, and in the countries of Ammon, and Moab, and Samaria, wrote an epistle to Cambyses; whose contents were as follow: — " To our Lord Cambyses. We thy servants, Rathumus the historiographer, and Semellius the scribe, and the rest that are thy judges in Syria and Phoenicia, send greet- ing: It is fit, O king, that thou shouldest know that those Jews who were carried to Babylon, are come into our country, and are building that rebellious and wicked city, and its market-places, and setting up its walls, and raising up the temple: know, therefore, that when these things are finished, they will not be willing to pay tribute, nor will they submit to thy commands, but will resist kings, and will choose rather to rule over others, than be ruled over themselves. We there- fore thought it proper to write to thee, O + Josephus here follows Herodotus and those that related how Cyrus made war with the Scythiaes and MassaRete?, near the Caspian Sea, and perished in it, while Xenophon's account, which appears never to have been seen by Josephus, that Cyrus died in peace in his own coiintry of Persia, is attested to by the writers of the affairs of Alexander the Great, when they asree that he found Cyrus's sepulchre at Pasargadse, near Per- sepolis. This account of Xenophon is also confirmed by the circumstances of Cambyses, upon his succession to Cyrus, who, instead of a war to avenge bis father's death upon the Scythians and Massagetes, and to pre- vent those nations frora overmnning his northern pro- vinces, which would have been the natural consequence of bis father's ill success and death there, went immedi- ately to an Ee^ptian war, long ago begun by Cyrus according to Xenophon, page 644, and conquered that kingdom; nor is there, that I ever heard of, the least mention in the reign of Cambyses of any war against the Scythians and Massagetet that be was ever engaged in« to all bis life. 292 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS^. BOOK XI king, while the works about the temple are going on so fast, and not to overlook this matter, that thcu mayest search into the books of thy fathers; for thou wilt find in them that the Jews have been rebels, and enemies to kings, as hath their city been also, which, for that reason, hath been till now laid waste. We thought proper also to inform thee of this matter, because thou mayest otherwise per- haps be ignorant of it, that if this city be once inhabited, and be entirely encompassed with walls, thou wilt be excluded from the passage to Celesyria and Phoenicia." 2. When Cambyses had read the epistle, being naturally wicked, he was irritated at what they told him; and wrote back to them as follows : " Cambyses, the king, to Rathu- mus the historiographer, to Beeltethmus, to Semelhus the scribe, and the rest that are in commission, and dwelling in Samaria and Phcenicia, after this manner: I have read the epistle that was sent from you; and I gave order that the books of my forefathers should be searched into ; and it is there found, that this city hath always been an enemy to kings, and its inhabitants have raised seditions and wars. We also are sensible that their kings have been powerful and tyrannical, and have exacted tribute of CeVesyria and Phoenicia : wherefore I give order that the Jews shall not be permitted to build that city, lest such mischief as they Ufied to bring upon kings be greatly augmented/' When this epistle was read, Rathumus, and Semellius the scribe, and their associafes, got suddenly on horse- back, and ma:de haste to Jerusalem ; they also brought a great company with them, and forbade the Jews to build the city and the temple. Accordingly, these works were hin- dered from going on till the second year of the reign c/f Darius, for nine years more; for Cambyses reigned six years, and within that time overthrew Egypt, and when he was come back, he died at Damascus. CHAPTER III. HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OF CAMBYSES, AND THE SLAUGHTER OF THE MAGI, BUT UNDER THE REIGN OF DARIUS, ZOROBABEL WAS SUPERIOR TO THE REST IN THE SOLUTION OF PROBLEMS, AND THEREBY OBTAINED THIS FAVOUR OF THE KING, THAT THE TEMPLE SHOULD BE BUILT. § 1. After the slaughter of the magi, who, upon the death of Cambyses, attained the government of the Persians for a year, those families who were called the seven families of the Persians, appointed Darius, the son of Hystaspes, to be their king. Now he, while he was a private man, had made a vow to God, thai if he came to be king, be would send all the ve^;sel.s of God that were in Babylon t€r the temple at Jerusalem. Now it so fell out, that about this time Zorobabel, who had been- made governor of the Jews that had been in captivity, came to Darius, from Jerusalem ; for there had been an old friendship between him and the king. He was also, with two others, thought worthy to be guard of the king's body; and obtained that honour which he hoped for. 2. Now, in the first year of the king's reign,. Darius feasted those that were about him, and those born in his house, with the rulers of the Medes, and princes of the Persians, and the toparchs of India and Ethiopia, and the gene- rals of the armies of his hundred and twenty- seven provinces; but when they had eaten and drunken to satiety and abundantly, they every one departed to go to bed at their own houses, and Darius the king went to bed ; but after he had rested a little part of the night, he awaked, and not being able to sleep any more,, he fell into conversation with the three guards of his body, and promised that to him who should make an oration about points that he should inquire of, such as should be most agreeable to truth, and to the dictates of ws- dom, he would grant it as a reward of his vic- tory, to put on a purple garment, and to drink in cups of gold, and to sleep upon gold, and to have a chariot with bridles of gold, and a head-tire of fine linen, and a chain of gold about his neck, and to sit next to himself, on account of his wisdom: — "And," says he, "he shall be called my cousin." Now when he had promised to give them these gifts, he asked the first of thera, " Whether wine was not the strongest?" — the second, " Whether kings were not such?" — .and the third, " Whe- ther women were not such ? or whether truth was not the strongest of all?" When he had proposed that they should make their inquiries about these problems, he went to rest ; bu^ in the morning he sent for his great men, his princes, and toparchs of Persia and Media, and set himself down in the place where h« used to give audience, and bid each of thtf guards of his body to declare what they thought proper concerning the proposed questions, ii> the hearing of them all. 3. Accordingly, the first of them began to speak of the strength of wine; and demon- strated it thus: " When," said he, "I am to give my opinion of wine, O you men, 1 lind that it exceeds every thing, by the following indications: it deceives the mind of those that drink it, and reduces that of the king to the same state with that oi' the orphan, and he who stands in need of a tutor ; and erects that of the slave to the bohlne.^s of liini that is free; and that ol tli s ]ik« that of the rirli man, for it changes and le news the souls of iii« n when it gets into them- and it quenches the sorrow of those that ar« undet- calbPiities, and makes men forget tbi CHAP. III. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 293 de^ts tliey owe to others, and makes them ihink themselves to be of all men the richest; it makes them talk of no small things, but of talents, and such other things as become wealthy men only; nay more, it makes them insensible of their commanders and of their kings, and takes away the remembrance of t,heir friends and companions, for it arms men even against those that are dearest to them, and makes them appear the greatest strangers to them ; and when they are become sober, and they have slept out their wine in the night, they arise without kno\ving any thing they have done in their cups. I take these for signs of power, and by them discover that wine is the strongest and most insuperable of all things." 4. As soon as the first had given the fore- mentioned demonstrations of the strength of wine, he left off; and the next to him began to speak about the strength of a king, and demonstrated that it was the strongest of all, and more powerful than any thing else that appears to have any force or wisdom. He began his demonstration after the following manner, and said, " They are men who go- fern all things : they force the earth and the «ea to become profitable to them in what they desire, and over these men do kings rule, and svej them they have authority. Now those who rule over that animal which is of all the ■strongest and most powerful, must needs de- jierve to be esteemed insuperable in power and force. For example, when these kings oommand their subjects to make wars, and undergo dangers, they are hearkened to ; and when they send them against their enemies, their power is so great that they are obeyed. They command men to level mountains, and to pull down walls and towers ; nay, when they are commanded to be killed and to kill, they submit to it, that they may not appear to transgress the king's commands ; and when they have conquered, they bring what they have gained in the war to the king. Those also who are not soldiers, but cultivate the gjound, and plough it, after they have en- dured the labour, and all the inconveniences of such works of husbandry, when they have reaped and gathered in their fruits, they bring tributes to the king; and whatsoever it is which the king says or commands, it is done of necessity, and that without any delay, while he in the meantime is satiated with all sorts of food and pleasures, and sleeps in quiet. He is guarded by such as watch, and such as are, as it were, fixed down to the place through fear ; for no one dares leave him, even when he is asleep, nor does any one go away and take care of his own affairs, but he esteems this one thing the only work of necessity, to j guard the king; and, accordingly, to this he wholly addicts himself. How then can it be otherwise, but that it must appear that the king exceeds all in strength, while so great a oiultitude obey» his injunctions?" 5. Now when this man had held his peace, the third of them, who was Zorobabel, began to instruct them about women, and about truth, who said thus: " Wine is strong, as is the king also, whom all men obey, but women are superior to them in power; for it was a woman that brought the king into the world; and for those that plant the vines and make the wine, they are women who bear them, and bring them up ; nor indeed is there any thing which we do not receive from them; for these women weave garments for us, and our household affairs are by their means taken care of, and preserved in safety; nor can we live separate from women; and when we have gotten a great deal of gold, and silver, and any other thing that is of great value, and deserving regard, and see a beautiful woman, we leave all these things^ and with open mouth fix our eyes upon he^ countenance, and are willing to forsake what we have, that we may enjoy her beauty, and procure it to ourselves. We also leave fa- ther, and mother, and the earth that nourishes us, and frequently forget our dearest friends, for the sake of women ; nay, we are so hardy as to lay down our lives for them ; but what wdll chiefly make you take notice of the strength of women is this that follows: Do not we take pains, and endure a great deal of trouble, and that both by land and sea, and when we have procured somewhat as the fruit of our labours, do not we bring them to the women, as to our mistresses, and bestow them upon them? Nay, I once saw the king, who is lord of so many people, smitten on the face by Apame, the daughter of Rabsases Thema- sius, his concubine, and his diadem taken from him, and put upon her own head, while he bore it patiently; and when she smiled he smiled, and when she was angry he was sad, and, according to the change of her passions, he flattered his wife, and drew her to recon- ciliation by the great humiliation of himself to her, if at any time he saw her displeased at him." 6. And when the princes and rulers looked one upon another, he began to speak about truth; and he said, "I have already demon- strated how powerful women are; but both these women themselves, and the king him- self, are weaker than truth; for although the earth be large, and the heaven high, and the course of the sun s\Wft, yet are all these moved according to the will of God, who is true and righteous, for which cause we also ought to esteem truth to be the strongest of all things, and that which is unrighteous is of no force against it. Moreover, all things else that have any strength are mortal, and short-lived, but truth is a thing that is immortal and eter- nal. It affords us not indeed such a beauty as will wither away by time, nor such riches as may be taken away by fortune, but righte- ous rules and laws. It distinguish^? them 294 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK XI. from injustice, and puts what is ur-righteous to rebuke."* 7. So when Zorobabel had left off his dis- course about truth, and the multitude had cried out aloud that he had spoken the most wisely, and that it was truth alone that had immutable strength, and such as never would wax old, the king commanded that he should ask for somewhat over and above what he had promised, for that he would give it him be- cause of his wisdom, and that prudence where- in he exceeded the rest; " and thou shalt sit \vith me," said the king, "and shalt be called my cousin." When he had said this, Zoroba- bel put him in mind of the vow he had made in case he should ever have the kingdom. Now this vow was "to rebuild Jerusalem, and to build therein the temple of God, as also to restore the vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged, and carried to Babylon. And this," said he, " is that request which thou now per- mittest me to make, on account that I have been judged to be wise and understanding." 8. So the king was pleased wdth what he had said, and arose and kissed him ; and wrote to the toparchs, and governors, and enjoined them to conduct Zorobabel and those that were going with him to build the temple. He also sent letters to those rulers that were in Syria and Phoenicia to cut down and carry cedar-trees from Lebanon to Jerusalem, and to assist him in building the city. He also wrote to them, that all the captives who should go to Judea should be free ; and he prohibited his deputies and governors to lay any king's taxes upon the Jews: he also permitted that they should have all the land which they could possess themselves of without tributes. He also enjoined the Idumeans and Samari- tans, and the inhabitants of Celesyria, to re- store those villages which they had taken from the Jews; and that, besides all this, fifty talents should be given them for the building • The reader is to note, that although the speeches or papers of these three of the king^'s guard are much the same, in our third book of Esdras, chap iii. and iv. as they are here in Josephus, yet that th^i introduction of them is entirely different, while in our Ksdras the whole is related as the contrivance of the three of the king's guards themselves; and even the mighty rewards are •poked of as proposed by themselves, and the speeches are related to have been delivered by themselves to the king in writing, while all is contrary in Josephus. I need not say whose account is the most probable, the matters speak for themselves j and there can be no doubt but Jonephus's history is here to be very much preferred before the other. Nor indeed does it seem to me at ail unlikely that the whole was a contrivance of king Darius's own. in order to hed«cently and inoffen- «iv(-l) put in mind by Zorobabel of tullilling his old vow for the rebuilding of Jerusalem and the temple, and the restoration of the worship of the "'One true God" there. Nor does the fuU meaning of Zorobabel, wtien he cries out (3 Esd. iv. 40); ♦» Blessed be the God of truth j" and here, " God is true and righteous," or even of all the people (3 Isd. iv. 41), -'Great is truth, and mitthty above all things," seem to uie much diflerent from this, '•There is but o.;e true Go<l, the God of Israel." To which doctrine, such as Cyrus, and Darius, ttc. the Jews* great patrons, st.-eni pot tu have been very fcverv, though the entire idolatry of tl»eir kingdoms mudt Ibeu generblly cuucenl it. of the temple. He also permitted them to offer their appointed sacrifices, and that what- soever the high-priest and the priests wanted, and those sacred garments wherein they used to worship God, should be made at his own charges; and that the nmsical instruments which the Levites used in singing hyn)ns to God should be given them. Moreover, ho charged them, that portions of land should be given to those that guarded the city and the temple, as also a determinate sum of money every year for their maintenance : and withal he sent the vessels. And all that Cyrus in- tended to do before him, relating to the re- storation of Jerusalem, Darius also ordained should be done accordingly. 9. Now when Zorobabel had obtained these grants from the king, he went out of the pa- lace, and looking up to heaven, he began to return thanks to God for the wisdom he had given him, and the victory he had gained thereby, even in the presence of Darius him- self; for, said he, " I had not been thought worthy of these advantages, O Lord, unless thou hadst been favourable to me." When, therefore, he had returned these thanks to God for the present circumstances he was in,* and had prayed to him to afford him the like favour for the time to come, he came to Ba- bylon, and brought the good news to his coun- trymen of what grants he had procured for them from the king; who, when they heard the same, gave thanks also to God that he re- stored the land of their forefathers to them again. So they betook themselves to drinking and eating, and for seven days they continued feasting, and kept a festival, for the rebuild- ing and restoration of their country : after this they chose themselves rulers, who should go up to Jerusalem, out of the tribes of their forefathers, with their wives, and children, and cattle, who travelled to Jerusalem with joy and pleasure, under the conduct of tho^e whom Darius sent along with them, and making a noise with songs, and pipes, and cymbals. The rest of the Jewish multituile also besides accompanied them with rejoicing. 10. And thus did these men go, a certain and determinate number out of every family, though I do not think it proper to recite particularly the names of those families, that I may not take off the minds of my readers from the connexion of the historical facts, and make it hard for them to follow the coherence of my narration; but the sum of those that went up, above the age of twelve years, of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, was four hundred and sixty-two myriads and eight thousand ;t the Invites were seventy. + This strange reading in Josephus's present copies, of four millions instead of forty thousand, is one of the grossest errors that is in them, und ought to be corrected from Ezra ii. 61, I Esd. v. -JO, and Neh. vii. &\ who all agree the general sum was but about torty-two thoo. sand three hundred and sixty. It is also very plain, tlml Josephus thought, thai when Esdras afterwards hniugbt CHAP. IV, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 295 four; the number of the women and children mixed together was forty thousand seven hun- dred and forty-two; and besides these there were singers of the Levites one hundred and twenty-eight, and porters one hundred and ten, and of the sacred ministers three hun- dred and ninety-two; there were also others besides these who said they were Israelites, but were not able to show their genealogies, six hundred and sixty-two: some there were also who were expelled out of the number and honour of the priests, as having married wives whose genealogies they could not pro- duce, nor were they found in the genealogies of the Levites and priests; they were about five hundred and twenty-five: the multitude also of servants who followed those that went up to Jerusalem, seven thousand three hundred and thirty-seven; the singing men and singing women were two hundred and forty -five; the camels were four hundred and thirty-five; the beasts used to the yoke were five thousand five hundred and twenty-five; and the governors of all this multitude thus numbered were Zorobabel, the son of Sala- thiel, of the posterity of David, and of the tribe of Judah ; and Jeshua, the son of Jose- dek the high-priest; and besides these there were Mordecai and Serebeus, who were dis- tinguished from the multitude, and were rulers, who also contributed a hundred pounds of gold and five thousand of silver. By this means, therefore, the priests and the Levites, and a certain part of the entire peo- ple of the Jews that were in Babylon, came and dwelt in Jerusalem; but the rest of the multitude returned every one to their own countries. CHAPTER IV. HOW THE TEMPLE WAS BUILT, WHILE THE CUTHEANS ENDEAVOURED IN VAIN TO OB- STRUCT THE WORK. § 1. Now in the seventh month after they were departed out of Babylon, both Jeshua th£ high-priest, and Zorobabel the governor, sent messengers every way round about, and gathered those that were in the country to- gether to Jerusalem universally, who came very gladly thither. He then built the altar on the same place it had formerly been built, up another company out of Babylon and Persia, in the days of Xerxes, they were also, as well as these, out of the two tribes, and out of them only, and were in all no more than « a. seed " and " a remnant," while an " im- mense number" of the ten tribes never returned, but, as he believed, continued then beyond Euplirates, ch. v. sect. 2, 3. Of which multitude, the Jews beyond Eu- phrates, he speaks frequently elsewhere, though, by the way, he never takes them to be idolaters, but looks on them still as observers of the laws of Moses. The "cer- tain part" of the people that now came up from Baby- lon, at the end of this chapter, imply the same smaller number of Jews »hat now crame up; and wiil no way 4kgree with the four raiUious. that they might offer the appointed sacrifices upon it to God, according to the la ws of Mo- ses. But while they did this, they did not please the neighbouring nations, who all of them bare an ill-will to them. They also celebrated the Feast of Tabernacles at that time, as the legislator had ordained concern ing it; and after that they offered sacrifices and what were called the daily sacrifices, an the oblations proper for the Sabbaths, and for all the holy festivals. Those also that had made vows performed them, and offered their sacrifices from the first day of the seventh month. They also began to build the temple, and g^ve a g^eat deal of money to the masons and to the carpenters, and what was necessary for the maintenance of the workmen. The Sidonians also were very willing and ready to bring the cedar-trees from Libanus, to bind them together, and to make a united float of them, and to bring them to the port of Joppa, for that was what Cyrus had commanded at first, and what was now done at the command of Darius. 2. In the second year of their coming to Jerusalem, as the Jews were there, in the se- cond month, the building of the temple went on apace; and when they had laid its foun- dations, on the first day of the second month of that second year, they set, as overseers of the work, such Levites as were full twenty years old ; and Jeshua and his sons and bre- thren, and Codmiel, the brother of Judas, the son of Aminadab, with his sons; and tlje temple, by the great diligence of those that had the care of it, was firushed sooner thai^ any one would have expected. And when the temple was finished, the priests, adorned with their accustomed garments, stood with their trumpets, while the Levites, and the sons of Asaph, stood and sung hymns to God, according as David first of all appointed theni to bless God. Now the priests and Levites, and the elder part of the families, recollecting with themselves how much greater and more sumptuous the old temple had been, seeing that now made how mtich inferior it was, on account of their poverty, to that which had been built of old, considered with themselves how much their happy state was sunk below what it had been of old, as well as their tem- ple. Hereupon they were disconsolate, and not able to contain their grief, and proceeded so far as to lament and shed tears on those accounts; but the people in general were contented with their present condition; and because they were allowed to build them a temple, they desired no more, and neither re- garded nor remembered, nor indeed at all tormented themselves with the comparison of that and the former temple, as if this were below their expectations. But the wailing of the old men, and of the priests, on account of the deficiency of this temple, in their opinion, if compared with that which had been do- 296 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK AI. molished, overcame the sounds of the trum- pets and the rejoicing of the people. 3. But when the Samaritans, who were still enemies to the tribes of Judah and Benjamin, heard the sound of the trumpets, they came running together, and desired to know what was the occasion of this tumult; and when they perceived that it was from the Jews who had been carried captive to Babylon, and were labuilding their temple, they came to Zoro- babel, and to Jeshua, and to the heads of the families, and desired that they would give them leave to build the temple with them, and to be partners with them in building it; for they said, " We worship their God, and especially pray to him, and are desirous of their religious settlement, and this ever since Shalmanezer, the king of Assyria, transplanted us out of Cuthah and Media to this place." When they said thus, Zorobabel, and Jeshua the high-priest, and the heads of the families of the Israelites, replied to them, that it was impossible for them to permit them to be their partners, whilst they [only] had been appointed to build that temple at first by Cyrus, and now by Darius, although it was indeed lawful for them to come and worship there if they pleased, and that they could allow them no- thing, but that in common with them, which was common to them with all other men, to come to their temple and worship God there. 4. When the Cutheans heard this, for the Samaritans have that appellation, they had i»dignation at it, and persuaded the nations of Syria to desire of the governors, in the same ^manner as they had done formerly in the days of Cyrus, and again in the days of Cambyses afterwards, to put a stop to the building of the temple, and to endeavour to delay and pro- tract the Jews in their zeal about it. Now at this time Sisinnes, the governor of Syria and Phoenicia, and Sathrabuzanes, with certain others, came up to Jerusalem, and asked the rulers of the Jews, by whose grant it was th^^t they built the temple in this manner, since it was more like to a citadel than a temple? and for what reason it was that they built cloisters and walls, and those strong ones too, about the city? To which Zorobabel and Jeshua the high-priest replied, that they were the ser- vants of God Almighty: that this temple was built for him by a king of theirs that lived in great prosperity, and one that exceeded all men in virtue; and that it continued a long time, but that, because of their fathers' im- piety towards God, Nebuchadnezzar, king of the Babylonians and of the Chaldeans, took their city by force, and destroyed it, and pil- laged the temple, ^nd burnt it down, and transplanted the people whom he had made captives, and removed them to Babylon; that Cyrus, who, after him, was king of Babylo- nia and Persia, wrote to them to build the temple, and committed the gifts and vessels, •ad what8o«ver Nebuchadnezzar had carried out of it, to Zorobabel, and Mithridates the treasurer ; and gave order to have them car- ried to Jerusalem, and to have them restored to their own temple when it was built ; for he had sent to them to have it done speedily, and commanded Sanabassar to go up to Je- rusalem, and to take care of the building of the temple; who, upon receiving that epistle from Cyrus, came and immediately laid its foundations: — "and although it hath been in building from that time to this, it hath not yet been finished, by reason of the malignity of our enemies. If therefore you have a mind, and think it proper, write this account to Darius, that when he hath consulted the records of the kings, he may find that we have told you nothing that is false about this matter." 5. When Zorobabel and the high- priest had made this answer, Sisinnes, and those that were with him, did not resolve to hinder the building, until they had informed king Darius of all this. So they ic*-mediately wrote to him about these affairs; but as the Jews were now under terror, and afraid lest the king should change his resolutions as to the building of Jerusalem and of the temple, there were two prophets at that time amongst them, Haggai and Zechariah, who encou- raged them, and bade them be of good cheer, and to suspect no discouragement from the Persians, for that God foretold this to them. So, in dependence on those prophets, they applied themselves earnestly to building, and did not intermit one day. 6. Now Darius, when the Samaritans had written to him, and in their epistle had ac- cused the Jews how they fortified the city, an4 built the temple more like to a citadel than a temple; and said, that their doings were not expedient for the king's affairs; and besides, they showed the epistle of Cambyses, where- in he forbade them to build the temple: anS when Darius thereby understood that the re- storation of Jerusalem was not expedient for his afiairs, and when he had read the epistle that was brought him from Sisinnes and those that were with him, he gave order that what concerned these matters should be sought /or among the royal records. — Whereupon a book was found at Ecbatana, in the tower that was in Media, wherein was wiitten as follows: — " Cyrus the king, in the first year of his reign, commanded that the temple should be built in Jerusalem; and the altar in height three- score cubits, and its breadth of the same, with three edifices of polished stone, and one edi. fice of stone of their own country; and he or- dained that the expenses of it should be paid out of the king's revenue. Ih- a]«o com- manded that the vessels which N^^biuhadnez- zar had pillaged [out of the temple], and had carried to Babylon, should be restored to the people of Jerusalen); hiu! ti.i.t the care oi these thing! should bc.oii^j \o Sanabassar, iita CHAP. IV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 297 governor and president of Syria and Phoeni- cia, and to his associates, that they may not meddle^ith that place, but may permit the servant^f God, the Jews and their rulers, to build the temple. He also ordained that they should assist them in the work; and that they should pay to the Jews, out of the tribute of the country where they were governors, on account of the sacrifices, bulls, and rams, and lambs, and kids of the goats, and fine flour, and oil, and wine, and all other things that the priests should suggest to them; and that they should pray for the preservation of the king, and of the Persians: and that for such as transgressed any of these orders thus sent to them, he commanded that they should be caught, and hung upon a cross, and their sub- stance confiscated to the king's use. He also prayed to God against them, that if any one attempted to hinder the building of the tem- ple, God would strike him dead, and thereby restrain his wickedness." 7. Wuen Darius had found this book among the records of Cyrus, he wrote an an- swer to Sisinnes and his associates, whose con- tents were these: — " King Darius to Sisinnes the governor, and to Sathrabuzanes, sendeth greeting. Having found a copy of this epistle among the records of Cyrus, I have sent it to you; and I will that all things be done as therein written. — Farewell." So when Si- sinnes, and those that were with him, un- derstood the intention of the king, they re- solved to follow his directions entirely for the time to come. So they forwarded the sacred works, and assisted the elders of the Jews, and the princes of the sanhedrim; and the struc- ture of the temple was with great diligence brought to a conclusion, by the prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah, according to God's commands, and by the injunctions of Cyrus and Darius the kings. Now the temple was built in seven years' time: and in the ninth year of the reign of Darius, on the twenty- third day of the twelfth month, which is by us | called Adar, but by the Macedonians Di/strus, the priests and the Levites,and the other multi- tude of the Israelites, offered sacrifices, as the renovation of their former prosperity after their captivity, and because they had now the tem- ple rebuilt, a hundred bulls, two hundred rams, four hundred lambs, and twelve kids of the goats, according to the number of their tribes (for so many are the tribes of the Israel- ites); and this last for the sins of every tribe. The priests also, and the Levites, set the por- ters at every gate according to the laws of Moses. The Jews also built the cloisters of the inner temple that were round about the temple itself. 8. And as the feast of unleavened bread was at hand, in the first month, which, accord- ing to the Macedonians, is called Xanthicus, but a<'cordi"g to us JVisati, all the people ran together out of the villages to the city, and celebrated the festival, having purified them- selves, with their wives and children, accord- ing to the law of their country; and they of- fered the sacrifice which \tas called the Pass» over, on the fourteenth day of the same month, and feasted seven days, and spared for no cost, but offered whole burnt-offerings to God, and performed sacrifices of thanksgiving, because God had led them again to the land of their fathers, and to the laws thereto belonging, and had rendered the mind of the king of Persia favourable to them. So these men offered the largest sacrifices on these accounts, and used great magnificence in the worship of God, and dwelt in Jerusalem, and made use of a form o^ government that was aristocrati- cal, but mixed wth an oligarchy, for the high- priests were at the head of their afikirs, until the posterity of the Asamoneans set up kingly government; for before their captivity, and the dissolution of their polity, they at first had kingly government from Saul and David for five hundred and thirty-two years, six months, and ten days: but before those kings, such rulers governed them as were called Judges and Monarch s. Under this form of government, they continued for more thau five hundred years, after the death of Moses, and of Joshua their commander And this is the account I had to give of the Jews who had been carried into captivity, but were de- livered from it in the times of Cyrus and Da- rius. 9. * But the Samaritans, being evil and en- \'iously disposed to the Jews, wrought them many mischiefs, by rehance on their riches, and by their pretence that they were allied to the Persians, on account that thence they came; and whatsoever it was that they were enjoined to pay the Jews by the king's order out of their tributes for the sacrifices, they would not pay it. They had also the gover- nors favourable to them, and assisting them for that purpose; nor did they spare to hurt them, either by themselves or by others, as far as they were able. So the Jews deter- mined to send an embassage to king Darius in favour of the people of Jerusalem, and in order to accuse the Samaritans. The ambas- sadors were Zorobabel, and four others of the rulers; and as soon as the king knew from the ambassadors the accusations and com- plaints they brought against the Samaritans, he gave them an epistle to be carried to the governors and council of Samaria; the con- tents of which epistle were these: "King Darius to Tanganas and Sambabas, the go- vernors of the Samaritans; to Sadraces and Bobelo, and the rest of their fellow-servants that are in Samaria: Zorobabel, Ananias, and Mordecai, the ambassadors of the Jews, complain of you, that you obstruct them in the building of the temple, and do not supply » . The history contained in this section is entirely wantmg in all our copies, both of Ezra and F.edrav ^ 298 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XI. them with the expenses which I commanded you to do for the offering of their sacrifices. My wll therefore is this: That upon the reading of this epistle, you supply them with whatsoever they want for their sacritices, and that out of the royal treasury, of the tri- butes of Samaria, as the priest shall desire, that they may not leave off their offering daily sacrifices, nor praying to God for me and the Persians:" — and these were the contents of that epistle. CHAPTER V. HOW XERXES, THE SON OF DARIUS, WAS WELL-DISPOSED TO THE JEWS; AS ALSO CONCERNING ESDRAS AND NEHEMIAH. § 1. Upon the death of Darius, Xerxes his son took the kingdom; who, as he inherited his father's kingdom, so did he inherit his piety towards God, and honour of him ; for he did all things suitably to his father rela- ting to divine worship, and he was exceeding friendly to the Jews. Now about this time a son of Jeshua, whose name was Joacim, was the high-priest. Moreover, there was now in Babylon a righteous man, and one that en- joyed a great reputation among the multitude; he was the principal priest of the people, and his name was Esdras. He was very skilful in the laws of Moses, and was well acquainted with king Xerxes. He had determined to go up to Jerusalem, and to take with him some of those Jews that were in Babylon ; and he desired that the king would give him an epistle to the governors of Syria, by which they might know who he was. Accordingly, the king wrote the following epistle to those governors: — " Xerxes, king of kings, to Es- dras the priest, and reader of the divine law, greeting. I think it agreeable to that love which I bear to mankind, to permit those of the Jewish nation who are so disposed, as well as those of the priests and Levites that are in our kingdom, to go together to Jerusalem. Accordingly, I have given command for that purpose; and let every one that hath a mind go, according as it hath seemed good to me, and to my seven counsellors, and this in or- der to their review of the affairs of Judea, to see whether they be agreeable to the law of God. Let them also take with them those presents which I and my friends have vowed, with all that silver and gold which is found in the country of the Babylonians, as dedicated to God, and let all this be carried to Jerusalem, to God for sacrifices. Let it also be lawful for thee and thy brethren to make as many vessels of silver and gold as thou pleasest. Thou shalt also dedicate those holy vessels which have been given thee, and as many more as thou hast a mind to make, and shalt. take the expenses out of the king's treasury. I have moreover written to the treasurers of Syria and Phoenicia, that they take care of those affairs that Esdras the priest, a^ reader of the laws of God, is sent about; and that God may not be at all angry with me, or with my children, I grant all that is necessary for sacrifices to God, according to the law, as far as a hundred cori of wheat; and I enjoin you not to lay any treacherous im position, or any tributes upon their priests or Levites, or sa- cred singers, or porters, or sacred servants, or scribes of the temple ; and do thou, O Es- dras, appoint judges according to the wisdom [given thee] of God, and those such as under- stand the law, that they may judge in all 3yria and Phoenicia; and do thou instruct those also which are ignorant of it, that if any on^ of thy countrymen transgress the law of God, or that of the king, he may be punished, as not transgressing it out of ignorance, but as one that knows it indeed, but boldly despises and contemns it; and such may be punished by death, or by paying fines. FareweD." 2. When Esdras had received this epistle, he was very joyful, and began to worship God, and confessed that he had been the cau>e of the king's great favour to him, and that for the same reason he gave all the thanks to God. So he read the epistle at Babylon to those Jews that were there; but he kept the epistle itself, and sent a copy of it to all those of his own nation that were in Media; and when these Jews had understood what piety the king had towards God, and what kindness he had for Esdras, they were all greatly pleas- ed; nay, many of them took their effects with them, and came to Babylon, as very desirous of going down to Jerusalem; but then the entire body of the people of Israel remained in that country; wherefore there are but two tribes in Asia and Europe subject to the Romans, while the ten tribes are beyond Eu- phrates till now, and are an immense multi- tude, and not to be estimated by numbers. Now there came a great number of priests, and Levites, and porters, and sacred singers, and sacred servants, to Esdras. So he ga- thered those that were in the captivity toge- ther beyond Euphrates, and staid there 'three days, and ordained a fast for them, that they might make their prayers to God for their preservation, that they might suffer no mis- fortunes by the way, either from their enemies, or from any other ill accident; for Esdras had said beforehand, that he had told the king how God would preserve them, and so he had not thought fit to request that he would send horsemen to conduct them. So when they had finished their prayers, they removed from Euphrates, on the twelfth day of the first month of the seventh year of the reign of Xerxes, and they came to Jerusalem on the fifth month of the same year. Now Es- dras presented the sacred money to the treor CHAP. V. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 299 surers, who were of the family of the priests, of silver six hundred and fifty talents, ves- sels of silver one hundred talents, vessels of gold twenty talents, vessels of brass, that was more precious than gold,* twelve talents by weight ; for these presents had been made by the king and his counsellors, and by all the Israelites that staid at Babylon. So when Esdras had delivered these things to the priests, he gave to God, as the appointed sa- crifices of whole burnt- offering, twelve bulls on account of the common preservation of the people, ninety rams, seventy-two lambs, and twelve kids cf the goats, for the remission of sins. He also delivered the king's epistle to the king's officers, and to the governors of Cclesyria and Phoenicia; and as they were un- der the necessity of doing what was enjoined by him, they honoured ou^ nation, and were assistant to them in all their necessities. 3. Now these things were truly done un- der the conduct of Esdras; and he succeeded in them, because God esteemed him worthy of the success of his conduct, on account of bis goodness and righteousness. But some time afterward there came some persons to him, and brought an accusation against cer- tain of the multitude, and of the priests and Levites, who had transgressed their settlement, and dissolved the laws of their country, by marrying strange wives, and had brought the family of the priests into confusion. These persons desired him to support the laws, lest God should take up a general anger against them all, and reduce them to a calamitous condition again. Hereupon he rent his gar- ment immediately, out of grief, and pulled off the hair of his head and beard, and cast him- self upon the ground, because this crime had reached the principal men among the people; and considering that if he should enjoin them to cast out their ^vives, and th*» children they had by them, he should not be Hearkened to, he continued lying upon the ground. How- ever, all the better sort came running to him, who also themselves wept, and partook of the grief he was under for what had been done. So Esdras rose up from the ground, and stretched out his hands towards Heaven, and said that he was ashamed to look towards it, because of the sins which the people had com- mitted while they had cast out of their memo- ries what their fathers had undergone on ac- count of their wickedness; and he besought God, who had saved a seed and a remnant out of the calamity and captivity they had been in, and had restored them again to Jerusalem, and to their own land, and had obliged the king of Persia to have compassion on them, ihat he would also forgive them their fins they had now committed, which, though they • Dr. Hudson takes notice here, that this kind of brass or copper, or rather mixture of gold and brass or copper, was called aunehalciim, apd that this was of old esteemed the most precious of alt metals. i deserved death, yet, was it agreeable to the mercy of God, to remit even to these the piin- ishment due to them 4. After Esdras had said this, he left off praying; and when all those that came to him with their wives and children were under la- mentation, one, whose name was Jechonias, a principal man iif Jerusalem, came to him, and said, that they had sinned in marrying strange wives; and he persuaded him to ad- jure them all to cast those wiveS out, and the children born of them; and that those should be punished who would not obey the law. So Esdras hearkened to this advice, and made the heads of the priests, and of the Levites, and of the Israelites, swear that they would put away those mves and children, according to the advice of Jechonias; and when he had received their oaths, he went in haste out of the temple into the chamber of Johanan, the son of Eliasib, and as he had hitherto tasted nothing at all for grief, so he abode there that day; and when proclamation was made, that all those of the captivity should gather them- selves together to Jerusalem, and those that did not meet there in two or three days should be banished from the multitude, and that their substance should be appropriated to the uses of" the temple, according to the sentence of the elders, those that were of the tribes of Ju- dah and Benjamin came together in three days, viz. on the twentieth day of the ninth month, which, according to the Hebrews, is called Tebeth, and according to the Macedo- nians, Apelleius. Now, as they were sitting in the upper room of the temple, where the elders also w^ere present, but were uneasy be- cause of the cold, Esdras stood up and ac- cused them, and told them that they had sin- ned in marrying \vives that were not of their own nation; but that now they would do a thing both pleasing to God and advantageous to themselves, if they would put those wives away. Accordingly, they all cried out that they would do so. That, however, the mul- titude was great, and that the season of the year was winter, and that this work would re- quire more than one or two days. " Let their rulers, therefore [said they], and those that have married strange wives, come hither at a proper time, while the elders of every place, that are in common, to estimate the number of those that have thus married, are to be there also." Accordingly, this was re- solved on by them; and they began the in- quiry after those that had married strange wives on the first day of the tenth month, and continued the inquiry to the first day of the next month, and found a great many of the posterity of Jeshua the high-priest, and of the priests and Levites, and Israelites, who had a greater regard to the observation of the law than to their natural affection,! and immedi- + This procedure of Esdras, and of the best part of the Jewish nation, alter their return from the Babjiooisb 300 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XI. ately cast out their wives, and the children which were born of them; and in order to appease God, they offered sacrifices, and slew 'rams, as oblations to him; but it does not seem to me to be necessary to set down the names of these men. So when Esdras had reformed this sin about the marriages of the fore-mentioned persons, h% reduced that prac- tice to purity, so that it continued in that state for the time to come. 5. Now when they kept the feast of ta- bernacles in the seventh month,* and almost all the people were come together to it, they went up to the open part of the temple, to the gate which looked eastward, and desired of Esdras that the laws of Moses might be read to them. Accordingly, he stood in the midst of the multitude and read them; and this he did from morning to noon. Now, by hearing the laws read to them, they were in- structed to bo righteous men for the present and for the future; but as for their past of- fences, they were displeased at themselves, and proceeded to shed tears on their accoimt, as considering with themselves, that if they had kept the law, they had endured none of these miseries which they had experienced; but when Esdras saw them in that disposition, he bade them go home and not weep, for that it was a festival, and that they ought not to weep thereon, for that it was not lawful so to do.f He exhorted them rather to proceed immediately to feasting, and to do what was suitable to a feast, and what was agreeable to a day of joy; but to let their repentance and sorrow for their former sins be a security and a guard to them, that they fell no, more intQ the like offences. So upon Esdras' exhorta- tion they began to feast: and when they had so done for eight days, in their tabernacles, they departed to their owh homes, singing hymns to God, and returning thanks to Esdras for his reformation of what corruptions had been introduced into their settlement. So it came to pass, that after he had obtained this repu- tation among the people, he died an old man, and was buried in a magnificent manner at Jerusalem. About the same time it hap- oaptivity, of reducing the Jewish marriages, once for all, to the strictness of the law of Moses, without any regard to the greatness of those who had broken it, and with- out ret;ard to that natural affection or compassion for their heathen wives, and their children by them, which made it so hard for Esdras to correct it, deserves greatly to be observed and imitated in all attempts for reforma- tion among Christians, the contrary conduct having ever been the bane of true religion, both among Jews and Christians, while political views, or human passions, or prudential motives, arc suffered to take place instead of the divine laws, and so the blessing of God is forfeited, and the church still suffered to continue corrupt from one generation to another. See eh. viii. sect. 2. * This Jewish least of tabernacles was imitated in •everal heathen solemnities, as Spauheini here observes and proves He also farther ol:>serves presently, what great regard many heathens had to the monuments of tiieir lorefttthopi, as Nehemiah had here, sect. 6. + This rulp of Esdras, not to fast on a festival day, in quoted in the Apostolical Coustitutioaa (b. v.), as obtaiii- iog among Christians also. pened also that Joacim, the high-priest, died; and his son Eliasib succeeded in the high- priesthood. 6. Now there was one of those Jews who had been carried captive, who was cup-bearer to king Xerxes; his name was Nehemiah. As this man was walking before Susa, the metropolis of the Persians, he heard some strangers that were entering the city, after a long journey, speaking to one another in the Hebrew tongue; so he went to them and asked from whence they came; and when their answer was, that they came from Judea, he began to inquire of them again in what state the multitude was, and in what condition Je- rusalem was: and when they replied that they were in a bad state, J for that their walls were thrown down to the ground, and that the neighbouring natfcns did a great deal of mis- chief to the Jews, while in the day-time they overran the country, and pillaged it, and in the night did them mischief, inoomuch that not a few were led away captive out of the country, and out of Jerusalem itself, and that the roads were in the day-time found full of dead men. Hereupon Nehemiah shed tears, out of commiseration of the calamities of his countrymen; and, looking up to heaven, he said, " How long, O Lord, wilt thou overlook our nation, while it suffers so great miseries, and while we are made the prey and the spoil of all men?" And while he staid at the gate, and lamented thus, one told him that the king was going to sit down to supper; so he made haste, and went as- he was, without washing himself, to minister to the king in his office of cup-bearer r but as the king was very plea- sant after supper, and more cheerful than usual, he cast his eyes on Nehemiah, and see- ing him look sad, he asked him why he was sad. Whereupon he prayed to God to give him favour, and afford him the power of per- suading by his words; and said, " How can I, O king, appear otherwise than thus, » .d not be in trouble, while I hear that the walls of Jerusalem, the city where are the sepul. chres of my fathers, are thrown down to the ground, and that its gates are consumed by fire? But 'do thou grant me the favour to go and build its wall, and to finish the build- ing of the temple." Accordingly, the king gave him a signal, that' he freely granted him what he asked ; and told him that he should carry an epistle to the governors, that they might pay him due honour, and afford hiu. whatsoever assistance he wanted, and as ho pleased. " Leave off thy sorrow then," said the king, "and be cheerful in the performance of thy office hereafter." So Nehemiah wor- t This miserable condition of the Jews, and their capital, must have been after the death of Esdra!<, their former governor, and before Neln-miah came with his commission to build the walls of Jerusalem ; nor is that at all disagreeable to thtse liistories in Josephus. since Esdras came on the Aeventh, and iN* bemiah not till iIm twenty-lifth of Xerxen, at the interval of eighteea yean. HAP. V. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 301 shipped Go(\, and gave the king thanks for his {promise, and cleared up his sad and cloudy countenance, by the pleasure he had from the king's promises. Accordingly, the king called for him the next day, and gave hira an epistle to be carried to Adeus, the governor of Syria, and Phoenicia, and Samaria; where- in he sent to him to pay due honour to Ne- henyah, and to supply him wth what he wanted for his building. 7. Now when he was come to Babylon, and had taken with him many of his country- men, who voluntarily followed him, he came to Jerusalem in the twenty and fifth year of the reign of Xerxes; (mA when he had shown the epistles to God,* he gave them to Adeus, and to the other governors. He also called together all the people to Jerusalem, and stood in the midst of the temple, and made the fol- lowing speech to them: — "You know, O Jews, that God hath kept our fathers, Abra- ham, Isaac, and Jacob, i.i mind continually; and for the sake of their righteousness hath not left off the care of you. Indeed, he hath assisted me in gaining this authority of the king to raise up our wall, and finish what is wanting of the temple. I desire you, there- fore, who well know the ill-will our neigh- bouring nations bear to us, and that when once they are made sensible that we are in ear- nest about building, they will come upon us, and contrive many ways of obstructing our works, that you will, in the first place, put your trust in God, as in him that wall assist us against their hatred, and to intermit build- ing neither night nor day, but to use all dili- gence, and to hasten on the work, now we have this especial opportunity for it." When he had said this, he gave order that the rulers should measure the wall, and part the work of it among the people, according to their vil- lages and cities, as every one's ability should require. And when he had added this pro- mise, that he himself, with his servants, would assist them, he dissolved the assembly. So the Jews prepared for the work: that is the name they are called by from the day that they came up from Babylon, which is taken from the tribe of Judah, which came first to these places, and thence both they and the country gained that appellation. 8. But now when the Ammonites, and Moab- ites, and Samaritans, and all that inhabited Ce- lesyria, heard that the building went on apace, they took it heinously, and proceeded to lay snares for them, and to hinder their inten- tions. They also slew many of the Jews, and sought how they might destroy Neheraiah * This showinj? kin? Xerxes' epistles to God, or lay- ing them open before God in the temple, is very like the laying open the epistles of Sennacherib before him also hy llezekiah (•2Kingsxix. 14; Isa. xxxvii. 14); although this last was for a memorial, to put him in mind of the enemies, in order to move the divine compassion, and thf present as a token of gratitude for mercies already received, aa Havercamp well observes on tiiis place. himself, by hiring some of the foreigners to kill him. They also put the Jews in fear, and disturbed them, and spread abroad ru- mours, as if many nations were ready to make an expedition against them, by which means they were harassed, and had almost left off the building. But none of these things could deter Nehemiah from being diligent about the work; he only set a number of men about him as a guard to his body, and so unwea- riedly persevered therein, and was insensible of any trouble, out of his desire to perfect this work. And thus did he attentively, and with great forecast, take care of his own safe- ty; not that he feared death, but of this per- suasion, that if he were dead, the walls, for his citizens, would never be raised. He also gave orders that the builders should keep their ranks, and have their armour on while they were building. Accordingly, the mason had his sword on, as well as he that brought. the materials for building. He also appointed that their shields should lie very near them; and he placed trumpeters at every five hundred feet, and charged them, that if their enemies appeared, they should give notice of it to the people, that they might fight in their armour, and their enemies might not fall upon them naked. He also went about the compass of the city by night, being never discouraged, neither about the work itself, nor about his own diet and sleep, for he made no use of those things for his pleasure, but out of ne- cessity. And this trouble he underwent for two years and four months;f for in so long a time was the wall built, in the twenty- eighth year of the reign of Xerxes, in the ninth month. Now when the walls were finished, Nehemiah and the multitude offered sacrifices to God for the building of thenJ^ and they continued in feasting eight days. However, when the nations which dwelt in Syria heard that the building of the wall was finished, they had indignation at it; but when Nehemiah saw that the city was thin of peo- ple, he exhorted the priests and the Levites, that they would leave the country, and remove themselves to the city, and there continue; and he built them houses at his own expenses; and he commanded that part of the people who were employed in cultivating the land, to bring the tithes of their fruits to Jerusa- + It may not be very improper to remark here, with what an unuaual accuracy Josephus determines the<e years of Xerxes, in which the walls of Jerusalem were built, viz. that Nehemiah came with this commission in the 2oth of Xerxes; that the walls were two years and four months in building; and that they were finished on the SSth of Xerxes, sect. 7, 8. It may also be remarked farther, that Josephus hardly ever mentions more than one infallible astronomical character, I mean an eclipse of the moon, and this a little before the death of Herod the Great, Ant b. xvii ch. vi. s. 4. Now on these two chro- nological characters in great measure depend some of the most important points belonging to Christianity, viz. the explication of Daniel's seventy weeks, and the duration of our Saviour's ministry, and the time of his deatii, in correspondence to these seventy weeks. See the Sup- plement to the Lit Accomp. of Proph. p. 72. 302 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK XT. lem, that the priests and Levites having whereof they might live perpetually, might not leave the divine worship; who willingly hearkened to the constitutions of Nehemiah, by which means the city Jerusalem came to be fuller of people than it was before. So when Nehemiah had done many other excel- lent things, and things worthy of commenda- tion, in a glorious manner, he came to a great age, and then died. He was a man of a good and a righteous disposition, and very ambitious to make his own nation happy ; and he hath left the walls of Jerusalem as an eternal monument for himself. Now this was done in the days of Xerxes. CHAPTER VI. CONCERNING ESTHER, AND MORDECAI, AND HAMAN; AND HOW, IN THE REIGN OF AR- TAXERXES, THE WHOLE NATION OF THE JEWS WAS IN DANGER OF PERISHING. § 1. After the death of Xerxes, the king- dom came to be transferred to his son Cyrus ^ whom the Greeks called Artaxerxes . When this man had obtained the government over the Persians, the whole nation of the Jews,* with their wives and children, were in danger of perishing; the occasion whereof we shall declare in a little time; for it is proper, in the first place, to explain somewhat relating to this king, and how he came to marry a Jewish wife, Avho was herself of the royal family also, and who is related to have saved our nation; for when Artaxerxes had taken the kingdom, and had set governors over the hundred twenty and seven provinces, from Bidia even unto Ethiopia, in the third year • Since some sceptical persons are willing to disca.rd this book of Esther as no true history (and even our learned and judicious Dr. Wall, in his late posthumous Critical Notes upon all the other Hebrew books of the Old Testament, gives us none upon the Canticles, or npon Esther, and seems thereby to give up this book, es well as he Rives np the Canticles, as indefensible), I shall venture to say, that almost all !he objections aRainst this book of Lsther are gone at once, if, as we certainly ought to do, and as Dean Prideaux has justly done, we place this history under Artaxerxes Longimanus, as do both the Septuagint interpreters and Josephus. The learned Dr. I>ee, in his posthumous Dissertation on the Second Book of Esdras, page 25, also says, that " the truth of this history is demonstrated by the feast of "urim, kept up from that time to this very day: and this surprising providential revolution in favour of a captive people, thereby constantly commemorated, standcth even upon a firmer basis than that there ever ■was suci) a roan as king Alexander [the Great] in the world, of whose reign there is no such abiding monu- ment at this day to be fon.id anywhere. Nor will they, I dare say, who quarrel at this or any other of the sacred histories, find it a very easy matter to reconcile the dif- ferent accounts which wer«i given by historians of the affairs of this king, or to confirm any one fact of his whatever with the same evidence which is here given for the principal fact in the sarrpd book, or even so much as to prove the existence of such a person, of whom so greit things are related, but npon granting (his book of Ksther, or sixth of F.wlras (us it is placed In some of the most ancient copies of the Vulgate) to lie • iuu«t true ao'l certain histo^v." -Vc I of his reign, he made a costly feast for his friends, and for the nations of Persia, and for their governors, such a one as was proper for a king to make, when he had a mind to make a public demonstration of his riches, and this for a hundred and fourscore days; after which he made a feast for other nations, and for their umbassadors, at Shushan, for seven days. Now this feast was ordered afte^ The" manner following: — He caused a tent to be pitched, which was supported by pillars of gold and silver, with curtains of linen and purple spread over them, that it might afford room for many ten thousands to sit down. The cups with which the waiters ministereJ were of gold, and adorned with precious stones, for pleasure and for sight. He also gave order to the servants, that they should not force them to drink, by bringing them wine continually, as is the practice of the Persians, but to permit every one of the guests to enjoy himself according to his own inclination. Moreover, he sent messengers through the country, and gave order that they should have a remission of their labours, and should keep a festival many days, on ac- count of his kingdom. In like manner did Vashti the queen gather her guests together, and made them a feast in the palace. Now the king was desirous to show her, who ex- ceeded all other women in beauty, to those that feasted with him, and he sent some to command her to come to his feast. But ^e,^ out of regard to the laws of the Persians, which forbid the wives to be seen by st lun- gers, did not go to the king;f and though he oftentimes sent the eunuchs to her, she did nevertheless stay away, and refused to conic, till the king was so much irritated, that he brake up the entertainment, and rose up, and called for those seven who had the interpre- tation of the laws committed to them, and accused his wife, and said, that he had been affronted by her, because that when she was frequently called by him to his feast, she did not obey him once. He therefore gave order that they should inform him what could be done by the law against her. So one of them, whose name was Memucan, said that this affront was offered not to him alone, but to all the Persians, who were in danger of leading their lives very ill with their wives, i( + If the Chaldee paraphrast he in the right, that Ar- taxerxes intended to show Vashti to his guests naked, it is no wonder at ail that she would not submit to .nuch an indignity; but still if it were not so gross as that, yet it might, in the king's cups, be done in a way so inde- cent, as the Persian laws would not then bear, no more than the common laws of modesty. And that the king had some such design, seems not improbable, for other- wis% the principal of these royal guests could be no strangers to the queen, nor unapprised of her beauty, so far as decency a<li:iitted. However, since Prov'i- dence was now pavine the way for the introduction ol a .lewess into the kiuc's alirctions, in order to briiig about one of the most woiuleifnl deliverances which the .(ewisb or any nation ever had, we need not he farther ■"tlicitous abicit the m>iti»e»by « hich the king was in* |duc«<l to divorce Vo-thti, and marry Esther. CHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 303 they must be tliu9 despised by them; for that none of their wives would have any reve- rence for their husbands, if they had " such an example of arrogance in the queen to- wards thee, who rulest over all." Accord- ingly, he exhorted him to punish her, who had been guilty of so great an affront to him, after a severe manner; and when he had so done, to publish to the nations what had been decreed about the queen. So the resolution was to put Vashti away, and to give her dig- nity to another woman. 2. But the king having been fond of her, he did not well bear a separation, and yet by the law he could not admit of a reconciliation, so he was under trouble, as not having it in liis power to do what he desired to do: but when his friends saw him so uneasy, they ad- vised him to cast the memory of his wife, and his love for her, out of his mind, but to send abroad over all the habitable earth, and to search out for comely virgins, and to lake her whom he should best like for his wife, because his passion for his former wife would be quenched by the introduction of another, and the kindness he had for Vashti would be with- drawn from her, and be placed on her that was with him. Accordingly, he was persuaded to follow this advice, and gave order to certain persons to choose out of the virgins that were in his kingdom, those that were esteemed the most comely. So when a great number of these virgins were gathered together, there was found a damsel in Babylon, whose parents were both dead, and she was brought up with her uncle Mordecai, for that was her uncle's name. This uncle was of the tribe of Ben- jamin, and was one of the principal persons among the Jews. Now it proved that this damsel, whose name was Esther, was the most beautiful of all the rest, and that the grace of her countenance drew the eyes of the spectators principally upon her:, so she was committed to one of the eunuchs to take the care of her ; and she was very exactly provided with sweet odours, in great plenty, and with costly ointments, such as her body required to be anointed withal; and this was used for six months by the virgins, who were in num- ber four hundred; and when the eunuch thought the virgins had been sufficiently puri- fied, in the fore-mentioned time, and were now fit to go to the king's bed, he sent one to be with the king every day. So when he had accompanied with her, he sent her back to the eunuch; and when Esther had come to him, he was pleased with her, and fell in love with the damsel, and married her, and made her his lawful \vife, and kept a wedding-feast for her on tlie twelfth month of the seventh year of his reign, which was called Adar. He also sent angari, as they are called, or messengers, unto every nation, and gave orders that they sbould keep a feast for his marriage, while he hinself treated the Persians and the Medes, and the principal men of the nations, for a whole month, on account of this his marriage. Accordingly, Esther came to his royal palace, and he set a diadem on her head; and thus was Esther married, \\dthout making known/ to the king what nation she was derived from./ Her uncle also removed from Babylon ta Shushan, and dwelt there, being every day about the palace, and inquiring how the damsel did, for he loved her as though she had been his own daughter. 3. Now the king had made a law,* that none of his own people should approach him unless they were called, when he sat upon his throne; and men, with axes in their hands, stood round about his throne, in order to pun- ish such as approached to him without being called. However, the king sat with a golden sceptre in his hand, which he held out when he had a mind to save any one of those that approached to him without being called ; and he who touched it was free from danger. But of this matter we have discoursed suffi- ciently. 4. Some time after this [two eunuchs], Bigthan and Teresh, plotted against the king; and Barnabazus, the servant of one of the eunuchs, being by birth a Jew, was acquaint- ed with their conspiracy, and discovered it to the queen's imcle ; and Mordecai, by means of Esther, made the conspirators known to the king. This troubled the king; but he disco- vered the truth, and hanged the eunuchs upon a cross, while at that time he gave no re- ward to Mordecai, who had been the occasion of his preservation. He only bade the scribes to set down his name in the records, and bade him stay in the palace, as an intimate friend of the king. 5. Now there was one Haman, the son of Amedatha, by birth an Amalekite, that used to go in to the king; and the foreigners and Persians worshipped him, as Artaxerxes had commanded that such honour should be paid to him ; but Mordecai was so wise, and so ob- servant of his own country's laws, that he would not worship the manif When Hamau observed this, he inquired whence he came; and when he understood that he was a Jew, he had indignation at him, and said within • Herodotus says that this law [against any one's com- ing uncalled to the kings of Persia when they were sit- ting on their thrones] was tirst enacted by Deioces [i e. by him who first withdrew the iMedes from the dominion of the Assyrians, and hi nsflf first reiijned over thera J Thus also, says Spanheira, stooa guards, with their axes, about the throne of lenus. or Tenudus. that the oSeDder might by them be punished immediately. + Whether this adoration required of .Mordecai to Ha- man were by him deemed too like the adoration due only to God, as Josephus seems here to think, as %vell as the Septuagint interpreters also, by their translation of Esth. xiii. 12, 13, 14, or whether he thought he ou((ht to pay no sort of adoration to an Amalekite, which na- tion liad been such great sinners as to have been uni- versally devoted to destruction by God himself (Exod. xvii. 14, 15, lo; 1 Sam. xv. 18), or whether both causet concurred, cannot now, 1 doubt, be certainly deter oiiued. 304 ANTIQIHTIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XT himself, that whereas the Persians, who were free men, worshipped him, this man, who was no better than a slave, does not vouchsafe to do so. And when be desired to punish Mordecai, he thought it too small a thing to request of the king that he alone might be punished ; he rathej- determined to abolish the whole nation, for he was naturally an enemy to the Jews, because the nation of the Amale- kites, of which he was, had been destroyed by them. Accordingly, he came to the king, and accused them, saying, " There is a certain wicked nation, and it is dispersed over all the habitable earth that was under his dominion; a nation separate from others, unsociable, nei- ther admitting the same sort of divine wor- ship that others do, nor using laws like to the laws of others, at enmity with thy people, and with all men, both in their manners and prac- tices. Now, if thou wilt be a benefactor to thy subjects, thou wilt give order to destroy them utterly, and not leave the least remains of them, nor preserve any of them, either for slaves or for captives." But that the king might not be damnified by the loss of the tri- butes which the Jews paid him, Haman pro- mised to give him out of his own estate forty thousand talents whensoever he pleased; and he said he would pay this money very wil- lingly that the kingdom might be freed from such a misfortune. 6. When Haman had made this petition, the king both forgave him the money, and granted him the men, to do what he would with them. So Haman, having gained what he desired, sent out immediately a decree, as from the king, to all nations, the contents whereof were these: — " Artaxerxes, the great king, to the rulers of the hundred and twenty- seven provinces, from India to Ethiopia, sends this writing. Whereas I have governed many nations, and obtained the dominions of all the habitable earth, according to my desire, and have not been obliged to do any thing that is insolent or cruel to my subjects by such my power, but have showed myself mild and gentle, by taking care of their peace and good order, and have sought how they might enjoy those blessings for all time to come; and whereas I have been kindly informed by Ha- man, who, on account of his prudence and justice, is the first in my esteem, and in dig- nity, and only second to myself, for his fidelity and constant good-will to me, that there is an ill-natured nation interuilxed with all man- kind, that is averse to our laws, and not sub- ject to kings, and of a different conduct of life from others, that hateth monarchy, and of a disposition that is pernicious to our effuirs; I give order that these men, of whom Ha- man, our second father, hath informed us, be destroyed, with their wives and children, and that none of them be spared, and that none prefer pity to them before obedience to this decree; and thia I will to be executed on the fourteenth day of the twelfth month of thia present year, that so when all that have en- mity to us are destroyed, and this in one day, we may be allowed to lead the rest of our lives in peace hereafter." Now when this decree was brought to the cities, and to the country, all were ready for the destruction awd entire abolishment of the Jews, against the day before-mentioned ; ai.d they were very hasty about it at Shushan, in particular. Accordingly, the king and Haman spent their time in feasting together with good cheer and wine ; but the city was in disorder. 7. Now when Mordecai was informed of what was done, he rent his clothes, and put on sackcloth, and sprinkled ashes upon his head, and went about the city, crying out, that " a nation that had been injurious to no man, was to be destroyed." And he went on saying thus as far as to the king's palace, and there he stood, for it was not lawful for him to go into it in that habit. The same thing was done by all the Jews that were in the several cities wherein this decree was pub- lished, with lamentation and mourning, en account of the calamities denounced against them. But as soon as certain persons had told the queen that Mordecai stood before the court in a mourning habit, she was disturbed at this report, and sent out such as should change his garments; but when he could not be induced to put off his sackcloth, because the sad occasion that forced him to put it on was not yet ceased, she called the eunuch Acratheus, for he was then present, and sent him to Mordecai, in order to know of him what sad accident had befallen him, for which he was in mourning, and would not put ofl the habit he had put on, at her desire. Then did Mordecai inform the eunuch of the occa- sion of his mourning, and of the decree v/hich was sent by the king into all the country, and of the promise of money whereby Haman bought the destruction of their nation. He also gave him a copy of what was proclaimed at Shushan, to be carried to Esther; and he charged her to petition the king about this matter, and not to think it a dishonourable thing in her to put on a humble habit, for the safety of her nation, wherein she might deprecate the ruin of the Jews, who were in danger of it; for that Haman, whose dignity was only inferior to that of the king, hiui accused the Jews, and had irritated the king against them. When she was informed of this, she sent to Mordecai again, and told him that she was not called by the king, and that he who goes in to him without being called, is to be slain, unless when he is willing to save any one, he holds out his golden sceptre to him ; but that to whomsoever he docs so.although he go in without being called, that person is so far from being slain, that he obtains pardon, and is entirely preserved. Now when the eunucb Curried ^his message from Esther to Mordt' CHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 305 cai, he bade him also tell her that she must not only provide for her own preservation, but for the common preservation of her na- tion, for that if she now neglected this oppor- tunity, there would certainly arise help to them from God some other way; but she and her father's house would be destroyed by those whom she now despised. But Estl^r sent the very same eunuch back to Mordecai [to desire him], to go to Shushan, and to gather the Jews that were there together to a con- gregation, and to fast, and abstain from all sorts of food, on her account, and [to let him know thatj she with her maidens would do the same; and then she promised that she would go to the king, though it were against the law, and that if she must die for it, she would not refuse it, 8. Accordingly, Mordecai did as Esther had enjoined him, and made the people fast; and he besought God, together with them, not to overlook his nation, particularly at this time, when it was going to be destroyed; but that, as he had often before provided for them, ^nd forgiven when they had sinned, so he would now deliver them from that destruc- tion which was denounced against them; for although it was not all the nation that had of- fended, yet must they so inglorlously be slain, and that he was himself the occasion of the wrath of Haman, " Because," said he, " I did not worship him, nor could I endure to pay ihat honour to him which I used to pay to thee, O Lord; for upon that his anger hath he contrived this present mischief against those that have not transgressed thy laws." The same supplications did the multitude put up; and entreated that God would provide for their deliverance, and free the Israelites that were in all the earth from this calamity which was now coming upon them, for they had it before their eyes, and expected its com- ing. Accordingly, Esther made supplication to God after the manner of her country, by casting herself down upon the earth, and put- ting on her mourning garments, and bidding farewell to meat and drink, and all delicacies, for three days' time ; and she entreated God to have mercy upon her, and make her words appear persuasive to the king, and render her countenance more beautiful than it was be- fore, that both by her words and beauty she might succeed, for the averting of the king's anger, in case he were at all irritated against her, and for the consolation of those of her own country, now they were in the utmost danger of perishing: as also that he would excite a hatred in the king against the ene- mies of the Jews, and those that had contrived iheir future destruction, if they proved to be contemned by him. 0. When Esther had used this supplication for three days, she put off those garments, and clianged her habit, and adorned herself as b«:cuine a queen, and took two of her hand- maids with her, the one of which supported her, as she gently leaned upon her, and the , other followed after, and lifted up her large train (which swept along the ground) with the extremities of her fingers: and thus she came to the king, having a blushing redness in her countenance, with a pleasant agreeable- ness in her behaviour, yet did she go in to him with fear; and as soon as she was come over- against him, as he was sitting on his throne, in his royal apparel, which was a garment in- terwoven with gold and precious stones, which made him seem to her more terrible, especi- ally when he looked at her somewhat severely, and with a countenance on fire with anger, her joints failed her immediately, out of the dread she was in, and she fell down sideways in a swoon: but the king changed his mind, which happened, as I suppose, by the will of God, and was concerned for his wife, lest her fear should bring some very evil thing upon her, and he leaped from his throne, and. took her in his arms, and recovered her, by em- bracing her, and speaking comfortably to her, and exhorting her to be of good cheer, and not to suspect any thing that was sad on account of her coming to him without being called, because that law was made for subjects, but that she who was a queen, as well as b ; a king, might be entirely secure : and as hb said this, he put the sceptre into her hand, and laid his rod upon her neck, on account of the law; and so freed her from her fear. And after she had recovered herself by these en- couragements, she said, " My Lord, it is not easy for me, on the sudden, to say what hath happened, for so soon as I saw thee to be great, and comely, and terrible, my spirit de- parted from me, and I had no soul left in me." And while it was with difficulty, and in a low voice, that she could say thus much, the king was in great agony and disorder, and encouraged Esther to be of good cheer, and to expect better fortune, since he was ready, if occasion should require it, to grant to her the half of his kingdom. Accordingly, Es- ther desired that he and his friend Haman would come to her to a banquet, for she said she had prepared a supper for him. He con- sented to it; and when they were there, as they were drinking, he bade Esther to let him know what she had desired; for that she should not be disappointed, though she should desire the half of his kingdom. But she put off the discovery of her petition till the next day, if he would come again, together >vith Haman, to her banquet. 10. Now wnen the king had promised so to do, Haman went away very glad, because he alone had the honour of supping with the king at Esther's banquet, and because no one else partook of the same honour with kings but himself; yet when he saw Mordecai in the court, he was very much displeased, for he paid him no manner of respect when he saw U 306 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XI lira. So he went home and called for his urife Zeresh, and his friends, and when they urere come, he showed them what honour he -njoyed, not only from the king, but from the •queen also, for as he alone had that day sup- ned with her, together with the king, so was he Uso invited again for the next day; "yet," faid he, " am I not pleased to see Mordecai ithe Jew in the court." Hereupon his wife 2eresh advised him to give order that a gal- lows should be made fifty cubits high, and that in the morning he should ask it of the ting that Mordecai might be hanged thereon. So he commended her advice, and gave order *:o his servants to prepare the gallows, and to place it in the court, for the punishment of Mordecai thereon, which was accordingly pre- pared. But God laughed to scorn the wicked expectations of Haman; and as he knew what the event would be, he was delighted at it, for that night he took away the king's sleep : and as the king was not ^villing to lose the time of his lying awake, but to spend it in something that might be of advantage to his kingdom, he commanded the scribe to bring him the chronicles of the former kings, and the re- cords of his own actions; and when he had brought them, and was reading them, one was found to have received a country on account of his excellent management on a certain oc- casion, and the name of the country was set down; another was found to have had a pre- sent made him on account of his fidelity : then the scribe came to Bigthan and Teresh, the eunuchs that had made a conspiracy against the king, which Mordecai had discovered; and when the scribe said no more but that, and was going on to another history, the king stopped him, and inquired, " whether it was not added that Mordecai had a reward given him?" and when he said there was no such addition, he bade him leave off; and he in- quired of those that were appointed for thr^J purpose, what hour of the night it was ; anil when he was informed that it was already day, he gave order that, if they found any one of his friends already come, and standing before the court, they should tell him. Now it hap- pened that Haman was found there, for he was come sooner than ordinary, to petition the king to have Mordecai put to death: and when the servants said, that Haman was be- fore the court, he bade them call him in ; and when he was come in, he said, " Because I know that thou art my only fast friend, I de- sire thee to give me advice how I may honour one that I greatly love, and that after a man- ner suitable to my magrjificence." Now Ha- man reasoned with himself, that what opinion he should give it would be for himself, since it was he alone who was beloved by the king; »o he gave that advice which he thought of all others the best; for he said, " If thou wouldst truly honour u man whom thou saycht thou dost love, give order that he may ride on horseback, with the same garment which thou wearest, and with ^ gold chain about his neck, and let one of thy intimate friends go before him, and proclaim through the whole city, that whosoever the king honoureth ob- taineth this mark of his honour." This was the advice which Haman gave, out of a sup- posal that such reward would come to himself. Hereupon the king was pleased with the ad- vice, and said, " Go thou, therefore, for thou hast the horse, the garment, and the chain, ask for Mordecai the Jew, and give him those things, and go before his horse and proclaim accordingly; " for thou art," said he, " my in- timate friend, and hast given me good advice; be thou then the minister of what thou hast advised me to. This shall be his reward from us, for preserving my life." When he heard this order, which was entirely unexpected, he was confounded in his mind, and knew not what to do. However, he went out and led the horse, and took the purple garment, and the golden chain for the neck, and finding Mordecai before the court, clothed in sack- cloth, he bade him put that garment off, and put the purple garment on: but Mordecai not knowing the truth of the matter, but thinking that it was done in mockery, said, " O thou wretch, the vilest of all mankind^ dost thou thus laugh at our calamities?" But when he was satisfied that the king bestowed this honour upon him, for the deliverance he had procured him when he convicted the eu- nuchs who had conspired against him, he put on that purple garment which the king .al- ways wore, and put the chain about his neck, and got on horseback, and went round the city, while Haman went before, and proclaim- ed, " This shall be the reward which the kin^ will bestow on every one whom he loves, and esteems worthy of honour." And when they had gone round the city, Mordecai went in to the king; but Haman went home, out ol shame, and informed his wife and friends ol what had happened, and this with tears: who said, that he would never be able to be re- venged of Mordecai, for that God was with him. 11. Now while these men were thus talk- ing one to another, Esther's eunuchs hastened Haman away to come to supper; but one of the eunuchs named Sabuchadas, saw the gallows that was fixed in Haman's house, and inquired of one of his servants for what pur- pose they had prepared it. So he knew that it was for the queen's uncle, because Haman was about to petition the king that he might be punished ; but at present he held his peace. Now when the king, with Haman, were at the banquet, he desired the queen to tell him what gift she desired to obtain, and assured her that the should have whatsoever she had a mi 11(1 to. She then lamented the danger her people were in; and said, that "she and her natit n were given up to be destroyed, and ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 307 that she, on that account, made this her peti- tion : that she would not have troubled him if he had only given order that they should be sold into bitter servitude, for such a mis- fortune would not have been intolerable ; but she desired that they might be delivered from ^uch destruction." And when the king in- quired of her who was the author of this mi- sery to them, she then openly accused Haman, and convicted him, that he had been the wick- ed instrument of this, and had formed this plot against them. When the king was hereupon in disorder, and was gone hastily out of the banquet into the gardens, Hainan began to intercede with Esther, and to beseech her to forgive him, as to what he had offended, for he perceived that he was in a very bad case. And as he had fallen upon the queen's bed, and was making supplications to her, the king came in, and being still more provoked at what he saw, " O thou wretch," said he, "thou vilest of mankind, dost thou aim to force my wife?" And when Haman was astonished at this, and not able to speak one word more, Sabuchadas the eunuch came in, and accused Haman, and said, " He found a gallows at his house, prepared for Mordecai; for that the servant told him so much, upon his inquiry, when he was sent to him to call him to supper:" he said farther, that the gal- lows was fifty cubits high: which, when the king heard, he determined that Haman should be punished after no other manner than that which had been devised by him against Mor- decai; so he gave order immediately that he should be hung upon the gallows, and be put to death after that m.anner. And from hence I cannot forbear to admire God, and to learn hence his wisdom and his justice, not only in punishing the wickedness of Haman, but in so disposing it, that he should undergo the very same punishment which h5 had con- tr:vea for another; as also, because thereby ne teaches others this lesson, that what mis- cb'efs any one prepares against another, he, without knowing of it, first contrives it against hnnseif. 12. Wherefore Haman. who had immode- ratejy abused the honour he had from the kmg, v/as destroyed after this manner; and the king granted his estate to the queen. He aiso called for ]Mordecai (for Esther had in- formed him that she was akin to him), and gave that ring to ^Mordecai which he had be- fore given to Haman. The queen also gave Raman's estate to Mordecai; and prayed the king to deliver the nation of the Jews from the fear of death, and showed him what had been written over all the country by Haman the son of Ammedatha; for that if her coun- try were destroyed, and her countrymen were to perish, she could not bear to live herself any longer. So the king promised her that be would not do any thing that should be dis- agreeable to hi;r, nor contradict what she de- sired; but he bade her Avrite what she pleased about the Jews, in the king's name, and seal it with his seal, and send it to all his king- dom, for that those who read epistles whose authority is secured by having the king's seal to them, would na'way contradict what was written therein. So he commanded the king's scribes to be sent for, and to write to the na- tions, on the Jews' behalf, and to his heute nants and governors, that were over his hun dred and twenty-seven provinces, from India to Ethiopia, Now the contents of this epistle were these: — " The great king Artaxerxes to our rulers, and those that are our faithful subjects, sendeth greeting.* M any men ther e are who, on account of the greatness of the be- nefits bestowed on them, and because of the ho- nour which they have obtained from the won- derful kind treatment of those that bestowed it, are not only injurious to their inferiors, but do not scruple to do evil to those that have been their benefactors, as if they would take away gratitude from among men, and by their inso- lent abuse of such benefits as they never ex- pected, they turn the abundance they have against those that are the authors of it, and suppose that they shall lie concealed from God in that case, and avoid that vengeance which comes from him. Some of these men, when they have had the management of affairs committed to them by their friends, and bearing private malice of their own against some others, by deceiving those that have the power, persuade them to be angry at such as have done them no harm, till they are in danger of perishing, and this by laying ac- cusations and calumnies: nor is this state of things to be discovered by ancient examples, or such as we have learned by report only, but by some examples of such impudent at- tempts under our own eyes, so that it is not fit to attend any longer to calumnies and ac- c .sations, nor to the persuasion of others, but to determine what any one knows of himself to have been really done, and to punish what justly deserves it, and to grant favours to such as are innocent. This hath been the case oi Haman, the son of Ammedatha, by birth an Amalekite, and alien from the blood of the Persians, who, when he was hospitably enter tained by. us, and partook of that kindness which we bear to all men to so great a de- gree, as to be called ' my father,' and to be all along worshipped, and to have honour paid him by all in the second rank after the royal » The trne reason why king Artaxerxes did not here properly revoke his former barbarous decree for the uni versal slaughter of the Jew*, but only empowered and en? couraged the Jews to fight for their lives, and to kill their , enemies, if they attempted their destruction, seems to i have been that old law of the Medes and Persians, not yet \ laid aside, that whatever decree was signed both by tb». i king and his lords, could not be changed, but remained i iitrilterahle. Dan. vi. 7, S. 9, 12, 15, 17; Esth, i. 19; and | viii 8. And Haman, having engrossed the royal favour, I might perhaps have himself signed this decrtrs for tb« I Jews' slaughter instead of the ancient lords, and so migfat 1 have renderad it by thoir rules irrevocable. \/ 308 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XI. honour due to ourselves, he could not bear his good fortune, nor govern the magnitude of his prosperity with sound reason; nay, he made a conspiracy against me and ray life, who gave him his authority, by endeavouring to take away Mordecai, my benefactor, and my saviour, and by basely and treacherously requiring to have Esther, the partner of my life, and of my dominion, brought to destruc- tion; for he contrived by this means to de- prive n.e of my faithful friends, and transfer the government to others:* — but since I per- ceived that these Jews, that were by this pernicious fellow devoted to destruction, were not wicked men, but conducted their lives after the best manner, and were men dedicated to the worship of that God who hath preserved the kiitgdom to me and to my ancestors, I do not only free them from the punishment which the former epistle, which was sent by Haman, ordered to be inflicted on them, — to which if you refuse obedience you shall do well; but I will that they have all honour paid them. Accordingly, I have hanged up the man that contrived such things against them, with his family, before the gates of Shushan; that punishment being sent upon him by God, who seeth all things. And I give you in charge, that you publicly propose a copy of this epistle through all my king- dom, that the Jews may be permitted peace- ably to use their own laws, and that you assist them, that at the same season whereto their miserable estate did belong, they may defend themselves the very same day from unjust violence, the thirteenth day of the twelfth month, which is Adar, — for God hath made that day a day of salvation, instead of a day of destruction to them ; and may it be a good day to those that wish us well, and a memorial of the punishment of the conspira- tors against us: and I will that you take notice, that every city, and every nation, that shall disobey any thing that is contained in this epistle, shall be destroyed by fire and sword. However, let this epistle be published through all the country that is under our obedience, and let all the Jews, by all means, be ready against the day before mentioned, that they may avenge themselves upon their enemies." 13. Accordingly, the horsemen who carried • These words give an intimation as if Artaxerxes suspected a deeper design in Hainan than openly ap- peared, viz. that knowing the Jews would be faithful to him, and that he could never transfer the crown to his own family, who was an Agaijite (Esth. iii. 1, 10), or of the posterity of Agag, the old king of the Amalekites (1 Sara. XV. 8, 32, 33), while they were alive, and spread over all his dominions, he therefore endeavoured to de- stroy them. Nor is it to me improbable that those so Tenty-five thousand eisjht hundred of the Jews' enemies which were BO<m destroyed by the Jews, on the permis- sion of the king, which must be on some great occasion, were Atnalekites, their old and hereditary enemies JKxod. xvii. 14, 15); and that thereby wan fulfilled Ba- laam's prophecy i " Amaiek was the first of the nations; but his latter end shall be, that be perish for ever." Numb. xxIt. sa the epistles, proceeded on the ways which they were to go with speed ; but as for Mor- decai, as soon as he had assumed the royal garment, and the crown of gold, and had put the chain about his neck, he went forth in a public procession; and when the Jews who were at Shushan saw him in so great honour with the king, they thought his good fortune was common to themselves also; and joy and a beam of salvation encompassed the Je\A'S, both those that were in the cities and those that were in the countries, upon the publica- tion of the king's letters, insomuch that many of other nations circumcised their foreskin for fear of the Jews, that they niight procure safety to themselves thereby; for on the thir- teenth day of the twelfth month, which, ac- cording to the Hebrew, is called Adar, but, according to the Macedonians, Dystrns, those that carried the king's epistle gave them no- tice, that the same day wherein their danger was to have been, on that very day should they destroy their enemies. But now the rulers of the provinces, and the tyrants, and the kings, and the scribes, had the Jews in esteem; for the fear they were in of Mordecai forced them to act with discretion. Now when the royal decree was come to all the country that was subject to the king, it fell out that the Jews at Shushan slew five hun- dred of their enemies: and when the king had told Esther the number of those that were slain in that city, but did not well know what had been done in the provinces, he asked her whether she would have any thing farther done against them, for that it should be done accordingly: upon which she desired that the Jews might be permitted to treat their re- maining enemies in the same manner the next day; as also, that they might hang the ten sons of Haman upon the fallows. So the king permitted the Jews so to do, as desirous not to contradict Esther. So they gathered themselves together again on the fourteenth day of the month Dystrus, and slew about three hundred of their enemies, but touched nothing of what riches they had. Now there were slain by the Jews that were in the coun- try, and in the other cities, seventy-five thou- sand of their enemies, and these were slain on the thirteenth day of the month, and the next day they kept as a festival. In like manner the Jews that were in Shushan gathered themselves together, and feasted on the four- teenth day, and that which followed it; whence it is, that even now all the Jews that are in the habitable earth keep these days festivals, and send portions to one ano- ther. Mordecai also wrote to the Jews that lived in the kingdom of Artaxerxes to ob- serve these days, and to celebrate them as fes- tivals, and to deliver them down to posterity, that this festiviil might continue for all time to come, and that it might never be buried in oblivion; for xiuctt they were about to bo CHAP. VIII. ^ ANTIQUllTES OF THE JEWS. 309 destroyed on these days by Haman, they \nt)uld do a right thing, upon escaping the danger in them, and on them inflicting punishment on their enemies, to observe those days, and give thanks to God on them: for which cause the Jews still keep the fore-mentioned days, and call them days of Phurim [or Purim].* And Mordecai became a great and illustrious per- son with the king, and assisted him in the government of the people. He also lived with the queen; so that the affairs of the Jews were, by their means, better than they could ever have hoped for. And this was the state of the Jews under the reign of Ar- taxerxes,f CHAPTER VII. HOW JOHK SLEW HIS BROTHER JESUS IN THE TEMPLE; AND HOW BAGOSESOFFERED MANY INJURIES TO THE JEWS; AND WHAT SAN- BALLAT DID. § 1. When Eliashib the high-priest was dead, his son Judas succeeded in the high-priest- Luuu: and when he was dead, his son John took that dignity; on whose account it was also that Bagoses, the general of another Ar- taxerxes' array,J polluted the temple, and imposed tributes on the Jews, that out of the public stock, before they offered the^daily sa^ • Take here part of Reland's note on this disputed pas- sage: "In Josephus's copies these Hebrew words, 'days of Pnrira,' or ' Lots,' as in the Greek copies of Esther, ch. ix. 'Jn, ?8--;12, is read 'days of phurim,' or 'days of pro- tection;' but ought to be read 'days of purim,' as in the Hebrew; than which emendation," says he, "nothing is more certain." And had we any assurance that Jose- phus'8 copy mentioned the " casting of lots," as our other copies do, Esth. iii. 7, I should fully agree with Reland; but, as it now stands, it seems to me by no means certain. + As to this whole book of Esther in the present He- brew copy, it is so very imperfect, in a case where the providence of God was so very remarkable, and the Sep- tuagint and Josephus have so much of religion, that it has not so much as the name of God once in it ; and it is hard to say who made that epitome which the Masorites have given us for the genuine book itself; no religious Jews could well be the authors of it, whose education obliged them to have a constant regard to God, and whatsoever related to his worship; nor do we know that there ever was so imperfect a copy of it in tlie world till after the days of Barchocab, in the second century. i Concerning this other Artaxerxes, called Mnemon, and the Persian affliction and captivity of the Jews un- der him, occasioned by the murder of the high-priest's brother in the holy house itself, see Authentic Uec at large, page 49. And if any wonder why Josephus wholly omits the rest of the kings of Persia after Artaxerxes Mnemon, till he came to their last king Darius, who was conquered by Alexander the Great, I shall give them Vossius's and Dr. Hudson's answer, though in my own words, viz. that Josephus did not do ill in omitting those kings of Persia with whom the Jews had no concern, because be was giving the history of the Jews, and not of the Persians [which is i sufficient reason also why he omits the history and the book of Job, as not particu- larly relating to that nation]. He justly, therefore, re- turns to the Jewish affairs after the death of Longima- nus, without any mention of Darius II. be/ore Artaxer- xes Mnemon, or of Ochus or Arogus, as the Canon of Ptolemy names them, a/'^er him. Nor had be probably mentioned this other Artaxerxes, unless Bagoses, one of the governors and commanders under him, had occa- •ioned the pollution of the Jewish temple, and bad greatly distressed the Jews upon that pollMtioo. I orifices, they should pay for every lamb fifty shekels. Now Jesus was the brother of John, and was a friend of Bagoses, who had pro- mised to pro<;ure him the high-priesthood. In confidence of whose support, Jesus quar- relled with John in the temple, and so pro- voked his brother, that in his anger his bro- ther slew him. Now it was a horrible thing for John, when he was high-priest, to perpe- trate so great a crime, and so much the more horrible, that there never was so cruel and impious a thing done, neither by the Greeks nor Barbarians. However, God did not ne- glect its punishment; but the people were on that very account enslaved, and the temple was polluted by the Persians. Now when Bagoses, the general of Artaxerxes' army, knew that John, the high-priest of the Jews, had slain his own brother Jesus in the tem- ple, he came upon the Jews immediately, and began in anger to say to them, " Have you had the impudence to perpetrate a murder in your temple?" And as he was aiming to go into the temple, they forbade him so to do; but he said to them,." Am not I purer than he that was slain in the temple?" Ajiti when he had said these words, he went into the temple. Accordingly, Bagoses made use of this pretence, and punished the Jews seven years for the murder of Jesus. 2. Now when John had departed this life, his son Jaddua succeeded in the high-priest- hood. He had a brother, whose name was Manasseh. Now there was one Sanballat, who was sent by Darius, the last king [of. Persia], into Samaria. He was a Cuthean by birth; of which stock were the Samaritans also. This man knew that the city Jerusalem was a famous city, and that their kings had given a great deal of trouble to the Assyrians, and the people of Celesyria; so that he wil- lingly gave his daughter, whose name was Nicaso, in marriage to Manasseh, as thinking this alliance by marriage would be a pledge and security that the nation of the Jews should continue their good-will to hira. CHAPTER VIII. concerning sanballat and manasseh, and the temple which they built on mount gerizzim; as also how alex- ander made his entry into the city jerusalem; and what benefits he be- stowed on the jews. § 1. About this time it was that Philip, l- ig of Macedon, was treacherously assaults; -uJ slain at Egae by Pausanias, the son of Ce- rastes, who was derived from the family of Orestae, and his son Alexander succeeded him in the kingdom; who, passing over the Hel- lespont, overcame the generals of Darius's army in a battl« fought at Granieuin, S« be 310 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. OK. XI. marched over Lydia, and subdued Ionia, and overran Caria, and fell upon the places of Puinpbylia, as has been related elsevyhere. 2. But the elders of Jerusalem being very UTieasy that the brother of Jaddua the high- priest, though married to a foreigner, should be a partner with him in the high-priesthood, quarrelled with him ; for they esteemed this man's marriage a step to sueh as should be desirous of transgressing about the marriage of fitrange] wives, and that this would be the beginning of a mutual society with fo- reigners, although the offence of some about marriages, and their having married wives that were not of their own country, had been an occasion of their former captivity, and of the miseries they then underwent; so they com- manded Manasseh to divorce his wife, or not to approach the altar, the high-priest himself joining with the people in their indignation against his brother, and driving him away fiom the altar. Whereupon Manasseh came to his father-in-law, Sanballat, and told him, that although he loved his daughter Nicaso, yet was he not willing to be deprived of his sacerdotal dignity on her account, which was the principal dignity in their nation, and always continued in the same family. And then Sanballat promised him not only to pre- serve to him the honour of his priesthood, but to procure for him the power and dignity of a high-priest, and would make him governor of all the places he himself now ruled, if he would keep his daughter for his wife. He also told him farther, that he would build him a temple like that at Jerusalem, upon Mount Gerizzim, which is the highestof all the moun- tains that are in Samaria; and he promised that he would do this with the approbation of Darius the king. Manasseh was elevated with these promises, and staid with Sanballat, upon a supposal that he should gain a high- priesthood, as bestowed on him by Darius, for it happened Sanballat was then in years. But there was now a great disturbance among the people of Jerusalein, because many of those priests and Levites" were entangled in such matches; for they all revolted to Manasseh, and Sanballat afforded them money, and di- vided among them land for tillage, and habi- tations also; and all this in order every way to gratify his son-in-law. 3 About this time it was that Darius heard how Alexander had passed over the Helles- pont, and had beaten his lieutenants in the battle at Granicum,and was proceedingfarther; whereupon he gathered together an army of horse and foot, and determined that he would meet the Macedonians before they should assault and conquer all Asia. So he pasyed over the river Euphrates and came over Taurus, the Cilician mountain; and at Issns of Cilicia he waited for the enemy, as ready there to give him battle. Upon which Sun- ballat WM glad thai Darius was come down; and told Manasseh that he vr t,ld suddenly perform his^promises to him, an this as soon as ever Darius should come back, after he had beaten his enemies; for not he only, but all those that were in Asia also, were perbua<ieri that the Macedonians would not so much aa come to a battle with the Persians, on ccount of their multitude; but the event p oved otherwise than they expected, for the king joined battle with the Macedonians, and waa beaten, and lost a great deal of his army. His mother also, and his wife and children, were taken captives, and he fied into Persia. So Alexander came into Syria, and took Damas- cus; and when he had obtained Sidon, he besieged Tyre, when he sent an epistle to the Jewish high-priest, to seiMi him some auxili- aries, and to supply his army vvith provisions; and that what presents he formerly sent tO" Darius, he would now send to him, and choose the friendship of the Macedonians, and that he should never repent of so doing; but the high-priest answered the messengers, that he had given his oath to Darius not to bear arm» against him ; and he said that he would not transgress this while Darius was in the land of the living. Upon hearing this answer, Alexander was very angry; and though he determined not to leave Tyre, which was just ready to be taken, yet, as soon as he had takea it, he threatened that he would make an ex- pedition against the Jewish high-priest, aud through him teach all men to whom they must keep their oaths. So when be had, with a good deal of pains during the siege, takeni. Tyre, and had settled its affairs, he came to the city of Gaza, and besieged both the city and him that was governor of the garrison, whose name was Babemeses. 4. But Sanballat thought he had now got- ten a proper opportunity to make his attempt, so he renounced Darius, and taking vvith him seven thousand of bis own subj.ects, he came to Alexander; aud finding him beginning the siege of Tyre, he said to him, that he deh vered up to him these men, who came out of places under his dominion, and did gladly accept of him for their lord instead of Darius. So when Alexander had received him kindly, Sanballat thereupon took courage, and spake to him about his present affair. He told him, that he had a son-in-law, Manasseh, who was . brother to the high-priest Jaddua; and that there were many others of his own nation now with him, that were desirous to have a tem- ple in the places subject to him; that it would be for the king's advaiitage to have the strength of the Jews divided into two parts, lest, when the nation is of one mind, and united upon any attempt for innovation, it prove troublesome to kings, as it had fornierly proved to the kings of Assyria. Whereupor Alexander gave Sanballat leave so to do «who used the utmost diligence, and built th« temple, and made Munatk>eb the priest, and k J rHAP. VIII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 311 ieemed it a great reward that his daughter's children should have that dignity; but when the seven mouths of the siege of Tyre were over, and the two months of the siege of Gaza, Sanballat died. Now Alexander, when he had taken Gaza, made haste to go up to Je- rusalem; and Jaddua the high-priest, \yhen he heard that, was in an agony, and under terror, as not kno%ving how he should meet the Macedonians, since the king was displeased at his foregoing disobedience. He therefore ordained that the people should make sup- plications, and should join with him in of- fering sacrifices to God, whom he besought to protect that nation, and to deliver them from the perils that were coming upon them; whereupon God warned him in a dream, which came upon him after he had offered sa- crifice, that he should take courage, and adorn the city, and open the gates; that the rest should appear in white garments, but that he and the priests should meet the king in the habits proper to their order, without the dread of any ill consequences, which the providence of God would prevent. Upon which, when he rose from his sleep, he greatly rejoiced; and declared to all the warning he had received from God. According to which dream he acted entirely, and so waited for the coming of the king. 5. And when he understood that he was not Tar from the city, he went out in proces- sion, with the priests and the multitude of the citiaens. The procession was venerable, and the manner of it different from that of other nations. It reached to a place called Sapha; which name, translated into Greek, signifies a prospect, for you have thence a prospect both of Jerusalem and of the temple; and when the Pha.'nicians and the Chaldeans that fol- lowed him, thought they should have liberty to plunder the city, and torment the high-^ priest to death, which the king's displeasure fairly promised them, the very reverse of it happened; for Alexander, when he saw the multitude at a distance, in white garments, while the priests stood clothed with fine linen, and the high-priest in purple and scarlet cloth- ing, with his mitre on his head, having the golden plate whereon the name of God was engraved, he approached by himself, and adored that name, and first saluted the high-priest. The Jews also did altogether, with one voice, talute Alexander, and encompass him about; whereupon the kings of Syria and the rest were surprised et what Alexander had done, and supposed him disordered in his mind. However, Parmenio alone went up to him, and asked him how it came to pass that, when all others adored him, he should adore the high- priest of the Jews? To whom he re- plied, " I did not adore him, but that God who hath honoured him with his high-priest- hood; fur I saw this very person in a dream, ill tiii:> very habit, when I wa» ai Dius hx Ma- cedonia, who, when I was considering with myself how I might obtain the dominion of Asia, exhorted me to make no delay, but boldly to pass over the sea thither, for that he would conduct my army, and would give me the dominion over the Persians; whence it is, that having seen no other in that habit, and now seeing this person in it, and remem- bering that Vision, and the exhortation which I had in my dream, I believe that I bring this army under the divine conduct, and shall therewith conquer Darius, and destroy the power of the Persians, and that all things will succeed according to what is in my own mind." And when he had said this to Par- menio, and had given the high-priest his right hand, the priests ran along by him, and he came into the city; and when he went up in- to the temple, he offered sacrifice to God, ac- cording to the high-priest's direction, and magruficently treated both the high-priest and the priests. And when the book of Daniel was showed him,* wherein Daniel declared that one of the Greeks should destroy the empire of the Persians, he supposed that him- self was the person intended; and as he was then glad, he dismissed the multitude for the present, but the next day he called them to him, and bade them ask what favours they pleased of him; whereupon the high-priest desired that they might enjoy the laws of their forefathers, and might pay no tribute on the seventh year. He granted all they desired; a«d when they entreated him that he would permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to enjoy their own laws also, he willingly pro- mised to do hereafter what they desired: and when he said to the multitude, that if any of them would enlist themselves in his army on this condition, that they should continue un- der the laws of their forefathers, and Uve ac- cording to them, he was willing to take them with him, many were ready to accompany him in his wars. 6. So when Alexander had thus settled matters at Jerusalem, he led his army into the neighbouring cities; and when all the inhabi- tants, to whom he came, received him with great kindness, the Samaritans, who had then Shechem for their metropolis (a city situate at Mount Gerizzim, and inhabited by apostates of the Jewish nation), seeing that Alexander had so greatly honoured the Jews, determined to profess themselves Jews; for such is the disposition of the Samaritans, as we have al- ready elsewhere declared, that when the Jews are in adversity they deny that they are of kin to them, and then they confess the truth; but when they perceive that some good fortune hath befallen them, they immediately pretend to have communion with them, saying, that • The placed showed Alexander might be Dan. vii. 6; viii. 3—8. iO il. 5i2; xi. 3: some or ail of them very plain rrrdictioiis of Alexander't conquests ami surces- tors. 312 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XII. they belong to them, and derive their genea- logy from the posterity of Joseph, Ephraim, and Manasseh. Accordingly, they made their address to the king with splendour, and showed great alacrity in meeting him at a little distance from Jerusalem; and when Alexan- der had commended them, the Shechemites approached to him, taking with them the troops that Sanballat had sent him, and they desired that he would come to their city, and do honour to their temple also; to whom he promised, that when he returned he would come to them; and when they petitioned that he would remit the tribute of the seventh year to them, because they did not now sow there- on, he asked who they were that made such a petition ; and when they said that they were Hebrews, but had the name of Sidonians, living at Shechem, he asked them again whe- ther they were Jews; and when they said they were not Jews, " It was to the Jews," said he, "that 1 granted that privilege; however. when I return, and am thoroughly informed by you of this matter, I will do what 1 shall think proper." And in this manner he took leave of the Shechemites; but ordered that the troops of Sanballat should follow him into Egypt, because there he designed to give them lands, which he did a bttle after in The- bais, when he ordered them to guard that country. 7. Now when Alexander was dead, the government was parted among his successors; but the temple upon Mount Gerizzim re- mained; and if any one were accused by those of Jerusalem of having eaten things common,* or of having broken the Sabbath, or of any other crime of the like nature, he fled away to the Shechemites, and said that he was ac- cused unjustly. About this time it was that Jaddua the high-priest died, and Onias his son took the high-priesthood. This was the state of the affairs of the people of Jerusalem at this time BOOK XII. CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF A HUNDRED AND SEVENTY TEARS. FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT TO THE DEATH OF JUDAS MACCABEUS. CHAPTER I. How PTOLEMY, THE SON OF LAGUS, TOOK JERUSALEM AND JUDEA BY DECEIT AND TREACHERY, AND CARRIED MANY OF THE JEWS THENCE,. AND PLANTED THEM IN EGYPT. § 1. Now when Alexander, king of Mace- don, had put an end to the dominion of the Persians, and had settled the affairs of Judea after the fore -mentioned manner, he ended his life; and as his government fell among many, Antigonus obtained Asia; Seleucus, Babylon ; and of the other nations which were there, Lysimachus governed the Helles- pont, and Cassander possessed Macedonia; as did Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, seize upon Egypt: and while these princes ambitiously strove one against another, every one for his own principality, it came to pass that there were continual wars, and those lasting wars too; and the cities were sufferers, and lost a great many of their inhabitant? in these time? of diftress. insomuch that al*. Syriti, by the means of Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, under- went the reverse of that denomination of Sa- viour, which he then had. He also seized upon Jerusalem, and for that end made use of deceit and treachery; for as he came into the city on a Sabbath-day, as if he would offer sacrifice, he, without any trouble, gained the city, while the Jews did not oppose him, for they did not suspect him to be their ene- my ; and he gained it thus, because they were free from suspicion of him, and because on that day they were at rest and quietness; and when he had gained it, he reigned over it in a cruel manner. Nay, Agatharchides of Cnidus, who wrote the acts- of Alexander's successors, reproaches us with superstition, as if we, by it, had lost our liberty; where he says thus: "There is a nation called the nation of the Jews, who inhabit a city strong and great, named Jerusalem. These men took no care, but let it come into the hands of • Here Josephus us«» the word Koiuophagia, "cat- injf things coiiimou," for "caMns things uhcUuii;" us dofs uur N«^w TeMtaincut, in Act* X. 14, 16, UHi and xi. H, 9: Koii» xiv H CHAP. II. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 313 Ptolemy, as not willing to take arms, and thereby they submitted to be under a hard master, by reason of their unseasonable super- stition." This is what Agatharchides relates of our nation. But when Ptolemy had taken a great many captives, both from the moun- tuinous parts of Judea, and from the places about Jerusalem and Samaria, and the places near Mount Gerizzim, he led them all into Egypt,* and settled them there. And as he knew that the people of Jerusalem vvere most faithful in the observation of oaths and co- venants;! and this from the answer they made to Alexander, when he sent an embas- sage to them, after he had beaten Darius in battle; so he distributed many of them into garrisons, and at Alexandria gave them equal privileges of citizens with the Macedonians themselves; and required of them to take their oaths that they would keep their fidelity to the posterity of those who committed these places to their care. ( Nay, there were not a few other Jews who, of their own accord, went into Egypt, as invited by the goodness of the soil, and by the liberality of Ptolemy. However, there were disorders among their posterity, with relation to the Samaritans, on account of their resolution to preserve that conduct of life which was delivered to them by their forefathers, and they thereupon con- tended one with another, while those of Jeru- salem said that their temple was holy, and resolved to send their sacrifices thither; but the Samaritans were resolved that they should be sent to Mount Gerizzim. CHAPTER II. HOW PTOLEMY PHIL ADELPHUS PROCURED THE LAWS OF THE JEWS TO BE TRANSLATED INTO THE GREEK TONGUE; AND SET MANY CAPTIVES FREE; AND DEDICATED MANY GIFTS TO GOD. § 1. When Alexander had reigned twelve years, and after him Ptolemy Soter forty years, Philadelphus then took the kingdom • The great number of these Jews and Samaritans that were formerly carried into Egypt by Alexander, and now by Ptolemy, the son of La^us. appear afterwards, in the vast multitude who, as we shall «ee presently, were soon ransomed by Philadelphus, and by him made free, before he sent for the seventy-two interpreters: in the many gar- risons, and other soldiers of that nation in Egypt: in the famous settlement of Jews, and the number of their syna- gogues at Alexandria long afterward: and in the vehe- ment contention between the .lews and Samaritans under Philometer, about the place appointed for public worship in tiie law of Moses, whether at the Jewish temple of Je- rusalem, or at the Samaritan temple at Gerizzim: of all which our author treats hereafter. As to the Samaritans carried into Egypt under the same princes, Scaliger sup- poses that those who have a great synagogue at Cairo, as also those whom the Arabic geographer speaks of, as having seized on an island in the Red Sea. are remains of them At this very day, as the notes here inform us + or the sacredness of oaths among the Jews in the Old Testament, see Scripture Politics, p. 54— t>d. of Egypt, and held it forty years within one. He procured the law to be interpreted,! and set free those that were come from Jerusa- lem into Egypt, and were in slavery there, who were a hundred and trtenty thousand. The occasion was this: — Demetrius Phale- rius, who was library-keeper to the king, was now endeavouring, if it were possible, to ga- ther together all the books that were in the habitable earth, and buying whatsoever was. anywhere valuable, or agreeable to the king's inclination (who was very earnestly set upon collecting of books); to which inclination of his, Demetrius was zealously subservient. And when once Ptolemy asked him how many ten thousands of books he had collect- ed, he replied, that he had already about twenty times ten thousand; but that, in a little time, he should have fifty times ten thousand. But he said, he had been informed that there were many books of laws among the Jews worthy of inquiring after, and wor- thy of the king's library, but which, being WTitten in characters and in a dialect of their own, will cause no small pains in getting them translated into the Greek tongue: that the character in which they are written seems to be like to that which is the proper cha- racter of the Syrians, and that its sound, when pronounced, is like to theirs also; and that this sound appears to be peculiar to them- selves. "Wherefore he said, that nothing hin- dered why they might not get those books to be translated also ; for while nothing is want- ing that is necessary for that purpose, we may have their books also in this library. So the king thought that Demetrius was very zea- lous to procure him abundance of books, and that he suggested what was exceeding proper for him to do; and therefore he wrote to the Jewish high-priest that he should act accord- ingly. 2. Now there was one Aristeus, who was among the king's most intimate friends, and, on account of his modesty, very acceptable to him. This Aristeus resolved frequently, and that before now, to petition the king that he would set all the captive Jews in his kingdom free; and he thought this to be a convenient opportunity for the makirp that petition. So he discoursed, in the first place, with the cap- tains of the king's guards, Sosibius of Taren- tum, and Andreas, and persuaded them to assist hitn in what he was going to intercede with the king for. Accordingly, Aristeus embraced the same opinion with those that have been before mentioned, and went to the king andjnade the following speech to him: t Of the translation of the other parts of the Old Tes- tament by seventy Egyptian Jews, in the reigns of Ptolemy, the son of I>agus. and Philadelphus; as also, of the translation of the Pentateuch by seventy-two Je- rusalem Jews, in the seventh year of Philadelphus, at Alexandria, as given us an account of by Aristeus; and thence by Philo and Josephus, with a vindication of A ristcns's history, — see the A ppendix to the Lit Accomp. of ProDh. at large, p. 1 17 ~lb% 314 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIL "It is not fit for us, O king, to overlook things hastily, or to deceive ourselves, but to lay the truth open: for since we have deter- mined not only to get the laws of the Jews transcribed, but interpreted also, for thy satis- faction, by what means can we do this, while so many of the Jews are now slaves in thy kingdom? Do thou then what will be agree- able to thy magnanimity, and to thy good- nature: free them from the miserable condition they are in, because that God, who sup- porteth thy kingdom, was the author of their laws, as I have learned by particular inquiry; for both these people and we also worship the same God, the framer of all things. We call him, and that truly, by the name of Z*iy» [or life, or Jupiter], because he breathes life into all men. Wherefore, do thou restore these men to their own country; and this do to the honour of God, because these men pay a ipeculiarly excellent worship to him. And know this farther, that though I be not of kin to them by birth, nor one of the same country with them, yet do I desire these favours to be done them, since all men are the workmanship of God ; and I am sensible that he is well pleased with those that do good. I do there- fore put up this petition to thee, to do good to them." 3. When Aristeus was saying thus, the king looked upon him with a cheerful and joyful countenance, and said, " How many ten thou- sands dost thou suppose there are of such as want to be made free ?" To which Andreas replied, as he stood by, and said, " A few more than ten times ten thousand." The king made answer, " And is this a small gift that thou askest, Aristeus?" But Sosibius, and the rest that stood by, said, that he ought to offer such a thank-offering as was worthy of his greatness of soul, to that God who had given him his kingdom. With this answer be was much pleased; and gave order, that when they paid the soldiers their wages, they should lay down [a hundred and] twenty drachma; for every one of the slaves.* And he promised to publish a magnilicent decree, alioul what they requested, which should contirm what Aristeus had proposed, and espe- dally what.God willed should be done; where- by, he said, he would not only set those free • Although thjt number, one hundred and twenty drachin>e (ol Alexamliiu, or sixty J.-wi'.h shekels] be iwrr Ihrt-e timet repeated, an<l Uiat in all Josephus's copies, (.r.-rk. and Latin, yet, since all the copies o» Aris- leua, whence Josephiis took his relation, have this sum sevrial tunrs, and still as no more than twenty drach. luffi, or ten Jewish shrkels; and since the turn of the tahnts, to be 8«"l down prrsently, which is little above four hundred and sikty fur sumewhat moj^ than one bundrt-d ttuMuanii slaves, and is nruily the same in Jose- |>hus and Arislius, doei better agree to twenty than to one hundred and twenty drachmiPt and since the value ol a *\ii.\v of old was, at the uimosl, hut thirty shekels, 9r sixty drarhmsE, M-e Kxt.3. xxi 3i, while in the present ciicumstan< es III these Jewish slaves, and those so very niimeroua, riiil!i(lii,,hus would rattier redeem them at ft cbraot-r than at a dea^rer rale, — there is jjreat reason to prefer here Aristcut's cujites belure Josepbus's. who had been led away captive by his father and his army, but those who were in his king- dom before, and those also, if any such there were, who had been brought away since. And whpn they said that their redentption-money would amount to above four hundred talents, he granted it. A copy of which decree I have determined to preserve, that the magna- nimity of this king may be made known, its contents were as follows: " Let all those who were soldiers under our father, and who, when they overran Syria and Phoenit-ia, and laid waste Judea, took the Jews captives, and made them slaves, and brought them into our cities, and into this country, and then sold them; as also all those that were in my king- dom before them, and if there be any that have lately been brought thither, be made free by those that possess them; and let them accept of [a hundred and] twenty drachmae for every slave. And let the soldiers receive this redemption-money with their pay, but the rest out of the king's treasury: for I suppose that they were made captives without our fa- ther's consent, and against equity; and that their country was harassed by the insolence of the soldiers, and that, by removing them into Egypt, the soldiers have made a great protit by them. Out of regard, therefore, to justice, and out of pity to those that have been tyrannized over, contrary to equity, I enjoin those that have such Jews in their ser- vice to set them at liberty, upon the receipt of the before-mentioned sum; and that no one use any deceit about them, but obey what is here commanded. And I will, that they give in their names within three days after the publication of this edict, to such as are appointed to execute the same, and to produce the slaves before them also, for I think it will be for the advantage of my affairs: and let every one that will, inform against those that do not obey this decree ; and 1 will, that their estates be confiscated into the king's treasury.' When this decree was read to the king, it at first contained the rest that is here inserted, and only omitted those Jews that had formerly been brought, and those brought afterwards, which had not been distinctly mentioned; so he added these clauses out of his humanity, and with great generosity. He also gave order that the payment, which was likely to be done in a hurry, should be divided among the king's ministers, and among the officers of his treasury. When this was over, what the king had decreed was quickly brought to a conclusion; and this in no more than seveu days' time, the number of the talents paid for the captives being above four hundred and sixty, and this, because their masters required the [hundred and] twenty drachmae for the children also, the king having, in eftect, com- manded that these should be paid tor, whei? he said, in his decree, that they should receive the fore-mentioned sum for every slave. CHAP. II. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 315 4. Now when this had been done after so magnificent a manner, according to the king's inclinations, he gave order to Demetrius to ^ive him in writing his sentiments concerning the transcribing of the Jewish books; for no part of the administration is done rashly by these kings, but all things are managed with great circumspection. On which account I have subjoined a copy of these epistles, ana set down the multitude of the vessels sent as gifts [to Jerusalem], and the construction of every one, that the exactness of the artificers' workmanship, as it appeared to those that saw them, and which workmen made every vessel, may be made manifest, and this on account of the excelle/icy of the vessels themselves. Now the copy of the epistle was to this purpose: — ** Demetrius to the great king. When thou, king, gavest me a charge concerning the collection of books that were wanting to fill your Ubrary, and concerning the care that *ought to be taken about such as are imperfect, 1 have used the utmost diligence about those matters. And I let you know, that we want the books of the Jewish legislation, with some others; for they are written in the Hebrew characters, and being in the language of that nation, are to us unknown. It hath also happened to them, that they have been tran- scribed more carelessly than they should have been, because they have not had hitherto royal care taken about them. Now it is necessary that thou shouldst have accurate copies of them. And indeed this legislation is full of hidden wisdom, and entirely blameless, as being the legislation of God: for which cause it is, as Hecateus of Abdera says, that the poets and historians make no mention of it, nor of those men who lead their lives accord- ing to it, since it is a holy law, and ought not to be published by profane mouths. If then it please thee, O king, Ihou raayest write to the high-priest of the Jews, to send six of the elders out of every tribe, and those such as are most skilful of the laws, that by their means we may learn the clear and agreeing sense of these books, and may obtain an ac- curate interpretation of their contents, and so may have such a collection of these as may be suitable to thy desire." 5. When this epistle was sent to the king, he commanded that an epistle should be drawn up for Eleazar, the Jewish high-priest, con- cerning these matters; and that they should inform him of the release of the Jews that had been in slavery among them. He also sent fifty talents of gold for the making of large basons, and vials, and cups, and an immense quantity of precious stones. He also gave order to those who had the custody of the chests that contained those stones, to give the artificers leave to choose out what sortsof them they pleased. He withal appointed, that a hundred talents in money should be sent to the temple for sacrifices, and for other uses. Now I will give a description of these vessels, and the manner of their construction, but not till after I have set down a copy of the epistle which was written to Eleazar the high-priest, who had obtained that dignity on the occasion following: — When Onias the high-priest was dead, his son Simon became his successor. He was called Simon the Just,* because of both his piety towards God, and his kind dis- position to those of his own nation. When he was dead, and had left a young son, who was called Onias, Simon's brother Eleazar, of whom we are speaking, took the high-priest- hood; and he it was to whom Ptolemy wrote', and that in the manner following: — " King Ptolemy to Eleazar the high-priest, sendeth greeting. There are many Jews who now dwell in my kingdom, whom the Persians, when they were in power, carried captives. These were honoured by my father; some of whom he^laced in the army, and gave them greater pay than ordinary; to others of them, when they came with him into Egypt, he com- mitted his garrisons, and the guarding of them, that they might be a terror to the Egyptians; and when I had taken the govern- ment, I treated all mrn with humanity, and especially those that are thy fellow-citizens, of whom I have set free above a hundred thousand that were slaves, and paid the price of their redemption to their masters out of my own revenues; and those that are of a fit age, 1 have admitted into the number of my soldiers; and for such as are capable of be- ing faithful to me, and proper for my cot-rt, I have put them in such a post, as thinking this [kindness done to them] to be a very great and an acceptable gift, which I devote to God for his providence over me, and as I am desirous to do what will be grateful to these, and to all the other Jews in the habit- able earth, I have determined to procure an interpretation of your law, and to have it translated out of Hebrew into Greek, and to be deposited in my library. Thou wilt therefore do well to choose out and send to me men of a good character, who are siow elders in age, and six in number out of every tribe. These, by their age, must be skilful in the laws, and of abilities to make an accurate interpretation of them; and when this shall be finished, I shall think that 1 have done a work glorious to myself; and I have sent to thee Andreas, the captain of my guard, and Aristeus, men whom I have in very great esteem ; by whom I have sent those first-fruits which I have dedicated to the temple, and to the sacrifices, and to other uses, to the value of a hundred talents; and if thou wilt send to us, to let us know what thou wouldest have far ther, thou wilt do a thing acceptable to me." • We have a very great encomium of this Simon the Just, the son of Onias I. in the fiftieth chapter of the Kc clesiasticus, through the wholechapter. ISor is it impro per to consult that chapter itself upon this occasion. 316 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XII. 6. When this epistle of the kii)g was brought to Eleazar, he wrote an answer to it with all the respect possible: — "Eleazar the high -priest to king Ptolemy, sendeth greeting. If thou and thy queen Arsinoe,* and thy children, be well, we are entirely sa- tisfied. When we received thy epistle, we greatly rejoiced at thy intentions ; and when the multitude were gathered together, we read it to them, and thereby made them sensible of the piety thou hast towards God. We also showed them the twenty vials of gold, and thirty of silver, and the five large basons, and the teble for the shew-bread; as also the hun- dred talents for the sacrifices, and for the making what shall be needful at the temple: which things Andreas and Aristeus, those most honoured friends of thine, have brought us; and truly they are persons of an excel- lent character, and of great learning, and worthy of thy virtue. Know then that we will gratify thee in what is for thy advantage, though we do what we used not to do before; for we ought to make a return for the numer- ous acts of kindness which thou hast done to our countrymen. Wejmmediately, therefore, offered sacrifices for thee and thy sister, with thy children and friends; and the multitude made prayers, that thy affairs may be to thy mind; and that thy kingdom may be pre- served in peace, and that the translation of our law may come to the conclusion thou desirest, and be for thy advantage. We have also chosen six elders out of every tribe, whom we have sent, and the law \vith them. It will be thy part, out of thy piety and justice, to send back the law when it hath been trans- lated; and to return those to us that bring it in safety. — Fare well. ' ' 7. This was the reply which the high-priest made; but it does not seem to me to be neces- sary to set down the names of the seventy [two] elders who were sent by Eleazar, and carried the law, which yet were subjoined at the end of the epistle. However, I thought it not improper to give an account of those very valuable and artificially - contrived vessels which the king sent to God, that all may see how great a regard the king had for God; for the king allowed a vast deal of expenses for th^se vessels, and came often to the workmen, and viewed their works, and suffered nothing of carelessness or negligence to be any da- mage to their operations; and I will relate how rich they were as well as I am able, although, perhaps, the nature of this history may not require such a description ; but I imagine I shall^thereby recommend the ele- • When we have here and presently mention .made •f Philadelphus's queen and sister Arsinoe, we are to remember, with Spanheim, that Arsinoe was both his . •ister and his wife, according to the old custom of Persia, and of E(?ypt at this very time; nay, of the Assyrians long afterwards. See Antiq b. xx. ch. ii. sect. I. WiMnoe we have, upon the coins of Philadelphus, this known invription:— '^The divine Brother and SUter." gant taste and magnanimity of this king to those that read this history. 8. And first I will describe what belong* to the table. It was indeed in the king'* inind to make this table vastly large in its dimensions; but then he gave orders that they should learri what was the magnitude oi the table which was already at Jerusalem, and how large it was, and whether there were a possibility of making one larger than it; and when he was intormed how large that was which was already there, and that nothing hindered but a larger might be made, he said that he was willing to have one made that should be five times as large as the pre- sent table; but his fear was that it might be then useless in their sacred ministrations by its too great largeness; for he desired that the gifts he presented them should not only be there for show, but should be useful also in their sacred- ministrations. According to which reasoning, that 'the former table wa« made of so moderate a size for use, and not for want of gold, he resolved that he would not exceed the former table in largeness, but would make it exceed it in the variety and elegance of its materials; and as he was sagacious in o'oserv-* ing the nature of all things, and in having a just notion of what was new and surprising, and where there were no sculptures, he would invent such as were proper by his own skill, and would show them to the workmen, he commanded that such sculptures should now be made; and that those which were deline- ated should be most accurately formed, by a constant regard to their delineation. 9. When therefore the workmen had un- dertaken to make the table, they framed it in. length two cubits [and a half}, in breadth one cubit, and in height one cubit and a half; and the entire structure of the work was of gold. They withal made a crown of a hand-breadth round it, with wave-work wreathed about it, and with an engraving which imitated a cord, and was admirably turned on its three parts; for as they were of a triangular figure, every angle had the same disposition of its sculp- tures, that when you turned them about, the very same form of them was turned about without any variation. Now that part of the crown-work that was enclosed under the table had its sculptures very beautiful; but that part which went round on the outside was more elaborately adorned with most beautiful orna- ments, because it was exposed to sight, and to the view of the spectators; for which reason it was that both those sides which were extant above the rest were acute, and none of the angles, which we before tol(l.you were three, appeared less than another when the table was turned about. Now into fhe cord-work thus, turned were precious stones inserted, in rows parallel one to the other, enclosed in golden buttons, which had ouches in them; but th» parts which were on the side of the cro>A^ CHAP. II. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 317 and were exposed to the sight, were adorned with a row of oval figures obliquely placed, of the most excellent sort of precious stones, which imitated rods laid close, and encom- passed the table round about; but under these oval figures thus engraven, the workmen had put a crown all round it, where the nature of all sorts of fruit was represented, insomuch that the bunches of grapes hung up; and when they had made the stones to represent all the kinds of fruit before mentioned, and that each in its proper colour, they made them fast with gold round the whole table. The like disposition of the oval figures, and of the engraved rods, was framed under the crown, that the table might on each side show the same appearance of variety and elegance of its ornaments, so that neither the position of the wave-work nor of the crown might be dif- ferent, although the table were turned on the other side, but that the prospect of the same artificial contrivances might be extended as far as the feet; for there was made a plate of gold four fingers broad, through the entire breadth of the table, into which they inserted the feet, and then fastened them to the table bji buttons and button-holes, at the place where the crown was situate, that so on what side soever of the table one should stand, it might exhibit the very same view of the ex- quisite workmanship, and of the vast expenses bestowed upon it; but upon the table itself they engraved a meander, inserting into it very valuable stones in the middle like stars, of various colours; the carbuncle and the emerald, each of which sent out agreeable rays of light to the spectators; with such stones of other sorts also as were most curious and best esteemed, as being most precious in their kind. Hard by this meander a texture of net- work ran round it, the middle of which appeared like a rhombus, into which were inserted rock- crystal and amber, which, by the great resem- blance of the appearance they made, gave wonderful delight to those that saw them. The chapiters of the feet imitated the first budding of lilies, while their leaves were bent and laid under the table, but so that the chives Were seen standing upright within them. Their bases were made of a carbuncle; and the place at the bottom, which rested on that carbuncle, was one palm deep, and eight fingers in breadth. Now they had engraven upon it, with a very fine tool, and with a great deal of pains, a branch of ivy, and tendrils of the vine, send- ing forth clusters of grapes, that you would guess they were nowise different from real tendrils; for they were so very thin, and so very far extended at their extremities, that they were moved with the wind, and made one believe that they were the product of na- ture, and not the representation of art. They also made the entire workmanship of the table appear to be thrisfold, while the joints of the several parts were so united together as to be invisible, and the places where they joined could not be distinguished. Now the thick- ness of the table was not less than half a cu- bit. So that this gift, by the king's great ge- nerosity, by the great value of the materials, and the variety of its exquisite structure, and the artificer's skill in imitating nature with graving tools, was at length brought to per fection, while the king was very desirou?^ that though in largeness it were not to be dil- ferent from that which was already dedicated to God, yet that in exquisite workmanship, and the novelty of the contrivances, and in the splendour of its construction, it should far exceed it, and be more illustrious than that was. 10. Now of the cisterns of gold there were two, whose sculpture was of scale-work, from its basis to its belt-like circle, with various sorts of stones inchased in the spiral circles. Next to which there was upon it a meander of a cubit in height: it was composed of stones of all sorts of colours ; and next to this was the rod-work engraven ; and next to that was a rhombus in a texture of net-work, drawn out to the brim of the bason, while small shields, made of stones, beautiful in their kind, and of four fingers' depth, filled up the middle parts. About the top of the bason were wreathed the leaves of lilies, and of the convolvulus, and the tendrils of vines in a cir- cular manner; and this was the construction of the two cisterns of gold, each containing two firkins: — but those which were of silver were much more bright and splendid than looking-glasses; and you might in them see images that fell upon them more plainly than in the other. The king also ordered thirty vials; those of which the parts that were of gold, and filled up with precious stones, were shadowed over with the leaves of ivy and vines, artificially engraven ; and these were the ves- sels that were, after an extraordinary manner, brought to this perfection, partly by the skill of the workmen, who were admirable in such tine work, but much more by the diligence and generosity of the king, who not only sup- plied the artificers abundantly, and with great generosity, with what they wanted, but he forbade public audiences for the time, and came and stood by the workmen, and saw the whole operation; and this was the cause why the workmen were so accurate in their per- formance, because they had regard to the king, and to his great concern about the ves- sels, and so the more indefatigably kept close to the work. 1 1 . And these were what gifts were sent by Ptolemy to Jerusalem, aiid dedicated to God there. But when Eleazar the high- priest had devoted them to God, and had paid due respect to those that brought them, and had given them presents to be carried to the king, he dismissed them. And when they were come to Alexandria and Ptolemy heard 318 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK XIL ttat they were come, and that the seventy elders were come also, he presently sent for Andreas and Aristeus, his ambassadors, who came to him, and delivered him the epistle which they brought him from the high-priest, and made answer to all the questions he put to them by word of mouth. He then made haste to meet the elders that came from Je- rusalem for the interpretation of the laws; and he gave command, that every body who came on other occasions should be sent away, Jv'hich was a thing surprising, and what he Jid not use to do; for those that were drawn thither upon such occasions used to come to him on the fifth day, but ambassadors at the month's end. But when he had sent those away, he waited for these that were sent by Eleazar; but as the old men came in with the presents, which the high-priest had given them to bring to the king, and with the membranes, upon which they had their laws written in golden letters,* he put questions to them concerning those books; and when they had taken off the covers wherein they were wrapt up, they showed him the membranes. So the king stood admiring the thinness of those membranes, and the exactness of the junc- tures, which could not be perceived (so ex- actly were they connected one with another); and this he did for a considerable time. He then said that he returned them thanks for coming to him, and still greater thanks to him that sent them; and, above all, to that God whose laws they appeared to be. Then did the eiders, and those that were present with them, cry out with one voice, and wished all happiness to the king. Upon which he fell into tears by the violence of the pleasure he had, it being natural to men to afford the same indications in great joy that they do un- der sorrow. And when he had bidden them deliver the books to those that were appointed to receive them, he saluted the men, and said that it was but just to discourse, in the first place, of the errand they were sent about, and then to address himself to themselves. He promised, however, that he would make this day on which the came to him remarkable and eminent every^ year through the whole course of his life; "for their coming to him, and the victory which he gained over Antigo- nus by sea, proved to be on the very same day. He also gave orders that they should sup with him ; and gave it in charge that toey should have excellent lodgings provided for them in the upper part of the city. 12. Now he that was appointed to take care of the reception of strangers, Nicanor by name, adled for Dorotheus, whose duty it was to make provision for them, and bade him prepare for every one of them what • The TalraudisU say, that it is not lawful to write tlkr law in letters of gold, cintiaiy to this certain and Tery ancient examrle. 8ee Hudson's and Keland's ltu*et here. should be requisite for their diet and way of living; which thing was ordered by the king after this manner: he took care that those that belonged to every city, which did not use the same way of living, that all things should be prepared for them according to the custom of those that came to him, that, being feasted according to the usual method of their own way of living, they might be the better pleased, and might not be uneasy at any thing done to them from which they were naturally averse. And this was now done in the case of these men by Dorotheus, who was put into this office because of his great skill in such matters belonging to common life: for he took care of all such matters as concerned the reception of strangers, and appointed them double seats for them to sit on, according as the king had commanded him to do; for he had commanded that half of their seats should be set at his right hand, and the other half behind his table, and took care that no respect should be omit- ted that could be shown them. And when they were thus set down, he bid Dorotheus to minister to all those that were come to him I from Judea, after the manner they used to be ministered to: for which cause he sent away their sacred heralds, and those that slew tho sacrifices, and the rest that used to say grace: but called to one of those that were come to him, whose name was Eleazar, who was a priest, and desired him to say grace :f who then stood in the midst of them, and prayed, that all prosperity might attend the king, and those that were his subjects. Upon which an ac- clamation was made by the whole company, with joy and a great noise; and when that was over, they fell to eating their supper, and to the enjoyment of what was set before them. And at a little interval afterward, when the king thought a sufficient time had been inter- posed, he began to talk philosophically to them, and he asked every one of them a phi- losophical question,! and such a one as might give light in those inquiries; and when they had explained all the problems that had been proposed by the king about every point, he was well pleased with their answers. Tliis took up the twelve days in which- they werg treated; and he that pleases may learn the particular questions in that book of Aristeus, which be wrote on this very occasion. 13. And while not the king only, but the + This is the most ancient example I have met with of a grace, or short prayer, or thanl^sijivinK, before meat; which, as it is u.ssd to be said hy a heallien priest, was now said by Eleazar, a Jewish priest, who was one of those seventy-two interpreters. 1 he next example I have met with is that of the Essenes (Of the War, b. ii. ch. viii. sect. 6), both before and after itj those of oui Saviour before it (Mark viii. G; Jolin vi. II, 23; and St. Paul, Acts xxvii. 35); and a form of such a i;race uj prayer for Cliristians, at the end of the tifth book of the Apostolical Constitutions, which seems to have been intended for both times, both before and after meat. t I hey were rather political questions and answen^ tending to the good and religiuus government of man* kind. CHAP. II. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. philosopher Menedemus also, admired them, and said, that all things were governed by Providence, and that it was probable that thence it was that such force or beauty was discovered in these men's words, — they then left off asking any more questions. But the king said that he had gained very great ad- vantages by their coming, for that he had re- ceived thi& protit from them, that he had learned how he ought to rule his subjects. And he gave order that they should have every one three talents given them; and that those that were to conduct them to their lodging should <lo it. Accordingly, when three days were over, Demetrius took them, and went over the causeway seven furlongs long: it was a bank iii the sea to an island. And when they had gone over the bridge, he proceeded to the northern parts, and showed them where they should meet, which was in a house that was built near the shore, and was a quiet place, and tit for their discoursing together about their work. When he had brought them thither, he entreated them (now they had all things about them which they wanted for the interpretation of their law), that they would suffer nothing to interrupt them in their work. Accordingly, they made an ac- curate interpretation, with great zeal and great pains; and this they continued to do till the ninth hour of the day; after which time they relaxed and took care of their body, while their food was provided for them in great plenty: besides, Dorotheus, at the king's command, brought them a great deal of what was provided for the king himselC But in the morning they came to the court, and sa- luted Ptolemy, and then went away to their former place, where, when they had washed their hands,* and purified themseU-es, they betook themselves to the interpretation of the laws. Now when the law was transcribed, and the labour of interpretation was over, which came to its conclusion in seventy-two days, Demetrius gathered all the Jews toge- ther to the place where the laws were trans- lated, and where the interpreters were, and read them over. The multitude did also ap- prove of those elders that were the interpre- ters of the law. They withal commended Demetrius for his proposal, as the inventor of what was greatly for their happiness j and they desired that he would give leave to their ru*- lers also to read the law. Moreover they all, fcoth the priests and the ancientest of the el- ders, and the principal men of their common- wealth, made it their request, that since the in- terpretation was happUy finislied, it oiight • This piirifiration of the interpreters, by washing in 4he sea, before iley prayed to God every Kiorninp;, and before they set ohout translating, may be compared with tUe like practice of Peter the Apostle, in the hecugoitions jf dement, b. i^. ch. iii. and b. v ch. rxxvi; and with the places of tht- Proseuchse, or of prayer, which were 8onietiin»s buiH i ear the sea or rivers also Of which caatte-, ^^ A nt h. xir. ch. x.%.2ii uud AcU xvi.13, 16. continue in the state it now was, and miglit not be altered. And when thej all com- mended that determination of theirs, they enjoined, that if any one observed either any thing superduous, or any thing omitted, that he would take a view of it again, and have it laid before them, and corrected; which was a wise action of theirs, that when the thing wa judged to have been well done, it might cum tiuue for ever. 14. So the king rejoiced when he saw that his design of this nature was brought to per- fection, to so great advantage: and he was chiedy delighted with hearing the laws read , to him; and was astonished at the deep mean- ing and wisdom of the legislator. And he began to discourse with Demetrius, *' How it came to pass that, when this legislation was so wondertiil, no one, either of the poets or of the historians had made mention of it." Demetrius made answer, " that no one durst be so bold as to touch upon the description of these laws, because they were divine and ve- nerable, and because some that had attempted it were afflicted by God." — He also told him, that " Theopomp'is was desirous of writing somewhat about them, but was thereupon dis- turbed in his mind for above thirty days' time; and upon some intermission of his dis- temper, he appeased God [by prayer], as sus- pecting that his madness proceeded from that cause." Nay, indeed, he further saw in a dream, that his distemper befell him while he indulged too great a curiosity about divine matters, and was desirous of publishing them among common men; but when he left off that attempt, he recovered his understanding again. Moreover, he informed him of Theo- dectes, the tragic poet, concerning whom it was reported, that when in a certain dramatic representation, he was desirous to make men- tion of things that were contained in the sa- cred books, he was afflicted with a darkness in his eyes; and that upon his being con- scious of the occasion of his distemper, and appeasing God [by prayer], he was freed from that affliction. 15. And when the kiii;>Jiad received these books from Demetrius, iTi we have said al- ready, he adored them^; aiid gave order, that great care should be taken of them, that they might remain uncorrupted. He also desired that the interpreters would come often to him out of Judea, and that both on account of the respects that he would pay them, and on ac- count of the presents he would make them; for he said, it was now but just to send them away, although if, of their own accord, they would come to him hereafter, they should ob- tain all that their own wisdom might justly require, and what his generosity was able to give them. So he sent them away, and gave to every one of them three garments of the best sort, and two talents of gold, and a cup of the value of one talent, and the furniture of 320 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XII. the room wherein they were feasted. And these were the things he presented to them. But by them he sent to Eleazar the high-priest ten beds, with feet of silver, and the furniture to them belonging, and a cup of the value of thirty talents; and besides these, ten gar- ments, and purple, and a very beautiful crown, and a hundred pieces of the finest woven linen; as also vials and dishes, and vessels for pouring, and two golden cisterns, to be dedi- cated to God. He also desired him, by an epistle, that he would give these interpreters leave, if any of them were desirous, of com- ing to him ; because he highly valued a con- versation with men of such learning, and should be very willing to lay out his wealth upon such men. — And this was what came to the Jews, and was much to their glory and honour, from Ptolemy Philadelphus. CHAPTER III. HOW THE KINGS OF ASIA HONOURED THE NA- TION or THE JEWS, AND MADE THEM CITI ZENS OF THOSE CITIES WHICH THEY BUILT. § 1. The Jews also obtained honours from the kings of Asia when they became their auxiliaries; for Seleucus Nicator made them citizens in those cities which he built in Asia, and in the Lower Syria, and in the metropolis itself, Antioch; and gave them privileges equal to those of the Macedonians and Greeks, who were the inhabitants, inso- much that these privileges continue to this very day: an argument for which you have in this: that whereas the Jews do make use of oil prepared by foreigners,* they receive a certain sum of money from the proper offi- cers belonging to their exercises, as the value of that oil; which money, when the people of Antioch would have deprived them of, in the last war, Mudanus, who was then president of Syria, preserved it to them. And when the people of Alexandria and of Antioch did after that, at the time that Vespasian and Titus his son governed the habitable earth, pray that these privileges of citizens might be taken away, they did not obtain their request. In which behaviour any one may discern the equity and generosity of the Romans,f espe- • The use of oil was much greater, and the donatives of it much more valuable, in Judea, and the neighbour- ing countries, than it is amongst us. It was also, in the days of Josephus, thought unlawful for Jews to make use of any oil that was prepared by hfatliens, perhaps on account of some superstitions intermixed with its preparation by those heathens. When, therefore, the Heathens were to make them a donative of oil, they paid them money instead of it See, Of the War, b. ii. ch. xxi. sect. 2; the Life of Josephus, sect 13; and Hudsonls note on the place before us. ■f This, and the like great and just characters of the Justice, and equity, and generosity, of the old Romans, both to the Jews and other conquered nations, alfords us a very good reason why Almighty God, upon the re- t«tion of the Jews for their wickedness, chose them for is people, and first established Christianity in that em- pir«. Of which matt«r, see Josephus here, sect i; as •Im Aatiq. b. xW. ch. x. 23, «}( I*, xvi. ch. ii, »«ct 4. cially of Vespasian and Titus, who, although they had been at a great deal of pains in the war against the Jews, and were exasperated against them, because they did not deliver up their weapons to them, but continued the war to the very last, yet did not they take away any of their fore-mentioned privileges belong- ing to them as citizens, but restrained their anger, and overcame the prayers of the Alex andrians and Antiochians, who were a very powerful people, insomuch that they did not yield to them, neither out of their favour to these people, nor out of their old grudge at those whose wicked opposition they had subdued in the war; nor would they alter any of the ancient favours granted to the Jews, but said, that those who had borne arms against them, and fought them, had suffered punishment already, and that it was not just to deprive those that had not offended of the privileges they enjoyed. 2. We also know that Marcus Agrippa was of the like disposition towards the Jews: for when the people of Ionia were very angry &b them, and besought Agrippa, that they, and they only, might have those privileges of citi- zens which Antiochus, the grandson of Se- leucus (who by the Greeks was called The God), had bestowed on them; and desired that, if the Jews were to be joint-partakers with them, they might be obliged to worship the gods they themselves worshipped: but when these matters were brought to trial, the Jews prevailed, and obtained leave to make use of their own customs, and this under the patronage of Nicolaus of Damascus ; for Agrippa gave sentence, that he could not in- novate. And if any one hath a mind to know this matter accurately, let him peruse the hundred and twenty-third and hundred and twenty -fourth books of the history of this Nicolaus. Now, as to this determination of. Agrippa, it is not so much to be admired; for at that time our nation had not made war against the Romans. But one may well be astonished at the generosity of Vespasifin and Titus, that after so great wars and contests which they had from us, they should use such moderation. But I will now return to that part of my history whence 1 made the present digression. 3. Now it happened that in the reign of Antiochus the Great, who ruled over all Asia, that the Jews, as well as the inhabitants o. Celesyria, suffered greatly, and their land was sorely harassed; for while he was at war with Ptolemy Philopater, and with his son, who was called Epiphanes, it fell out that these nations were equally sufferers, both when he was beaten, and when he beat the others: so that they were very like to a ship in a storm, which is tossed by the waves on hoth sides: and just thus were they in their situation in the middle between Antiochus's [)rosperity and its chantje to adver&ity. lint at length, wh«» CHAP. III. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 321 Antiochus had beaten Ptolemy, he seized upon Judea: and when Philopater was dead, his son sent out a great army under Scopas, the general of his forces, against the inhabitants of Celesyria, who took many of their cities, and in particular our nation; which, when he fell upon them, went over to him. Yet was it not long afterward when Antiochus over- came Scopas, in a battle fought at the foun- tains of Jordan, and destroyed a great part of his army. 13ut afterward, when Antiochus subdued those cities of Celesyria which Scop;is had gotten into his possession, and Samaria with them, the Jews, of their own accor»l, went over to him, and received him into the city [Jerusalem], and gave plentiful provision to all his army, and to his elephants, and readily assisted him when he besieged the gar- rison which was in the citadel of Jerusalem. Wherefore Antiochus thought it but just to requite the Jews' diligence and zeal in his ser- vice: so he wrote to the generals of his armies, and to his friends, and gave testimony to the good behaviour of the Jews towards him, and informed them what rewards he had resolved to bestow on them for that their behaviour. I will set down presently the epistles them- selves which he wrote to the generals concern- ing them, but will tirst produce the testimony of Polybius of Meg.alopolis; for thus does he speak, in the sixteenth book of his history: — " Now Scopas, the general of Ptolemy's army, went in haste to the superior parts of the country, and in the winter-time overthrew the nation of the Jews." He also saith, in the same book, that " when Scopas was con- quered by Antiochus, Antiochus received Ba- tanea and Samaria, and Abila and Gadara; and that, a while afterwards, there came in to him those Jews that inhabited near that tem- ple which was called Jerusalem; concerning which, although I have more to say, and par- ticularly concerning the presence of God about that temple, yet do I put off that history till an- other opportunity." This it is which Polybius relates; but we will return to the series of the history, when we have first produced the epistles of king Antiochus. " KING ANTIOCHUS TO PTOLEMY, SENDETH GREETING. " Since the Jews, upon our first entrance on their country, demonstrated their friend- ship towards us; and when we came to their city [Jerusalem], received us in a splendid manner, and came tojneet us with their se- nate, and gave abundance of provisions to our soldiers, and to the elephants, and joined with us in ejecting the garrison of the Egyptians that were in the citadel, we have thougnt fit to reward them, and to retrieve the condition of their city, which hath been greatly depo. pulated by such accidents as have befallen its inhabitants, and to bring those that have been scattered abroad back to the dty; and, in the first place, we have determined, on account of their piety towards God, to bestow on them, as a pension, for their sacrifices of animals that are fit for sacrifice, for wine and oil, and frankincense, the value of twenty thousand pieces of silver, and [six] sacred artabrae of fine tiour, wth one thousand four hundred and sixty medimni of wheat, and three hundred and seventy-five medimni of salt; and these payments I would have fully paid them, as I have sent orders to you. I would also have the work about the temple finished, and the cloisters, and if there be any thing else that ought to be rebuilt; and for the materials of wood, let it be brought them out of Judea itself, and out of the other countries, and out of Libanus, tax-free; and the same I would have observed as to those other materials which will be necessary, in order to refider the temple more glorious; and let all of that nation live according to the laws of their own country; and let the senate and the priests, and the scribes of the temple, and the sacred singers, be discharged from poll-money and the crown-tax, and other taxes also; and that the city may the sooner recover its inhabitants, I grant a discharge from taxes for three years to its present inhabitants, and to such as shall come to it, until the month Hyperberetus. "VVe also discharge them for the future from a third part of their taxes, that the losses they have sustained may be repaired; and all those citizens that have been carried away, and are become slaves, we grant them and their chil- dren their freedom; and give order that their substance be restored to them." 4. And these were the contents of this epistle. He also published a decree, through all his kingdom, in honour of the temple, which contained what follows: — " It shall be lawful for no foreigner to come within the limits of the temple round about; which thing is forbidden also to the Jews, unless to those who, according to their own custom, have purified themselves. Nor let any flesh of horses, or of mules, or of asses, be brought into the city, whether they be wild or tame; nor that of leopards, or foxes, or hares ; and, in general, that of any animal which is forbidden for the Jews to eat. Nor let their skins be brought into it; nor let any such animal be bred up in the aty. Let them only be per- mitted to use the sacrifices derived from their forefathers, with which they have been obliged to make acceptable atonements to God. And he that transgresseth any of these orders, let him pay to the priests three thousand drachrase of silver." Moreover, this Antio- chus bare testimony to our piety and fidelity, in an epistle of his, written when he was in- formed of a sedition in Phrygia and Lydia, at which time he was in the superior provinces, whertin he commanded Zeuxis, the general of his forces, and his most intimate friend, to 'P 322 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XII. send some of our nation out of Babylon into Pnrygia. The epistle was this: — " KING ANTIOCHUS TO ZEUXIS, HIS FATHER, SENDETH GREETING. ** If you are in health, it is well. I also am in health. Having been informed that a sedition is arisen in Lydia and Phrygia, 1 thought that matter required great care; and upon advising with my friends what was fit to be done, it hath been thought proper to re- move two thousand families of Jews, with their effects, out of Mesopotamia and Baby- lon, unto the castles and places that lie most convenient; for lam persuaded that they will be well-disposed guardians of our possessions, because of their piety towards God, and be- cause I know that my predecessors have borne witness to them that they are faithful, and with alacrity do what they are desired to do. I will, therefore, though it be a laborious work, that thou remove these Jews; under a promise, that they shall be permitted to use their own laws: and when thou shalt have brought them to the places fore-mentioned, thou shalt give every one of their families a place for building their houses, and a portion of land for their husbandry, and for the plan- tation of their vines; and thou shalt discharge them from paying taxes of the fruits of the earth for ten years; and let them have a pro- per quantity of wheat for the maintenance of their servants, until they receive bread-corn out of the earth; also let a sufficient share be given to such as minister to them in the ne- cessaries of life, that, by enjoying the effects of our humanity, thsy may show themselves the more willing and ready about our affairs. Take care likewise of that nation, as far as thou art able, that they may not have any dis- turbance given them by any one." {Now these testimonials, which I have produced, are suf- ficient to declare the friendshio that Antiochus the Great bare to the Jews. / CHAPTER IV. HOW ANTIOCHUS MADE A LEAGUE WITH PTO- LEMY; AND HOW ONIA8 PROVOKED PTOLEMY EUERGETE8 TO ANGER; AND HOW JOSEPH BROUGHT ALL THINGS RIGHT AGAIN, AND ENTERED INTO FRIENDSHIP WITH HIM; AND WHAT OTHER THINGS WERE DONE BY JOSEPH, AND HIS SON HYRCANU8. § 1. After this Antiochus made a friend- ship and a league with Ptolemy, and gave him his daughter Cleopatra to wife, and yielced up to him Celesyria, and Samaria, and Judea, and Phoenicia, by way of dowry; and upon the division of the taxes between the two kings, all the principal men farmed tbf: taxes of their several countries, and col- lecting the sum that was settled for them, paid the same to the [two] kings. Now at this time the Samaritans were in a flourishing condition, and much distressed the Jews, cut- ting off parts of their land, and carrying off slaves. This happened when Onias was high -priest; for after Eleazar'fe death, his uncle Manasseh took the priesthood, and after he had ended his life, Onias received that dignity. He was the son of Simon, who was called The Just; which Simon was the brother of Eleazar, as I said before. This Onias was one of a little soul, and a great lover of money; and for that reason, because he did not pay that tax of twenty talents of silver, which his forefathers paid to these kings, out of their own estates, he provoked king Ptolemy Euergetes to anger, who was the father of Philopater. Euergetes sent an ambassador to Jerusalem, and complained that Onias did not pay his taxes, and threat- ened, that if he did not receive them, he would seize upon their land, and send sol- diers to live upon it. When the Jews heard this message of the king, they were con- founded ; but so sordidly covetous was Onias, that nothing of this nature made him ashamed. 2. There was now one Joseph,* young in age, but of great reputation among the people of Jerusalem, for gravity, prudence, and justice. His father's name was Tobias; and his mother was the sister of Onias the hig/i- priest, who informed him of the coniing of the ambassador ; for he was then sojourning at a village named Phicol,* where he was borju. Hereupon he came to the city [Jerusalem], and reproved Onias for not taking care of the pre- servation of his countrymen, but bringing the nation into dangers, by not paying this money. For which preservation of them, he told hiu) he had received the authority over them, and had been made high-priest; but that, in case he was so great a lover of money, as to endure to see his country in danger on that account, and his countrymen suffer the greatest da- mages, he advised him to go to the king, and petition him to remit either the whole or a part of the sum demanded. Onias's answer was this: — That he did not care for his au- thority, and that he was ready, if the thing were practicable, to lay down his high-priest- hood; and that he would not go to the king, because he troubled not himself at all about such matters. Joseph then asked him if he would ndt give him leave to go ambassador on behalf of the nation; he replied, that he would give him leave. Upon which Joseph went up into the temple, and called the mul- titude together to a congregation, and ex- horted them not to be disturbed i-or affrighted, because of his uncle Onias's carelessness, but • The name of this place, Phicol, is the very same witli that of the chief captain of Ahimelech's host, ia the (lays of Abraham (<ien. xxi. -^i), and mi^ht possibly be tlie phice of that I'hicol'n nativity or abode; for it sctnis to have been in the touth part of Palestine, at that was. CHAP. IV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 323 deeired them to be at rest, and not terrify themselves with fear about it; for he pro- iiii>ed them that he would be their ambassa- dor to the king, and persuade him that they had done him no wrong; and when the mul- titude heard this, they returned thanks to Jo- seph. So he went down from the temple, and treated Ptolemy's ambassador in an hos- pitable manner. He also presented him with rich gifts, and feasted him magnificently for many days, and then sent him to the king before him, and told him tha* he would soon follow him; for he was now more mlling to go to the king, by the encouragement of the ambassador, who earnestly persuaded him to come into Egypt, and promised him that he would take care that he should obtain every thing that he desired of Ptolemy; for he was highly pleased with his frank and liberal temper, and with the gravity of bis deport- ment. 3. When Ptolemy's ambassador was come into Egypt, he told the king of the thought- less temper of Onias; and informed him of the goodness of the disposition of Joseph; and that he was coming to him, to excuse the multitude,^s not having done him any harm, for that he was their patron. In short, he was so very large in his encomiums upon the young man, that he disposed both the king an(' his wife Cleopatra to have a kindness for him before he came. So Joseph sent to his friends at Samaria, and borrowed money of them; and got ready what was necessary for his journey, garments and cups, and beasts for burden, which amounted to about twenty thousand drachmae, and went to Alexandria. Now it happened that at this time all the prin- cipal men and rulers went up out of the cities of Syria and Phoenicia, to bid for their taxes ; for every year the king sold them to the men of the greatest power in every city. So these men saw Joseph journeying on the way, and laughed at him for his poverty and meanness; but when he came to Alexandria, and heard that king Ptolemy was at Memphis, he went up thither to meet with him; which happened as the king was sitting in his chariot, with his wife, and with his friend Athenion, who was the very person who had been ambassador at Je- rusalem, and had been entertained by Joseph. As soon therefore as Athenion saw him, he presently made him known to the king, how good and generous a young man he was. So Ptolemy saluted him first, and desired him to come up into his chariot; and as Joseph sat there, he began to complain of the ma- nagement of Onias: to which he answered, " Forgive him on account of his age; for thou canst not certainly be unacquainted with this, that old men and infants have their minds [exactly alike; but thou shalt have from us, ' who are young men, every thing thou desirest, and shalt have no cause to complain," With this good humour and pleasantry of the young man, the king was so delighted, that he began already, as though he had had long experience of him, to have a still greater affection for him, insomuch that he bade him take his diet 'in the king's palace, and be a guest at his own table every day; but when the king was come to Alexandria, the principal men of Syria saw him sitting with the king, and were much of- fended at it. 4. And when the day came on which the king was to let the taxes of the cities to farm, and those that were the principal men of dig- nity in their several countries were to bid for them, the sum of the taxes together, of Cele- syria and Phoenicia, and Judea, with Samaria [as they were bidden for], came to eight thou- sand talents. Hereupon Joseph accused the bidders, as having agreed together to estimate the value of the taxes at too low a rate; and he promised that he would himself give twice as much for them; buf for those who did not pay, he would send the king home their whole substance; for this privilege was sold toge- ther with the taxes themselves. The king was pleased to hear that offer; and, because it augmented his revenues, he said he would confirm the sale of the taxes to him ; but when he asked him this question, whether he had any sureties that would be bound for the pay- ment of the money, he answered very plea- santly, " I will give such security, and those of persons good and responsible, and which you shall have no reason to distrust:" and when he bade him name them, who they were, he replied, " I give thee no other persons, O king, for ray sureties, than thyself, and this thy wife; and you shall be security for both parties." So Ptolemy laughed at the proposal, and granted him the farming of the taxes with- out any sureties. This procedure was a sore grief to those that came from the cities into Egypt, who were utterly disappointed; and they returned every one to their own country with shame. 5. But Joseph took with him two thousand foot-soldiers from the king, for he desired he might have some assistance, in order to force such as were refractory in the cities to pay. And borrowing of the king's friends at Alex- andria five hundred talents, he made haste back into Syria. And when he was at Askelon. and demanded the taxes of the people of Askc« Ion, they refused to pay any thing, and affronted him also: upon which he seized upon about twenty of the principal men, and slew them, and gathered what they had toge- ther, and sent it all to the king; and informed him what he had done. Ptolemy admired the prudent conduct of the man, and commended him for what he had done; and gave him leave to do as he pleased. When the Syrians heard of this, they were astonished; and hav- ing before them a sad example in the men of Askelon that were slain, they opened their gates, and willingly admitted Joseph, and paid 324 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK xn. their taxes. And when the inhabitants of Scy- thopolis attempted to affront him, and would not pay him those taxes which they formerly used to pay, without disputing about them, he slew also the principal men of that city, and sent their effects to the king. By this means he gathered great wealth together, and made vast gains by this farming of the taxes ; and he rnade use of what estate he had thus gotten, in order to support his authority, as thinking it a piece of prudence to keep what had been the occasion and foundation of his present good fortune; and this he did by the assist- ance of what he was already possessed of, for he privately sent many presents to the king, and to Cleopatra, and to their friends, and to all that were powerful about the court, and thereby purchased their good-will to himself. 6. This good fortune he enjoyed for twen- ty-two years; and was become the father of seven sons by one wift; he had also another sori, whose name was Hyrcanus, by his bro- ther Solymius's daughter, whom he married on the following occasion. He once came to Alexandria with his brother, who had along v/ith him a daughter already marriageable, in order to give her in wedlock to some of the Jews of chief dignity there. He then supped with the king, and falling in love with an ac- tress that was of great beauty, and came into the room where they feasted, he told his bro- ther of it, and entreated him, because a Jew is forbidden by their law to come near to a foreigner, to conceal his offence, and to be Kind and subservient to him, and to give him an opportunity of fulfilling his desires. Upon which his brother willingly entertained the proposal of serving him, and adorned his own daughter, and brought her to him by night, and put her into his bed. And Joseph being disordered with drink, knew not who she was, and so lay with his brother's daughter; and this did he many times, and loved her ex- ceedingly; and said to his brother, that he ^oved this actress so well, that he should run the hazard of his life [if he must part with her], and yet probably the king would not give him leave [to take her with him J. But his brother bade him be in no concern about that matter, and told him he might enjoy her whom he loved without any danger, and might have her for his wife; and opened the truth of the matter to him, and assured him that he chose rather to have his own daughter abused, than to overlook him, and see him come to [public] disgrace. So Joseph com- mended him for this his brotherly love, and married his daughter; and by her begat a son whose name was Hyrcanus, as we said before. And when this his youngest son showed, at thirteen years old, a mind that was both cou- nt"eou8 and wise, and was greatly envied by his brethren, as being of a genius much above them, and such a one as they uiiKht well envy, Jobepb had once a mind to know which of his sons had the best disposition to virtue; and when he sent them severally to those that had then the best reputation for instructing youth, the rest of his children, by reason ol their sloth, and unwillingness to take pains, returned to him foolish and unlearned. Af- ter them he 'sent out the youngest, Hyrcanus, and gave him three hundred yoke of oxen, and bid him go two days' journey into the wilderness, and sow the land there, and yei kept back privately the yokes of the oxen that coupled them together. When Hyrcanus came to the place, and found he had no yoke? with him, he contemned the drivers of the oxen, who advised him to send some to his father, to bring them some yokes; but he thinking that he ought not to lose his time while they should be sent to bring him the yokes, he invented a kind of stratagem, and what suited an age elder than his own; for he slew ten yoke of the oxen, and distributed their flesh among the labourers, and cut their hides into several pieces, and made him yokes, and yoked the oxen together with them; by which means he sowed as much land as his father had appointed him to sow, and returned to him. And when he was conj^ back, his father was mightily pleased with his sagacity, and commended the sharpness of his under- standing, and his boldness in what he did. And he still loved him the more, as if he were his only genuine son, while his brethren were much troubled at it. 7. But when one told him that Ptolemy had a son just born, and that all the principal men of Syria, and the other countries subject to him, were to keep a festival on account of the child's birth-day, and went away in haste with great retinues to Alexandria, he was him- self indeed hindered from going by old age; but he made trial of his sons, whether any of them would be willing to go to the king. And when the elder sons excused themselves from going, and said they were not courtiers good enough for such conversation, and ad- vised him to send their brother Hyrcanus, he gladly hearkened to that advice, and called Hyrcanus, and asked him, whether he would go to the king; and whether it was agreeable to him to go or not. And upon his promise that he would go, and his saying that he should not want much money for his journey, because he would live moderately, and that ten thousand drachmae would be sufficient, he was pleased with his son's prudence. Alter a little while, the son advised his father not to send his presents to the king from thence, but to give him a letter to his steward at Alexandria, that he might furnish him with money, for purchasing what should be most excellent and most precious. So he thinking that the expense often talents would be enough for presents to be made to tlie king, and com- nionding his son, ai giving him good advice, wrote to Arion his steward, that uianagrd all CHAP. IV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 325 his money matters at Alexandria; wliicli mo- ney was not less tl)an three thousand talents on his account, for Joseph sent the money he received in Syria to Alexandria. And when the day appointed for the payment of the taxes to the king came, he wrote to Ariori to pay them. So when the son had asked his father for a letter to this steward, and had re- ceived it, he made haste to Alexandria. And when he was gone, his brethren wrote to all the king's friends, that they should destroy him. 8. But when he was come to Alexandria, he delivered his letter to Arion, who asked him how many talents he would have (hoping he would ask for no more than ten, or a little more); he said, he wanted a thousand ta- lents. At which the steward was angry, and rebuked him, as one that intended to live ex- travagantly; and he let him know how his fa- ther had gathered together his estate by pains- taking and resisting his inclinations, and wished him to imitate the examfjie of his f?,- thcr: he assured him withal, that he would give him but ten talents, and that for a pre- sent to the king also. The son was irritated at this, aiid threw Arion into prison. But "when Arion's wife had informed Cleopatra of this, with her entreaty, that she would rebuke the child for what he had done (for Arion was in great esteem with her), Cleopatra informed the king of it.. And Ptolemy sent for Hyr- canus, and told him that he wondered, when he was sent to him by his father, that he had not yet come into his presence, but had laid the steward in prison. And he gave order, therefore, that he should come to him, and give an account of the reason of what he had done. And they report, that the answer he made to the king's messenger was this: That " there was ^ law of his that forbade a child that was born to taste of the sacrifice, before he had been at the temple and sacrificed to God. According to which way of reasoning, he did not him.self come to him in expectation of the present he was to make to him, as to one who had been his father's benefactor; and that he bad punished the slave for disobeying his commands, for that it mattered not whe- ther a master was little or great: so that un- less we punish such as these, thou thyself mayest also expect to be despised by thy sub- jects." Upon hearing this his answer, he fell a-laughing, and wondered at the great soul of the child. 9. When Arion was apprised that this was the king's disposition, and that he had no way to help himself, he gave the child a thousand talents, and was let out of prison. So after three days were over, Hyrcanus came and saluted the king and queen. They saw him with pleasure, and feasted hi:n in an obliging iiianner, out of the respect they bare to his father. So he came to the merchants privately, ajid bought a hundred boys, that had learning, and were in the flower of tiieir agcb, each at a talent a- piece; as also he bought a hundred maidens, each at the same price as the other. And when he was invited to feast with the Inng among the principal men of the country, he sat down the lowest of them all, because he. was little regarded, as a child in age still; and this by those who placed every one ac- cordiji^ to their dignity. Now when all those that sat with him had laid the bones of the several parts in a heap before Hyrcanus (for they had themselves taken away the flesh be- longing to them), till the table where he sat was filled full with them,Trypho, who wasthe king.'s jester, and was appointed for jokes and laugh- ter at festivals, was now asked by the guests that sat at the table [to expose him to laughter]. So he stood by the king, and said, " Dost thou not see, my lord, the bones that lie by Hyr- canus? by this similitude thou mayest con- jecture that his father made all Syria as bare as he hath made these bones." And the king laughing at what Trypho said, and asking of Hyrcanus, How he came to have so many bones before him? he replied, "Very right- fully, my lord; for they are dogs that eat the flesh and the bones together, as these thy guests have done (looking in the mean time at those guests), for there is nothing before them; but they are men that eat the flesh, and cast away the bones, as I, who am also a man, have now done." Upon which the king admired at his answer, which was so wisely made; and bade them all make an acclamation, as a mark of their appi'obation of his jest, which was truly a facetious one. On the next day Hyrcanus went to every one of the king's friends, and of the men powerful at court, and saluted them; but still inquired of the servants what present they would make the king on his son's birth-day; and when some said that they would give twelve talents, and that others of greater dignity would every one give accord- ing to the quantity of their riches, he pretend- ed to every one of them to be grieved that he was not able to bring so large a present ; for that he had no more than five talents. And when the servants heard what he said, they told their masters; and they rejoiced in the prospect that Joseph would be disapproved, and would make the king angry, by the smallness of his present. When the day came, the others, even those that brought the most, offered the king not above tvyenty talents; but Hyrcanus gave to every one of the hundred boys and hundred maidens that he had bought a talent a-piece, for them to carry, and introduced them, the boys to the king, and the maidens to Cleo- patra: every body wondering at the unexpect- ed richness of the presents, even the king and queen themselves. He also presented those that attended about the king with gifts to the value of a great number of talents, that he might escape the danger he was in from th-em ; for to these it was that Hyrca- nus's brethren had written to destroy him. 326 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK XII. Now Ptolemy admired at the young man's magnanimity,' and commanded him to ask what gift he pleased. But he desired nothing else to be done for him by the king than to write to his father and brethren about hiui. So when the king had paid him very great re- spects, and had given him very large gifts, and had written to his father and his brethren, and all his commanders and officers, about him, he sent him away. But when his brethren heard that Hyrcanus had received such favours from the king, and was returning home with great honour, they went out to meet him, and to (festroy him, and that with the privity of their father: for he was angry at him for the [large] sum of money that he bestowed for presents, and so had no concern for his preservation. However, Joseph concealed the anger he had at his son, out of fear of the king. And when Hyrcanus's brethren came to tight him, he slew many others of those that were with them, as also two of his brethren themselves; but the rest of them escaped to Jerusalem to their father. But when Hyrcanus came to the city, where nobody would receive him, he was afraid for himself, and retired beyond the river Jordan, and there abode; but oblig- ing the Barbarians to pay their taxes. 10. At this time Seleucus, who was called Soter, reigned over Asia, being the son of Antiochus the Great. And [now] Hyrca- nus's father, Joseph, died. He was a good man, and of great n)agnanimity ; and brought the Jews out of a state of poverty and mean- ness, to oi.e that was more splendid. He retained the farm of the taxes of Syria, and Phoenicia, and Samaria, twenty -two yfars. His uncle also, Onias, died [about this tiKie], and left the high-priesthood to his son Snnon. And when he was dead, Onias his son suc- ceeded him in that dignity. To him it was that Areus, king of the Lacedemonians, sent an emba>-sage, with an epistle; the copy whereof here follows: — " AREUS, KING OF THE LACEDEMONIANS, TO ONIAS, SENDETH GllEETING. " We have fnet with a certain writing, whereoy we have discovered that both the Jews and the Lacedemonians are of one stock, and are derived from the kindred of Abra- ham.* It is but just, therefore, that you, who are our brethren, should send to us about • Whence it comes that these Lacedemonians declare themselves here to be of kin to tlie Jews, as deriveil from ttie same ancestor. Abraham. I cannot tell, unless, as Grotitis supposes, they were derived from the IJores. that came of the I'elas^'* 'I'hese are, by Heroduttis, called Barbarians; and perhaps were derived from tiie hyrianii and Arabians, the posterity of Abraham by Keiurah. See Antiq. b xi"^. ch. x. sect 22; and Ol the Mar. b. i. ch. xxvL sect I; and (irot. on 1 Mac. xii. 7 We may farther observe, from the llecoj;nitions of Cle- ment, that Klieser, of Damascus, the servant of Atiru- ham. Gen. xv. '2, and xxiv. was of old by some taken for bi.t son. So that if the Lacedemonians wer^ spruni; Cium him, they might think themhelves to be ol llic poMeiily of Abraham, as well as the Jews, ^vhu wen any of your concerns as you please. ^Ve will also do the same thing, and esteem your con- cerns as our own, and will look upon our concerns as in common with yours. Demo- toies, who brings you this letter, will bring your answer back to us. This letter is four- square; and the seal is an eagle, with a dra- gon in his claws." 11. And these were the contents of the epistle which was sent from the king of the Lacedemonians. But upon the death of Jo- seph, the people grew seditious, on account of his sons; for whereas the elders made war against Hyrcanus, who was the youngest of Joseph's sons, the multitude was divided, but the greater part joined with the elders in this war; as did Simon the high-priest, by reason he was of kin to them. However, Hyrcanus determined not to return to Jerusalem any n)ore, but seated himself beyond Jordan, and was at perpetual war with the Arabians, and slew, many of them, and took many of them captives. He also erected a strong castle, and built it entirely of white stone to the very roof, and had animals of a prodigious magni- tude engraven upon it. He also drew round it a great and deep canal of water. He also made caves of many furlongs in length, by hollowing a rock that was over-against him ; and then he made large rooms iji it, some for feasting, and some for sleeping, and living in. He introduced also a vast quantity of waters which ran along it, and which were very de- lightful and ornamental in the court. But still he n)ade the entrances at the mouth of the caves so narrow, that no more than one person could enter by them at once. And the reason why he built them after that man- ner was a good one; it was for his own pre- servation, lest he should be besieged by his brethren, and run the hazard of being caught by them. Moreover, he built courts of greater magnitude than ordinary, which he adorned with vastly large gardens. And when he had brought the place to this state, he named it Tyre. This place is between Arabia and Ju- dea, beyond Jordan, not far from the country of Heshbon. And he ruled over those parti for seven years, even all the time that Seleu- cus was king of Syria. But when he was dead, his brother Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, took the kijigdom. Ptolen)y also, the king of Egypt, died, who was besides called Epiphanes. He left two sons, and both young in age; the elder of whom was called Philometer, and the younger Physcon. As for Hyrcanus, when he saw that Antiochus sprung from Isaac. And perhaps thus Eliezer of Damas- cus IS that very Damascus whom Tr.igus Pompeius, as abrid({ed by Justin, makes the founder of the Jewish nation itself, though be afterwards blunders, and makes Azelu.H, Adores, Abraham, and Israel, kings of Judea, and BuccesHors to this Damascus. It may not be iinpro. per to observe farther, that JVloyes Chorenensis, in his liistory of the Armenians, informs us, that the nation III the Parthians was also derived from Abraham, by Kt'tiiruh, and her chlldrea. CHAP. V. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 327 had a great army, and feared lest he should be caught by him, and brought to punishment for \vhat he had done to the Arabians, he ended his life, and slew himself with his own hand; while Antiochus seized upon all his substance. CHAPTER V. HOW, UPON THE QUARRELS OF THE JEWS ONE AGAINSTANOTHERABOUT THE HIGH-PRIEST- HOOD, ANTIOCHUS MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST JERUSALEM, TOOK THE CITY, AND PILLAGED THE TEMPLE, AND DISTRESSED THE JEWS* AS ALSO, HOW MANY OF THE JEWS FORSOOK THE LAWS OF THEIR COUN- TRY; AND HOW THE SAMARITANS FOLLOW- ED THE CUSTOMS OF THE GREEKS, AND NAMED THEIR TEMPLE AT MOUNT GERIZ- ZIM, THE TEMPLE OF JUPITER HELLENIUS. § 1. About this time, upon the death of Onias the high -priest, they gave the high- priesthood to Jesus his brother; for that son which Onias left [or Onias IV.] was yet but an infant: and, in its proper place, we will inform the reader of all the circumstances that befell this child. But this Jesus, who was the brother of Onias, was deprived of the high- priesthood by the king, who was angry with him, and gave it to his younger brother, whose name also was Onias; for Simon had these three sons, to each of whom the priesthood came, as we have already informed the rea- der.* This Jesus changed his name to Ja- son; but Onias was called Menelaus. Now, as the former high-priest, Jesus, raised a se- dition against Menelaus, who was ordained after him, the multitude were divided between them both. And the sons of Tobias took the part of Menelaus, but the greater part of the people assisted Jason : and by that means Menelaus and the sons of Tobias were dis- tressed, and retired to Antiochus, and informed him, that they were desirous to leave the la\vs of their country, and the Jewish way of living according to them, and to follow the king's laws, and the Grecian way of living: • We have hitherto had but a few of those many citations where Josephns says that he had elsewhere for- merly treated of many things of which yet his present booivs have not a syllable. Onr commentators have hitherto bee > able to give no tolerable account of these citations, which are far too numerous, and that usually in all his copies, both fireek and I^tin. to be supposed later interpolations; which is almost all that has been hitherto said upon th s occasion. What I have to say farther is this, that we have but very few of these re- ferences before, and very many in and after the history of Antiochus lipiphanes; and that Josephus's first book, the Hebrew or Chaldee. as well as the Greek History of the Jewish War, ionji since lost, began with that very history, so that the references are most probably made to that edition of the seven books Of the War. See Beveral other examples, besides those, in the two sec- tions hfiore us, in Antiq. b. xiii. ch. ii. sect. 1, 4; and cb. iv sect. G, 8; ch v. sert. 6. 1 1 ; ch. viii. sect 4; and •»h iui. sect i, o, ai)d Auiiq. 0. xviii. c|i. ii. sect. 3. wherefore they desired his permission to build them a Gymnasium at Jerusalem.! And when he had given them leave, they also hid the circumcision of their genitals, tliat even when they were naked they might appear to be Greeks. Accordingly, they left off all the customs that belonged to their own country, and imitated the practices of the other nations. 2. Now Antiochus, upon the agreeable situation of the affairs of his kingdom, re- solved to make an expedition against Egypt, both because he had a desire to gain it, and because he contemned the son of Ptolemy, as now weak, and not yet of abilities to manage affairs of such consequence; so he came with great forces to Pelusium, and circumvented Ptolemy Philometor by treachery, and seized upon Egypt. He then came to the places about Memphis; and when he had taken them, he made haste to Alexandria, in hopes of taking it by siege, and of subduing Ptole- my, who reigned there. But he was driven not only from Alexandria, but out of aU Egypt, by the declaration of the Romans, who charged him to let that country alone. Accordingly, as I have elsewhere formerly declared, I will now give a particular account of what concerns this king, — how he subdued Judea and the temple; for in my former work I mentioned those things very briefly, and have therefore now thought it necessary to go over that history again, and that with great accuracy. 3. King Antiochus returning out of Egypt, f for feuf of the Romans, made an xpedition against the city Jerusalem; and when he was there, in the hundred and forty-third year of the kingdom of the Seleucidue, he took the ' city without fighting, those of his own party opening the gates to him. And when he had gotten possession of Jerusalem, he slew many of the opposite party; and when he had plun- dered it of a great deal of money, he returned to Antioch. 4. Now, it came to p^s, after two years, in the hundred and forty -fifth year, on the twenty-fifth day of that month which is by us called Chasleu, and by the Macedonian.* Ap- peleus, in the hundred and fifty-third Olym- piad, that the king came up to Jerusalem, and, pretending peace, he got possession of + This word, "Gymnasium," properly denotes a place where the exercises were performed naked ; which, because it would naturally distinguish circumcised Jews from uncircumcised Gentiles, thfse .lewish apostates endeavoured to appear uncircumcised, by n.eans of a chirurgical operation, hinted at by St Paul. I Cor. vii. IH. and described by Celsus, b. vii. ch. xxv. as Dr. Hud- son here informs us. t Hereabout Josephus begins to follow the first boo of the Maccabees, a most excellent and most authentic history; and, accordingly, it is here with great fidelity and exactness abridged by him: between wlu.se present copies thrre seem to be fewer variations than in any other sacred Hebrew book of the Old Testament whatever (t(ir till.* hook also was originally written in Hebrew^ A' if h is very natural, because it was written so muct .leaier to the time of Jo»ephus than the re!>t were. 828 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XII. the city by treachery: at which time he spared not so much as those that admitted him into it, on account of the riches that lay in -the temple; but, led by his covetous inclina- tion (for he saw there was in it a great deal of gold, and many ornaments that had been dedicated to it of very great value), and in order to plunder its wealth, he ventured to break the league he had made. So he left the temple bare, and took away the golden candlesticks, and the golden altar [of incense], and tal)le [of shew-bread], and the altar [of burnt- offering]; and did not abstain from even the veils, which were made of fine line*n and scarlet.* He also emptied it of its secret treasures, and left nothing at all remaining; and by this means cast the Jews into great lamentation, for he forbade them to offer those daily sacnfices which they used to offer to God, according to the law. And when, he had pillaged the whole city, some of the inhabitants he slew, and some he carried cap- tive, together with their wives and children, so that the multitude of those captives that were taken alive amounted to about ten thou- sand. He also burnt down the finest build- ings; and when he had overthrown the city vvalls, he built a citadel in the lower part of the city,* for the place was high, and over- looked the temple, on which account he for- tified it with high walls and towers, and put into it a garrison of Macedonians. How- ever, in that citadel dwelt the impious and wicked part of the [Jewish] multitude, from whom it proved that the citizens suffered many and sore calamities. And when the king had built an idol altar upon God's altar, he slew swine upon it, and so offered a sacri- fice neither according to the law, nor the Jewish religious worship in that country. He also compelled them to forsake the worship which they paid their own God, and to adore those whom he took to be gods; and made them build temples, and raise idol altars, in every city and village, and offer swine upon them every day. He also commanded them not to circumcise their sons, and threatened to punish any that should be found to have transgressed his injunction. He also ap- pointed overseers, who should compel them to do what he commanded. And indeed many Jews there were who complied with the king's commands, either voluntarily, or out of fear of the penalty that was denounced: but the best men, and those of the noblest • This citadel, of which we have such frequent men- tion in the iolluwing history, both in tlie Maccabees and Josephus, seems to have been a castle built on a hill, lower than .Mount Zion, though upon its skirts, and hixher than Mount Moriah, but between them both; which hill the enemies oi the Jews now got possession •f ard built on it this citadel, and (ortified it, till a j!Ood while afterwards the Jews regained it. demolished it, and levelled the hill itself with the common nround. that their enemies mi,;ht no more recover it, and mii;lit tbence overlook the temple itself, and do them such mischief as they had long undergom from it. Antiq. h. xiiL cb Ti. sect 6. souls, did not regard him, but did pay a greater respect to the customs of their coun- try than concern as to the punishment which he threatened to the disobedient ; on which account they every day underwent great miseries and bitter torments; for they were whipped with rods, and their bodies were torn to pieces, and were crucified while they were still alive and breathed: they also strangled those women and their sons whom they had circumcised, as the king had appouited, hang- ing their sons about their necks as they were upon the crosses. And if there were any sacred book of the law found, it was des- troyed; and those with whom they were found, miserably perished also. 5. When the Samaritans saw the Jews un- der these sufferings, they no longer confessed that they were of their kindred, nor that the temple on Mount Gerizzim belooged to Al migity God. This was according to theii nature, as we have already shown. And the;y now said that they were a colony of Medesi and Persians: and indeed they were a colony of theirs. So they sent ambassadors to An- tiochus, and an epistle, whose contents are these: — "To king Antiochus the god, Epi- phanes, a memorial from the Sidonians, who live at Shechem. Our forefathers, upon cer- tain frequent plagues, and as following a cer- tain ancient superstition, had a custom ol observing that day which by the Jews is called the Sabbath.f And when they had erected a temple at the mountain called Gerizzim, though without a name, they offered upon it the proper sacrifices. Now, upon the just treatment of these wicked Jews, those that manage their affairs, supposing that we were of kin to them, and practised as they do, make us liable to the same accusations, although we are originally Sidonians, as is evident from the public records. "VVe therefore be- seech thee, our benefactor and saviour, to give order to Apollonius, the governor of this part of the country, and to Nicanor, the pro- curator of thy affairs, to give us no disturb- ance, nor to lay to our charge what the Jews are accused for, since we are aliens from their nation, and from their customs; but let our temple, which at present hath no name at all, be named the Temple of Jupiter Hel- lenius. If this were once done, we should be no longer disturbed, but should be more intent on our own occupation with quietness, and so bring in a greater revenue to thee." When the Samaritans had petitioned for this, the king sent them ack the following an- swer in an epistle: — " King Antiochus to Nicanor. The Sidoniinis, who live at She- chcm, have sent me the memorial inclosed + This allegation of the S^amaritans is remarkable, that though they were not Jews, yet did they, from an- cient times, onserve the Sabbath-day, and, as ttiey else- where pretend, the Sabbatic Year also. Autiq. b. XL ch. viii. te^U 6^ CHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 329 When, therefore, we were advising with our friends about it, the messengers sent by them represented to us that they are no way con- cerned with accusations which belong to the Jews, but choose to live after the customs of the Greeks. Accordingly, we declare them free from such accusations, and order that, agreeable to their petition, their temple be named the Temple of Jupiter Hellenius." He also sent the like epistle to ApoUonius, the governor of that part of the country, in the forty-sixth year, and the eighteenth day of the month Hecatombeon. CHAPTER VI. HOW, UPON ANTIOCHUS'S PROHIBITION TO TEiE JEWS TO MAKE USE OF THE LAWS OF THEIR COUNTRY, MATTATHIAS, THE SON OF ASAMONEUS, ALONE DESPISED THE KING, AND OVERCAME THE GENERALS OF ANTI- OCHUS'S ARMY: AS ALSO CONCERNING THE DEATH OF MATTATHIAS, AND THE SUCCES- SION OF JUDAS. § 1. Now at this time there was one whose name was Mattathias, who dwelt at ISIodin, the son of John, the son of Simeon, the son of Asamoneus, a priest of the order of Joarib, and a citizen of Jerusalem. He had five sons; John, who was called Gaddis, and Si- mon, who was called Matthes, and Judas, who was called Maccabeus,* and Eleazar, who was called Auran, and Jonathan, who was called Apphus. Now this Mattathias lamented to his children the sad state of their affairs, and the ravage made in the city, and the plundering of the temple, and the cala- mities the multitude were under; and he told (|hem that it was better for them to die for the laws of their country, than to live so in- gloriously as they then did. 2. But when those that were appointed by the king were come to Modin, that they might compel the Jews to do what they were com- manded, and to enjoin those that were there to offer sacrifice, as the king had commanded, they desired that Mattathias, a person of the greatest character among them, both on other accounts, and particularly on account of such a numerous and so deserving a family of chil- dren, would begin the sacrifice, because his fellow-citizens would follow his example, and Dccause such a procedure would make him • That this appellation of Maccabee was not Orst of all Riven to Judas Maccaheus, nor was derived from any initial letttrs of the Hebrew words on his banner, " Mi Kamoka Be Elim, Jehovah :"' (" Who is like unto thee among the t;ods, O Jehovah."') £xod. xv. II. as the modern Rabbins vainly pretend, see Authent. Rec. part i. p- 206, iOH. Only we may note, by the way, that the original name of these Maccabees, and their posterity, was Asamoneans; which was derived from Asamont-us. the <;reat-griindfatber of Mattathias, aa Josepbus here iafonnt ufc. honoured by the king. But Mattathias said that he would not do it; and that if all the other cations would obey the commands of Antiochus, either out of fear, or to please him, yet would not he nor his sons leave the religious worship of their country: but as soon as he had ended his speech, there came one of the Jews into the midst of them, and sacrificed as Antiochus had commanded. At which Mattathias had great indignation, and ran upon him violently with his sons, who had swords with them, and slew both the man himself that sacrificed, and Apelles the king's general, who compelled them to sacrifice, with a few of his soldiers. He also overthrew the idol altar, and cried out, 'ilf," said he, "any one be zealous for the laws of his country, and for the worship of God, let him follow me;" and when he had said this, he made haste into the desert with his sons, and left all his substance in the village. Many others did the same also, and fled with their children and wives into the desert, and dwelt in caves; but when the king's generals heard this, they took all the forces they then had in the cita- del at Jerusalem, and pursued the Jews into the desert; and when they had overtaken them, they in the first place endeavoured to persuade them to repent, and to choose what was most for their advantage, and not put them to the necessity of using them according to the law of war; but when they would not comply with their persuasions, but continued to be of a different mind, they fought against them on the Sabbath-day, and they burnt them as they were in the caves, without resistance, and without so much as stopping up the en- trances of the caves. And they avoided to defend themselves on that day, because they were not \villing to break in upon the honour they owed the Sabbath, even in such dis- tresses; for our law requires that we rest upon that day. There were about a thousand, with their \vives and children, who were smothered and died in these caves: but many of those that escaped joined themselves to Mattathias, and appointed him to be their ruler, who taught them to fight even on the Sabbath-day; and told them that unless they would do so, they would become their own enemies, by ob- serving the law [so rigorously], while their adversaries would still assault them on this day, and they would not then defend them- selves; and that nothing could then hinder but they must all perish without fighting. This speech persuaded them ; and this rule continues among us to this day, that if there be a necessity, we may fight on Sabbath-days. So Mattathias got a great army about him, and overthrew their idol altars, and slew those that broke the laws, even all that he could get under his power; for many of them were dispersed among the nations round about them /or fear of him. He also commanded that those boys who were not yet circumcised 330 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XJl, should be circumcised now; and he drove those away that were appointed to hinder such their circumcision. 3. But when he had ruled one year, and was fallen into a distemper, he called for his sons, and set them round about him, and said, " O my sons, I am going the way of all the earth; and I recommend to you my re- solution, and beseech you not to be negligent in keeping it, but to be mindful of the de- sires of him who begat you, and brought you up, and to preserve the customs of your country, and to recover your ancient form of government, which is in danger of being over- turned, and not to be carried away with those that, either by their own inclination, or out of necessity, betray it, but to become such sons as are worthy of me; to be above all force and necessity, and so to dispose your souls, as to be ready, when it shall be necessary, to die for your laws; as sensible of this, by just reasoning, that if God see that you are so disposed, he will not Bverlook you, but will have a great value for your virtue, and will restore to you again what you have lost, and will return to you that freedom in which you shall live quietly, and enjoy your own customs. Your bodies are mortal, and sub- ject to fate; but they receive a sort of immor- tality, by the remembrance of what actions they have done; and I would have you so in love with this immortality, that you may pursue aft^r glory, and that, when you have undergone the greatest difficulties, you may not scruple, for such things, to lose your lives. I exhort you especially to agree one with an- other; and in what excellency any one of you exceeds another, to yield to him so far, and by that means to reap the advantage of every one's own virtues. Do you then es- teem Simon as your father, because he is a man of extraordinary prudence, and be go- verned by him in what counsels he gives you. Take Maccabeus for the general of your army, because of his courage and strength, for he will avenge your nation, and will bring ven- geance on your enemies. Admit among you the righteous and religious, aiid augment I ''eir power." 4. When Mattathias had thus discourse»l>to his sons, and had prayed to God to be their assistant, and to recover to the people their former constitution, he died a little afterward, and was buried at Modin ; all the people mak- ing great lamentation for him. Whereupon bis son Judas took upon him the administra- tion of public affairs, in the hundred and forty-sixth year; and thus, by the ready as- sistance of bis brethren, and of others, Judas cast their enemies out of the country, and put those of their own country to death who had transgi-essed its laws, and purified the land of ftli the pollutions that were in it. CHAPTER VII. HOW JUDAS OVERTHREW THE FORCES O? APOLLONIUS AND SERON, AND KILLED THB GENERALS OF THEIR ARMIES THEMSELVES; AND HOW WHEN, A LITTLE WHILE AFTER- WARD, LYSIAS AND GORGIAS WERE.BEATEN, HE WENT UP TO JERUSALEM, AND PURI- FIED THE TEMPLE. § 1. When Apollonius, the general of the Samaritan forces, heard this, he took his army, and made haste to go against Judas, who met him, and joined battle with him, and beat hirh, and slew many of his men, and among them Apollonius himself, their general, whose sword, being that which he happened then to wear, he seized upon and kept for himself; but he wounded more than he sievv, and took a great deal of prey from the enemy's camp, and went his way; but when Seron, who was general of the army of Celesyria, heard that many had joined themselves to Judas, and that he had about him an army sufficient for fighting and for making war, he determined to make an expedition against nnn, as think- ing it became him to endeavour to punish those that transgressed the king's injunctions. He then got together an army, as large as he was able, and joined to it the runagate and wicked Jews, and came against Judas. He then came as far as Bethoron, a village of Ju- dea, and there pitched his camp; upon wnich Judas met him, and when he intended to give him battle, he saw that his soldiers were buck- ward to fight, because their number was small, and because they wanted food, for they were fasting, he encouraged them, and said to them, that victory and conquest of enemies are not derived from the multitude in armies, but in the exercise of piety towards God; and that they had the plainest instances in their forefa- thers, who, by their righteousness, and exert- ing themselves on behalf of their own laws, and their own children, had frequently con- quered many ten thousands, — for innocence is the strongest army. By this speech he in- duced his men to contemn the multitude of the enemy, and to fall upon Seron; and upon joining battle with him, he beat the Syrians; and when their general fell among the rest, they all ran away with speed, as thinking that to be their best way of escaping. So he pursued them unto the plain, and slew about eight hundred of the enemy; but the rest escaped to the region which lay near to tlie sea. 2. When king Antiochus heard of theofr things, he was very angry at what had hap- pened ; so he got together all his own anny, \vith many mercenaries, whom he had hired from the islands, and took them with him, and pre, ared to break into Judea about the CHAP. VII. ANTIQUITIES OF mK .IKWS, 331 beginning of the spring; but when, upon his mustering his soldiers, he perceived that his treasures were deficient, and there was a want of money in them, for all the taxes were not paid, by reason of the seditions there had been ainung the nations, he having *been so mag- nanimous and so liberal, that what he had was not suificient for him, he therefore resolved first to go into Persia, and collect the taxes of that country. Herejipon he left one whose name was Lysias, who was in great repute with him, governor of the kingdom, as far as the bounds of Egypt, and of the Lower Asia, and reaching from ^e river Euphrates, and committed to him a certain part of his forces, end of his elephants, and charged him to bring up his son Antiochus with all possible care, until he came back; and that he should con- quer Judea, and take its inhabitants for slaves, and utterly destroy Jerusalem, and abolish the whole nation ; and when king Antiochus had given these things in charge to Lysias, he went into Persia; and in the hundred and forty-seventh year, he passed over Euphrates, and went to the superior provinces. 3. Upon this Lysias chose Ptolemy, the son of Dorymenes, and Nicanor, and Gorgias, very potent men among the king's friends, and delivered to them forty thousand foot-soldiers and seven thousand horsemen, and sent them against Judea, who came as far as the city Emmaus, and pitched their camp in the plain country. There came also to them auxiliaries out of Syria, and the country round about,- as also many of the runagate Jews; and be- sides these came some merchants to buy those that should be carried captives (having bonds with them to bind those that should be made prisoners), with that silver and gold which they were to pay for their price; and when Judas saw their camp, and how numerous their ene- mies were, he persuaded his own soldiers to be of good courage; and exhorted them to| place their hopes of victory in God, and to'j make supplication to him, according to the custom of their country, clothed in sackcloth; and to show what was their usual habit of supplication in the greatest dangers, and there- by to prevail with God to grant you the victory over your enemies. So he set them in their ancient order of battle used by their forefathers, under their captains of thousands, and other officers, and dismissed such as were newly married, as well as those that had newly gained possessions, that they might not fight in a cowardly manner, out of an inordinate love of life, in order to enjoy those blessings. When he had thus disposed his soldiers, he en- couraged them to fight by the following ipeecn, which he made to them: — "O my fellow-soldiers, no other time remains more opportune than the present for courage and <x)ntempt of dangers; for if you now fight man- rully. you may recover your liberty, which, as it is a thiiig of itself agreeable t«» all men, so it proves to be to us much more desirable, hy its affording us the liberty of worshipping God. Since, therefore, you are in such cir- cumstances at present, you must either recover that liberty, and so regain a happy and blessed way of living, which is that according to our laws, and the customs of our country, or to submit to the most opprobrious sufferings ; nor will any seed of your nation remain if you be beat in this battle. Fight therefore man- fully; and suppose that you must die, though you do not fight; but believe, that besides such glorious rewards as those of the liberty of your country, of your laws, of your religion, you shall then obtain everlasting glory. Pre- pare yourselves, therefore, and put yourselves into such an agreeable posture, that you may be ready to fight with the enemy as soon as it is day to-morrow morning." 4. And this was the speech which Judas made to encourage them. But when the ene- my sent Gorgias, with five thousand foot and one thousand horse, that he might fall upon Judas by night, and had for that purpose cer- tain of the runagate Jews as guides, the son of Mattathias perceived it, and resolved to fall upon those enemies that were in their camp, now their forces were divided. When they had therefore supped in good time, and had left many fires in their camp, he marched all night to those enemies that were at Emmaus; so that when Gorgias found no enemy in their camp, but suspected that they were retired and had hidden themselves^ among the moun- tains, he resolved to go and seek them where- soever they were. But, about break of day, Judas appeared to those enemies that were at Emipaus, with only three thousand men, and those ill armed, by reason of their poverty; and when he saw the enemy very well and skilfully fortified in their camp, he encouraged ihe Jews, and told them, that they ought to .fight, though it were with their naked bodies, for that God had sometimes of old given such men strength, and that against such as wei'e more in number, and were armed also, out of regard to their great courage. So he cogimanded the trumpeters to sound for the V ule: and by thus falling upon the enemy w^'-'n they did not expect it, and thereby astonishing and disturbing their minds, he slew many of those that resisted him, and went on pursuing the rest as far as Gadara, and the plains of Idumea, and Ashdod, and Jamnia: and of these tiiere fell about three thousand. Yet did Judas exhort his soldiers not to be too desirous of the spoils, for that still they must have a contest and battle with Gorgias, and the forces that were \vith him : but that when they had once overcome them, then they might securely plunder the camp, because they were the only enemies remaining, and they expected no others. And just an ho was speaking to his soldiers, Gorgias's men looked down into that army which they left in 332 ANTIQUrriES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XII their camp, and saw that it was overthio\\ai, and the camp burnt; for the smoke ihat arose from it showed them, even when they were a great way off, what had happened. When, therefore, those that were with Gor- gias understood that things were in this pos- ture, and perceived that those that were with Judas were ready to fight them, they also were affrighted, and put to flight; but then Judas, as though he had already beaten Gor- gias's soldiers without fighting, returned, and seized on the spoils. He took a great quan- tity of gold and silver, and purple, and blue, and then returned home with joy, and singing hymns to God for their good success; for this victory greatly contributed to the recovery of their liberty. 5. Hereupon Lysias was confounded at the defeat of the army which he had sent, and the next year he got together sixty thousand cho- sen men. He also took five thousand horse- men, and fell upon Judea; and he went up to the hill country of Bethsur, a village of Judea, and pitched his camp there, where Judas met him with ten thousand men; and when he saw the great number of his enemies, he prayed to God that he would assist him, and joined battle with the first of the enemy that appeared, and beat them, and slew about five thousand of them, and thereby became terrible to the rest of them. Nay, indeed, Lysia% observing the great spirit of the Jews, how they were prepared to die rather than lose their liberty, and being afraid of their desperate way of*fighting, as if it were real strength, he took the rest of the army back with him, and returned to Antioch, where he listed foreigners into the service, and prepared to fall upon Judea with a greater iarmy. 6. When, therefore, the generals of Antio- chus's armies had been beaten so often, Judas assembled the people together, and told them, that after these many victories which God had given them, they ought to go up to Jeru- salem, and purify the temple, and offer the appointed sacrifices. But as soon as he, with the whole multitude, was come to Jerusalem, and found the temple deserted, and its gates burnt down, and plants growing in the temple of their own accord, on account of its deser- tion, he and those that were with him began to lament, and were quite confounded at the sight of the temple; so he chose out. some of his soldiers, and gave them order to fight against those guards that were in the citadel, until he should have purified the temple. When, therefore, he had carefully purged it, and had brought in new vessels, the candle- stick, the table [of shew-bread], and the altar [of incense], which were made of gold, he hung up the veils at the gates, and added doors to them. He also took down the altar [of burnt-ofTering], and built a new one of gtones tnat he gathered together, and not of tuch a$ were hewn with iron tool*. So on the five and twentieth day of the month Cas- leu, which the Macedonians called Apelleus, they lighted the lamps that were on the can- dlestick, and offered incense upon the altar [of incense], and laid the loaves upon thtf table [of shew-bread], and offered burnt-offei* ings upon the new altar [of burnt-olferlugj Now it so fell out, that these things were don on the very same day on which their divin worship had fallen off, and was reduced to profane and common use, after three years time; for so it was, that the temple was mad desolate by Antiochus, and so continued fo three years. This desolation happened to th temple in the hundred forty and fifth year on the twenty-fifth day of the month Apel- leus, and on the hundred and fifty - thir olympiad : but it was dedicated anew, on the same day, the twenty-fifth of the month Apel- leus, in the hundred and forty -eighth year, and on the hundred and fifty-fourth olympiad. And this desolution came to pass according to the prophecy of Daniel, which was given four hundred and eight years before; for he declared that the Macedonians would dissolve that worship [for some time]. 7. Now Judas celebrated the festival of the restoration of the sacrifices of the temple for eight days; and omitted no sort of plea- sures thereon: but he feasted them upoi» very rich and splendid sacrifices; and he honoured God, and delighted them, by hymns and psalms. Nay, they were so very glad at the revival of their customs, when after a long time of intermission, they unexpectedly had regained the freedom of their worship, that they made it a law for their posterity, that they should keep a festival, on account of the restoration of their temple worship, for eight days. And from that time to this we cele- brate this festival, and call it Lights. I suppose the reason was, because this liberty beyond our hopes appeared to us; and that thence was the name given to that festival. Judas also rebuilt the walls round about the city, and reared towers of great height against the incursions of enemies, and set guards therein. He also fortified the city Bethsura, that it might serve as a citadel against any distresses that might come from our enemies. CHAPTER Vni. HOW JUDAS SUBDUED THE NATIONS ROUND /BOUT; AND HOW SIMON BEAT THE PEO- PLE OF TYKE AND PTOLEMAIS; AND HOW JUDAS OVEUTHREW TIMOTHEUS, AND FORCED HIM TO FLY AWAY, AND DID MANY* OTHER THINGS AFTER JOSEPH AND AZA- BIAS HAD BEEN BEATEN. .4 1. When these things were over, the nations round about lh« Je^vs wer« very unc^sy CHAP. vni. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS* 333 at the revival of -their power, and rose up together, and destroyed many of them, as gaining advantage over them by laying snares for them, and making* secret conspiracies against them. Judas made perpetual expedi- tions against these men, and endeavoured to restrain them from those incursions, and to prevent the mischiefs they did to the Jews. So he feH upon the Idu'means, tlie posterity of Esau, at Acrabattene, and slew a great many of them, and took their spoils. He also shut up the sons of Bean, that laid wait for the Jews; and he sat down about them, and besieged them, and burnt their towers, and destroyed the men [that were in them]. After this he went thence in haste against the Ammonites, who had a great and a numerous army, of which Tiraotheus was the com- mander. And when he had subdued them, he seized on the city Jazer, and took their wives and their children captives, and burnt the city, and then returned into Judea. But when the neighbouring nations understood that he was returned, they got together in great numbers in the land of Gilead, and came against those Jews that were at their borders, who then fled to the garrison of Da- thema; and sent to Judas, to inform him that Timotheus was endeavouring to take the place whither they were fled. And as these epistles were reading, there came other mes- sengers out of Galilee, who informed him that the inhabitants of Ptolemais, and of Tyre and Sidon, and strangers of Gidilee, Were gotten together. . •/ 2. Accordingly Judas, upon considering what was fit to be done with relation to the necessity both these cases required, gave order that Simon his brother should take three thousand chosen men, and go to the assistance of the Jews in Galilee, while he and another of his brothers, Jonathan, made haste into the land of Gilead with eight thousand soldiers. And he left Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and Azarias, to be over the rest of the forces; and charged them to keep Judea very carefully, md to fight no battles with any persons whomsoever until his return. Accordingly, Simon went into Galilee, and fought the ene- my, and put them to flight, and pursued them to the very gates of Ptolemais, and slew about three thousand of them, and took the spoils of those that were slain, and those Jews whom they had made captives, with their baggage, and then returned home. 3. Now as for Judas Maccabeus, and his brother Jonathan, they passed over the river Jordan ; and when they had gone three days journey, they lighted upon the Nabateans, who came to meet them peaceably, and who told them how the affairs of those in the land of Gilead stood, and how many of them were in distress, and driven into garrisons, and into the cities of Galilee; and exhorted him to make ba«te to ^o agninst the foreigneri, and to endeavour to save his owti countrymen out of their handa. To this exhortation Judas hearkened, and returned into the wilderness; and in the first place fell upon the inhabitants of Bosor, and took the city, and beat the in- habitants, and destroj'ed all the males, and all that were able to fight, and burnt the city. Nor did he stop even when night came on, but he journeyed in it to the garrison where the Jews happened to be then shut up, and where Timotheus lay round the place with his army: and Judas came upon the city in the morning; and when he found that the enemy were making an assault upon the walls, and that some of them brought ladders, on which they might get upon those walls, and that others brought engines [to batter them], he bid the trumpeter to sound his trumpet, and he encouraged his soldiers cheer- fully to undergo dangers for the sake of their brethren and kindred; he also parted his army into three bodies, and fell upon the backs of their enemies. But when Timotheus's men perceived that it was Maccabeus that was upon them, of both whose courage and good success in war they had formerly had suf- ficient experience, they were put to flight; but Judas followed them with his army, and slew about eight thousand of them. He then turned aside to a city of the foreigners called Malle, and took it, and slew all the males, and burnt the city itself. He then removed from thence, and overthrew Casphom and Bosor, and many other cities of the land of GHead. 4. But not long after this, Timotheus pre- pared a great army, and took many others as auxiliaries; and induced some of the Arabians, by the promise of rewards, to go with hira in this expedition, and came \A'ith his army beyond the brook, over against the city Raphon: and he encouraged his soldiers, if it came to a battle with the Jews, to fight courageously, and to hinder their passing over the brook; for he said to them beforehand, that, " if they come over it, we shall be beat- en." And when Judas heard that Timotheus prepared himself to fight, he took all his o^vn army, and went in haste against Timotheus his enemy; and when he had passed over the brook, he fell upon his enemies, and some of them met him, whom he slew, and others of them he so terrified, that he compelled them to throw down their arms and fly; and some of them escaped, but some of them fled to what was called the Temple of Carnaim, * and hoped thereby to preserve themselves^ but Judas took the city, and slew them, and burnt the temple, and so used several ways of destroying his enemies. 5. When he had done this, he gathered the Jews together, with their children, and >vives, and the substance that belonged to them, and was going to bring them back into Judea. But as soon .> k.u wnty t'«w« to a eartain oXy^ 334 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK Xfl. tlie name of which was Ephron, that lay up- on the road (and as it was not possible for him to go any other way, so he was not will- ing to go back again), he then sent t-o the in- habitants, and desired that they would open their gates, and permit them to go on their way through the city; for they had stopped up the gates with stones, and cut off their pas- sasje through it. And when the inhabitants of Ephron would not agree to this proposal, he encouraged those that were with him, and encompassed the city round, and besieged it, and, lying round it, by day and night, took the city, and slew every male in it, and burnt it all down, and so obtained a way through it ; and the multitude of those that were slain was so great, that they went over the dead bodies. So they came over Jordan, and ar- rived at the gjreat plain, over against which is situate the city Bethshan, which is called by the Greeks Scythopolis.* And going away hastily from thence, they came into Judea, singing psalms and hymns as they went, and indulging such tokens of mirth as are usual in triumphs upon victory. They also offered thank-offerings, both for their good success, and for the preservation of their army, for not one of the Jews was slain in these bat- tles.t 6. But as to Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and Azarias, whom Judas left generals [of the rest of his forces] at the same time when Si- mon was in Galilee, fighting against the peo- ple of Ptolemais, and Judas himself, and his brother Jonathan, were in the land of Gilead, did these men also affect the glory of being courageous generals in war, in order whereto they took the army that was under their com- mand, and came to Jamnia. There Gorgias, the general of the forces of Jamnia, met them ; and upon joining battle with him, they lo two thousand of their army,J and fled av\ay, and were pursued to the very borders of Judea. And this misfortune befel them by their disobedience to what injunctions Ju- das had given them, not to fight with any one before his return. For besides the rest of Judas's sagacious counsels, one may well wonder at this concerning the misfortune that • The reason why Bethshan was called Scythopolis is well known from Herodotus, b. i. page 105, and Syncel- lus, p. 214, that the Scythians, when they over-ran Asia, lu the days of Josiah, seized on this city, and kept it as lonsi us they continued in Asia; from which time it re. taiu»ii the name of iicythopolis, or the City of the Scy- thiai>a. + This most proyidential preservation of all the reli- Kir<u» JeWd in this expedition, which was according to the will of God, is observablt ofien among God's people, till- Jews; and somewhat very like it in the changes of the four monarchies, which were also providential. See Prideaux at the years 331. :I33, and 334. } Here is another great instance of providence. that when, even at the very time that 8imon, and Judas, and Jonathan, were so miraculously preserved and blessed, in the just defence of their laws and religion, these other ge- nen>.lii of the Jews, who went tu (ighi for honour in a vaitiKlorious way. and without any Ci)mn)i«8ion from God, or the fumily he had ruitted up lo deliver them, were ml- MJubijF di«appuipUd a«4 (l«ii»ated. i$*i« 1 Mac. v. bt, ij'i. befel the forces commanded by Joseph and Azarias, which he understood would happen if they broke any of the injunctions he had given them. But Judas and his brethren did not leave off fighting with the Idumeans, but pressed upon them on allsides^and took from them the city of Hebron, and demohshed alf^ its fortifications, and set all its towers on fire, and burnt the country of the foreigners, and the city Marissa, They came also to Ash- dod, and took it, and laid it waste, and took away a great deal of the spoils and prey that were in it, and returned to Judea. CHAPTER IX. CONCERNING THE DEATH OF ANTIOCHUS EP5- PHANES;HOWANT10CHUSEUPATORFOUGH'y AGAINST JUDAS, AND BESIEGED HIM IN THB TEMPLE, AND AFTERWARDS MADE PEACE WITH HIM, AND DEPARTED. OF ALCIMU* AND ONIAS. § 1. About this time it was that king An- tiochus, as he was going over the upper coun- tries, heard that there was a very rich city in Persia, called Elymais; and therein a very rich temple of Diana, and that it was full of all sorts of donations dedicated to it; as aLo weapons and breast-plates, vi'hich, upon in- quiry, he found had been left there by Alex- ander, the son of. Philip, king of Macedonia^ and being incited by these motives, he went in haste to Elymais, and assaulted it, and be- sieged it. But as those that were in it were not terrified at his assault, nor at his siege, but opposed him very courageously, he waa beaten off his hopes; for they drove him away from the city, and went out and pursued af- ter him, insomuch that he fled away as fax a» Babylon, and lost a great many of his army ; and when he was grieving for this disappoint- ment, some persons told him of the defeat of his commanders whom he had left behind hiiu to fight against Judea, and what strength the Jews had already gotten. When this concern about these affairs was added to the former, he was confounded, and, by the anxiety he was in, fell into a distemper, which, as it last- ed a great while, and as his pains increased upon him, so he at length perceived he should die in a little time; so he called his friends to him, and told them that his distemper was severe upon him, and confessed withal, that this calamity was sent upon him for the mi- series he had brought upon the Jewish nation, while he plundered their temple and contemned their God; and when he had said this, he gave up the ghost. Whence one may wonder ut Polybius of Megalopolis, who, though other- wise a good man, yet saitb that " AntiochU'^ (lied, because he had a pypose to plunder the j temple of Diana in Ferbia " for the purj>osiiii4, mi CHAP. IX. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 335 to do a thing,* but not actually doing it, is not worthy of punishment. But if Poly- bius could think that Aiitiochus thus lost his life on that account, it is much more probable that this king died on account of his sacrilegi- ous plundering of the temple at Jerusalem. But we will not contend about this matter with those who may think that the cause as- signed by this Polybius of Megalopolis is nearer the truth than that assigned by us. 2. However, Antiochus, before he died, called for Philip, who was one of his compa- nions, and made him the guardian of his kiiig- doui; and gave him his diadem, and his gar- ment, and his ring, and charged him to carry them, and deliver them to his son Antiochus; and desired him to take care of his education, and to preserve the kingdom for him.f This Antiochus died in the hundred forty and ninth year: but it was Lysias that declared his death to the multitude, and appointed his son Antiochus to be king (of whom at present he had the care), and called him Eupator. 3. At this time it was that the garrison in the citadel at Jerusalem, with the Jewish runagates, did a great deal of harm to the Jews: for the soldiers that were in that gar- rison rushed out upon the sudden, and de- stroyed such as were going up to the temple in order to offer their sacrifices, for this cita- del adjoined to and overlooked the temple. When these misfortunes had often happened to them, Judas resolved to destroy that garri- son; whereupon he got all the people toge- ther, and vigorously besieged those that were in the citadel. This was in the hundred and fiftieth year of the dominion of the Seleucidae. So he made engines of war, and erected bulwarks, and very zealously pressed on to trike the citadel. But there were not a few >f the runagates who were in the place, that went out by night into the country, and got together some other wicked-men like them- selves, and went to Antiochus the king, and desired of him that he would not suffer them to be neglected, under the great hardships that lay upon them from those of their own nation ; and this because their sufferings were occasion- ed ou his father's account, while they left the religious worship of their fathers, and preferred timt which he had commanded them to fol- low: that there was danger lest the citadel, and those appointed to garrison it by the king, * "^ince St, Paul, a Pharisee, confesses that he had not known concupiscence, or desires, to be jiinful, had nol the teiUh commandment said, " Thou shalt not covet." R'jin.vii 7; the case seems to haye been much the same with our Jos»"phus. who was of the same sect, that he had not a deep sense of the greatness of any sins that proceeded no farther than the intention. fJowever. eince Jo.-*ephus speaks properly of the punishment of death, which is not inflicte<l by any law, either of God' or man, for the bare intention, his words need not he strained to mean, that sins intended, but not executed, were no sins at all. + No wonder that .losephns here de.scribes Antiochus Kupator ai young, and wanting tuition, when he ca ne t'l the crown, since Appian informs us (Syriac. p. 177) that be was then but oint- years old. should be taken by Judas and those that'were v\atb him, unless he would send them suc- cours. When Antiochus, who was but a child, heard this, be was angry, and sent for his cap- tains and his friends, and gave order that they should get an army of mercenaries together, with such men also of his own kingdom as were of an age fit for war. Accordingly, an army was collected of about a hundred thou- sand footmen, and twenty thousand horsemen, and* thirty-two elephants. 4. So the king took this army, and marched hastily out of Antioch, with Lysias, who had the command of the whole, and came to Idumea, and thence went up to the city Beth- sura, a city that was strong, and not to be taken without great difficulty. He set about this city, and besieged it; and while the in- habitants of Bethsura courageously opposed him, and sallied out upon him, and burnt his engines of war, a great deal of time was spent in the siege; but when Judas heard of the king's coming, he raised the siege of the cita- del, and met the king, and pitched his camp in certain straits, at a place called Bethzacha- riah, at the distance of seventy furlongs from the enemy; but the king soon drew his forces from Bethsura, and brought them to those straits; and as soon as it was day, he put his men in battle-array, and made his elephants follow one another through the narrow passes, because they could not be set sideways by i one another. Now round about every ele- I phant there were a thousand footmen and five hundred horsemen. The elephants also had high towers [upon their backs], and archers [in them] ; and he also made the rest of his army to go up the mountains, aiui put his friends before the rest; and gave orders for the army to shout aloud, and so he attacked the enemy. He also exposed to sight their golden and brazen shields, so that a glorious splendour was sent from them ; and when they shouted, the mountains echoed again. When Judas saw this, he was not terrified, but received the enemy with great courage, and slew about six hundred of the first ranks. But when bis brother Eleazar, whom they called Auran, saw the tallest of all the ele- phants armed with royal breast- plates, and supposed that the king was upon him, he attacked him with great quickness and bra- very. He also slew many of those that were about the elephant, and scattered the rest, and then went under the belly of the ele- phant, and smote him, and slew him; so the elephant fell upon Eleazar, and by his weight crushed him to death. And thus did this man come to his end, when he had first cou- rageously destroyed many of his enemies. 5. But Judas, seeing the strength of the enemy, retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to endure a siege. As for Antiochus, hn sent part of his army to Bethsura, to besiege it, and with the rest of his army he came agaiott 336 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XII. Jerusalem; but the inhabitants of Bethsura were terrified at his strength; and seeing that their provisions grew scarce, they deli- vered themselves up on the security of oaths that they should suffer no hard treatment from the king. And when Antiochus had thus taken the city, he did them no other harm than sending them out naked. He also placed a gapfison of his own in the city: but as for the temple of Jerusalem, he lay at its siege a long time, while they within bravely defended it; for what engines soever the king set against them, they set other engines again •to 0[)pose them. But then their provisions failed them ; what fruits of the ground they had laid up were spent, and the land being not ploughed that year, continued unsowed, be- cause it was the seventh year, on which, by our laws, we are obliged to let it lie unculti- vated. And withal, so many of the besieged ran away for want of necessaries, that but a few only were left in the temple. 6. And these happened to be Ihe circum- stances of such as were besieged in the tem- ple. But then, because Lysias, the general of the army, and Antiochus, the king, were informed that Philip was corrjjng upon them out of Persia, and was endeavouring to get the management of public affairs to himself, they came into these sentiments, to leave the siege, and to make haste to go against Phi- lip; yet did they resolve not to let this be known to the soldiers or the officers; but the king commanded Lysias to speak openly to the soldiers and the officers, without saying a word about the business of Philip; and to intimate to them that the siege would be very ^ong; that the place was very strong; that they were already in want of provisions; that many affairs of the kingdom wanted re- gulation; and that it was much better to make a league with the besieged, and to be- come friends to their whole nation, by per- mitting them to observe the laws of their fa- thers, while they broke out into this war only because they were deprived of them, and so to depart home. When Lysias had discoursed thus with them, both the army and the officers were pleased with this resolution. 7. Accordingly the king sent to Judas, and to those that were besieged with him, and promised to give them peace, and to permit them to make use of and live according to the laws of their fathers; and they gladly re- ceived his proposals; and when they had giiined security upon oath for their perform- ance, they went out of the temple: but when Antiochus came into it, and saw how strong the place was, he broke his oaths, and ordered his army that was there to pluck down the walls to the ground; and when he had so done, he returned to Antioch. He also car- ried with him Onias the high-priest, who was also called Menelaus; for Lysias aci vised the kin^ to slay Men«lauii, if he would have the Jews be quiet, and cause him no farther disturb- ance, for that this man was the origin of aU the mischief the Jews had done them, by per- suading his father to compel the Jews to leave the religion of their fathers; so the king sent Menelaus to Berea, a city of Syria, and there had hicn put to death, when he had been high-priest ten years. He had been a wicked and an impious man; and, in order to get the government to himself, had compelled his nation to transgress their own laws. After the death of Menelaus, Alcimus, who was also called Jacimus, was made hi^h-priest. But when king Antiochus found that Philip had already possessed himself of the govern- ment, he made war against him, and subdued him, and took him, and slew him. I^ow, as to Onias, the son of the high-priest, who, as we before informed you, was left a child when his father died, when he saw that the king had slain his uncle Menelaus, and givi-fi the high-priesthood to Alcimus, who was not of the high-priest stock, but was induced by Lysias to translate that dignity from his fa- mily to another house, he tied to Ptolemy, king of Egypt; and when he found he was in great esteem with him, and with his wife Cleopatra, he desired and obtained a place in the JS'omus of Heliopolis, wherein he built a temple hke to that at Jerusalem; of which, therefore, we shall hereafter give an account, in a place more proper for it. CHAPTER X. now BACCHIDES, THE GENERAL OF DEMETRI- US'S ARMY, MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST JUDEA, AND RETURNED WITHOUT SUC- CESS; AND HOW NICANOR WAS SENT A LITTLE AFTERWARD AGAINST JUDAS, AND PKRISIIED, TOGETHER WITH HIS ARMY; AS ALSO CONCERNING THE DEATH OF ALCI- MUS, AND THE SUCCESSION OF JUDAS. § 1. About the same time Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, tied away from Rome, and took Tripoli, a city of Syria, and set the dia- dem on his own head. He also gathered cer- tain mercenary soldiers together, and entered into his kingdom, and was joyfully received by all, who delivered themselves up to him; and when they had taken Antiochus, the king, and Lysias, they brought them to him alive; both whom were immediately put to death by the command of Demetrius, wiieu Antiochus had reigned two years, as we have already elsewhere related; but there were now many of the wicked Jewish runagates that came together to him, and with them Alcimus the high-priest, who accused the whole nation, and particularly Judas and hiii brethren; and said that they had slain all his fri»;i>di>; auJ that tVio<'>' in his kingdom that CHAP. X, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 337 were of his party, and waited for his return, were by them put to death; that these men had ejected them out of their own country, and caused them to be sojourners in a foreign land; and they desired that he would send some oue of his own friends, and know from him what mischief Judas's party had done. 2. At this Demetrius was very angry, and sent Bacchides, a friend of Antiochus Epi- phanes,* a good man, and one that had been intrusted with all Mesopotamia, and gave him an army, and committed Alcimus the high- priest to his care ; and gave him charge to slay Judas, and those that were with him. So Bacchides made haste, and went out of Antioch with his army ; and when he was come into Judea, he sent to Judas and his brethren, to discourse with him about a league of'friendship and peace, for he had a mind to take him by treachery; but Judas did not give credit to him, for he saw that he came with so great an army as men do not bring when they come to make peace, but to make war. However, some of the people acqui- esced in what Bacchides caused to be pro- claimed ; and supposing they should undergo no considerable harm from Alcimus, who was their countryman, they went over to them ; and when they had received oaths from both of them, that neither they themselves nor those of the same sentiments should come to any harm, they intrusted themselves with them ; but Bacchides troubled not himself about the oaths he had taken, but slew three- score of them ; although, by not keeping his faith with those that first went over, he de- terred all the rest, who had intentions to go over to him, from doing it; but as he was gone out to Jerusalem, and was at the village called Bethzetho, he sent out and caught many of the deserters, and some of the peo- ple also, and slew them all; and enjoined all that lived in the country to submit to Alci- mus. So he left him there, with some part of the army, that he might have wherewith to keep the country in obedience, and returned to Antioch to king Demetrius. 3. But Alcimus was desirous to have the dominion more firmly assured to him ; and understanding that if he could bring it about that the multitude should be his friends, he should govern with greater security, he spake kind words to them all, and discoursed to each of them after an agreeable and pleasant man- ner : by which means he quickly had a great body of men and an army about him, although the greater part of them were of the vvick^o, and the deserters. With these, whom he used as his servants and soldiers, he went all over • It is no way pr.bable that Jos^phus would call Bac- chiil<;s, that bittiT and blocxly enemy ol the Jews, as our nrt!>ent copit-s have it. a man go d, or kind, and gentle what the authur of the first book of Maccabees, whom Josephus here follows, instead of that character, says of him, is, that he was a ercat man in the kingdom, and faithfnl to his king; which was very probably Josephus's ueAnias aim. the country, and slew all that he could find of Judas's party; but when Judas saw that Alcimus was already become great, and had destroyed many of the good and holy men of the country, he als<> went all over the country and destroyed those that were of the other party; but when Alcimus saw that he was not able to oppose Judas, nor was equal to him in strength, he resolved to apply himself to king Demetrius for his assistance ; so he came to Antioch, and irritated him against Judas, and accused him, alleging that he had undergone a great many miseries by this means, and that he would do more mischie. ^ unless he were prevented, and brought to pu- nishment, which must be done by sending a powerful force against him. 4. So Demetrius, being already of opinion that it would be a thing pernicious to his own affairs to overlook Judas, now he was becom- ing so great, sent against him Nicanor, the most kind and most faithful of all his friends; for he it was who fled away with him from the city of Rome. He also gave him as many forces as he thought sufficient for him to con- quer Judas withal, and bade him not to spare the nation at all. When Nicanor was come to Jerusalem, he did not resolve to fight Judas immediately, but judged it better to get him into his power by treachery ; so he sent him a message of peace, and said there was no manner of necessity for them to fight and hazard themselves; and that he would give him his oath that he would do him no harm, for that he only came with some friends, in order to let him know what king Demetrius's intentions were, and what opinion he had oi their nation. When Nicanor had delivered this message, Judas and his brethren complied with him, and suspecting no deceit, they gave him assurances of friendship, and received Nicanor and his army ; but while he was sa- luting Judas, and they were talking together, he gave a certain signal to his own soldiers, upon which they were to seize upon Judas; but he perceived the treachery, and ran back to his own soldiers, and fled away with them. So upon this discovery of his purpose, and of the snares laid for Judas, Nicanor determined to make open war with him, and gathered his army together, and prepared for fighting him; and upon joining battle with him at a certain village called Capharsalama, he beat Judas,f and forced him to fly to that citadel which was at Jerusalem. 6 And when Nicanor came down from the citadel into the temple, some of the priests and elders met him, and saluted him ; and ■f Josephus's copies must have been corrupted when they here give victory to Nicanor, contrary to the words following, which imply, that he who was beaten fled into the citadel, which for certain beloneed to the city of Da- vid or to mount Zion, and was in the possession of Nica- nor's garrison, and not of Judas's; as also it is contrary to the express words of Josephus's orisjinal author, I Maccab. vii. ;}2, who says that Nicanor lost about S^CiOO meu, and fled to the city of David. 338 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIL showed him the gacrifices which thev gaid they offered to God for the kiiig: upon whi(rh he blasphemed, and threatened them, that un- less the people would deliver up Judas to him, upon his return he would pull down their tem- ple. And when he had thus threatened them, he departed from Jerusalem: but the priests fell into tears out of grief at what he had said, and besought God to deliver them from their enemies. But now Kicanor, when he was gone out of Jerusalem, and was at a certain village called Bethoron, he there pitched his camp, — another army out of Syria having joined him. And Judas pitched his camp at Adasa, another village, which was thirty fur- longs distant from Bethoron, iiaving no more than one thousand soldiers. And when he had encouraged them not to he dismayed at the multitude of their enemies, nor to regard how many they were against whom they were going to fight, but to consider who they themselves were, and for what great rewards they hazarded themselves, and to attack the enemy courageously, he led them out to fight, and joining battle with Nicanor, which proved to be a severe one, he overcame the enemy, and slew many of them; and at last Nicanor himself, as he was fighting gloriously, fell: — upon whose fall the army did not stay; but when ihey had lost their general, they were put to flight, and threw down their arn)s. Judas also pursued them and slew them; and gave notice by the sound of his trumpets to the neighbouring villages that he had con- quered the enemy; which when the inhabi- tants heard, they put on their armour hastily, and met their enemies in the face as they were running away, and slew them, insomuch that not one of them escaped out of this battle ; who were in number nine thousand. This victory happened to fall on the thirteenth day of that month which by the Jews is called Adar, and by the Macedonians Dystrus: and the Jews therein celebrate this victory every year, and esteem it as a festival day. After which the Jewish nation were, for a while, free from wars, and enjoyed peace; but after- ward they returned into their former state of wars and hazards. 6. But now as the high-priest Alcimus was resolving tr» pull down the wall of the sanc- tuary, which had been there of old time, and had been built by the holy prophets,* he was smitten suddeidy by God, and fell down. This stroke made him fall down speechless upon the ground; and undergoing torments for many days, he at length died, when he had been high-priest four years. And when * This account of the miserable death of Alcimus or Jariniiis, the wicked hiuh-priest (the first that was nut of the family of the hiKh-priests, and made by a vile heathen, l.ynias), before the death of Jndus, and ot Ju- das*s succession to him as hiiih-priest, both here and at the couduition of this book, directly contradicts 1 Mac. IX. £1--^, which places his death after the death of Ju- das, and Mjt not a syllabte of the higb-priestbood of Judiu. he was dead, the people hestowed the high", priesthood on Judas; who hearing of the povver of the Roman8,t and that they had conquered in war Galatia, and Iberia, and Carthage, and Lybia; and that, besides these, they had sub- dued Greece, and their kings, Perseus, and Philip, and Antiochus the Great also, he resolved to enter into a league of friend- ship with them. He therefore sent to Rome some of his friends, Eupolemus the son ot John, and Jason the son of Eleazar, and by them desired the Romans that they would as- sist them, and be their friends, and would write to Demetrius that he would not fight against the Jews. So the senate received the ambassadors that came from Judas to Rome, and discoursed with them about the errand on which they came, and then granted them a league of assistance. They also made aMe- cree concerning it, and sent a copy of it into Judea. It was also laid up in the capitol, and engraven in brass. The decree itself was this: — " The decree of the senate concerning a league of assistance and friendship with the nation of the Jews. It shall not be lawful for any that are subject to the Romans to make war with the nation of the Jews, nor to assist those that do so, either by sending them corn, or ships, or money. And if any attack be made upon the Jews, the Romans shall assist them, as far as they are able; and again, if any attack be made upon the Romans, the Jews shall assist them. And if the Jews have a mind to add to, or to take away any thing from, this league of assistance, that shall be done with the common consent of the Ro- mans. And whatsoever addition shall thus be made, it shall be of force." This decree was written by Eupolemus the son of John, and by Jason the son of Eleazar,J when Judas was high-priest of the nation, and Si- mon his brother was general of the army. And this was the first league that the Ro- mans made with the Jews, and was manage(? after this manner. CHAPTER XL THAT BACCIIIDES WAS AGAIN SE«T OUT AGAINST JUDAS; AND HOW JUDAS FULL aS HE WAS COURAGEOUSEY FIGHTING. § 1. But when Demetrius was informed of the death of Nicanor, and of the destruction + How well the Roman histories acree to this account of the conqtieMs and powerful condition of the Flomans atthiM time.— see ihe notes in Havenamp'sedition.- only, that the number of the sen'-tors of Home was th-n just / 3-.^lt, is, I think, only known from 1 Maccab. viii. i5. t This subscription is wanlinir, I Maccab. viii. 17, 29. and must he the words of Jos^'phns, who, by mis- luke, thonjtht, as we have just now «ern, that Judas .vas at th s time htifh-priest. and accordingly then reckoned his brother Jonathan to be the jreneral of the army, which yet he seems not to harn been till alter tUe death of J udas. CHAP. XI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. of the army that was with him, he sent Bac- cbi(fes again with an army into Judea, who marched out of Antioch, and came into Judea, and pitched his camp at Arbela, a city of Ga- lilee; and having besieged and taken those chat were in caves (for many of the people fled into such places), he removed, and made all the haste he could to Jerusalem, And when he had learned that Judas had pitched his camp at a certain village whose name was Uethzetbo. he led his array against him: they ( were twenty thousand footmen, and two thou- «and horsemen. Now Judas had no more sol- diers than one thousand.* When these saw the multitude of Bacchides's men, they were afraid, and left their camp, and fled all away, excepting eight hundred. Now when Judas was deserted by his own soldiers, and the enemy pressed upon him, and ^ave him no lime to gather his anny together, he was dis- posed to fight with Baccbides's army, though! he had but eight hundred men with him; soi he exhorted these men to undergo the danger courageously, and encouraged them to attack the enemy. And when they said they were not a body sufficient to fight so great an army, and advised that they should retire now and ■ *ave themselves, and that when be had ga- thered his own men together, then he should fall upon the enemy afterwards, his answer \was this: — 'vLet not the sun ever see such a thing, that I should show my back to the ienemy; and although this be the time that will bring me to my end, and I must die in this battle, I will rather stand to it courage- , ously, and bear whatsoever comes upon me, I than by now running away, bring reproach upon my former great actions, or tarnish their f;lory." This was the speech he made to those that remained with him, and whereby he en- couraged them to attack the enemy. 2. But Bacehides drew his army out of their camp, and put them in array for the bat- tle. He set the horsemen on both the wings, aud the li?ht soldiers and the archers he * That this copy of Josephus, as he wrote it, had here Bot 1 two but a.lHJO, with 1 Mac ix. 5, is very plain; be- cause thotigh ibe main part ran away at first, even in Josephus, as well Ut; in 1 Mac. ix, 6, yet, as there, so tiere. ^Ni are said to have remained with Judas; which «'ouId b« absurd,lf the wJioie namber bad been no more tkaa 1,000. 339 placed before the whole army, but was him- self on the right wing. And when he had thus put his army in order of battle, and was going to join battle with the enemy, he com- manded the trumpeter to give a signal of bat- tle, and the army to make a shout, and to fall on the enemy. And when Judas had done the same, he joined battle with them: and as both sides fought valiantly, and the battle continued till sun-set, Judas saw that Bacehides and the strongest part of the army was in the right wing, and thereupon took the most counge- ous men with him, and ran upon that part of the army, and fell upon those that were, there and broke their ranks, and drove them into the middle, and forced them to run away, and pursued them as far as to a mountain called Aza; but when those of the left wing saw that the right wing was put to flight, they encompassed Judas, and pursued him, and came behind him, and took him into the mid- dle of their army; so not being able to fly, but encompassed round about with enemies, he stood still, and he and those that were with him fought; and when he had slain a great many of those that came against him, he at last was himself wounded, and fell, and gave up the ghost, and died in a way like to his former fa- mous actions. When Judas was dead, those that were with him had no one that they could regard [as their commander]; but when they saw themselves deprived of such a general, they fled. But Simon and Jonathan, Judas's brethren, received his dead body, by a treaty, from the enemy, and carried it to the village Modin, where their father had been buried, and there buried him; while the multitude lamented hina many days, and performed the usual solemn rites of a funeral to him. And this was the end that Judas came to. He had been a man of valour and a great warrior, and mindful of all the commands of his father Mattathias; and had undergone all difficul- ties, both in doing and suffering, for the liber- ty of his countrymen. And when his cha- racter was so excellent [while he was alive], he left behind him a glorious reputation and memorial, by gaining freedom for his nation, and delivering them from slavery under the Macedonians. And when he had retained the high-priesthood three years, ha died. 840 . BOOK XIII. COMTAININO THE INTERVAL OF EIOHTT-fwO TEAR8L FBOM THE DEATH OF JUDAS MACCABEUS TO QUEEN ALEXAH DRA'S DEATH. CHAPTER I. HOW JONATHAN TOOK THE GOVERNMENT AFTER HIS BROTHER JUDAS; AND HOW HE, TOGETHER WITH HIS BROTHER SIMON, WAGED WAR AGAINST BACCHIDES. § 1. By what means the nation of the Jews recovered their freedom when they had been brought into slavery by the Macedonians, and what struggles, and how many great battles, Judas, the general of their army, ran through till he was slain as he was fighting for them, hath been related in the foregoing book : but after he was dead, all the wicked and those that transgressed the laws of their forefathers, sprang up again in Judea, and grew upon them, and distressed them on every side. A famine also assisted their vvickedness, and af- flicted the country, till not a few, who by reason of their want of necessaries, and because they were not able to bear up against the miseries that both the famine and their Enemies brought upon them, deserted their country, and went to the Macedonians. And now Bacchides gathered those Jews together who had apos- tatized from the accustomed way of living of their forefathers, and chose to live like their neighbours, and committed the care of the country to them ; who also caught the friends of Judas, and those of his party, aqd deli- vered them up to Bacchides, who, when he bad, in the first place, tortured and tor- mented them at his pleasure, he, by that means, at length killed them. And when this calamity of the Jews was become so great, as they had never had experience of the like since their return out of Babylon, those that remained of the companions of Judas, seeing that the nation was about to be destroyed after a miserable manner, came to bis brother Jonathan, and desired him that he would imitate his brother, and that care which he took of his countrymen, for whose liberty in general he died also; and that he would not permit the nation to be without a fovtroor, Mpedally in those destructivs cir> cumstances wherein it new was. And when Jonathan said that he was ready to die for them, and was indeed esteemed no way in- ferior to his brother, he was appointed to be the general of the Jewish army. 2. When Bacchides heard this, and wa» afraid that Jonathan might be very trouble- some to the king and the Macedonians, as Judas had been before him, he sought how he might slay him by treachery: but this inten- tion of his was not unknown to Jonathan, nor his brother Simon; but when these two were apprised of it, they took all their companions,^ and presently fled into that wilderness which was nearest to the city ; and when they were come to a lake called Asphar, they abode there. But when Bacchides was sensible that they were in a low state, and were in that place, he hasted to fall upon them with all his forces, and pitching his camp beyond Jor- dan, he recruited his army; but when Jona- than knew that Bacchides was coming upon- him, he sent his brother John, who was also called Gaddis, to the Nabatean Arabs, that he might lodge his baggage with them until the battle with Bacchides should be over, for they were the Jews' friends. And the sons of Ambri laid an ambush for John, from the city Medaba, and seized upon him, and upon those that were with him, and plundered alt that they had with them : they also slew John, and all his companions. However, they were sufficiently punished for what they now did by John's brethren, as we shall relate pre- sently. 3. But when Bacchides knew that Jona- than had pitched his camp among tiie lakes of Jordan, he observed when their Sabbath- day came, and then assaulted him, as supposing that he would not fight because of the law [for resting oa that day]: but he exhortefl his compaufens [to fight];. and told them, that their lives were at stake, sirce they were encompassed by the river, and Vy their ene- mies, and had no way to escape, for that their enemies pressed upon them before, and the river was Uebiud them. So, alter he bad CHAP. I. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 341 prayed to God to give them the victory, he joined battle with the enemy, of whom he overthrew many: and as he saw Baccbides coming up boldly to him, he stretched out his right hand to smite him; but the other fore- seeing and avoiding the stroke, Jonathan with his companions leaped into the river, and swam over it, »n6 by that means escaped be- yond Jordan, vvbile the enemy did not pass over that river; but Bacchides returned pre- sently to the citadel at Jerusalem, having lost about two thousand of his army. He also fortified many cities of Judea, whose walls had been demolished ; Jericho, and Emmaus, end Bethoron, and Bethel, and Timna, and Pharatho, and Tecoa, and Gazara, and built towers in every one of these cities, and en- compassed them with strong walls, that were very large also, and put garrisons into them, that they might issue out of them, and do mischief to the Jews. He also fortified the citadel at Jerusalem more than all the rest. Moreover, he took the sons of the principal Jew^as pledges, and shut them up in the oitadel, and in that manner guarded it. 4. About the same time, one came to Jo- nathan, and to his brother Simon, and told them that the sons of Ambri were celebrating a marriage, and bringing the bride from the city Gabatha, who was the daughter of one of the illustrious men among the Arabians, and that the damsel was to be conducted with pomp and splendour, and much riches; so Jonathan and Simon thinking this appeared to be the fittest time for them to avenge the death of their brother, and that they had forces sulhcieut for receivnig saiistaction from them for his death, tliey made haste to Aledaba, and lay in wait among the mountains for the com- ing of their enemies; and as soon as they saw them conducting the virgin and the bride- groom, and such a great company of their fiien'is with them as was to be expected at this wedding, they sallied out of their ambush and slew them ali, and took their ornaments, and all the prey that then followed them, and so returned and received this satisfaction for their brother John from the sons of Ambri; for as well these sons themselves as their friends, and wives, and children, that followed them, perished, being in number about four hundred. i 5. However, Simon and Jonathan returned to the lakes of the river, and abode there; but Bacchides, when he had secured all Judea with his garrisons, returned to the king; and teen it was that the affairs of Judea were quiet for two years; but when the deserters and the Wicked saw that Jonathan and tho«*e that were witli him lived in the country very quietly, by leabon cf the peace, they sent to king Deme- trius, and excited bun to send Bacchides to eeize upon Jonathan, which they said was tO: be done without any trouble, and in one! n%hi & tirne; and that it ibey fell upon them before they were aware, they might slay them all. So the king sent Bacchides, who. when he was come into Judea, wrote to all bis friends, both Jews and auxiliaries, that they should seize upon Jonathan and bring him to him; and when, upon all their endeavours, they were not able to seize upon Jonathan, for he was sensible of the snares they laid for him, and very carefully guarded against them, Bacchides was angry at these deserters, as- having imposed upon him, and upon the king, and slew fifty of their leaders; whereupon Jonathan with his brother, and those- that were with him, retired to Bethagla, a village that lay in the wilderness, out of his fear of Bacchides. He also built towers in it, and encompassed it with walls, and took care that it should be safely guarded. Upon the hear- ing of which Bacchides led his own army along with him, and besides took his Jewish auxiliaries, and came against Jonathan, and made an assault upon his fortifications, and besieged him many days, but Jonathan did not abate of his courage at the zeal Bacchides used in the siege, but courageously opposed him; and while he left his brother Simon in the city to fight with Bacchides, he went pri- vately out himself into the country, and got a great body of men together of his own party, and fell upon Bacchides's camp in the night- time, and destroyed a great many of them. His brother Simon knew. also of this his fall- ing upon them, because he perceived that the enemies were slain by him, so he sallied out upon them, and burnt the engines which the Alacedonians used, and made a great slaugh- ter of them ; and when Bacchides saw himself encompassed with enemies, and some of them before, and some behind him, he fell into de- spair and trouble of mind, as confounded at the unexpected ill success of this siege. However, be vented his displeasure at these misfortunes upon those deserters who sent for him from the king, as having deluded hinu So he had a mind to put an end to this siege after a decent manner, if it were t)Ossible for him so to do, and then to return home. 6. When Jonathan understood these his intentions, he sent ambassadors to him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance, and that they might restore those they had taken captive on both sides. So Bacchides thought this a pretty decent way of retiring home, and made a league of friendship with Jonathan, when they sware that they would not any more make war against one another. Accordingly, he restored the captives, and fook his own men with him, and returned to the king at Antioch; and after this his de- r)arture, he never came into Judea aga'n. Then did Jonathan take the opportunity of this quiet state of things, and went and lived in the city Alichmash; and there governed the roi'ltitude. and punished the wicked and 342 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. pooK xin. ungodly,*, and by that means purged the na- tion of them. * CHAPTER II. HOW ALEXANDER [BALa], IN HIS WAR WITH DEMETRIUS, GRANTED JONATHAN MANY ADVANTAGES, AND APPOINTED HIM TO BE HIGH-PRIEST, AND PERSUADED HIM TO AS- SIST HIM, ALTHOUGH DEMETRIUS PRO- MISED HIM GREATER ADVANTAGES ON THE OTHER SIDE. CONCERNING THE DEATH OF DEMETKIUS. § 1. Now in the hundred and sixtieth year, it fell out that Alexander, the son of Antio- hus Epiphanes,* came up into Sjria, and took Ptolemais, the soldiers having betrayed i to him, for they were at enmity with De- roetriiis, on account of his insolence and dif- ticulty of access: for he shut himself up in a palace of his that had four towers, which he had built himself not far from Antioch, and af^mitted no body. He was withal slothful ar d negligent about the public affairs, where- by the hatred of bis subjects was the more kindled against him, as we have elsewhere already related. When, therefore, Demetrius heard that Alexander was in Ptolemais, he Look his whole army and led it against him; he also sent ambassadors to Jonathan, about a league of mutual assistance and friendship, for he resolved to be beforehand with Alexander, lest the 6ther should treat with him first, and gain assistance from bim: and this he did out of the fear he bad lest Jonathan should remember how ill Demetrius had formerly treated him, and should join with him in this war against him. He therefore gave orders that Jonathan should be allowed to raise an army, and should get «rmour made, and should receive back those hostages of the Jewish nation whom Bacchi- des had shut up in the citadel of Jerusalem. When this good fortune had befallen Jona- than, by the concession of Demetrius, he catne to Jerusalem, and read the king's letter in the audience of the people, and of those that kept the citadel. When these were read, these wicked men and deserters, who were in the citadel, were greatly afraid, upon the king's permission to Jonathan to raise an army, and to receive back the hostages: so • f his Alexander Rala, who certainly pretended to ke thennn of Antiochus F-riphanes, and was owned fur iucU by I he Jews and Romans, and many others, and •ft IS by several historians deemed to be a countttiteit, and ol no family at all, is, however, by Josephiw, be- iieied to have been the real son of that Antior.hns, and o> him always spoken of accordioKly ; and truly, since »he ori hI contemporary and authentic author of the f;r»t Km, . of Macciibees (x. 1) calls bim by his father'.s Dame, i piphanes, and says he was the son of Antioclius. ' I suppose the other writers, who are all much later, are , lot to be followed against such evidence, though per- 1 t aps I pipbanes micht have him by a woman of no family I he king of Kaypt a so, rhilometor. soon „ave him bis ds'uirliter in marriaue, whirh he would hardly have done. Kid Le brlievrd him to he a counterfeit, and of to very neaQ birtl* as th# later historians pretend. he delivered every one of them to his own parents; and thus did Jonathan make his abode at Jerusalem, renewing the city to a better «tate, and reforming the buildings as he pleased; for he gave orders that the walls of the city should be rebuilt with square stones, that it might be more secure from their enemies; and when those that kept the garrisons that were in Judea saw this, they all left them, and fled to Antioch, exce[)tiTig those that were in the ci*^^v Bethsura, and those that were in the citadel of Jerusalem, for the greater part of these was of the wicked Jews and deserters, and on that account these did not deliver up their garrisons. 2. When Alexander knew what promises Demetrius had made Jonathan, and withal knew his courage, and what great things he had done when he fought the Macedonians, and besides what hardships he had undrrgoue by the means of Demetrius, and of B^tcchi- des, the general of Demetrius's army, b^ told his friends that he could not at present find any one else that might afford bim better as- sistance than Jonathan, who was both t^ura- geous against his enemies, and had a pa» ticu- lar hatred against Demetrius, as having both suffered many hard things from him, and acted many hard things against him. If, therefore, they were of opinion that they should make him their friend against Deme- trius, it was more for their advantage to in- vite him to assist them now than at another time. It being therefore determined by him and his friends to send to Jonathan, he wrote to him this epistle: — *' King Alexander tG his brother Jonathan, sendeth greeting. We have long ago heard of thy courage and thy fidelity, and for that reason have sent to tbee, to make with thee a league of friendship and mutual assistance. We therefore do ordain thee this day the high-priest of the Jews, and that thou beest called my friend. I have also sent thee, as presents, a purple robe and a golden crown, and desire that, now thou art by us honoured, thou wilt in like manner re- spect us also." 3. When Jonathan had received this letter, he put on the pontifical robe at the time e\ the feast of tabernacles,t four years after thn death of his brother Judas, for at that tiin» no high-priest had been made. So he raise* great forces, and had abundance of armoui got ready. This greatly grieved Demetriui when he heard of it, and made him blame himself for his slowness, that be had not pre- + Since Jonathan plainly did not put on the pontifical robes till seven or cijfht veara after the death of his bro. ther Judas or not till the Feast of 'rabernacles, in the It.Oot the Seleucida; (1 Maixab. X. 21), I'etitus's einen. dation seems here to deserve consideration, who, instead of "after four years since the death of his brother Ju- das," would have us read, " and therefore att< r eik(ht years since the death of liis brother Judut." This would tolerably well afjree with the date of the Maccahees, and with Jo.«ephus'8 own exact chronology at the end ol the tweniieih hook of these Antiquities, which the present text cannot be made to do. CHAP. III. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 343 vented Alexander, and got the good-will of Joiiatbaii, but had given him time so to do. However, he also himself wrote a letter to Jonathan, at>d to the people, the contents whereof are these: — "King Demetrius to Jo- nathan, and. to the nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. Since you have preserved your friendship for us, and when you have been tempted by our enemies, you have not joined yourselves to them; I Imth commend you for this your fidelity, and exhort you to continue in the same disposition; for which you shall be repaid, and receive rewards from us: for I will free you from the greatest part of the tributes and taxes which you formerly paid to the kings my predecessors, and to myself; and I do now set you free from those tributes which you have ever paid; and besides, I forgive you the tax upon salt, and the value of the crowns which you used to otTer to me:* end instead of the third part of the fruits [of the field], and the half of the fruits of the trees, I relinquish my part of them from this day: a'-.d as to the poll-money, which ought to be given me for every head of the inhabi- 1 tants of Judea, and of the three topnrchies ' that adjoin to Judea, Samaria, and Galilee, and Perea, that I relinquish to you for this time, and for all time to come. I will also, that the city of Jerusalem be holy and invio- lable, and free from the tithe, and from the taxes unto its utmost bounds: and I so far recede from my title to the citadel, as to per- mit Jonathan your bigh-priest to possess it, that he may place such a garrison in it as he approves of for fidelity and good-will to him- self, that they may keep it for us. I also make free all those Jews who have been made captives and slaves in my kingdom. I also give order that the beasts of the Jews be not pressed for our service : and let their Sab- baths, and all their festivals, and three days before each of them, be free from any impo- sition. In the same manner, I set free the Jews *hat are inhabitants in my kingdom, and c^der that no injury be done them. I also g've leave to such of them as are willing to list themselves in my army, that they may do it and those as far as thirty thousand; which Jewish soldiers, wheresoever they go, ehall have the same pay that my own army hutii; and some of them I will place in my garriw>ns, and some as guards about mine own body, and as rulers over those that are in mv court. I give them leave also to use the )<iws of their forefathers, and to observe then»; and I will that they have power over the three topaichies that are added to Judea; and it shall be in the pov/er of the high-priest to take care that no one Jew shall have any * Take Grotiiis's note here: "The Jews," says tte, *' wsrr wont to present crowns to the kings f of Syria] i afterwards that goM which was paid instead of those crown;*, or which was expended in making them, vras called the Crown-gold and Crowu-tax." On 1 Uacca.b. other temple for worship but only that at Je- rusalem. I bequeath also, out ot my own revenues, yearly, for the expenses about the sacrifices, one hundred and fifty thousand [drachmae]; and what money is to spare, I will that it shall be your own. I also release to you those ten thousand drachmae which the kings received from the temple, because they appertain to the priests that minister in that temple. And whosoever shall fly to the tem- ple at Jerusalem, or to the places thereto be- longing, or who owe the king money, or are there on any other account, let them be set free, and let their goods be in safety. I also give you leave to repair and rebuild your temple, and that all be done at my expenses. I also allow you to build the walls of your city, and to erect high towers, and that they be erected at my charge. And if there be any fortified town that would be convenient for the Jewish country to have very strong, let it be so built at my expenses." 4. This was what Demetrius promised and granted to the Jews, by this letter. But king Alexander raised a great army of mercenary soldiers, and of those that deserted to him out of Syria, and made an expedition against De- metrius. And when it was come to a battle, the left wing of Demetrius put those who op- posed them to flight, and pursued them a great way, and slew many of them, and spoil- ed their camp; but the right wing, where Demetrius happened to be, was beaten; and as for all the rest, they ran away. But De- metrius fought courageously, and slew a great many of the enemy; but as he was in pursuit of the rest, his horse carried him into a deep bog, where it was hard to get out, and there it happened, that upon his horse's falling down, he could not escape being killed; for wben his enemies saw what had befallen him, they returned back, and encompassed Deme- trius round, and they all threw their darts at him; but he, being now on foot, fought brave- ly. But at length he received so many wounds, that he was not able to bear up any longer, but fell. And this is the end that Demetriui came to when he had reigned eleven years,f as we have elsewhere related. CHAPTER III. THE FRIENDSHIP THAT WAS BETWEEN ONIAS AND PTOLEMY PHILOMETOR; AND HOV7 ONIAS BUILT A TEMPLE IN EGYPT LIKE TO THAT AT JERUSALEM. . i'j § 1. But then the son of Onias the high- priest, who was of the same name with his + Since the rest of the historians now extant give ihig Demetrius 13 years, and Josephiis only II years. Denn Pridcaiix does not amiss in ascribing to him the rofaMi numbur 12. 344 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIII. father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who was called Philometor, lived now at Alexan- dria, as we have said already. When this Onias saw that Judea was oppressed by the Macedonians and their kings, out of a desire to purchase to himself a memorial and eter- nal fame, he resolved to send to king Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of them that he might build a temple in Egypt like to that at Jerusalem, and might ordain Levites and priests out of their own stock. The chief reason why he was desirous so to do, was, that he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived above six hundred years before, and foretold that there certainly was to be a temple built to Almighty God in Egypt by a man that was a Jew. Onias was elevated with this predic- tion, and wrote the following epistle to Pto- lemy and Cleopatra: — "Having done many and great things for you in the aflairs of the war, by the assistance of God, and that in Celesyria and Phoenicia, I came at length with the Jews to Leontopolis, and to other places of your nation, where I found that the great- est part of your people had temples in an im- proper manner, and that on this account they bare ill will one against another, which hap- pens to the Egyptians by reason of the mul- titude of their temples, and the difference of opinions about divine worship. Now I found a very fit place in a castle that hath its name from the country Diana; this place is full of materials of several sorts, and replenished with sacred animals: I desire, therefore, that you will grant me leave to purge this holy place, which belongs to no master, and is fallen down, and to build there a temple to Almighty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions, that may be for the be- nefit of thyself and thy wife and children, that those Jews who dwell in Egypt may have a place whither they may come and meet toge- ther in mutual harmony one with another, and be subservient to thy advantages; for the pro- phet Isuiah foretold that 'there should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord God;'* and many other such things did he prophecy relating to that place.** * It seems to me, contrary te-tbe opinion of Josephus, and of the moderns, both Jews and Christians, that this prophecy of Isaiah, xix. 19, &c. •* In that day there shall \an altar to the Lord in the midst of the land of Egypt," I ^"rectly foretold the building of this temple of Unias in ^H,l<, l*d was a sufficient warrant to the Jews for building it, and for worshipping the true God, the Gud of Israel, therein. See A*Jtv»t. Rec. ii. p. 7.^ That God seems to have soon better k,»3w^d of the sacrifices and prayers here offered him than J|r"^ at Jerusalem ,- ^ee the note on ch. x. sect. 7. And tru». Ve marks of Jewish corruption or interpolation in this .. ' X in order to discourage their people from approving of th.. Worship of God here, are very strong, and highly deserve ox, con- sideration and correction. The foregoing verse in Isi>..i.h ruris thus in our common copies:— "In that day shall five cities in the land of Kgypt speak the language of Ca- naan" [the* Hebrew languacej shall f*f full of Jews, vhose sacred books were in Hebrew J, "an.l swear to the l.ord of Hosts. One [or the first] shall be called ' the Citjr of Destruction,'" Isa. xx. lb. A strange name, •* City of Dcstnictlon." «ipr)n so joyful an o«-casion ; and • naiDt Deter hiiard of in tlie land of Lffjpt. "^i perhaps 2. And this was what Onias wrote to king Ptolemy. Now any one may observe his piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleopatra, by that epistle which they wrote in answer to it; for they laid the blame and the trans- gression of the law upon the head of Onias. And this was their reply: — "King Ptolemy and queen Cleopatra to Onias, send greeting. We have read thy petition, wherein thou de- sirest leave to be given to thee to purge that temple which is fallen down at Leontopolis, in the Nomus of Heliopolis, and which is named from the country Bubastis; on which account we cannot but wonder that it should be pleasing to God to have a temple erected in a place so unclean, and so full of sacred animals. But since thou sayest that Isaiah the prophet foretold this long ago, we give thee leave to do it, if it may be done accord- ing to your law, and so that we may not ap- pear to have at all offended God herein." 3. So Onias took the place, and built a tem- ple and an altar to God, like indeed to that ir» Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I do not think it proper for me now to describe its di- mensions, or its vessels, which have been al- ready described in my seventh book of the Wars of the Jews. However, Onias found other Jews like to himself, together with priests and Levites, that there performed divine service. But we have said enough about this temple. 4. Now it came to pass that the Alexan- drian Jews, and those Samaritans who paid their worship to the temple that was built in the days of Alexander at Mount Gerizzim, did now make a sedition one against another, and disputed about their temples before Pto- lemy himself, the Jews saying that, according to the law of Moses, the temple was to be built at Jerusalem ; and the Samaritans say- ing that it was to be built at Gerizzim. They desired therefore the king to sit with his friends and hear the debates about these mat- ters, and punish those with death who wer© baffled. Now Sabbeus and Theodosius ma- naged the argument for the Samaritans, and in any other nation. The old reading was evidently 1h« City of the Sun, or Heliopolis; and Onkelos. in efli'Ct, and Symmachus, with the Arabic version, entirely con- fess that to he the true reading. The Septuagint also, although they have the text disguised in the v-ommon copies, and call it Asedek, the City of Righteousness; yet in two or three other copies, the Hebrew word itself for the Sun, Achares, or Thares, is preserved. And sine© Onias insists, with the king and queen, that Isaiah's pro- pliecy contained many other predictions relating to this place, besides the words recited, it is highly probable that these were especially meant by him; and that one main reason why he applied this prediction to liim!«»'It, and to his prefectnre of Heliopolis, which Dean Prideaux well proves was in that part of Egypt, and why hechose to build in that prefecture of Heliopolis, though other- wise an improper place, was this: 'I hat the same autho- rity that he had for building this t«nip!c in Egypt, the very same he had for huildrng it in his own pred i ture of Heliopolis akte; wnich he desired to do, i/mi) which he did accordingly. Uetui I'rideaux has muth ailo to avoid seeing this corruption of the Hebrew, but it being in support of his own opinion about this temple, he durst not st-e it: ami iinlnd he leasonf Inn- in the most inju. diciout niaiJiier puk.niiile. ^«e biut -M tL« year lISl CHAP. IV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 345 Andronicus, the son of Messalamus, for the people of Jerusalem ; and they took an oath by God and the king, to make their demon- strations according to the law; and they de- sired of Ptolemy, that whomsoever he should find that transgressed what they had sworn to, he would put him to death. Accordingly, the king took several of his friends into the council, and sat down, in order to hear what the pleaders said. Now the Jews that were at Alexandria were in great concern for these men, whose lot it was to contend for the temple at Jerusalem: for they took it very ill that any should take away the repu- tation of that temple, which was so ancient and so celebrated all over the habitable earth. Now when Sabbeus and Theodosius had given leave to Andronichus to speak first, he began to demonstrate out of the law, and out of the successions of the high-priests, how they every one in succession from his father had received that dignity, and ruled over the temple; and how all the kings of Asia had honoured that temple with their donations, and with the most splendid gifts dedicated thereto: but as for that at Gerizzim, he made no account of it, and regarded it as if it had never had a being. By this speech, and other arguments, Andronicus persuaded the king to determine that the temple at Jerusalem was built ac- cording to the laws of Moses,* and to put Sabbeus and Theodosius to death. And these were the events that befell the Jews at Alex- andria in the days of Ptolemy Philometor. CHAPTER IV.^ HOW ALEXANDER HONOURED JONATHAN AF- TER AN EXTRAORDINARY MANNER; AND HOW DEMETRIUS, THE SON OF DEMETRIUS, OVERCAME ALEXANDER, AND MADE A LEAGUE OF FRIENDSHIP WITH JONATHAN. § 1. Demetrius being thus slain in battle, as we have above related, Alexander took the kingdom of Syria; and wrote to Ptolemy Philometor, and desired his daughter in mar- • A very unfair disputation this." while the Jewish disputant, knowing that he could not properly prove out of the Pentateuch, that 'the place which the Lord their Ood sliall choose to place his name there,' so often referred to in the hook of Deuteronomy, was Jerusalem any more than Gerizzim. that being not determined till the day* of David (Antiq. b. vii. ch xiii. sect, 4j, proves onl>. what the Samaritans did not deny, that tlie temple at Jerusalem was much more ancienf, and much more celebrated and hououred. than thai at (Je- rizz'm; which was nothing to the prestnt purpose, the whole evidence, by the very oaihs of both parties, be- ing, we gee, obliged to be confined to the law of Moses, or to the I'entateuch alone. However, worldly policy and interest, and the multitude prevailing, the court gave sentence, as usual, on the stronger side, and poor Sabbeus and Theotlosius, the Samaritan disputants, mere martyred, and this, so far as appears, without any direct hearing at all: which is like the usual practice ol such political courts about matters of religion. Our copies say that the body of the Jews were in .1 ijreat con- cern about those men (in the plural) who were to dis- j pute for their temple at Jerusalem; whereas it seems I riage; and said it was but just that he should be joined in affinity to one that had now re- ceived the principality of his forefathers, and had been promoted to it by God's providence, and had conquered Demetrius, and that was on other accounts not unworthy of being re- lated to him. Ptolemy received this propo- sal of marriage gladly; pnd wrote him a? answer, saluting him on accotint of his hav-. ing received the principality of bis forefathers; and promising him that he would give him his daughter in marriage; and assured him that he was coming to meet him in Ptolemais, and desired that he would there meet him, for that he would accompany her from Egypt so far, and would there marry his child to him. When Ptolemy had written thus, he came sud- denly to Ptolemais, and brought his daughter Cleopatra along with him; and as he found Alexander there before him, as he desired him to come, he gave him his child in marriage, and for her portion gave her as much silver and gold as became such a king to give. 2. When the wedding was over, Alexander wrote to Jonathan the high-priest, and <!esired him to come to Ptolemais. So when he came to these kings, and had inade them magnificent presents, he was honoured by them both, Alex- ander compelled him also to put off his own garment, and to take a purple garment, and made him sit with him on his throne; and commanded his captains that they should go with him into the middle of the city, and pro- claim, that it was not peynitted to any one to speak against him, or to give him any distur- bance. And when the captains had thus done those that were prepared to accuse Jonathan, and who bore him ill-will, when they saw the honour that was done him by proclamation, and that by the king's order, ran away, and were afraid lest some mi>chief should befall them. Nay, king Alexander was so very kind to Jonathan, that he set him down as the principal of his friends. 3. IJut then, upon the hundred and sixty- fifth year, Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, came from Crete with a great number of mer- cenary soldiers, which Lasthenes, the Cretan, brought him and sailed to Cilicia. This thi^g cast Alexander into great concern and disorder when he heard it; so he made haste im- mediately out of Phoenicia and came to An- tioch, that he might put matters in a safe pos- ture there before Demetrius should come. He also left Apollonius Dausf governor ol here they bad but one disputant, Andronicus by name; perhaps more were prepared to speak on the Jews' side: but the first having answered to his name, and over- come the Samaritans, there was no necessity for any other defender of the Jerusalem temple. + Of the several Apullunii about these aees, see Dean I'rideaux at ihe year 148. This Apollonius Dans was, by his account, the son of that Apollonius who had been made governor of Celesyria and Pnuenicia by Selencas I'hilopater, ai.J was himself a confidant of his son De- metrius the father, and restored to Ins father's govern- ment U\ hi u. btit afterwards revolted from him to Alex- atidtT, but nut to Demetrius tbe 'ofi, as be supposes. 846 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIII. Celesyria, who, coming to Jamnia with a great army, sent to Jonathan, the high-priest, and told him that it was not right that he alone should live at rest, and with authority, and not he suhject to the king; that this thing had made him a reproach among all men, that he had not yet made him subject to the king. "Do not thou therefore deceive thyself, and sit still among the mountains, and pretend to have forces with thee; but if thou liast any dependence on thy strength, come down into the plain, and let our armies be compared together, and the event of the battle will demonstrate which of us is the most cou- rageous. However, take notice, that the most valiant men of every city are in my army, and that these are the very men who have always beaten thy progenitors ; hut let us have the battle in such a place of the country where we may fight with weapons, and not with stones, and where there may be no place whither those that are beaten may fly." 4. With this Jonathan was irritated; and choosing himself out ten thousand of his sol- diers, he went out of Jerusalem in haste, with his brother Simon, and came to Joppa, and pitched his camp on the outside of the city, because the people of Joppa had shut their gates against him, for they had a garrison in the city, put there by Apollonius. But when Jonathan was preparing to besiege them, they were afraid he would take them by force, and so they opened the gates to him. But Apol- lonius, when he he^d that Joppa was taken by Jonathan, took three thousand horsemen, and eight thousand footmen, and came to Ash- dod; and removing thence, he made his jour- ney silently and slowly, and going up to Jop- pa, he made as if he was retiring from the place, and so drew Jonathan into the plain, as valuing himself highly upon his horsemen, and having his hopes of victory principally in them. However, Jonathan sallied out, and pursued Apollonius to Ashdod; but as soon as Apollonius perceived that his enemy was in the plain, he came back and gave him bat- tle. But Apollonius had laid a thousand horsemen in ambush in a valley, that they might be seen by their enemies as behind them ; which when Jonathan perceived, he was under no consternation, but, ordering his army to stand in a square battle array, he gave them a charge to fall on the enemy on both sides, and set them to face those that attacked them both before and behind; and Nvhile the fight lasted till the evening, he gave pa't of his forces to his brother Simon, and ordered him to attack the enemies ; but for himself, he charged those that were with him to cover themselves with their armour, and receive the darts of the horsemen, who did as they were commanded; so that the enemy's borgcmen, while they threw their darts till Uiey had no more left, did them no liarin, for the darts that were thrown did nut enter into their bodies, being thrown upon the shields that were united and conjoined together, the closeness of which easily overcame the force of the darts, and they flew about without any effect. But when the enemy grew remiss in throwing their darts from morning till Itrte at night, Simon perceived their weariness, and fell upon the body of men before him; and because his soldiers showed great alacrity, he put the enemy to flight: and when the horse- men saw that the footmen ran away, neither did they stay themselves; but the) being very weary, by the duration of the fight till the evening, and their hope from the footmen be- ing quite gone, they basely ran away, and in great confusion also, till they were separated one from another, and scattered over all the plain. Upon which Jonathan pursued them as far as Ashdod, and slew a great many of them, and compelled the rest, in despair of escaping, to fly to the temple of Dagon, which was at Ashdod; but Jonathan took tha city on the first onset, and burnt it, and the vil- lages about it; nor did he abstain from the temple of Dagon itself, but burnt it also, and destroyed those that had fled to it. Now the entire multitude of the enemies that fell in the battle, and were consumed in the temple, were eight thousand. When Jonathan there- fore had overcome so great an army, he re- moved from Ashdod, and came to Askelon: and when he had pitched his camp without the city, the people of Askelon came out and met him, bringing him hospitable presents, and honouring him; so he accepted of their kind intentions, and returned thence to Jerusalem with a great deal of prey, which he brought thence when he conquered his enemies. But when Alexander heard that Apollonius, the general of his army, was beaten, he pretended to be glad of it, because he had fought with Jonathan his friend and ally against his direc- tions. Accordingly, he sent to Jonathan, and gave testimony to his worth; and gave him honorary rewards, as a golden button,* which it is the custom to give the king's kinsmnr., and allowed him Ekron and its toparchy lor his own inheritance. 5. About this time it was that king Ptole- my, who was called Philometor, led an army, part by sea and part by land, and came to Syria, to the assistance of Alexander, who was his son-in-law; and accordingly all the cities received him willingly, as Alexander had commanded them to do, and conducted him as far as Ashdod ; where they all made loud complaints about the temple of Dagon, which was burnt, and accused Jonathan of having laid it waste and destroyed the coun- try adjoining with fire, and shiin a great num- ber of them. Ptolemy heard these accusations * Dr. Hndron hrn^ observes, that the PliORnicianR and Romans used to reward such :m liad deserved well of tlicrii, l>y prescDting to tlietn a gulden button. See ch. v. wcU 4. CHAP. IV. ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS. 347 but said nothing. Jonathan also went to meet Ptolemy as far as Joppa, and ohtained from him hospitable presents, and those glori- ous in their kinds, with all the murks of hon- our; and when he had conducted him as far as the river called Eleutherus, he returned again to Jerusalem. 6. But as Ptolemy was at Ptolemais, he was very near to a most unexpected destruc- tion; for a treacherous design was laid for his life by Alexander, by the means of Am- monias, who was his friend : and as the treachery was very plain, Ptolemy wrote to Alexander, and required of him that he should bring Ammonius to condign punishment, in- iorming him what snares had been laid for him by Ammonius, and desired that he might be accordingly punished for it; but Avhen Alex- ander <lid not L-omply with his demands, he perceived that it was he himself who laid the design, and was very angry at him. Alexan- der had also formerly been on very ill terms with the people of Antioch, for they had suf- fered very much by his means; yet did Am- monius at length undergo the punishment his insolent crimes had deserved, for he was kil- led in an opprobrious maimer, like a wo- man, while he endeavoured to conceal him- self in a feminine habit, as we have elsewhere related. 7. Hereupon Ptolemy blamed himself for having given his daughter in marriage to Alexander, and for the league he had made wth hi(n to assist him against Demetrius; so he dissolved his relation to hun, and took his daughter away from him, and immediately sent to Demetrius, and offered to make a league of mutual assistance and friendship with him, and agreed with him to give him his daughter in marriage, and to restore him to the principality of his fathers. Demetrius was well pleased with this embassage, and ac- cepted of his assistance, and of the marriage of his daughter; but Ptolemy had still one more hard task to do, and that was to persuade the people of Antioch to receive Demetrius, because they were greatly displeased at him, on account of the injuries his father Demetrius' had done them; yet did he bring this about; for as the people of Antioch hated Alexander on Ammonius's account, as we have shown already, they were easily prevailed with to cast him out of Antioch; who, thus expelled out of Antioch, came into Cilicia. Ptolemy came then to Antioch, arid was made king by its inhabitants, and by the army: so that he was forced to put on two diadems, the one of Asin, the other of Egypt; but being na- tiirnl'v H poofi atifl a riehte(»us man, and not desirous of what belonged to others, and be- sides these dispositions, being also a wise man m reasoning about futurities, he determined to avoid the envy of the Romans; so he called' the people of Antioch together to an assembl\ , and persuaded them to receive Demetrius, and assured tbem that he would not be mind« ful of what they did to his father in case he should be now obliged by them; and he un- dertook that he would himself be a good monitor and governor to him; and promised that he would not permit him to attempt any bad actions; but that, for his own part, he was contented with the kingdom of Egypt. By which discourse he persuaded the people o Antioch to receive Demetrius. 8. But now Alexander made haste, with a numerous and great army, and came out of Cilicia into Syria, and burnt the country be- longing to Antioch, and pillaged it; where- upon Ptolemy, and his son-in-law Deme'rius, brought their army against him (for he had already given him his daughter in marriage), and beat Alexander, and put him to Hight; and accordingly he fled into Arabia. Now, it happened in the time of the battle that Pto- lemy's horse, upon hearing the noise of an ele- phant, cast him off 'his back, and threw him on the ground; upon the sight of which ac- cident his enemies fell upon him, and gave him many wounds upon his head, and brought him into danger of death, for when his guards caught him up, he was so very ill that for four days' time he was not able either to un- derstand or to §peak. However, Zabdiel, a prince among the Arabians, cut off Alexan- der's head and sent it to Ptolemy, who, re- covering of his wounds, and returning to his understanding on the fifth day, heard at once a most agreeable hearing, and saw a niost agreeable sight, which were the death and the head of Alexander; yet a little after this his joy for the death of Alexander, with which he was so greatly satisfied, he also departed this life. Now Alexander, who was called Balas, reigned over Asia five years, as we have else- where related. ,9. But when Demetrius, who was styled Nicator,* had taken the kingdom, he was so wicked as to treat Ptolemy's soldiers very hardly, neither remembering the league of mutual assistance that was between them, nor that he was his son-ir>-lavv and kinsman, by Cleopatra's marriage to him; so the soldiers fled from his wicked treatment to Alexan- dria; but Demetrius kept his elei»hants. But Jonathan the high-priest levied an army out of all Judea, and attacked the citadel at Jerusalem, and besieged it. It vvas held 'oy a garrison of Macedonians, and by some of those men who had deserted the customs of their forefathers. These men at first despised the attempts of Jonathan for taking the place, as depending on its strength ; but some of those wicked men went out by night, and came to Demetrius, and informed him that the citadel was beseiged; who was irritated • This name, Demetrius Nicator. or Oemetrins the conqueror, is so written on his coins still extant, aa Miifison anil Spanheim inform us; the hitter of whom i;ives ns here the entire inscription, " King Detuetrttu tlie Ood, Philadelphus, Nicator." 348 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK XIII, ^ith what be heard, and took his army, and came from Antioch against Jonathan. And when he was at Antioch, he wrote to him, and commanded him to come to him quickly to Ptolemais; upon which Jonathan did not intermit the siege of the citadel, but took with him the elders of the people, and the priests, and carried with him gold, and silver, and garments, and a great number of presents of friendship, and came to Demetrius, and presented him with them, and thereby paci- fied the king's anger. So he was honoured by him, and received from him the confirma- tion of bis high-priesthood, as he had possess- ed it by the grants of the kings his predeces- sors. And when the Jewish deserters accused him, Demetrius was so far from giving credit to them, that when he petitioned him that he would demand no more than three hundred talents for the tribute of all Judea, and the three toparchies of Samaria, and Perea, and Galilee, he complied with the proposal, and gave him a letter confirming those grants; the contents of which were as follows: — "King Demetrius to Jonathan his brother, and to the nation of the Jews, sendeth greet- ing. We have sent you a copy of that epistle which we have written to Lasthenes our kins- nxan, that you may know its contents — ' King Demetrius to Lasthenes our father, sendeth greeting. I have determined to re- turn thanks and to shoiv favour to the na- tion of the Jews, who hath observed the rules of justice in our concerns. Accordingly, I remit to them the three prefectures, Apheri- ma, and Lydda, and Ramatha, which have been added to Judea out of Samaria, with their appurtenances: as also what the kings my predecessors received from those that of- fered sacrilices in Jerusalem, and what are due from the fruits of the earth, and of the trees, and what else belongs to us ; with the salt-i)its, and the crowns that used to be pre- sented to us. Nor shall they be compelled to pay any of those taxes from this time to all futurity. Take care, therefore, that a copy of this epistle be taken and given to Jonathan, and be set up in an eminent place of their holy temple.*" And these were the contents of this writing. And now when Demetrius saw that there was peace everywhere, and that there was no danger nor fear of war, he dis- banded the greatest part of his army, and di- minished their pay, and even retained in pay no others thttn such foreigners as came up with him from Crete, and from the other islands. However, this procured him ill-will and ha- tred from the soldiers, on whom he bestowed nothing from this time, while the kings be- fore him used to pay them in time of peace, as they did before, that they might have their good- will, and that they might be very ready to undergo the dilKculties of war, if any occasion should require it. CHAPTER V. HOW TRYPHO, AFTER HE HAD BEATEN DEME^ TRIUS, DELIVEUEDTHE KINGDOM TO ANTIO^ CHUS.THESON OFALEXANDER, ANDGAINED JONATHAN FOR HIS ASSISTANT; AND CON- CERNING THE ACTIONS AND EMBASSIES OP JONATHAN. § 1. Now there was a certain commander of Alexander's forces, an Apamian by birth, whose name was Diodotus, and was also call- ed Trypho, took notice of the ill-will the sol- diers bare to Demetrius, and went to Mal- chus the Arabian, who brought up Antiochus, the son of Alexander, and tohl him what ill- will the army bare Demetrius, and persuaded him to give him Antiochus, because he would make him king, and recover to him the king- dom of his father. Malchus at first opposed him in this attempt, because he could not be- lieve him; but when Trypho lay hard at him for a long time, he over-persuaded him to comply with Trypho's intentions and entrea- ties. And this was the state Trypho was now in. 2. But Jonathan the high-priest, being de- sirous to get clear of those that were in the citadel of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish de- serters and wicked men, as well as those in all the garrisons in the country, sent presents and ambassadors to Demetrius, and entreated him to take away his soldiers out of the strong holds of Judea. Demetrius made an- swer, that after the war, which he was now deeply engaged in, was over he would not only grant him that, but greater things than that also; and he desired lie would send him some assistance; and informed him that his army had deserted him. So Jonathan chose out three thousand of his soldiers, and sent them to Demetrius. 3. Now the people of Antioch hated De- metrius, both on account of what mischief he had himself done them, and because they were his enemies also on account of hiis fathe. Demetrius who had greatly abused them ; so they watched some opportunity which they might lay hold on to fall upon him. And when they were informed of the assistance that was coming to Demetrius from Jonathan, and considered at the same time that he would raise a numerous army, unless they prevented him and seized upon him, they took their weapons immediately and encompassed his palace in the way of a siege, and seizing upon all the ways of getting out, they sought to subdue their king. And when he saw that the people of Antioch were become his bitter enemies, and that they were thus in arms, he took the mercenary soldiers which he had with him, and those Jews who were sent by Jonathan, and assaulted the Antiochiaiis; but CHAP. V. ANTIQUITIES Of 1 HE JEWS. 349 be was overpowered by tbem, for they were many ten thousands, and was beaten. But \\hen the Jews saw that the Antiochians were superior, they went up to the top of the pa- lace, and shot at them from thence ; and be- cause they were so remote from them by their height, that they suffered nothing on their side, but did great execution on the others, as fighting from such an elevation, they drove them out of the adjoining houses, and imme- diately set them on fire, whereupon the flame spread itself over the whole city, and burnt it all down. This happened by reason of the closeness of the houses, and because they were generally built of wood: so the Antio- chians, when they were not able to help them- selves, nor to stop the fire, were put to flight. And as the Je\* leaped from the top of oue house to the top of another, and pursued them after that maimer, it thence happened that the pursuit was very surprising. But when the king saw that the Antiochians were very busy in saving their children and their wives, and so did not fight any longer, he fell upon them in the narrow passages, and fought them, and slew a great number of them, till at last they were forced to throw down their arms, and to deliver themselves up to Demetrius. So he forgave them this their insolent behaviour, a>ul put an eiul to the sedition : and when he had given rewards to the Jews out of the rich spoils he had gotten, and had returned them thanks, as the cause of his victory, he sent them away to Jerusalem to Jonathan, with an ample testimony of the assistance they had afforded him. Yet did he prove an ill man to Jonathan afterward, and broke the promises he had made : and he threatened that he would make war upon him, unless he would pay all that tribute which the Jewish nation owed to the first kings [of Syria]. — And this he had done, if Trypho had not hin- dered him, and diverted his preparationsagainst Jonathan to a concern for his own preserva- tion; for he now returned out of Arabia into Syria, with the child Antiochus, for he was yet in age but a youth, and put the diadem on his head; and as the whole forces that had left Demetrius, because they had no pay, came to his assistance, he made war upon Deme- trius, and joining battle with him, overcame him in the fight, and took from hira both his elephants and the city of Antioch. 4. Demetrius, upon this defeat, retired in- to Cilicia; but the child Antiochus sent am- bassadors and an epistle to Jonathan, and made him his friend and confederate, and con- firmed to him the high-priesthood, and yielded up to him the four prefectures which had been added to Judea. Moreover, he sent him vessels and cups of gold, and a purple gar- ment, and gave him leave to use them. He also presented him with a golden button, and styled bim one of his principal friends; and appointed his brother Simon to be the general over the forces, from the Ladder of Tyre un- to Egypt. So Jonathan was so pleased with those grants made him by Antiochus, that he sent ambassadors to him and to Trypho, and professed himself to be their friend and con- federate, and said he would join with him in a war against Demetrius, informing him that he had made no proper returns for the kind- nesses he had done him; for that when be had received many marks of kindness from him, when he stood in great need of them, he, for such good turns, had rerjuited him with far- ther injuries. 5. So Antiochus gave Jonathan leave to raise himself a numerous army out of Syria and Phoenicia, and to make war against De- metrius's generals; whereupon he went in haste to the several cities, which received him splendidly indeed, but put no forces into bis hands. And when he was come from thence to Askelon, the inhabitants of Askelon came and brought him presents, and met him in a splendid nianncr. He exhorted them, and every one of the cities of Celesyria, to forsake Demetrius, and to join with Antiochus, and in assisting him, to endeavour to punish De- metrius for what offences he had been guilty of against themselves; and told them there were many reasons for that their procedure, if they had a mind so to do. And when he had persuaded those cities to promise their assistance to Antiochus, he came to Gaza, in order to induce them also to be friends to Antiochus; but he found the inhabitants of Gaza much more alienated from him than he expected, for they had shut their gates against him; and although they bad deserted Deme- trius, they had not resolved to join themselves to Antiochus. This provoked Jonathan to besiege them, and to harass their country; for as he set a part of his army round about Gaza itself, so with the rest he overran their land, and spoiled it, and burned what was in it. When the inhabitants of Gaza saw th« m- selves in this state of affliction, and that no assistance came to them from Demetrius, that what distressed them was at hand, but what should profit them was still at a great distance, and it was uncertain whether it would come at all or not, they thought it would be pru- dent conduct to leave off any longer continu- ance with him, and to cultivate friendship with the other; so they sent to Jonathan, and professed they would be his friends, and afford him assistance; for such is the temper of men, that before they have had the trial of great afflictions, they do not understand what is for their advantnge; but when they find them- selves under such afflictions, they then change their minds, and what it had been better for them to have done before they had been bt all damaged, they choose to do, but not till after they have suffered such damages. How- ever, he made a league of friendship v.ith tbem, and took from them hostages for their 350 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XTIL performance of it, and sent these hostages to Jerusalem, while he went himself over all the country, as far as Damascus. 6. But when he heard that the generals of Demetrius's forces were come to the city Ca- desh, wiih a numerous army (the place lies between the land of the Tyrians and Galilee), for they supposed they should hereby draw him out of Syri'*, in order to preserve Gali- lee, and that he would not overlook the Ga- lileans, who were his own people, when war was made upon them.- he went to meet them, having left Simon in Judea, who raised as great an army as he was able out of the coun- try, and then sat down before Bethsura, and besieged it, that being the strongest place in all Judea; and a garrison of Demetrius's kept it, as we have already related. But as Simon was raising banks, and bringing his engines of war against Bethsura, and was very earnest about the siege of it, the garrison was afraid lest the place should be taken .of Simon by force, and they put to the sword ; so they sent to Simon, and desired the security of his oath, that they should come to no harm from him, and that tbey would leave the place, and go away to Demetrius. Accordingly, he gave them his oath, and ejected them out of the city, and he put therein a garrison of his own. 7. But Jonathan removed out of Galilee, and from the waters which are called Gen- nesar, for there he was before encamped, and came into the plain that is called Asor, with- out knowing that the enemy was there. When therefore Demetrius's men knew a day before- hand that Jonathan was coming against them, they laid an ambush in the mountain, who were to assault him on the sudden, while they themselves met him with an army in the plidn; which army, when Jonathan saw ready to engage him, he also got ready his own sol- diers for the battle as well as he was able. But those that were laid in ambush by Deme- trius's generals being behind them, the Jews were afraid lest they should be caught in the midst between two bodies, and perish ; so they ran away in haste, and indeed all the rest left Jonathan, but a few, that were in number about fifty, who staid with him, and with them Mattathias, the son of Absalom, and Judas, the son of Chapseus, who were .commanders of the whole army. These marched boldly, and like men desperate, against tl e enemy, and so pushed them, that by their courage tbey daunted them, and with their weapons in their hands, they put them to flight. And when those soldiers of Jona- than that had retired, saw the enemy giving way, they got together after their flight, and pursued them with gi eat violence ; and this did they as far as Cadesh, where the camp of the enemy lay. 8. Jonathan having thus gotten a glorious victory, and Klain two thousan m the enemy, retur/'ed to Jerusalem, So when he saw that all his affairs prospered according to his mind, by the providence of God, he sent ambassa- dors to the Romans, being desirous of renew- ing that friendship which their nation had with them formerly. He enjoined the same ambas- sadors, that, as they came back, they should go to the Spartans and put then, in mind of their friendship and kindred. So when the am- bassadors came to Rome, they went in to their senate, and said what they were commanded by Jonathan their high-priest to say, how he had sent them to confirm their friendship. The senate then confirmed what had been formerly decreed concerning their friendship with the Jews, and gave them letters to carry to all the kings of Asia and Europe, and to the gover- nors of the cities, that theyjpight safely con- duct them to their own country. According- ly, as they returned, they came to Sparta, and delivered the epistle which they had received of Jonathan to them; a copy of which here follows: — "Jonathan the high-priest of the Jewish nation, and the senate, and body of the people of the Jews, to the ephori and se- nate, and body of the people of the Lacedo- jnonians, send greeting. If you be well, and both your public and private affairs be agree- able to your mind, it is according to our wishes. We are well also. When in former times an epistle was brought to Onias, who was then our high-priest, from Areus, who at that time was your king, by Demoteles, con- cerning the kindred that was between us and yon, a copy of which is here subjoined, we both joyfully received the epistle, and were well pleased with Demoteles and Areus, al- though we did not need such a demonstration, because we were well satisfied about it from the sacred writings,* yet did not we think fit first to begin the claim of this relation to you, lest we should seem too early in taking to our- selves the glory which is now given us by you. It is a long time since this relation of ours to you hath been renewed ; and when we, upon holy and festival days, offer sacrifices to God, we pray to him for your preservation and vic- tory. As to ourselves, although we have had many wars, that have compassed us around, by reason of the covetousness of our neighbours, yet did not we determine to be troublesome either to you or to others that were related to us; but since we have now overcome our ene- mies, and have occasion to send Numenius, the son of Antioch us, and A ntipater, the son of Ja- son, who are both honourable men belonging to our senate, to the Romans, we gave them this epistle to you also, that they might re- new that friendship which is between us • This clause is othrrwise rendered in the flr.it book of Maccabees, xli. 9: " For that we have the holy books of Scriptures in our hands to comfort us " The Hebrew oripfinal beinjf lost, we cannot certainly judge which was the truest version, only the coherence favours Jos«>phii>. Hut if this were the .lews' meaninz, that they were sati»> fifd out of their llible thai the Jews and Lacedemonian were of kin. that part of their Hihie ii now lo(t( for MV Hnd no luch assertion in our present copies. CHAP. V. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 351 You will therefore do well yourselves to write to us, and send us an account of what you stand in need of from us, since we are in all things disposed to act acconling to your de- sires. So the Lacedemonians received the ambassadors kindly, and made a decree for friendship and mutual assistance, and sent it to them. 9. At this time there were three sects among the Jews, who had different opinions concern- ing human actions; the one was called the sect of the Pharisees, another the sect of the Sadducees, and the other the sect of the Es- sens. Now for the Pharisees,* they say that some actions, but not all, are the work of fate, and some of them are in our own power, and that they are liable to fate, but are not caused by fate. But the sect of the Essens affirm, that fate governs all things, and that nothing befalls men but what is according to its deter- mination. And for the Sadducees, they take away fate, and say there is no such thing, and that the events of human affairs are not at its disposal; but they suppose that all our actions are in our own power, so tljat we are ourselves Ihe causes of what is good, and receive what is evil from our own folly. However, I have given a more exact account of these opinions in the second book of the Jewish War. 10. But now the generals of Demetrius, being willing to recover the defeat they had had, gathered a greater army together than tbey had before, and came against Jonathan; but as soon as he was informed of their com- ing, he went suddenly to meet them, to the country of Ilamath, for he resolved to give them no opportunity of coming into Judea; so he pitched his camp at fifty furlongs' dis- tance from the enemy, and sent out spies to take a view of their camp, and after what manner they were encamped. W^hen his spies had given him full information, and had seized upon some of them by night, who told him the enemy would soon attack him, he thus apprized beforehand, provided for his » Those that S'ippose Josephus to contradict himself in his three several accounts of th« notions of the Phari- sees, this here, and that earlier one, which is the largest. Of the ^\ar. b. ii. eh. i. sect, 14; and that later, Antiq.b. xviii.ch.i. sect. 3; as if he sometimes said they introduced an absolute f itality.and denied all freedom of human ac- tions, is almost wholly groundless; he ever, as the very learned Cass.iubon here truly observes, asserting thit tho Pharisf es Wf re between the Esst-ns and Sadducees, and did so far ascribe all to fate or Divine Providence as was consisft-nt with the freedom of human actions. However, their p' rplexed way of talking about fate or Providence, as ovei-ruling all things, made it commonly thought they were willing to excuse their sins by ascribing them to fate, as in the Apostolical Constitutions, b. vL ch. vi. — Perhaps, under the same general name some difference of opinions in this point might be propagated, as is very common in all parties, especially in points of metaphysi- cal suhtilty. However, our Josephus. who in his heart was a great admirer of the piety of the Essens, was yet in practice a Pharisee, as he himself informs us, in his own Life, sect. 2. And his account of this doctrine of the Pha- ri!««*s, is for certain agreeable to his own opinion, who b 'th allowed the freedom of human actions, and yet stiongly believed the powerful interposition of Divine Providence, -"^ee concerning this matter a retparkable sUuse, Antiq. b xviii.ch. xL sect. " ' security, and placed watchmen beyond hia camp, and kept all his forces armed all night; and he gave them a charge to be of good cou- rage, and to have their minds prepared to fight in the night-time, if they should be obliged so to do, lest their enemy's designs should seem concealed from them. But when Deme- trius's commanders were informed that Jona- than knew what they intended, their counsels were disordered, and it alarmed them to find that the enemy had discovered those their in- tentions ; nor did they expect to overcome them any other way, now they ha(i failed in the snares they had laid for them; for should they hazard an open battle, they did not think they should be a match for Jonathan's army, so they resolved to fly: and having lighted many fires, that when the enemy saw tliem they might suppose they were there still, they retired. But when Jonathan came to give them battle in the morning in their camp, and found it deserted, and understood they were fled, he pursued them; yet he could not over- take them, for they had already passed over the river Eleutherus, and were out of danger. So when Jonathan was returned thence, be went into Arabia, and fought against the Na- bateans, and drove away a great deal of their prey, and took [many] captives, and came to Damascus, and there sold off what he had taken. About the same time it was that Si- mon his brother went over all Judea and Pa- lestine, as far as Askelon, and fortified the strong holds: and when he had made them very strong, both in the edifices erected, and in the garrisons placed in them, he came to Joppa; and when he had taken it, he brought a great garrison into it, for he heard that the people of Joppa were disposed to deliver up the city to Demetrius's generals. U. When Simon and Jonathan had finish- ed these affairs, they returned to Jerusalem, where Jonathan gathered all the people toge- ther, and took counsel to restore the walls of Jerusalem, and to rebuild the wall that en- compassed the temple, which had been thrown down, and to make the places adjoining stronger, by very high towers; and besides that, to build another wall in the midst of the city, in order to exclude the market-place from the garrison, which was in the citadel, and by that means to hinder them from any plenty of provisions; and moreover, to make the fortresses that were in the country much stronger, and more defensible than they were before. And when these things were approv ed of by the multitude, as rightly proposed, Jonathan himself took care of the building { that belonged to the city, and sent Simon ' away to make the fortressesinthe country more secure than formerly. But Demetrius passed over [Euphrates], and came into Mesopota- mia, as desirous to retain that country still, as well as Babylon; and when he should have . obtained the dominion of the upper provinces. 352 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK XIIT to lay a foundation for recovering his entire kingdom; for these Greeks and Macedonians, who dwelt there, frequently sent ambassadors to him, and promised that if he would come to them, they would deliver themselves up to him, and assist him in fighting against Ar- saces,* the king of the Parthians. So he was elevated with these hopes, and came hastily to them, as having resolved that, if he had once overthrown the Parthians, and gotten an ar- my of his own, he would make war against Trypho, and eject him out of Syria; and the people of that country received him with great alacrity. So he raised forces, with which he fought against Arsaces, and lost all his army ; and was himself taken alive, as we have else- where related. CHAPTER VI. HOW JONATHAN WAS SLAIN BY TREACHERY;, AND HOW THEREUPON THE JEWS MADE SIMON THEIR GENERAL AND HIGH-PRIEST; WHAT COURAGEOUS ACTIONS HE ALSO PER- FORMED, ESPECIALLY AGAINST TRYPHO. § 1. Now when Trypho knew what had be- fallen Demetrius, he was no longer firm to Antiochus, but contrived by subtilty to kill him, and then take possession of his kingdom ; but the fear that he was in of Jonathan was an obstacle to this his design, for Jonathan was a friend to Antiochus, for which cause he resolved first to take Jonathan out of the way, and then to set about his desigu relating to Antiochus; but he, judging it best to take him off by deceit and treachery, came from Antiocb to Bethshan, which by the Greeks is called Scythopolis, at which place Jonathan met him with forty thousand chosen men, for he thought that he came to fight him; but when he perceived that Jonathan was ready to fight, he attempted to gain bun by presents and kind treatment, arul gave order to his captains to obey him, and by these means was desirous to give assurance of his good- will, and to take away all suspicions out of his mind, that so he might make him careless and inconsiderate, and might take him when he was unguarded. He also advised him to dismiss his army, because there was no occa- sion for bringing it with him, when there was no war, but all was in peace. However, he desired him to retain a few about him, and go with him to Ptolemais, for that he would deliver the city up to him, ai:d would bring • The kinif, who was of the famnus race of Arsaces, is both here and 1 Mac, xiv. 2. cnlled by the family-name ArsaceSi but Appian says hi:i proper name was I'hraates. He is here aIho called by Josephiio the kinj; of tlic Par- thians. a« the Creeks used to call them i but by the elder author of the First Marcabees. the king of the Persians •nd Medes. acrordipp to tht- laiu'iiape of the eastern na- tion*. See Autbent. Reo. part iL p. Ul'A. all the fortresses that were in the country un^ der his dominion; and he told him that he came with those very designs. 2. Yet did not Jonathan suspect any thing at all by this his management, but believed that Trypho gave this advice out of kindness, and with a sincere design. Accordingly, he dismissed his army, and retained no more i'han three thousand of them with him, and left two thousand in Galilee; and he him?elf, with one thousand, came with Trypho to Pto- lemais: but when the people of Ptolemais had shut their gates, as it had been com- manded by Trypho to do, he took Jonathan alive, and slew all that were with him. He also sent soldiers against those two thousand that were left in Galilee, in order to destroy them: but those men having heard the report of what had happened to Jonathan, they pre- vented the execution, and before those that were sent by Trypho came, they covered them- selves with their armour, and went away out of the country. Now when those that were sent against them saw that they were ready to fight for their lives, they gave them no dis- turbance, but returned back to Trypho. 3. But when the people of Jerusalem heard that Jonathan was taken, and that the soldiers who were with him were destroyed, they de- plored his sad fate ; and there was earnest in- quiry made about him by every body, and a great and just fear fell upon them, and made them sad, lest now they were deprived of the courage and conduct of Jonathan, the nations about them should bear them ill-will; and as they were before quiet on account of Jonathan, they should now rise up against them, and by making war with them, should force them into the utmost dangers. And indeed what they suspected really befell them; for when those nations heard of the death of Jonathan, thejr began to make war with the Jews as now des- titute of a governor; Trypho himself got an army together, and had an intention to go up to Judea, and make war against its inhabi- tants. But when Simon saw that the people of Jerusalem were terrified at the circum- stances they were in, he desired to make 8 speech to them, and thereby to render them more resolute in opposing Trypho when he should come against them. He then called the people together into the temple, and thence began thus to encourage them: — "O my countrymen, you are not ignorant that our father, myself, and my brethren, have ventured to hazard our lives, and that willingly, for the recovery of your liberty; since I have there- fore such plenty of examples before me, and we of our family have determined with our- selves to die for our laws and our divine wor- ship, there shall no terror be so great tis to banish this resolution from our souls, nor to introduce in its place a love of life antl« con- tempt of glory. Do you theiefore follow roe with alacrity whithersoever I shall lead y \ CHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 353 AS not destitute of such a captain as is willing to suffer, and to do the greatest things for you ; for neither am I better than my brethren that I should be sparing of my own life, nor so far worse than they as to avoid and refuse what they thought the most honourable of all things, — I mean, to undergo death for your laws, and for that worship of God which is peculiar to you; I will therefore give such proper de- monstrations as will show that I am their own brother; and I am so bold as to expect that I shall avenge their blood upon our enemies, and deliver you all, with your wives and children, from the injuries they intend against you, and, with God's assistance, to preserve your tem- ple from destruction by them; for I see that these nations have you in contempt, as being without a governor, aijd that they thence are encouraged to make war against you." 4. By this speech of Simon, he inspired th° multitude^s-with courage; and as they had be- fore been dispirited through fear, they were now raised to a good hope of better things, insomuch that the whole multitude of the peo- ple cried out all at once, that Simon should be leader; and that instead of Judas and Jona- than his brethren, he should have the govern- ment over them: and they promised that they would readily obey him in whatsoever he should command them. So he got together immediately all his own soldiers that were fit for war, and made haste in rebuilding the walls of the city, and strengthening them by very high and strong towers, and sent a friend of his, one Jonathan, the son of Absalom, to Joppa, and gave him order to eject the inhabi- tants out of the city, for he was afraid lest they should deliver up the city to Trypho; but he himself staid to secure Jerusalem. 5. But Trypho removed from Ptolemais with a great army, and came into Judea, and brought Jonathan with him in bonds. Simon ttlso met him with his army at the city Adida, .which is upon a hill, and beneath it lie the plains of Judea. And when Trypho knew that Simon was by the Jews made their gover- nor, he sent to him, and would have imposed upon him by deceit and treachery, and de sired, if he would have his brother Jonathan released, that he would send him an hundred talents of silver, and two of Jonathan's sons as hostages, that when he shall be released, he may not make Judea revolt from the king; for that at present he was kept in bonds on account of the money he had borrowed of the king, and now owed it to him. But Simon was aware of the craft of Trypho; and al- though he knew that if he gave him the mo- ney he should lose it, and that Trypho would not set his brother free, and withal should deliver the sons of Jonathan to the enemy, yet because he was afraid that he should have a calumny raised against him among the mul- titude as the cause of his brother's death, if he neitli-jr gave the money nor stnt Jona- than's sons, he gathered his army together, and told them what offers Trypho had made and added this, that the offers were ensnaring and treacherous, and yet that it was more eli- gible to send the money and Jonathan's sons, than to be liable to the imputation of not complying with Trypho's offers, and thereby refusing to save his brother. Accordingly, Simon sent the sons of Jonathan and the money; but when Trypho had received them he did not keep his promise, nor set Jonathan free, but took his army, and went about all the country, and resolved to go afterward to Jerusalem, by the way of Idumea, while Si- mon went over-against him with his army, and all along pitched his camp over-against his. 6. But when those that were in the citadel had sent to Trypho, and besought him to make haste and come to them, and to send them provisions, he prepared his cavalry as though he would be at Jerusalem that very night; but so great a quantity of snow fell in the night, that it covered the roads, and made them so deep that there was no passing, espe- cially for the cavalry. This hindered him from coming to Jerusalem; whereupon Try- pho removed thence, and came into Celesyria, and falling vehemently upon the land of Gi- lead, he slew Jonathan there; and when he had given order for his burial, he returned himself to Antioch. However, Simon sent some to the city Basca to bring away his bro- ther's bones, and buried them- in their own city Modin; and all the people made great lamentation over him. Simon also erected a very large monument for his father and his brethren of white and polished stone, and raised it a great height, and so as to be seen a long way off, and made cloisters about it, and set up pillars, which were of one stone a- piece a work it was wonderful- to see. Moreover he built seven pyramids also for his parents and brethren, one for each of them, which were made very surprising, both for their large ness and beauty, and which have been preserved to this day; and we know that it was Simon who bestowed so much zeal about the burial of Jonathan, and the building of these monu- ments for his relations. Now Jonathan died when he had been high- priest four years,* and had been also the governor of his nation. And these were the circumstances that con- cerned his death. • There is some error in the copies here, when no more than four years are ascribed to the high-priesthood of Jo^ nathan. We know by Josephus's last Jewish chronolojr^ Antiq. b. xx. ch. x that there was an interval of seven years between the death of Alcimiis, or Jacimus. the last hi^h-pricst, and the real high-priesthood of Jonathan, to whom yet those seven years seem here to l)e ascribed, as a part of them were to Judas before, Aiitiq. b. xii. ch. x. sect. 6. Now since, besides these scvrn years interreg- num in the pontificate, we are told. Antiq. b. xx. ch. x. that Jonathan's real high-prieslhood lasted seven years in.>.-f. these two seven years will make up fourteen year*| wliicti. 1 siipnose. was Jo«epIiu»'s own number in tbii place, idstetd of the tour in our present copies. 354 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIII. 7. But Simon, who was made high- priest by the multitude, on the very first year of his hurh-priesthood, set bis people free from their slavery under the Macedonians, and permit- tetl them to pay tribute to thftn no longer; which liberty and freedom from tribute they obtained, after a hundred and seventy years* of the kingdom of the Assyrians, which was aft^r Seleucus, who was called Nicator, got the dominion over Syria. Now the affection of the multitude towards Simon was so great, that in their contracts one with another, and in their public records, they wrote, "in the first year of Simon the benefactor and eth- narch of the Jews;" for under him they were very happy, and overcame the enemies that were round about them ; for Simon over- threw the city Gazara, and Joppa, and Jam- nia. He also took the citadel of Jerusalem by siege, and cast it down to the ground, that it might not be any more a place of refuge to their enemies when they took it, to do them a mischief, as it had been till now. And when he had done this, he thought it their best way, and most for their advantage, to level the very mountain itself upon which the citadel happened to stand, that so the temple might be higher than it. And, indeed, when he had called the multitude to an assembly, be persuaded them to have it so demolished, and this by putting them in mind what mise- ries they had suffered by its garrison and the Jewish deserters; and what miseries they might hereafter suffer in case any foreigner should obtain the kingdom, and put a garrison into that citadel. This speech induced the multitude to a compliance, b'^cause he exhorted them to do nothing but uaat was for. their own good: so they all set themselves to the work, and levelled the mountain, and in that work spent both day and night without inter- mission, which cost them three whole years before it was removed, and brought to an en- tire level with the plain of the rest of the city. After which the temple was the highest of all the buildings, now the citadel, as well as the mountain whereon it stood, were de- molished. And these actions were thus per- formed under Simon. * These one hiindre*! and seventy yenrs of the Assv'* rians mean no more, as Jospplins fxplaitvs liim self here, than from the sera of S«;le«cii8, which, as it is Itnown to h;iTc beuan on ihelMilh year before tl\e Christian ajra, from its »prinK in the first book of Maccabees, and from Jtsantnmn in the second book of Maccal)ees, so did it not begin at Bahvlon till the next sprini;. on the3IIth /ear. See I'rid. at tlie year 312. And it is truly observed by Dr. Hudson on this place, that the Syrians and As. ■yrians are sometimes confounded in ancient authors, according to the words of Justin, the epitomizer of Tro- Rus ForapeiuB, who says, mat " the Assyrians were after- wards called Syrians" U. I ch. xi. See of the War, b. T. ch. ix. sect. 4. where the Philistines themselves, at the rery south limit of Syria in its utmost extent, are called Anyrians by Josephus, aa Spanheim obaerv«a ' CHAPTER VII. HOW SIMON CONFEDERATED HIMSELF WITH ANTIOCHUS PIUS, AND MADE WAU AGAINST TRYPHO, AND, A LITTLE AFTERWAHDS, AGAINST CENDEBEUS, THE GENERAL OF AN- TIOCHUS'S ARMY; AS ALSO HOW SIMON WAS MURDERED BY HIS SON-IN-LAW, PTOLEMY, AND THAT BY TREACHERY. § 1. f Now a little while after Demetrius had been carried into captivity, Trypho his governor destroyed Antiochus,^ the son of Alexander, who was also called 77ie God,^ and this when he had reigned four years, though he gave it out that he died under the hands of the surgeons. He then sent his friends, and those that were most intimate with him, to the soldiers, and promised that he would give them a great deal of^^oney il they would make him king. He intimated to them that Demetrius was made a captive by the Parthians; and that Demetrius's bro- ther Antiochus, if he came to be king, would do them a great deal of mischief, in way ot revenge for revolting from his brother. So the soldiers, in expectation of the wealth they + It must here be diligently noted, that Josephns'i copy of the first book of Maccabees, which he has sa carefully followed, and faithfully abride;ed, as far as tha fiftieth verse of the thirteenth chapter, seems there to have ended. What few things there are afterwards com- mon to both, mii<tit probably be learned by him from some other more imperfect records. However, we must exactly observe here, what the remaininu part «,f that biok of the Maccabees informs us of, and what Jose- phus would never have omitted had his copy con'ained so much,- that this Simon the Great, the Macrabce, made a league with Antiochus Soter, the son of Deme- trius Soier, and brottier ol the other Demetrius, who was now a captive in I'arthia; that upon his coming lo the crown about the 140ih year before the Chri>tian ajia, he granted great privileges to the Jewish nation and to Simon their high-priest ;ind ethnarch: which privileges Simon seems to have taken of his own accord about three years before. In particular, he gave him leave to coin money for his country with his own stai.ip: and as concerning Jeiusalem and the sanctuary, that they .should be free, or, as the vulgar Latin hath it, " holy and fiee" (I Maccab. xv. 6, 7,) which 1 take to be the true reading, as being the very words of his father's cnnces- sion ofTered to Jonathan several years before: ch. x 31; and Aiitiq. b. xiii. ch. ii sect. 3. Now what makes this date and these grants greatly remarkalile. is the state of the remaining genuine shekels of the Jews with Samari- tan characters, which seem to have been (most of them at least) coined in the first four years of this Simon, the Asamonean, and having upon them these words on one side, "Jerusalem the Holy;" and on the reverse, "In the Year of Fieedom," I. or "2, or 3, or 4; which shekels, therefore, are original monuments of these times, and undeniable marks of the trtith of the history in these chapters, though it be in great measure omitted by Jose- phus. See Kssay on the <Md Test. p. 167. I.-JK The reason why I rather suppose that his copy of the Marra- bees wanted these chapters, than that his own copies are here imperlect is this: That all their contents are not here omitted, though much the greater part be. % How Trypho killed this Antiochtis. the epitome of I.ivy informs us, chapter &». viz. that he corrut)ted his physicians or surgeons, who. falsely pretending to the people that he was perishing with the stone, as they cut him for it, killed him; which exactly agrees with J ©se- ll That thl« Antiochus, the son of Alexander Balii-S was called "the G<m1." is evident from his coins, whicfl I Spanheim assures ns bear this inscription: ** King AlV tiocbut the God; Epiphaues I'.ie Virtorioui." CHAP. VII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 355 should get by bestowing the kingdom upon Trypho, made bim their ruler. However, when Trypho had gained the management of affairs, he demonstrated bis disposition to be wicked; for while he was a private person, he cultivated a familiarity with the multitude, and pretended to great moderation, and so drew them on artfully to whatsoever he pleas- ed; but when he had once taken the king- dom, he laid aside any farther dissimulation, and was the true Trypho; which behaviour made his enemies superior to him ; for the soldiers hated bim, and revolted from him to Cleopatra, the wife of Demetrius, who was then shut up in Seleucia with her children ; but as Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius who was called Soter, was not admitted by any of the cities, on account of Trypho, Cleo- patra sent to him, and invited him to marry her, and to take the kingdom. The reasons why she made this invitation were these: That her friends persuaded her to it, and that she was afraid for herself, in case some of the people of Seleucia should deliver up the city to Trypho. 2. As Antiochus was now come to Seleu- cia, and his forces increased every day, he marched to fight Trypho; and having beaten him in the battle, he ejected him out of the Upper Syria into Phoenicia, and pursued him thither, and besieged him in Dora, which was a fortress hard to be taken, whither he had fled. He also sent ambassadors to Simon the Jewish high-priest, about a league of friend- ship and mutual assistance; who readily ac- cepted of the invitation, and sent to Antio- chus great sums of money and provisions for those that besieged Dora, and thereby sup- plied them very plentifully, so that for a little while he vvas looked upon as one of his most intimate friends; but still Trypho fled from Dora to Apamia, where he was taken during the siege, and put to death, when be had reigned three years. 3. However, Antiochus forgot the kind assistance that Simon had afforded him in his necessity, by reason of his covetous and wicked disposition, and committed an army of soldiers to his friend Cendebeus, and sent him at 0!»ce to ravage Judea, and to seize Simon. When Simon heard of Antiochus's breaking his league with him, although he were now in years, yet, provoked with the unjust treat- ment he had met with from Antiochus, and taking a resolution brisker than his age could well bear, he went like a young man to act ig general of his army. He also sent his sons before among the most hardy of his soldiers, and he himself marched on with his army another way, and laid many of his men in ambushes in the narrow valleys between the mountains; nor did he fail of success in any one of his attempts, but was too hard for ms enemies in every one of them. So he led the rest of his life in peace, ami did also himself make a league with the Ro- mans. 4. Now he was ruler of the Jews in all eight years; but at a feast came to his end. It was caused by the treachery of his son-in- law Ptolemy, who caught also his wife, and two of his sons, and kept them in bonds. Ho also sent some to kill John the third son, whose name was Hyrcanus: but the young man perceiving them coming, he avoided the danger he was in from them,* and made haste into the city [Jerusalem], as relying on the good-will of the multitude, because of the benefits they had received from his father, and because of the hatred the same multitude bare to Ptolemy; so that when Ptolemy was en- deavouring to enter the city by another gate, they drove him away, as having already ad- mitted Hyrcanus. CHAPTER VIIL HYRCANUS RECEIVES THE HIGH-PRIESTHOOD, AND EJECTS PTOLWMY OUT OF THE COUN- TRY. ANTIOCHUS MAKES WAR AGAINST HYRCANUS, AND AFTERWARDS MAKES A LEAGUE WITH HIM. 5 1. So Ptolemy retired to one of the for- tresses that was above Jericho, which was called Dagon. Hut Hyrcanus having taken the high-priesthood that had been his father's be- fore, and in the first place propitiated God by sacrifices, he then made an expedition against Ptolemy; and when he made his attacks upon the place^n other points he was too hard for him, btft was rendered weaker than he, by the commiseration he had for his mo- ther and his brethren, and by that only; for I tolemy brought them upon the vvall, and tormented them in the sight of all, and threa- tened that he would throw them down head- long, unless Hyrcanus would leave off the siepe; and as he thought that, so far as he relaxed to the siege and taking of the place, so much favour did he show to those that were dearest to him by preventing their misery, his zeal about it was cooled. However, his mo- ther spread out her hands, and begged of him that he would not grow remiss on her account, but indulge his indignation so much the more, and that he would do his utmost to take the place quickly, in order to get their enemy un- der his power, and then to avenge upon him * Here Josephus begins to follow and to abridge tlj* next sacred Hebrew book, styled in the end of thf first book of Maccabees, "The Chronicle of John [Hyrca- nus's] High-priesthood ;" but in some of the Greek copies, •• the fourth book of Maccabees." A Gieek version of this chronicle was extant not very long ago, in the dayi ofSantes Pagniniisand SixtusSenensis.at Lyons, though it se^-ms to have been there burnt, and to be utterly lost. See Sixtus ^enensi.-^'s account of it, of its many Hebra« isms, end its .igrpement with Josephus's abri<Jgm«at, in. the Authtnt Rec. partL pp. 206—208. 85d Al^TIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIII, what he had doT\e to those that were dearest to himself; for that death would be to her sweet, though with torment, if that enemy of theirs might but be brought to punishment for his wicked dealings to them. Now when his mother said so, be resolved to take the for- tress immediately ; but when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces, his courage failed him, and he could not but sympathize with what his mother suffered, and was thereby overcome; and as the siege was drawn out into length by this means, that year on which the Jews use to rest, came on ; for the Jews observe this rest every seventh year, as they do every se- venth day; so that Ptolemy being for this cause released from the war," he slew the brethren of Hyrcanus and his mother: and when he had so done, he fled to Zeno, who was called Cotylas, w ho was then the tyrant of the city Philadelphia. 2. But Antiochus, being very uneasy at the miseries that Simon had brought upon him, he invaded Judea in the fourth year of his reign, and the first year of the principality of Hyrcanus, in the hundred and sixty-second Olympiad.! And wheir he had burnt the country, he shut up Hyrcanus in the city, which he encompassed round with seven encampments; but did nothing at the first, because of the strength of the walls, and be- cause of the valour of the besieged, although they were once in want of water, which yet they were delivered from by a large shower of rain, which fell at the setting of the Pleia- des. J However, about the north part of the wall, where it happened the city was upon a level with the outward ground, the king raised a hundred towers of three stories high, and placed bodies of soldiers upon them ', and as he made his attacks every day, he cut a double ditch, deep and broad, and confined the inha- ♦ Hence we learn, that in the days of this excel- lent high-pricBt, John Hyrcanus, the ohservation of the Sahbalic Year, as Josephus supposed, required a rest from war, as did that of the weekly Sabbath from work; I mean this, unless in the case of necessity, when the Jews were attacked by their enemies, in which case, in- deed, and in which alone, they then allowed defensive fighting to be lawful even on the Sabbath-day, as we see in several places of Josephus, Antiq. b. xii. ch. vi. sect. 2; b. xiiL ch. i. sect 3; Of the War, b. i. ch. vii. sect, 3. But then it must be noted, that this rest from war no way appears in the first book of Maccabees (ch. xvi.), but the direct contrary; though indeed the Jews, in the days of Antiochus hpiphanes, did not venture upon fighting on the Sabbath-day, even in the defence of their own lives, till the Asamoneans or Maccabees decreed so to do, 1 Mac. ii. 32—41 ; Antiq b. xii. ch. vi. sect. 2. + Jos«-phu8'8 copies, both Greek and I.atin, have here a pross mistake, when they say that this first year of John Hyrcanus, which we have just now seen to have been a Sabbatic Year, was in the IG2d Olympiad, where- as it was for certain the second year of the Iblst See the like before, b. xii. ch. vii. sect. 6. t This heliacal settinj; of the IMfiades, or seven stars, was. in the days of Hyrcanus and Josephus, early in the spring, about February, the time of the latter rain in Judea: and this, so far as I remember, is the only as- tronomical character of time, besides one eclipse of the moon in the reipcu of Herod, that we meet with in all Josephus: the Jews beint{ little accustomed to astrono- mical obRervations. any farther than for the use of their kalendar; and utterly forbidden those astrological uses vhich the hiAlheus C0mmonly made Af th«m. bitants within it ns within a wall ; but the besieged contrived to make frequent sallies out; and if the enemy were not any where upon their guard, they fell upon them, an did them a great deal of mischief; and if they perceived them, they then retired into the city v\ith ease. But because Hyrcanus disoeiiied the inconvenience of so great a lumiber of men in the city, while the provisions w ere the sooner spent by them, and yet, as is natural to suppose, those great numbers did nothing, he separated the useless part, and excluded thera out of the city, and retained that part only who were in the flower of their age, and fit for war. However, Antiochus would not let those that were excluded go away; who, there- fore, w^andering about between the walls, and consuming away by famine, died miserably; but when the feast of tabernacles was at hand, those that were within commiserated their condition, and received them in again. And vshen Hyrcanus sent to Antiochus, and de- sired there might be a truce -for seven days, because of the festival, he gave way to his piety towards God, and made that truce ac- cordingly; and besides that, he sent in a magnificent sacrifice, bulls with their horns gilded, I with all sorts of sweet spices, and with cups of gold and silver. So those that were at the gates received the sacrifices from those that brought them and led them to the temple, Antiochus the meanwhile feasting his army, which was a quite diflferent conduct from Antiochus Epiphanes, who, when he had taken the city, offered swine upon the altar, and sprinkled the temple with the broth of their flesh, in order to violate the laws of the Jews, and the religion they derived from their fore- fathers; for which reason our nation made war with him, and would never be reconciled to him; but for this Antiochus, all men called him Antiochus the Pious, for the great zeal he had about religion. 3. Accordingly, Hyrcanus took this mode- ration of his kindly; and when he imderstood how religious he was towards the Deity, he sent an embassage to him, and desired that he would restore the settlements they received from their forefathers. So he rejected the counsel of those that would have him utterly destroy the nation § by reason of their way of living, which was to others unsociable, a^id did not regard what they said. But being persuaded that all they did was out of a reli- gious mind, he answered the ambassadors, that if the besieged would deliver up their arms, and pay tribute for Joppa, and the other cities which bordered upon Judea, and II Dr. Hudson tells us here, that this custom of gildings the horns of those oxen ihut were to be sacrificed, is a known thing both in thf ports and orators. { This account in Jo.sephus. that the present Antio> chus was persuaded, thnngh in vain, not to make (%ic« with thr Jrws. hut to nit them off utterly, is fully con- firmed by Diodorus .Sic.ulus, in Fbotius't evtrnctf out of bis 34th U«Mik. CHAP. IX. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 367 admit a garnson of his, on these terms he would make war against them no longer. But the Jews, although they were cwitent with the other conditions, did not agree to admit the garrison, because they could not associate with other people, nor converse with them; yet were they willing, instead of the admission of the garrison, to give him hos- tages, and five hundred talents of silver; of which they paid down three hundred, and sent the hostJiges immediately, which king Antiochus accepted. One of those hostages was Hyrcanus's brother. But still he broke ^own the fortifications that ericompassed the city. And upon these conditions Antiochus broke up the siege, and departed. 4. But Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of David, who excelled all other kings in riches, and took out of it three thousand talents. He was also the first of the Jews that, relying on this wealth, maintained foreign troops. There was also a league of friendship and mutual assistance made between them ; upon which Hyrcanus admitted him into the city, and furnished him with whatsoever his army want- ed in great plenty, and with great generosity, and marched along with him when he made an expedition against the Parthians, of which Nicolaus of Damascus is a witness for us; who in his history writes thus: — "When Antiochus had erected a trophy at the river Lycus, upon his conqjiest of Indates, the ge- neral of the Parthians, he staid there two days. It was at the desire of Hyrcanus the Jew, be- cause it was such a festival derived to them from their forefathers, whereon the law of the Jevvs did not allow them to travel." And truly he did not speak falsely in saying so ; for that festival which we call Pentecost, did then fall out to be the next day to the Sab- bath : nor is it lawful for us to journey, either on the Sabbath-day, or on a festival day.* But when Antiochus joined battle with Ar- saces, the king of Parthia, he lost a great part of his army, and was himself slain; and his brother Demetrius succeeded in the kingdom of Syria, by the permission of Arsaces, who freed him from his captivity at the same time that Antiochus attacked Parthia, as we have formerly related elsewhere. • The Jews were not to march or journey on the Sab- bath, or on such a great festival as was equivalent to the Sabbath, any farther than a Sabbath-day's journey, or two thousand cubits. See the note on Antiq. b. xx. ch. Tiii.sect.6. CHAPTER IX. HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OF ANTIOCHUS, HYE- CANUS MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST SY- RIA, AND MADE A LEAGUE WITH THE RO- MANS. CONCERNING THE DEATH OF KING DEMETRIUS AND ALEXANDER. § 1. B'JT when Hyrcanus beard of the death o( Aritiuchus, he presently made an expedi- tion against the cities of Syria, hoping to find them destitute of fighting men, and of such as were able to defend them. However, it was not till the sixth month that he took Medaba, and that not without the greatest distress of his army. After this he took Sannega, and the neigh- bouring places; and, besides these, Shechem and Gerizzim, and the nation of the Cutheans, who dwelt at the temple which resembled that tem- ple which was at Jerusalem, and which Alexan- der permitted Sanballat, the general of his army, to build for the sake of Manasseh, who was son- in-lavr to Jadua the high-priest, as we have formerly related; which temple was now de- serted two hundred years after it was built. Hyrcanus took also Dora and Marissa, cities of Idumea, and subdued all the Idumeans; and permitted them to stay in that country, if they would circumcise their genitals, and make use of the laws of the Jews; and they were so desirous of living in the country of their forefathers, that they submitted to the use of circumcision,! and the rest of the Jewish ways of living; at which time there- fore this befel them, that they were hereafter no other than Jews. 2. But Hyrcanus the high-priest was de- sirous to renew the league of friendship they + This account of the Idumeans admitting circumci- sion, and the entire Jewish law, from this time, or from the days, of Hyrcanus, is confirmed by their entire Jiistory afterwards. See Antiq. b. xir. ch, viii. sect. 1; b. xv, ch. vii. sect. 9. Of the War, b. ii. ch. iii. sect. 1; b. iv.ch. iv. sect. 5. This, in the opinion of Josephus, made them proselytes of justice, or entire Jews, as here and else- where, Antiq. b. xiv. ch. viii sect. 1. However, Antigo- nus, the enemy of Herod, though Herod were derived from such a proselyte of justice for several generations, will allow him to be no more than a half Jew, b. xv. ch. XV. sect. 2. But still, take out of Dean Prideaux, at the year 129, the words of Ammonius, a grammarian, which fully confirm this account of the Idumeans, in Josephus; "The Jews," says he, "are such by nature, and from the beginning, whilst the Idumeans were not Jews from thebeginninir, but Phoenicians and Syrians; but being afterwards subdued by the Jews and compelled to be cir- cumcised, and to unite into one nation, and be subject to the same laws, they were called Jews." Uio also says, as the Dean there quotes him, from book xxxvi p. 37, " That country is also called Judea, and the people Jews ; and this name is given also to as many others as embrace their religion, though of other nations.** But then upon what foundation so good a governor as Hyrcanus to«k upon him to compel those Idumeans cither to become Jewi or to leave the country, deserves great considera- tion. I suppose it was because they had lonj^ ago been driven out of the land of Edom, and had seized on and possessed the tribe of Simeon, and all the southern part of the tribe of Judah, which was the peculiar inheritance of the worshippers of the true God without idolatry, as the reader may learn from Reland, Palestine, part L fi. 154. .305, and from Prideaux, at the yaart 140 aod 66. 368 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIII hsd with the Boxnans: accordingly he sent au fnibassage to them; and when the senate hrtU received their epistle, they made a league ,;f *'riendship with them, after the manner fol- W»*ing: — "Fanms, the son of Marcus, the prastor. gathered the senate together on the iMifhth day before the Ides of February, in the -eitHte-bouse, when Lucius Manilas, the son t Lucius, of the Mentine tribe, and Caius ^elnpro^lius, the son of Caius, of the Falernian ibe, were present. The occasion was, that lie amba&sadors sent by the people of the Jews,* Simon, the son of Dositheus, and Apollonius, the son of Alexander, and Dio- clorus, the son of Jason, who were good and vii ; uous men, had somewhat to propose about l^Ht league of friendship atid mutual assistance which subsisted between them and the Ro- mans, and about other public aifairs, who de- sired that Joppa, and the havens, and Gazara, and the springs [of Jordan], and the several other cities and countries of theirs, which Antiochus had taken from them in the war, contrary to the decree of the senate, might be restored to them; and that it might not be lawful for the king's troops to pass through their country, and the countries of those that ■ire subject to them: and that what attempts Antiochus had made during that war with- out the decree of the senate,, might be made void: and that they would send ambassadors, who should take care that restitution be made tliem of what Antiochus had taken from them, ajid that they should make an estimate of the ct>untry that had been laid waste in the war : and that they would grant them letters of protection to the kings and free people, in order to their quiet return home. It was therefore decreed as to these points, to renew their league of friendship and mutual assist- ance with these good men, and who were sent by a good and a friendly people." — But as to the letters desired, their answer was, that the senate would consult about that m'atter when their own affairs would give them leave, and that they would endeavour for the time to roine, that no like injury should be done ibem: and that their praetor, Fanius, should .?ive them money out of the public treasury *') bear their expenses home. And thus did •'Hiiius dismiss the Jewish ambassadors, and ve them money out of the public treasury; . (I Kave the decree of the senate to those that »>ie to conduct them, and to take care that lipy should return home in safety. :3. And thus stood the affairs of Hyrcanus •ne high-priest. But as for king Demetrius, vlio had a mind to make war against Hyrca- IU8, there was no opportunity nor room for it, while both the Syrians and the soldiers jare ill-will to him, because he was an ill •nan. But when they had sent ambassadors • In thin ifcrrt of the Roman •enate, It nrrmn that lOeie aibbassadors were tent from the •' people of th» J«w<, " M w«l] aa ffMB th«ir prince or bigh-prie»t Johu. to Ptolemy, who was called Physcon, that he would send them one of the family of Seleu- cus, in order to take the kingdom, and he sent them Alexander, who was called Zebina, with an army, and there had been a battle between them, Demetrius was beaten in the fight, and tied to Cleopatra his wite. t<t Pt». lemais; but his wife would not receive bun. He went thence to Tyre, and was there caught; and when he had suffererl much irora his enemies before his death, he whs sh»iii by them. So Alexander took the kingdDm, and made a league with Hyrcrinr.s. Yet, when he afterward fought with Antiwchus the son of Demetrius, who vvms called (Jr_\pus, he was alto beaten in the fight, and slaiiu CHAPTER X. HOW, UPON THE QUARREL BETWEEN ANTIO-* CHUS GRYPUS AND ANTIOCHUS CYZICENUS, ABOUT THE KINGDOM, HYRCANUSTOOK SA- MARIA, AND UTTERLY DEMOLISHED IT; ANP HOW HYRCANUS JOINED HIMSELF TO THE SECT OF THE SADDUCEES, AND LEFT THAI OF THE PHARISEES. § 1. When Antiochus had taken the kingdonu, he was afraid to make war against Judea, be- cause he heard that his brother by the same mother, who was called Antiochus, was raising an army against him out of Cyzicum; so he staid in his own land, and resolved to prepare himself for the attack he expected from his brother who was called Cyzicenus, because he had been brought up in that city. He was the son of Antiochus that was called Soter, who died in Parthia. He was the brother of Demetrius, the fi-ther of Grypus; for it had so happened, that one and the same Cleopatra was married to two who were brethren, as we have related elsewhere. But Antiochus Cy- zicenus coining into Syria, continued many years at war with his brother. Now Hyr- canus lived all this while in peace; for after the death of Antiochus, he revolted from the Macedonians, f nor did he any longer pay them the least regard, either as their subject or their friend, but his affairs were in a very improv- ing and flourishing condition in the times ot Alexander Zebina, and especially under these brethren, for the war which they had with one another gave Hyrcanus the opportunity ot erjoying himself in Judea quietly, insomuch that he got an immense quantity of money. However, when Antiochus Cyzicenus distress sed his land, he then openly showed what he meant. And when he saw that Antiochus + Dean Prideaux takes notice at the year 130, that Justin, in an agreement with Josephus, 8;i\», '*'lh« power of the Jews was now thrown so ereat, that aftef this Antiochus. they would not bear any Mac>-<|(,i)iitn kinrf ovf-r tlif-m; and that thev «et up a vov..r! mcQ g. llu-ir own, and infeatad Syn» w*th (jreat waib.** CHAP. X. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 359 ^^■as destitute of Egyptian auxiliaries, and that both be and his brother were in an ill condi- tion in the struggles they had one with an- other, he despised them both. 2. So he made an expedition against Sa- maria, which was a very strong city; of whose present name Sebaste, and its rebuilding by Herod, we shall speak at a proper time ; but he made his attack against it, and besieged it with a great deal of pains; for he was greatly displeased with the Samaritans for the in- juries they had done to the people of Marissa, a colony of the Jews, and confederate with them, and this in compliance to the kings of Syria. When he had therefore drawn a ditch, and built a double wall round the city, which was fourscore furlongs long, he set his sons Antigonus and Aristobulus over the siege; which brought the Samaritans to that great distress by famine, that they were forced to eat what used not to be eaten, and to call for Antiochus Cyzicenus to help them, who came readily to their assistance, but was beaten by Aristobulus; and vi'hen he was pursued as far as Scythopolis by the two brethren, he got away: so they returned to Samaria, and shut them again within the wall, till they were forced to send for the same Antiochus a se- cond time to help them, who procured about six thousand men from Ptolemy Lathyrus, which were sent them without his mother's consent, who had then in a manner turned him out of his government. With these Ei:yptians Antiochus did at first overrun and ravage the country of Hyrcanus after the manner of a robber, for he durst not meet hiiu in the face to fight with him, as not hav- ing an army sufficient for that purpose, but only from this supposal, that by thus harass- ing his land he should force Hyrcanus to rflise the siege of Samaria; but because he fell into snares, and lost many of his soldiers therein, he went away to Tripoli, and com- mitted the prosecution of the war against the Jews to Callimander and Epicrates. 3. Hut as to Callimander, he attacked the enemy too rashly, and was put to flight, and destroyed immediately; and as to Epicrates, he was such a lover of money, that he openly betra\«(l Scythopolis, and other places near it, to the Jews; but was not able to make them raise the siege cf Samaria. And when Hyr- caiujs had taken the city, which was not doi'» till after a year's siege, he was not contented with doiji^ that only, but he demolished it entirely, and brought rivulets to it to drown it, for he dug such hollows as might let the waters run under it; nay, he took away the very marks that there had ever been such a citv there. Now a very surprising thing is relaied of this high-priest Hyrcanus, how God cauie to di|^'ourse with hini: foe they say that on the very same day on wliich his sons tou^'fit with Antiochus Cyzicenus, be was alnne iu the temple, as high-priest, offering intense, and heard a voice, that his sons had just then overcome Antiochus. And this he openly declared before all the multitude on his coming out of the temple; and it accord- ingly proved true; and in this posture were the affairs of Hyrcanus. 4. Now it happened at this time, that not only those Jews who were at Jerusalem and in Judea were in prosperity, but also tho«e of them that were at Alexandria, atid in Egypt, and Cyprus, for Cleopatra the queen was at variance with her son Ptolemy, v\ ho was called -.athyrus. and appointed for her generals, Chelcias and Ananias, the sons of that Ouiaa who built the temple in the pi efecture of Heli- opolis. like that at Jerusalem, as we have else- where related. Cleopatra intrusted these men with her army, and did nothing without their advice, as Strabo of Cappadocia attests, when he saith thus: — " Now the greater part, both those that came to Cyprus with us, and those that were sent afterward thither, revolted to Ptolemy immediately; only those that were called Onias's party, being Jews, continued faithful, because their countrymen Chelcias and Ananias were in chief favour with the queen." These are the words of Strabo. 5. However, this prosperous state of affairs moved the Jews to envy Hyrcanus; but they that were the worst disposed to him were the Pharisees,* who areoiieofthesectsoftbe Jews, as we have informed you already. These have so great a power over the multitude, that when they say any thing against the king or against the high-priest, they are presently believed. Now Hyrcanus was a disciple of theirs, and greatly beloved by them. And when he once invited them to a feast, and entertained them very kindly, when he saw them in a good hu- mour, he began to say to them, that they knew he was desirous to be a righteous man, and to do all things whereby he might please God, which was the profession of the Pharisees also. However, he desired, that if they observed him offending in any point, and going out of the right way, they would call him back and cor- rect him. On which occasion they attested to his being entirely virtuous; with which com- mendation he was well pleased; but still there was one of his guests there, whose name was • The original of the Saddncees, as a considerable party anions the Jews, being contained in tliis and the two following sections. Take l)ean I'rideaux's note n^on this their first public appearance, which I suppose ti> be iriie:—" Hyrcanus," says he, '-went ove^to the pjirty of the Saddnrees, that is, by embracing their dudnne against the traditions of the elders i.d< ed to the wi Men law. and made of equal authority with it, hut ncii their doctrine asainst the resurrection and a future state; for this cannot be supposed of so good and righteous a n an as Jiihn Hyrcanus is said to he. It is most probable, that at this tune the Sadducees had «< ne no far tier in the doctrines of that sect than to di ny all tlieii un- written traditions, which the l*haristt> were so ft.nd of; tor Jttsephus mentions no other diHeit^nce at this tinio Ih-lween them; neitlier doth he say tliai Hyrcanus went over to the Sadducees in any other (articular than in the aboli^h^nl; of all th< tmditionarv coi sUtulioits of the I'harisees, which our Saviour condemicd as well af they." [At the year Kb..'' 360 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIII. Eleazar,* a man of an ill temper, and delight- ing in seditious practices. This man said, "Since thou desirest to knowthe truth, iftbou wilt be righteous in earnest, lay down the high-priesthood, and content thyself with the civil government of the people." And when he desired to know for what cause he ought to lay down the high-priesthood, the other re- plied, " We have heard it from old men, that thy mother bad been a captive under the reign of Antiochus Epiphaiies." This story was false, and Hyroanus was provoked against him; and all the Pharisees had a very great indignation against him. 6. Now there was one Jonathan, a very great friei dof Hyrcanus. but of the sect of the Sad- ducees, whose notions are quite contrary to those of the Pharisees. He told Hyrcanus that Eleazar had cast such a reproach upon him, ac- cording to the common sentiments of all the Pharisees, and that this would be made mani- fest if he would but ask them the question, "What punishment they thought this man de- served? for that he might depend upon it, that the reproach was not laid on him with their approbation, if they were for punishing him as his crime deserved. So the Pharisees made answer, that he deserved stripes and bonds; but that it did not seem right to pun- ish reproaches with death; and indeed the Pharisees, even upon other occasions, are not apt to be severe in punishments. At this gentle sentence, Hyrcanus was very angry, and thought that this man reproached him by their approbation. It was this Jonathan who chiefly irritated him, arid influenced him so far, that he made him leave the party of the Pharisees, and abolish the decrees they had imposed on the people, and punish those that observed them. From this source arose that hatred which he and his sons met with from the multitude; but of these matters we shall speak hereafter. What I would now explain is this, that the Pharisees have de- livered to the people a great many observances by succession from their fathers which are not written in the law of Moses; and for that reason it is that the Sadducees reject them, and say that we are to esteem those ob- servances to be obligatory which are in the written word, but are not to observe what are derived from the tradition of our forefathers; and concerning these things it is that great disputes and differences have arisen among them, while the Sadducees are able to per- suade none but the rich, and have not the populace obsequious to them, but the Phari- Bees have the multitude of their side: but about these two sects, and that of the Es- Bens, I have treated accurately in the second book of Jewish ajEfairs. • ThiK blander, that arose from a Pharisee, hat been prentrTfd by their smcessois the Rabbins to these later a^esi for Dr, Hudson assures us that David Gantz, in Ins Chronology. S Vr |>. '56, in Vor>tii)8 s Vf-rftion, re- fetes that H\r<-Hnii!i> nl(>th^r wa- taker cuptive in ||)p«D| Rlodipili ^er ( hitp. xiii stct f. 7. But when Hyrcanus had put an end to this sedition, he after that lived happily, and administered the government in the best man. ner for thirty-one years, and then died,f leav ing behind him five sons. He was esteemed by God worthy of the three privileges, — the government of his nation, the dignity of the high-priesthood, and prophecy; for God was with him, and enabled him to know futuri- ties; and to foretel this in particular, that, as to his two eldest sons, he foretold that they would not long continue in the government of public affairs; whose unhappy catastrophe will be worth our description, that we may thence learn how very much they were infe- rior to their father's happiness. CHAPTER XL HOW ARISTOBULUS, WHEN HE HAD TAKEN THE GOVERNMENT, FIRST OF ALL PUT A DIADEM ON HIS HEAD, AND WAS MOST BAR- BAROUSLY CRUEL TO HIS MOTHER AND HI3 BRETHREN; AND HOW, AFTERHE HADSLAIN ANTIGONUS, HE HIMSELF DIED. § 1. Now when their father Hyrcanus was dead, the eldest son Aristobulus, intending to change the government into a kingdom, for so he resolved to do, first of all put a diadem on his head, four hundred and eighty one years and three months after the people had been delivered from the Babylonish slavery, aiKl were returned to their own country again This Aristobulus loved his next brother An- tigonus, and treated him as his equal; but the others he held in bonds. He also cast hi* mother into prison, because she disputed tba government with him ; for Hyrcanus had left her to be mistress of all. He also proceedeid + Here ends the hii;h-priesthood. and the life of tbii excellent person John Hyrcanus; and together with him the holy theocracy, or divine government of the Jewish nation, and its concomitant oracle by Urim. Now fol- lows the profane and tyrannical Jt-wish monarchy, first, of the Asamoneans or Maccabees, and then of Herod lli« Great, the Idumean. till the coming of the Messiah, ^ee the note on Antiq. b. iii. ch. viii. sect. 9. Hear !Strabo'> testimony on this occasion, b. xvi page 761, 7b'2: — " Those," says he, '' l-liat succeeded Moses, continued for si me time in earnest, both in right* ous actions and in piety; but after a while, there wereothers that took nptm them the hinh-priesthood ; at first suptrstitious and after- wards tyrannical persons. Such a prophet was Mosei and those that succeeded him, beginning in a way not to be blamed, but changing for the worse. And wh«n it openly appeared that the government was become ty lanni- r.al, Alexander was the first that set up himself fora kin^ instead of a priest; and his sons were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus." All in agreement with Josephus, except, ing this, that Straho omits the first king Aristt.bulus. who reigninif but a single yt-ar. seems hardly to have cone to his knowledge Nor indeed dues Aristobulus the son ot Alexandtrr, pretend that the r<ame of king was tukei. be- for«- his lather Alexander took it himself, Antio. b. xiv. ch iil sect. 2. .""te also cimp. xii sect. I, which favour Strabo also. And indeed, if we may judge from the very diflierent characters of the Egyptian Jews under high- priests, and of the Palestine Jews under Wngs, in the two next centuries, we nmy well suppose, thut the divini Sherhinah was removed into Fgypt, ar.d that thk woi- !ihippers it ilif irmpe of <>nias we^e better otcn tbwD thoM- lit the temi'le at Jerusalria CHAP. XI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 361 to that degree of barbarity, as to kill her in prison with hunger; nay, he was alienated from his brother Antigonus by calumnies, and added him to the rest whom he slew; yet he seemed to have an affection for him, and made him above the rest a partner with him in the kingdom. Those calumnies he at first did not give credit to, partly because he loved him, and so did not-give heed to what was said against him, and partly because he thought the reproaches were derived from the envy of the relaters. But when Antigonus was once returned from the army, and that feast was then at hand when they make taber- nacles to [the honour of] God, it happened that Aristobulus was fallen sick, and that An- tigonus went up most splendidly adorned, and with his soldiers about him in their armour to the temple to celebrate the feast, and to put up many prayers for the recovery of his bro- ther, when some wicked persons who had a great mind to raise a difference between the brethren, made use of this opportunity of the j pompous appearance of Antigonus and of the great actions which he had done, and went to the king, and spitefully aggravated the pompous show of his at the feast, and pre- tended that all these circumstances were not like those of a private person; that these ac- tions were indications of an affectation of royal authority; and that his coming with a strong body of men must be with an intention to kill him; and that his way of reasoning was this: That it was a silly thing in him, while it was in his power to reign himself, to look upon it as a great favour that he was ho- noured with a lower dignity by his brother. 2. Aristobulus yielded to these imputa- tions, but took care both that his brother should not suspect him, and that he himself might not run the hazard of his own safety; so he ordered his guards to lie in a certain place that was under ground, and dark (he nimself then lying sick in the tower which was called Antonia) ; and he commanded them, that in case Antigonus came in to him unarmed, they should not touch any body, but if armed, they should kill him; yet did he send to 'Antigonus, and desired that he would come unarmed: but the queen, and those that joined with her in the plot against Antigonus, persuaded the messenger to tell him the direct contrary: how his brother had beard that he had made himself a fine suit of armour for war, and desired him to come to him in that armour, that he might see how fine it was. So Antigonus, suspecting np treachery, but dependmg on the good-will of his brother came to Aristobulus armed, as he Used to be, with his entire armour, in order to show it to him; but when he was come lo a place which was called Strato's Tower, where the passage happened to be exceeding dark, the guards slew him; which death de- munstrates that nothing is stronger than envy and calumny, and that nothing does more certainly divide the good- will and natural affections of men than those pasijions. But here one may take occasion to wonder at one Judas, who was of the sect of the Essenes, and who never missed the truth in his predic- tions; for this man, when he saw Antigonus passing by the temple, cried to his companions and friends, who abode with him as his scho- lars, in order to learn the art of foretelling things to come,* " That it was good for him to die now, since he had spoken falsely about Antigonus, who is still alive, and I see him passing by, although he had foretold that he should die at the place called Strato's Tower that very day, while yet the place is six hun- dred furlongs off where he had foretold he should be slain ; and still this day is a great part of it already past, so that he was in dan- ger of proving a false prophet." As he was saying this, and that in a melancholy mood, the news came that Antigonus was slain in a place under ground, which itself was called also Strato's Tower, or of the same name with that Cesarea which is seated at the sea. This event put the prophet into a great dis- order. 3. But Aristobulus repented immediately of this slaughter of his brother; on which ac- count his disease increased upon him, and he was disturbed in his mind, upon the guilt of such wickedness, insomuch that his entrails were corrupted by his intolerable pain, and he vomited blood: at which time one of the ser- vants that attended upon him, and was carry- ing his blood away, did, by divine providence, as I cannot but suppose, slipped down, and shed part of his blood at the very place where there were spots of Antigonus's blood there slain, still remaining; and when there was a cry made by the spectators, as if the servatit had on purpose shed the blood on that place, Aristobulus heard it, and inquired what the matter was; and as they did not answer him, he was the more earnest to know what it was, it being natural to men to suspect thfit what is thus conceale<l is very bad : so upon his threatening and forcing them by terrors to speak, they at length told him the truth; whereupon he shed many tears in that disorder of mirid which arose from his consciousness of what he had done, and gave a deep groan and said, " I am not therefore, I perceive, to be concealed from God, in the impious and horrid crimes I have been guilty of; but a sudden punishment is coming upon me for the shedding the blood of my relations. And now, O thou most impudent body of mine, bow • Hence we learn that the Essenes pretended to have rules whereby men might foretel things to come, and that this Judas the Kssene. tauirht those rules to his schitlars; but whether their pretences were of an astro* lov'ical or maeical nature, which yet in such relit;iuus Jews, who were utterly forbidden such arts, is no way probable, or to any Bath Col. spoken of by the later llahbins, or otiierwi'se, 1 caanot tell. See of the War, Ik 11. cb. Till, sect 12, 362 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK XIII. long wilt thou retain a soul that ought to die, in order to appeuise the ghosts of my brother and my mother? Why dost thou not give it all up at' once? And why do 1 deliver up my blood, drop by drop, to those whom 1 hiive so \vicke<lly murdered?" Irt saving which last words he died, having reigned a year. He was culled a lover of the Greeiaiis; and had conferred many benefits on his own coun- try, and made war against Iturea, and added a great part of it to Judea, and compelled the inhabitants, if they would continue in that country, to be circumcised, and to live accord- ing to the Jewish laws. He was naturally a man of candour, and of great modesty, as Strabo bears witness in the name of Tim- agenes: who says thus: — " This man was a person of candour, and very serviceable to the Jews, for he added a country to them, and ob- tained a part of the nation of the Itureans for then), and bound them to them by the bond of the circumcision of their genitals." CHAPTER XII. HOW ALEXANDER, WHEN HE HAD TAKEN THE GOVERNMENT, MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST PTOLEMAIS, AND THEN RAISED THE SIEGE, OUT OF FEAR OF PTOLEMY LATHYRUS; AND HOW PTOLEMY MADE WAR AGAINST HIM, BECAUSE HE HAD SENT TO CLEOPATRA TO PERSUADE HER TO MAKE WAR AGAINST PTOLEMY, AND YET PRE- TENDED TO BE IN FRIENDSHIP WITH HIM, WHEN HE WENT TO BEAT THE JEWS IN BATTLE. § 1. When Aristobulus was dead, his wife Salome, who, by the Greeks, was called Alex- andra, let his brethren out of prison (for Aris- tobulus had kept them in bonds, as we have said already), and made Alexander Janneus king, who was the superior in age and in moderation. This child happened to be hated by his father as soon as he was born, and could never be permitted to come into his father's sight till he died. The occasion of which hatred is thus reported : when Hyr- canus chiefly loved the two eldest of his sons, Antigonus and Aristobulus, God appeared to him in his sleep, of whom he inquired which of his sons should be his successor. Upon God's representing to him the countenance of Alex- ander, be was grieved that he was to be the heir of all his goods, and suffered him to be brought up in ^Galilee.* However, God did not deceive Hyrcanus, for after the death of • The reanon why flyrcanus Buffered not this son of biswhom tie did not lore to come into Judea, but onlcrod him to be brouxht up in (ralilee, issUKcestwl by Dr. Hud- son, that (jalilef was not esteemed so happy and well cultivated a country as Judea, Matt. xxvi. 73; John vii. flO| Acl» it 7, althooKh another obTious reason occurs lUso, that he was farther out of his sight in Galilee titan k* w«ul4 bavr been in Jndea. Aristobulus, he certainly took the kitigdom > and one of his brethren uho afferted the king, dom he slew; and the other, who chose to live a private and quiet life, he hud in esti-em. 2. When Alexander Jannetis had settled the government in the inain:er th.it he judged best, he made an expedition against Puile- inais; and having overcome the men in battle, he shut them up in the city, and sat romid about it, and besieged it; for of the inaritiine cities there remained only Ptoleinais ami Gaza to be conquered, besides Strato's Tovxer ai.d Dora, which were held by the tyrant Zoilus. Now while Antiochus Philometor, and An- tiochus who was called Cvzicemis, were ma- king war against one another, and destroying one another's armies, the people of Ptolemais could have no assistance from them ; but when they were distressed with this siege, Zoilus, who possessed Strato's Tower and Dora, and maintained a legion of soldiers, and, on occa- sion of the contest between the kings, affected tyranny himself, came and brought some small assistance to the people of Ptolemais; nor in- deed had the kings such a friendship for them as that they should hope for any advantage from them. Both those kings were in the case of wrestlers, who finding themselves de- ficient in strength, and yet being ashamed to yield, put off the fight by laziness, atid by ly- ing still as long as they can. The only hope they had remaining was from the kings of Egypt, and from Ptolemy Lathyrus, who now held Cyprus, and who came to Cyprus when he was driven from the government of Egypt by Cleopatra his mother: so the people vi Ptolemais sent to this Ptolemy Lathyrus ami desired him to come as a confederate, to de- liver them, now they were in such danger out of the hands of Alexander. And as thf ambassadors give him hopes, that if he wcuk pass over into Syria, be would have the peo- ple of Gaza on the side of those o{ Pvolcmais: as they also said that Zoilus, and b'sidei; these the Sidonians and many others would assisi them, so he was elevated at this, and got hii fleet ready as soon as possible. 3. But in this interval Demenetus, on« that was of abilities to persuade men to do aj he would have them, and a leader of the po- pulace, made those of Ptolemais change their opinions; and said to them, that it was better to run the hazard of being subject to the Jews than to admit of evident slavery by delivering themselves up to a master; and besides that, to have not only a war at present, but to ex- pect a much greater war from Egvpt: for that Cleopatra would not overlook an army raised by Ptolemy for himself out of the neighbourhood, but would come agaijist them with a great army of her own, and this be- cause she was labouring to eject her son out of Cyprus also: that as for Ptolemy, if he fail of his h(>pes, he can still retire to Cyprus but that tlay will be left in the greatest dao CHAP. xir. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 363 ger possible. Now Ptolemy, although he had heard of the change that was made in the people of Ptolemais, yet did he still go on with his voyage, and came to the country called Sycamine, and there set his army on shore. This army of his, in the whole horse and foot together, were about thirty thousand, with which he marched near to Ptolemais, and there pitched his camp: but when the people of Ptolemais neither received his am- bassadors, nor would hear what they had to eay, he was under a very great concern. 4. But when Zoihis and the people of Ga- za came to him, and desired his assistance, because their country was laid waste by the Jews, and by Alexander, — Alexander raised the siege, for fear of Ptolemy; and when he bad drawn off his army into bis own country, he used a stratagem afterwards, by privately inviting Cleopatra to come against Ptolemy, but publicly pretending to desire a league of friendship and mutual assistance with him; and promising to give him four hundred ta- lents of silver, he desired that, by way of re- quital, he would take off Zoiliis the tyrant, and give his country to the Jews. And ihen indeed Ptolemy, with pleasure, made such a league of frictidship with Alexander, and sub- dued Zoilus: but when he afterwards heard that he h^d privily sent to Cleopatra his mo- tlier, he broke the league with him, which yet he had confirmed with an oath, and fell upon him. and besieged Ptolemais, because it would not receive him. However, leaving his g^inerals, vnth some part of his forces, to go on with the siege, he went himself imme- diately with the rest to lay Judea waste : and when Alexander understood this to be Ptolemy's intention, he also got together about fifty thousand soldiers out of his own country; <4y, as some writers have said eighty thou- sand.' He then took his army, and went to meet Ptolemy; hut Ptolemy fell upon Aso- ohis, a cit \ of Galilee. an<i took U by force on the Sabbath day, and there he took about ten thousand slaves, and a great deal of other prey. 5. He then tried to take Sepphoris, which was H city not far from that which was de- stroyed, hut lost many of his men; yet did he then t:o to fight with Alexander. Alexander met him at the river Jordan, near a certain place called Saplxith [not far from the river Jordan], and pitchid his camp near to the enemy. He had however eight thousand in the first rank, which he styled Hecatonto- machi, having shields of brass. — Those in the • From tti«s'- and other oecas'onal expressions, drop- ped by Jiisephus. we may learn that whrre the sacred biMtkfi of the Jevrs were defirient. ho had Eereral other tiistonea then extant (but now most of them lust) which hf iHithrtilly folliiwed iu bis own history; nor indeed bave we any nther records of those times relatine to Ju- dfa.ths.tcan bf compared to these accounts of Josephus; tdoiitm. wnen we ilo meet w;th autlientic fracments oif ft-A'ti •jopoAl record*, tbej 4ln)o8t always confirm his first rank of Ptolemy's soldiers also had shipuU covered with brass; but Ptolemy's soldiers vi other respects, were inferior to those ot Aick- ander, and therefore were more fearUil of running hazards ; but Philostephanus, tMe camp-master, put great courage into tht^m. and ordered them to pass the river wnu'ii was between their camps; nor did Alexander think fit to hinder their passage over it : lor he thought, that if the enemy had once gottviu the river on their back, that he should the easier take them prisoners, when they tiould not flee out of the battle : in the beginning of which, the acts on both sides, with their hands, and with their alacrity, were alike, and a great slaughter was made by both the ar- mies; but Alexander was superior, till Phi- lostephanus opportunely brought up the auxi- liaries, to help those that were giving wav ; but as there were no auxiliaries to afford help to that part of the Jews that gave way, it felt out that they fled, and those near them did not assist them, but fled along with them. However, Ptolemy's soldiers acted quite other- wise ; for they followed the Jews, and killed them, till at length those that slew them pur- sued after them when they had made them ail run away, anu slew them so long, that theii weapons of iron were blunted, and their hand- quite tired with the slaughter; for the report was, that thirty thousand men wert- then slam. Timagenes says, they were fifty thousand.— As for the rest, they were part of them taker captives; and the other part ran away to theii own country. 6« After this victory, Ptolemy overran all the country ; and when night came on, he abode in certain villages of Judea, which v.-heu he found full of women and children, he com- manded his soldiers to strangle them, and to cut them in pieces, and then to cast tbem in- to boiling caldrons, and then to devour theii limbs as sacrifices. This commandmetit was given, that such as fled from the battle, and came to them, might suppose their enemies- were cannibals, and eat men's flexh, and might on that account be stiU more terrified at tbem upon such asijiht. And both Strabo and Ni- eholaus [of Damascus] affirm that they iL«*»d these people atter this manner, as I have al- ready related. Ptolemy also tookPtolemias by force, as we have declared elsewhere 364 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIII. CHAPTER XIII. HOW ALEXANDER, UPON THE LEAGUE OF MU- TUAL DEFENCE WHICH CLEOPATRA HAD AGREED WITH HIM, MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST CELESYRIA, AND UTTERLY OVER- THREW THE CITY OF GAZA; AND HOW HE SLEW MANY TEN THOUSANDS OF JEWS THAT HAD REBELLED AGAINST HIM; ALSO CONCERNING ANTIOCHUS GRYPUS, SELEU- CUS, ANTIOCHUS CYZICENUS, AND ANTIO- CHUS PIUS, AND OTHERS. § 1 . "When Cleopatra saw that her son was grown great, and laid Judea waste without^ disturbance, and had gotten the city of Gaza under his power, she resolved no longer to overlook what he did, when he was almost at her gates; and she concluded that, now he was so much stronger than before, he would be very desirous of the dominion over the Egyptians; but she immediately marched against him, with a fleet at sea and an army of foot on land, and made Chelcias and Ana- nias, the Jews, generals of her whole army, while she sent the greatest part of her riches, her grandchildren, and her testament, to the people of Cos.* Cleopatra also ordered her son Alexander to sail with a great fleet to Phcenicia: and when that country had re- volted, she came to Ptolemais: and because the people of Ptolemais did not receive her, she besieged the city; but Ptolemy went out of Syria, and made haste unto Egypt, sup- posing that he should find it destitute of an army, and soon take it, though he failed of his hopes. At this time Chelcias, one of Cleopatra's generals, happened to die in Cele- eyria, as he was in pursuit of Ptolemy. 2. When Cleopatra heard of her son's at- tempt, and that his Egyptian expedition did not succeed according to his expectations, she sent thither part of her army, and drove him out of that country J so when he was returned out of Egypt again, he abode during the winter at Gaza, in which time Cleopatra took the garrison that was in Ptolemais by siege, as well as the city; and when Alexander came to her, he gave her presents, and such marks of respect as were but proper, since, under the miseries he endured by Ptolemy, he had no other refuge but her. Now there were some of her friends who persuaded her to seize Alexander, and to overrun and take possession of the country, and not to sit still and see such a multitude of brave Jews sub- ject to one man; but Ananias's counsel was • This city, or island, Cos. is not that remote island In the £^ean Sea, famous for the birih of tM great Hippocrates, but a city or island of the same name ad- joining to Efjypt, mentioned both by Stephanus and Ptolemy, as Dr. Hudm.n informs us. Of which Cos. and the treasures there laid up by Clwopatra and the Jews, K« AntiM. b.jJT. eb. tIL sect. 3. contrary to theirs, who said that she would do an unjust action if she deprived a man that was her ally of that authority which belonged to him, and this a man who is related to us; " for (said he) I would not have thee igno- rant of this, that what injustice thou dost to him will make all us that are Jews to be thy enemies." This desire of Ananias, Cleopatra complied with; and did no injury to Alexan- der, but made a league of mutual assistance with him at Scythopolis, a city of Celesyria. 3. So when Alexander was delivered from the fear he was in of Ptolemy, he presently made an expedition against Celesyria. He also took Gadara, after a siege of ten months. He took also Amathus, a very strong fortress belonging to the inhabitants above Jordan, where Theodorus, the son of Zeno, had his chief treasure, and what he esteemed most precious. This Zeno fell unexpectedly upon the Jews, and slew ten thousand of them, and seized upon Alexander's baggage; yet did not this misfortune terrify Alexander; but he made an expedition upon the maritime parts of the country, Raphia and Anthedon (the name of which king Herod afterwards changed ito Agrippias), and took even that by force. But when Alexander saw that Ptolemy was retired from Gaza to Cjprus, and his mother Cleopatra was returned to Egypt, he grew angry at the people of Gaza, because they had invited Ptolemy to assist them, and besieged their city, and ravaged their country. But as Apollodotus, the general of the army of Gaza, fell upon the camp of the Jews by night, with two thousand foreign, and ten thousand of his own forces, while the night lasted, those of Gaza prevailed, because the enemy was made to believe that it was Pto- lemy who attacked them ; but when day was come on, and that mistake was corrected, and the Jews knew the truth of the matter, they came back again and fell upon those of Gaza, and slew of them about a thousand. But as those of Gaza stoutly resisted them, and would not yield for either their want of any thing, nor for the great multitude that were slain (for they would rather sufitr any hard- ship whatever, than come under the power of their enemies), Aretas, king of the Arabians, a person then very illL.strious, encouraged them to go on with alacrity, and promised them that he would come to their assistance; but it happened that, before he came Apollo- dotus was slain: for his brother 1/ysimachiis, envying him for the great reputation be had gained among the citizens, slew him, and got the army together; aii'd delivered up the city to Alexander; who, when he came in at first, lay quiet, but afterwards set his army upon the inhabitants of Gaza, and gave them leave to punish them; so some went one way, and some went another, and slew the inhabitants of Gaza; yet were not they of cowardly hearts, but opposed thostt that cume to slay thew, aa^ CHAP. XIV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 365 Blew as many of the Jews; and some of them, when they saw themselves deserted, burnt their own houses, that the enemy might get none of their spoils: nay, some of them, with their own hands, slevv their children and their wives, having no other way but this of avoid- ing slavery for them; but the senators, who were in all five hundred, fled to Apollo's temple (for this attack happened to be made as they were sitting), whom Alexander slew; and when he had utterly overthrown their city, he returned to Jerusalem, having spent a year in that siege. 4. About this very time, Antiochus, who was called Grypus, died.* His death was caused by Heracleon's treachery, when he bad lived forty-five years, and had reigned tvvonty-nine.f His son Seleucus succeeded him in the kingdom, and made vvar with An- tiocbits, his father's brother, who was called Antiochus Cyzicenus, and beat him, and took him prisoner, and slew him; but after a while Antiochusf the son of Cyzicenus, who was call- ed Pius, came to Aradus, and put the diadem on his own head, and made war with Seleucus, and beat him, and drove him out of all Syria. But when he fled out of Syria, he came to Mopsuestia again, and levied money upon them; but the people of Mopsuestia had in- dignation at what he did, and burnt down his palace, and slew him, together with his friends. But when Antiochus, the son of Cyzicenus, was king of Syria, Antiochus,]] the brother of Seleucus, made war upon him, and was over- come, and destroyed, he and his army. After him, his brother Philip put on the diadem, and reigned over some part of Syria; but Pto- lemy Lathyrus sent for his fourth brother De- metrius, who was called Eucerus, from Cnidus, and made him king of Damascus. Both these brothers did Antiochus vehemently oppose, but presently died; for when he was come as an auxiliary to Laodice, queen of the Gilead- ites,§ when she was making vvar against the Parthians, and he was fighting courageously, he fell, while Demetrius and Philip governed Syria, as hath been elsewhere related. • This account of the death of Antiochus Grypns is confirmed by Appian, Syriac. p. 132, here cited by 8pan- beiin. + Porphyry says that this Antiochus Grypus reigned but twenty-six years, as Dr. Hudson observes. t The copies of Josephiis, both Greek and Latin, hare here so grossly false a reading, Antiochus and Antoninus, or Antonius Pius, for Antiochus Pius, that ihe editorsare forced to correct the text from ihe other historians; who all agree that this king's name was nothing more than Antiochus Pius. li Ihfse two brothers, Antiochus and Philippus, are called twins by Porphyry; the fourth brother was kin? of Damascus. Both which are the observations of t^pan- heira. { This Laodicea was a city of Gilead beyond Jordan. However, Porphyry says that this Antiochus Pius did not die in this battle; but, running away, was drowned in the river Orontes. Appian says, that he was deprived of the kingdom of Syria by Tigntnes: but Porphyry makes this Laodice queen of the Calamans; all whifn Is noted by Spanheim. In such confusion of the later hirtorians, we have no reason to prefer any of them before JotJCDhus, who had more ori^iuai ones before him. 5. As to Alexander, his own people were seditious against him; for at a festival which was then celebrated, when he stood upon the altar, and was going to sacrifice, the nation rose upon him and pelted with citrons [which they then had in their hando, because] the law of the Jews required, that at the feast of ta- bernacles every one should have branches of the palm-tree and citroti-tree; which thing we have elsewhere related. They also reviled him, as derived from a captive,^ and so un- worthy of his dignity and of sacrificing. At this he was in a rage, and slew of them about six thousand. He also built a partition- wall of wood round the altar and the temple, as far as that partition within which it was only lawful for the priests to enter; and by this means he obstructed the multitude from com- ing at him. He also maintained foreigners of Pisidiae and Cilicia; for as to the Syrians, he was at war with them, and so made no use of them. He also overcame the Arabians, such as the Moabites and Gileadites,and made them bring tribute. Moreover, he demolished Amathus, while Theodorus** durst not fight with him; but as he had joined battle with Obedas, king of the Arabians, and fell into an ambush in the places that were rugged and difficult to be travelled over, he was thrown down into a deep valley, by the multitude of the camels at Gadara, a village of Gilead, and hardly escaped with his life. From thence he fled to Jerusalem, where, besides his other ill success, the nation insulted him, and he fought against them for six years, and slew no fewer than fifty thousand of them; and when he desired that they would desist from their ill-will to him, they hated him so much the more, on account of what had already hap- pened; and when he had asked them what be ought to do, they all cried out, that he ought to kill himself. They also sent to Demetrius Eucerus, and desired him to make a league of mutual defence with them. CHAPTER XIV. HOW DEMETRIUS EUCERUS OVERCAME ALEX- ANDER, AND YET, IN A LITTLE TIME, RE- TIRED OUT OF THE COUNTRY FOR FEAR OF THE JEWS; AS ALSO HOW ALEXANDER SLEW MANY OF THE JEWS, AND THEREBY GOT CLEAR OF HIS TROUBLES. CONCERN- ING THE DEATH OF DEMETRIUS. § 1. So Demetrius came with an army, and took those that invited him, and pitched his camp near the city Shechem; upon which SI This reproach upon Alexander, that he was sprung from a captive, seem* only the re( etition of the old Pha- risiiical calumny upon his father, ( hap x. sect. 6. •• This Theodorus was the son of Zeno, and was in possession of Amathus, as we lei<m from sect. 3, fore- going. 366 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIII. Alexandet*, with bis six thousand two hun- dred mercenaries, and about twenty thousand Jews, who were of his party, went against Demetrius, who had three thousand horsemen, and forty thousand footmen. Now there were |rreat endeavours used on both sides, — Demetrius trying to bring oif the mercenaries tiiat were with Alexander, because they were Greeks; and Alexander trying to bring off the Jews that were with Demetrius. However, when neither of them could persuade them so to do, they came to a battle, and Demetrius was the conqueror; in which all Alexander's mercenaries were killed, when they had given demonstration of their fidelity and courage. A great number of Demetrius's soldiers were flain also. 2. Now as Alexander fled to the moun- ta-.ns, six thousand of the Jews hereupon came together [from Demetrius] to him out of pity at the change of his fortune ; upon which Demetrius was afraid, and retired out of the country; after which the Jews fought against Alexander, and being beaten, were slain in great numbers in the several battles which they had; and when he had shut up the most powerful of them in the city Bethome. he besieged them therein; and when he had taken the city, and gotten the men into his power, he brought them to Jerusalem, and did one of the most barbarous actions in the world to them; for as he was feasting with his concu- bines, in the sight of all the city, he ordered about eight hundred of them to be crucified; and while they were living, he ordered the throats of their children and wives to be cut before .their eyes. This was indeed by way of revenge for the injuries they had done him; which punishment yet was of an inhuman na- ture, though we suppose that he had been ever so much distressed, as indeed he had been, by his wars with them, for he had by their means come to the last degree of hazard, both of his life and of his kingdom, while they weie not satisfied by themselves only to fight against him, but introduced foreifruers also for the same purpose; nay, at length they reduced bim to that degree of necessity, that he was forced to deliver back to the king of Arabia the land of Moab and Gilead, which he had subdued, and the places that were in them, that they might not join with them in the war against bim, as they had done ten thou- sand other things that tended to affront and reproach him. However, this barbarity seems to have been without any necessity, on whicli account he bare the name of aThracian amonj the Jews;* u hereupon the soldiers that had fought against him, being about eight thou- rand in number, ran away by night, and con- tinued fugitives all the time that Alexander • Thi» name Tbracida, which the Jew* pave Alexan- dH*. miiit by the coliercnce. dt-imte ax bn'barnus as a Thrtutan, or Min.ewhat like ilj hut what it properly sig- Utiles i» not knpwu. lived ; who being now freed from any further disturbance from them, reigned the restof iii& time in the utmost tranqiiilbty. 3. But when Demetrius was departed out of Judea, he went to Berea, and besieged his brother Philip, having with him ten thousand footmen, and a thousand horsemen. How- ever, Strato, the tyrant of Berea, the confe- derate of Philip, called in Zizon the ruler of the Arabian tribes, and Mithridates Sinax, the ruler of the Parthians, who coming with a great number of forces, and besieging Deme- trius in his encampment, into which they had driven him with their arrows, they compelled those that were with him, by thirst, to deliver up themselves. So they took a great many spoils out of that country, and Demetrius him- self, whom they sent to Mithridates, who was then king of Parthia; but as to those whom they took captives of the people of Antiorh, they restored them to the Antiochians without any reward. Now Mithridates, the king of Par- thia, had Demetrius in great honour, till Deme- trius ended his life by sickness. So Philip, presently after the fight was over, came to Antioch, and took it, and reigned over Syria. CHAPTER XV. HOWANTIOCHUS,WHOWASCALLEDDI0NYSIU8, AND AFTER HIM ARETAS, MADE EXPEDI- TIONS INTO JUDEA; AS ALSO HOW ALEX- ANDER TOOK MANY CITIES, AND THEN RE- TURNED TO JERUSALEM, AND, AFTER A SICKNESS OF THREE YEARS, DIED; AND WHAT COUNSEL HE GAVE TO ALEXANDRA. § 1. After this, Antiochus, who was called Dionysius,t and was Philip's brother, aspired to the dominion, and came to Damas^cus, and got the power into his hands, and there he reigned; but as he was ma\iiig war against the Arabians, his brother Philip heard of it, and came to Damascus, vvhere Milesius, who had been left governor of the citadel, and the Damascenes themselves delivered up the city to him; yet because Philip was become un- grateful to him, and had bestowed upon him nothing of that in hopes whereof he bad re- ceived him into the city, but had a mind to have it believed that it was rather delivered up out of fear than by the kindness of Mile- sius, and because he had not rewarded him as he ought to have done, he became suspected by him, and so be was obliged fo leave Da- mascus again ; for Milesius caught him march- ing out of the Hippodrome, and shut him n[) in it, and kept Damascus for Antiochus [Eucerus], who, bearing how Philip's af- fairs stood, came back out of Arabia. He + Spanheim fakes notice that this Antiochus Diony- dins ft he brother of Philip and of Demetrinn F.ncerus, and i)f two others] was the fitih son of Antiochus Ory« fus ; .ind that he is styled on the coins "Antiochus, Epi- phanea, Uionysius »» CHAP. XV, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 367 aUo came immediately, and made an expedi- tion atraii'^t Judcii, wiib t-ight thousand arined toot - men. and ei^'ht huridred boi-se- nieii. So Alexander, out of fear of his coining, dug a deep ditcb lieginning at Cha- barzaba, whifh is n«w called Aiitipatris, to the Sea of .f 0[)pa, on wfeirh part only hi*: auny could be broujrht against biai. He also raised u wall, and erected wooden towers, and inter- mediate redoubts, for one hundred and fifty furlongs in length, and there expected the coining of Antiochus; but he soon burnt them all, and made his army pass by that way into Arabia, The AraWan king [Aretas] at first retreated, but afterward afipeared on the sudfien with ten thousand horsemen. Antio- chus gave them the meeting, and fought des- perately; aiid indeed v\ben he had gotten the victory, aird wat» bringing some auxiliaries to that part of his army that was in distress, he was slain. When Antiochus was fallen, his army fled to the pillage Cana, where the great- est part of them perished by famine. 2. After him * Aretas reigned over Celesy- ria, being ciilled to the goveniment by those that held Damascus, by reason of the hatred they bare to Ptolemy Menneus. He also made thence an expedition against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle, near a place called Adida; yet did he, upon certain conditions agreed on between them, retire out of Judea. 3. But Alexander marched again to the city Dios, and took it, and then made an expe- dition against Essa, where was the best part of Zeno's treasures, and there he encompassed the place with three walls; and when he had taken the city by fighting, he marched to Golan and Seleucia; and when he bad taken these cities, he, besides them, took that valley which is called The Valley of Antiochus^ as also the fortress of Gamala. He also accused Deme- trius, who was governor of those places, of many crimes, anfl turned him out; and after he had speivt three years in this war, he returned to his own country; when the Jews joyfully received him upon this his good success. 4. Now at this time the Jews were in pos- session of the following cities that had be- longed to the Syrians, and Idunieans, and Phoenicians: At the sea-side, Strato's Tower, ApoUonia, Joppa, Jamnia, Ashdod, Gaza, Anthedon, Raphia, and Rhinocolura; in the middle of the country, near to Iduraea, Adora, and Marissa; near the country of Samaria, Mount Carmel, and Mount Tabor, Scytho- polis, and Gadara; of the country of the Gaulonites, Seleucia, and Gabala; in the country of Moab, Hesbbon, and Medaba, Lemba, and Oronas, Gelitbon, Zara, the valley of the Cilices, and Pella; which last • This Aretas was the first king of the Arabians who took Damascus, and reigned there; which name became afterwards common to such Arabian kinus, both at Pe- tra and at Damascus, as we learn froili Josephus in B'aii) places; and truiu St, Paul, -Z Cor. l^i- 32. S^e Ibe •ote on Aatiq. b. xri, (:h. ix. se«» 4. they utterly destroyed, becaupe its inbabitanis v\ould not bear to change their relignms lites for those peculiar to the Jews.f The Jews also possessed others of the principal ciiie^i of Syria, which had been destroyed. 5. After this, king Alexander, although he fell into a distemper by hard dniiking. and had a quartan ague which held him tbii-e years, yet would not leave off going out wul his army, till he was quite spent with the la- bours be had undergone, and died in tbt bounds of Ragaba, a fortress beyond Jordan. But when his queen saw that he was read,, to die, and had no longer any hopes of survivinj. , she came to him weeping and lamenting, ai.ii bewailed hernjlf and her sons on the de-sidatt- condition they should be left in; and saiil i« him, " To whom dost thou thus leu ve me ai <i my children, who are destitute of all otl;.r supports, and this when thou knowesl bt \* much ill-will thy nation bears thee?" But he gave her the following advice: — That sl.« need but follow what he would suggest to ht\ in order to retain the kingdom securely, v\i;i her children: that she should conceal I. death from the soldiers till she should bav taken tJiat place; after this, she should go i. triumph, as upon a victory, to Jerusalein, ai.< put some of her authority into the hands < I the Pharisees; for that they would conaneiui hi i for the honour she had done them, and vvonl'. reconcile the nation to her; for be told he. they bad great authority among the Jews, boi i to do hurt to such as they hated, and to hruy ad vantages to those to whom they were frieiu.l disposed; for that they are then believei. best of all by the multitude when they spe.ik any severe thing against others, though it l>e only out of envy at them. And he said, that it was by their means that he bad incurred the displeasure of the nation, whom indeed be had. injured. 'Do thou therefore,' said be, * wh' -i, thou art come to Jerusalem, send for ^he leading men among them, and show ther j, ,„i body, and with great appearance of sit' cerity, give them leave to use it as they tb' .nisei es please, w betber they will dishonou* . ^jj^ ^^>■^,\ . body by refusing it burial, as bav' ' ggyereh suffered by my means, or whe ^^^^ j„ their anger they will offer any othe^ --^y ^o that body. Promise them also, f ^^^ ^^^^^ ^.^j^ ,io nothing without them in '^^ ^^^j^s of the kingdom. If thou dost > ^^^'^^y this to them, or" of a more glorious I shall have the hono' + We may here and el' , .-^ ,u„, what- evtr countries or cities *where take ^^^'^^'^^^fJ^ilZ any of the neighbour the Asamoneans coi.querea or cities they gained .ng nations, or whatever cu to them before, th' . from them that had n pelled the ir.habi' y. alter the days ot t^ ^^^.^^^ to receive the I' .ants to leave thei' •" '.,e'lo»i«»4 else banished .w of Mose* .neU^T'^ j»os. et.nw pnncJohn '»^^- ^-^o o.^r ^'^'y^"'' »"«» '•«»''*'^ noted on r' promised right thf Hyr« of jUStlCf , •": rhat excelleiA „ .- «"iu8, did TfT. /*"'*'• iand. and thU , .7«''y. »hr oiean».a» i ■ -' "° ^*^e "«ju.t pcr^^ji^^. ' ,dn,nes or cues t! ■ iOt at all know. » 2 for religioB. 568 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIII. funeral from them than thou couldst have made for me: and when it is in their power to abuse my dead body, they will do it no injury at all, and thou wilt rule in safety.'* So when he had given his wife this advice, he died, — after he had reigned twenty-seven years, and lived fifty years, within on«. CHAPTER XVL HOW ALEXANDRA, BY GAINING TME GOOD- WILL OF THE PHARISEES, RETAIP'ED THE KINGDOM NINE YEARS, AND THEN, HAVING DONE MANY GLORIOUS ACTIONS, DIED. § 1. So Alexandra, when she had tftken the lorfcress, acted as her husband had suggested to her, and spake to the Pharisees, and put all things into their power, both as to the dead body and as to the affairs of the kingdom, and thereby pacified their anger against Alexan- der, and made them bear good- will and friend- ship to him: who then came among ihe mul- titude, and made speeches to them, and laid before them the actions of Alexander, a/id told them that they bad lost a righteous king; and by the commendation they gave him, they brought them to grieve, and to be in heaviness for him, so that he bad a funeral more splen- did than had any of the kings before him. Alexander left behind him two sons, Hyrca- nus and Aristobulus, but committed the king- dom to Alexandra. Now, as to these two sons, Hyrcanus was indeed unable to manage public afikirs, and delighted rather in a quiet life; but the younger, Aristobulus, was an active and a bold man ; and for this woman • It seems, by this dying advice of Alexander Jan- uens to his wile, that he had himself pursued the mea- •ores of his fether Hyrcanus. and taken part with the Sadducees, who kept close to the written law against the Pharisees, who had introduced their own traditions, ch. xvi. sect. 2; and that he now saw a political necessity of subniitting to the Pharisees, and their traditions here- after, if his widow and family minded to retain their mo- uarchical government or tyranny over the Jewish nation: which sect yet, thus supported, were at last in a great measure the ruin of the religion, goverament, and nation of the Jews, and brought them into so wicked a state, that the vengeance of God came upon them to their utter excision. J , -,. thus did Caiaphas politically advise the Jewish saDtfi:.Vim, John xi. oO. "that it was expedient for them that one man should die for the people, and that the whole nation perish not:" and this in consequence of their own political supposal, ver. 48, that, -'If they let Jesus alone." with his miracles, " all men would believe on him J and the Romans would come and take away both their place and nation." Which political crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth brought down the vengeance of God DP' n them, and occasioned those very Romans, of whom t seemed so much afraid, that to prevent it they put nil to death, actually to "come and take away both their rlact and nation," within thirty-eight years afterwards, heartily wish the politicians of Christendom would ronsider those and the like examples, and no lunger sa. eri8ce all virtue and religion to their pernicious schemes of government, to the bringing down the judgments o( God upon themselves, and the several nations intrusted to their care. But this is a digression: I wish it were an unseasonable one also. Josephus hims«-lf several time.'* mukes such digressions; and I here venture to follow him. See one of then at Ibc codcIimiod of the very nt- xt cbap- herself, Alexandra, she was loved by the mul- titude, because she seemed displeased at the offences her husband had been guilty of. 2. So she made Hyrcanus high-priest be- cause he was the elder, but much more be- cause he cared not to meddle with politics, and permitted the Pharisees to do every thing; to whom also she ordered the multitude to be obedient. She also restored again those prac- tices wliich the Pharisees had introduced, ac- cording to the traditions of their forefathers, and which her fathpr-in-law, Hyrcanus, had abrogated. So she had indeed the name of the Regent; but the Pharisees had the au- thority; for it was they who restored such as had been banished, and set such as were pri- soners at liberty, and to say all at once, they differed in nothing from lords. However, the queen also took care of the affairs of the king- dom, and got together a great body of merce- nary soldiers, and increased her own army to such a degree, that she became terrible to the neighbouring tyrants, and took hostages ct them: and the country was entirely at peace, excepting the Pharisees; for they disturbed the queen, and desired that she would kill those who persuaded Alexander to slay the eight hundred men ; after which they cut the throat of one of them, Diogenes: and after him they did the same to several, one after an- other, till the men that weie the most potent came into the palace, and Aristobulus with them, for he seemed to be displeased at what was done; and it appeared openly that, if he had an opportunity, he would not permit his mother to go on so. These put the queen in mind what great dangers they had gone through, and great things they bad done, whereby they had demonstrated the firm- ness of their fidelity to their master, inso- much that they had received the greatest marks of favour from him; and they beeged of her, that she would not utterly blast their hopes, as it now happened, that when they had escaped the hazards that arose from their [open] enemies, they were to be cut off at home, by their [private] enemies, like brute beasts, without any help whatsoever. They said also, that if their adversaries would be satisfied with those that had been slain already, they would take what had been done patiently, on account of their natural love to their go- vernors; but if they must expect the same for the future also, they implored of her a dis- mission from her service; for they could' not bear to think of attempting any method for their deliverance without her, but would rather die willingly before the palace-gate, in case she would not forgive them. And that It was a great shame, both for themselves and for the queen, that when they were neglected by her, they should come under the lash of her hus- band's enemies; for that Aretas. the Arabian king, and the moiiarrhs, would give any re- ward, if they could get .such men m foreign CHAP. XVI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 369 auxiliaries, to whom their very names, before their voices be heard, may perhaps be terrible; but if they could not obtain this their second request, and if she had determined to prefer the Pharisees before them, they still insisted that she would place them every one in her fortresses; for if some fatal demon hath a constant spite against Alexander's bouse, they would be willing to bear their part, and to live in apitvate station there. 3. As these men said thus, and called upon Alexander's ghost for conmiiseration of those already slain, and those in danger of it, all the by-standers brake out into tears ; but Arisfcobulus chiefly made manifest what were his sentiments, and used many reproachful expressions to his mother [saying], *' Nay, indeed, the case is this, that they have been themselves the authors of their own calamities, who have permitted a woman who, against reason, was mad with ambition, to reign over them,- when there were sons in the flower of their age fitter for it." So Alexandra not knowing what to do with any decency, com- mitted the fortresses to them, all but Hyrca- nia and Alexandrium, and Macherus, where her principal treasures were. After a little while also, she sent her son Aristobulus with an army to Damascus against Ptolemy, who was called Menneus, who was such a bad neighbour to the city; but he did nothing considerable there, and so returned home. 4. About this time new'* was brought that Tigranes, the king of Armenia, had made an irruption into Syria with five hundred thou- sand soldiers,* and was coming against Judea. This news, as may well be supposed, terrified the queen and the nation. Accordingly they sent him many and very valuable presents, as also ambassadors, and that as he was besieging Ptolemais ; for Selene the queen, the same that was also called Cleopatra, ruled then over Syria, who had persuaded the inhabitants to exclude Tigranes. "So the Jewish ambas- sadors interceded with him, and entreated him that he would determine nothing that was se- vere about their queen or nation. He com- mended them for the respects they paid him at so great a distance: and «ave them good hopes of his favour. But as soon as Ptole- mais was taken, news came to Tigranes, that LucuUus, in his pursuit of Mithridates, could not light upon him, who was fled into Iberia, but was laying waste Armenia and besieging its cities. Now, when Tigranes knew this, he returned home. 5. After this, when the queen was fallen 1 into a dangerous distemper, Aristobulus re- • The number of five hundred tliousand, or even three bnndred thousand, as one fireek copy, with the I atia cipies. have it, Jor Tiijranes'.s army, that came out of Armenia into .Syria and Judea, seems much too large. — We have had already several such extravaffint num- hers in Jo^ephus's present copies, which are not to be at > ' asf-riDi-ii , -i,.i. . ^ i .^[y, | incline to Dr. HutUou' t- i-..a„u.^.. here, *hiili supposes Uiem but forty UiousauJ. solved to attempt the seizing of the govern- ment; so he stole away secretly by night, with only one of his servants, and went to the fortresses, wherein his friends, that were such from the days of his father, were sett led; for as he had been a great while displeased at his mother's conduct, so he was now much more afraid, lest, upon her death, their whole family should be under the power of the Pha risees ; for he saw the inability of his brother, who was to succeed in the government : nor was any one conscious of what he was doing but only his wife, whom he left at Jerusalem with their children. He first of all came to Agaba, where was Galestes, one of the pot#nt men before mentioned, and was received by him. When it was day the queen perceived that Aristobulus was fled; and for some tii^e she supposed that his departure was not in order to make any innovation ; but when messengers came one after another with the news that he had secured the first place, the second place, and all the places, for as soon as one had begun, they all submitted to bis disposal, then it was that the queen and the nation were in the greatest disorder, for they were aware that it would not be long ere Aristobulus would be able to settle himself firmly in the government. What they were principally afraid of was this, that he would inflict punishment upon them for the mad treatment his house had had from them; so they resolved to take his wife and children into custody, and keep them in the fortress that was over the temple.f Now there was a mighty conflux of people that came to Aristobulus from all parts, insomuch that he had a kind of royal attendants about him; for in a little more than fifteen days, he got twenty-two strong places, which gave him the opportunity of raising an army from Li- ban us and Trachonitis, and the monarchs; for men are easily led by the greater number, and easily submit to them. And besides this, that by affording him their assistance when he could not expect it, they, as. well as he, should have the advantages that would come by his being king, because they had been the occasion of his gaining the kingdi Now the elders of the Jews, and Hyrcanus with them, went in unto the queen, and desired that she would give them her sentiments about the present posture of affairs, for that Aristo- bulus was in effect lord of almost all the kingdom, by possessing of so mfmy strongw. . holds, and that it was absurd tor them to takjB^-' any counsel by themselves, how ill soever she were, whilst she was alive, and that the dan- ger would be upon them in no long time But she bade them do what they thought + This fortress, castle, citadel, or tower, whither the wife and children of Aristobulus were now sent, and which overlooked the temp e, could be no other than what Hyrcanus I. built (Autiq. b. wis. ch It. «ect i) and Herod the Great rebuilt, and called the** Tower ol Autuuia." Antiq. h. xv. ch IL lecL Ow 2 A 370 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIV. proper to be dono tbat tbey bad many circum- Btaiices in tbeir favour still reiimining; a na- tion in good heart, an army, and money in their several treasuries; for tbat she had small coii- cernabout public affairs now, when the strength of her body already failed her. 6. Now a little while after she bad said this to them, she died, when she had reigned n ,ie years, and had in all lived seventy-three. A* woman she was vvho showed no signs of the weakness of her sex, for she was sagacious to the greatest degree in her ambition of govern- mg, and demonstrated by her doings at once, that her nriind was fit for action, and that sometimes men themselves show the little understanding they have by the frequent mis- takes they make in point of government; for she always preferred the present to futurity, and preferred the power of an imperious do- minion above all things, and in comparison of tbat, bad no regard to wbat was good or wbat was right. However, she brought the affairs of her house to such an unfortunate condition, that she was the occasion of the taking away that authority from it, and tbat in no long time afterward, which she had obtained by a vast number of hazards and misfortunes, and this out of a desire of what does not belong to a woman, and all by a compliance in her senti- ments with those that bare ill-will to their family, and by leaving the administration des- titute of a proper s^ipport of great men; and indeed, her management during her adminis- tration, while she was alive, was such as tilled the palace after her death with calamities and disturbance. However, although this had been her way of governing, she preserved the nation in peace: — and this is the conclusion of the affairs of Alexandra. BOOK XIV. CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THIRTY-TWO YEARt. FROM THE DEATH OF QUEEN ALEXANDRA TO THE DEATH OF ANTIGONUS. CHAPTER I. 'THE WAR BETWEEN ARISTOBULUS AND HYR- CANIS ABOUT THE KINGDOM; AND HOW THEY MADE AN AGREEMENT THAT ARIS- TOBULUS SHOULD BE KING, AND HYRCANUS LIVE A PRIVATE LIFE: AS ALSO HOW HYR- CANUS, A LITTLE AFTERWARDS, WAS PER- SUADED BY ANTIPATER TO FLY TO ARETAS. § 1.. We have related the affairs of queen Alexandra, and ber death in the foregoing book, and will now speak of what followed, and was connected with those histories; de- claring, before we proceed, that we have no- thing so much at heart as this, tbat we may imit no facts either through ignorance or la- ziness;* for we are upon the history and ex- plication of such things as the greatest part are unacquainted withal, because of their dis- tance from our times; and we aim to do it • Rpland takes notice here, very Jtiiit1>, how Jose- pliiu'^ declaration, that it was his (treat Concern not only lo write •♦ an agreeahle. an accurate." and •' a true" his- tory, but also distinctly! ♦■ not to omit any thiiigr" fof eontequenne]. either throngh **iirn<>rance or laziness." iai^lies that he could nul^runsistrntiy with that resulti- linn, omit the meotiun of [so famous a person asl ••JesoaChrijit* • vvitb a proper beauty of style, so far as that Ig derived from proper words harmonically dis- posed, and from such ornaments of speech also as may contribute to the pleasure of our read- ers, that they may entertain the knowledge of what we write with some agreeable satisfac- tion and pleasure. But the principal scope that authors ought to aim at, above all the rest, is to speak accurately, and to speak truly, for the satisfaction of those that are other- wise unacquainted vvitb such transactions, and obliged to believe what these writers inform them of. 2. Hyrcanus tben began bis bigb-pnest- hood on the third year of the hundred and seventy-seventh olympiad, when Quintus Hor- tensius and Quintus Metellus, who was called Metellus of Crete, were consuls at Rome; when presently Aristobulus began to make war against him, and as it came to a battle with Hyrcanus at Jericho, many of his soldiers de- serted him and went over to his brother: upon which Hyrcanus fled into the citadel, where Aristobulus's wife and children were imprin soned by his mother, as we have said already, and attacked and overcame those his adver. Miries tbat bad fled thither, and lay within the CHAP. II. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 37t walls of the temple. So when he had sent a messajje to his brother about agreeing the mat- ters l)etvveeii thenj, he laid aside his enmity to him on these conditions, that Aristobulus should be king, that he should live without intermeddling with public affairs, and quietly enjoy the estate he had acquired. When they had atrreed upon these terms in the temple, and had contirmed the agreement with oaths, and the giving one another their right hands, and embracing one another in the sight of the whole multitude, they 3eparted; the one, Aristobulus, to the palace, and Hyrcanus, as a private man, to the t'ornier house of Aristo- bulus. 3. But there was a certain friend of Hyr- canus, an Idumean, called Antipater, who was very rich, and in his nature an active and a seditious man; who was at enmity with Aristobulus, and had differences with him on account of his good- will to Hyrcanus. It is true, that Nicolaus of Damascus says, that Antipater was of the stock of the |)rincipal Jews who came out of Babylon into Judea; but that asi^ertion of his was to gratify Herod, who was his son, and v\ho, by certain revolu- tions of fortune, came afterwards to be king of the Jews, whose history we shall give you in its proper place hereafter. However, this Antipnter was at first cnlled Antipas,* and that was his father's name also; of whom they relate this: That king Alexander and his wife made him general of all Idumea, and that he made a league of friendship with those Arabians, and Gazites, and Ascalonites, that were of his own party, and had, by many and large presents, made them his fast friends ; but now this' younger Antipater was suspicious of the power of Aristobulus, and was afraid of some mischief he might do him, because of bis hatred to him; so be stirred up the most powerful of the Jews, and talked against him to them privately; and said, that it was un- just to overlook the conduct of Aristobulus, who had gotten the government unrighteously, and ejected his brother out of it, who was the elder, and ought to retain what belonged to him by pr<^rogative of his birth; and the same speeches he perpetually made to Hyrca- nus; and told '^im that his own life would he in danger unl'^ss he guarded himself, and got quit of Arist'-^bulus; for he said that the friends of Aristobul.'s omitted no opportunity of advising him to kMl him, as being then, and not before, sure to retain his principality. Hyrcanus gave no credit to these words of his, as being of a gentle disposition, and one that did not easily admit of calumnies against other men. This temper of his not disposing him to meddle with public affairs, and want • That the famons Antipater'sor Antipas's father was also Antipater iir Antipas (which two may justly be es- te«-iiied one and the Kame name; the former with a Greek or Gentile, the latter with a Hebrew or Jewish termination). Joxphus here assures us, thoi:gh Euc"- bius icdeed says it was Herod. of spirit, occasioned him to appear to specta* tors to be degenerate and unmanly; while Aristobulus was of a contrary temper, an active man, and one of a great and generous soul, 4. Since therefore Antipater saw that Hyr caiius did not attend to what he said, be nevei ceased, day by day, to charge feigned crime upon Aristobulus, and to^ calumniate hinj be fore him, as if he had a mind to kill him and so. by urging him perpetually, he advised him, and persuaded him to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia; and promised, that if ho would comply with his advice, he would also himself assist him [and go with him]. When Hyrcanus heard this, he said that it was for his advantage to fly away to Aretas. Now Arabia is a country that borders upon Judea. How- ever, Hyrcanus sent Antipater first to the king of Aral)ia, in order to receive assurances from him, that when he should come in the manner of a supplicant to him, he would not deliver him up to his enemies. ^So Antipater having received such assurances, returned to H\rca- nus to Jerusalem. A while afterward he took H\rcanus, and stole out of the city by night, and went a great journey, ami came and brough* him to the city called Petra, where the palace of Aretas was; and as he was a very familiar friend of that king, he persuaded him to bring back Hyrcanus into Judea; and this persuasion he continued every day without any intermission. He also proposed to make him presents on that account. At length he prevailed with Aretas in his suit. Moreover. Hyrcanus promised him, that when he had been brought thither, and had received his kingdom, he would restore that couHtry, and those twelve cities which his father Alex- ander had taken from the Arabians; which were these, Medaba, Naballo, Libyas, Thara- basa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa, Rudda, Lussa, and Oruba. CHAPTER II. HOW ARETAS AND HYRCANUS MADE AN EX- PEPITIGN AGAINST ARISTOBULUS, AND BE- \ SIEGED JERUSALEM; AND HOW SCAURUS, \ THE ROMAN GENERAL, RAISED THE glEGE. CONCERNING THE DEATH OF ONIAS, § 1. After these promises had been given to Aretas, he made an expedition against Aris- tobulus, with an army of fifty thon.sand horse and foot, and beat him in the battle. And when after that victory many went ovt-r to H\rcanus as deserters, Aristobulus was left desolate, and fled to Jerusalem; upon which j the king of Arabia took all his arniv and made an assault upon the temple, and be.sieged Aris- tobulus therein, the people still supporting I Hyrcanus, and assisting him in the siege, while 372 ANTIQUITIES OF THK JEWS. BOOK XIT. none but the priests continued with Aristobu- lus. So Aretas united the forces of the Ara- bians and of the Jews together, and pressed en the siege vigorously. As this happened at the iime when the feast of unleavened bread was celebrated, which we call the Passover, the principal men among the Jews left the country, and fled into Egypt. Now there was one, whose name was Onias, a righteous man he was, and l)eloved of God, who, in a certain drought, had prayed to God to put an end to the intense heat, and whose prayers God had heard, and had sent them rain. This man had hid himself, because be saw that this sedition would last a great while. However, they brought him to the Jewish camp, and de- sired, that as by his pravers he had once put an end to the drought, so he would in like manner make imprecations on Aristobulus and those of his faction. And when, upon his refusal, and the excuses that he made, he was still by the multitude compelled to speak, he stood up in the mid&t of them, and said, " O God, the King of the whole world 1 since those that stand now with me are thy people, and those that are besieged are also thy priests, I beseech thee, that thou wilt neither hearken to the prayers of those against these, nor bring to effect what these pray against those." M'hereupon such wicked Jews as stood about him, as soon as he had made this prayer, stoned him to death. 2. But God punished them immediately for this their barbarity, and took vengeance of them for the murder of Onias, in the manner following: — "While the priests and Aristobu- lus were besieged, it happened that the feast called the Passover was come, at which it is our custom to offer a great number of sacri- fices to God; but those that were with Aris- 'tobulus wanted sacrifices, and desired that their countrymen without would furnish them with such sacrifices, and assured them they should have as much money for them as they should desire; and when they required them to pay a thousand drachmae for each bead of cattle, Aristobulus and the priests M-illingly undertook to pay for them accord- injily; and those within let down the money over the walls, and gave it them. But when the others had received it, they did not deliver the sacrifices, but arrived at that height of wickedness as to break the assurances they had given, and to be guilty of impiety towards God, by not furnishing those that wanted them with sacrifices. And when the priests found they bad been cheated, and that the agree- ments they had made were violated, they pray- ed to God that he would avenge them on their countrymen. Nor did he delay that their punishment, but sent a strong and vehement storm of wind, that destroyed the fruits of the whole country, till a modus of wheat was then bought for eleven dracbuiEB. 1 a. In the meantime Pcrnpey sent Scaurus into Syria, while he was himself in Armenia, and making war with Tigranes; but when Scaurus was come to Damascus, and found that Lollius and Metellus had newly taken the city, he came himself hastily into Judea. And when he was come thither, ambassadors came to him, both from Aristobulus and Hyr- canus, and both desired he would assist them; and when both of them promised to give him money, Aristobulus four hundred talents, and Hyrcanus no less, he accepted of Aristobu- lus's promise, for he was rich, and had a great soul, and desired to obtain nothing but what was moderate; whereas the other was poor and tenacious, and made incredible promises in hope of greater advantages; for it was not the same thing to take a city that was exceed- ing strong and powerful, as it was to eject out of the country some fugitives, with a great number of Nabateans, who were no very war- like people. He therefore made an agree- ment with Aristobulus, for the reason before mentioned, and took his money, and raised the siege, and ordered Aretas to depart, oi else he should be declared an enemy to the Romans. So Scaurus returned to Damascus again; and Aristobulus, with a great army, made war with Aretas and Hyrcanus, and fought them at a place called Papyron, anC beat them in the battle, and slew about six thousand of the enemy, with whom fell Pha- lion also, the brother of Antipater. CHAPTER III. HOW ARISTOBULUS AND HYRCANUS CAME TO POMPEY, IN ORDER TO ARGUE WHO OUGHT TO HAVE THE KINGDOM; AND HOW, UPON THE FLIGHT OF ARISTOBULUS TO THE FORTRESS ALEXANDRIUM, POMPEY LED HIS ARMY AGAINST HIM, AND ORDERED HIM TO DELIVER UP THE FORTRESSES WHEREOF HE WAS POSSESSED. § 1. A LITTLE afterward Pompey came to Damascus, and marched over Celesyria; at which time there came ambassadors to him from all Syria, and Egypt, and out of Judea also, for Ari>tobulus had sent him a great present, which was a golden vine,* of the value of five hundred talents. Now Strabo of Cappadocia mentions this present in these ♦ This ♦' golden vine." or " garden." »ren by Straho at Rome, has its insMiptioo here as if it were the giU of Alexander, the father of Aristobulus. and not ot Aris- tobulus himself, to whom yet Josephus ascribes it; and in order to prove the truth of that part of his history, introduces this testimony of Straho; so that the ordi- nary copies seem to be here either erroneous or detec- tive, and the original reading seems to have been either Aristobulus, inKtend of Ah xandei, with one Greek copy, or else ''Aristobulus the son of Alexander," with the I atin copies: which list seems to nie the most pro- bable; for as to Archbishop Usher's conjectures, that Alexander made it. and dedicated it to God in the tem> pie, and that thenrc Aristobulus took it. and s«!nt it to I'umpry, tkcy are both very iiuproSable, ami no way CHAP. III. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 373 words: — *' There came also an embassage out of Egypt, and a crown of the value of four thousand pieces of gold; and out of Judea there came another, whether you call it a vine or a garden; they called the thing Terpole, the Delight. However, we ourselves saw that present reposited at Rome, in theS;eraple of Jupiter Capitolinus, with this inscription: ' The Gift of Alexander, the King of the Jews,' It was valued at live hundred talents; and the report is, that Aristobulus, the gover- nor of the Jews, sent it." 2. In a little time afterward came ambassa- dors again to him, Antipater from Hyrcarms, and Nicodemus from Aristobulus; which last also accused such as had taken bribes; first Gabinius, and then Scaurus, — the one three hundred talents, and the other four hundred; by which procedure he made these two his enemies, besides those he had before ;\and when Pompey had ordered those that^ nad controversies one with another to come to him in the beginning of the spring, he brought his army out of their winter quarters, and marched into the country of Damascus; and as he went aloi«f be demolished the citadel that was at Apamea, which Antiochus Cyzicenus had built, and took cognizance of the country of Ptolemy Menneus, a wicked man, and not less so than Oionysius of Tripoli, who had been beheaded, who was also his relation by marriage; yet did he buy off the punishment of his crimes~ToF~a~Thmi5HTnt~"tatcntif, with which money Potnpey paid the soWiers their wages. He also eonquered the place called Lysias, of which Silas a Jew was tyrant; and when he had passed over the cities of Heliopolis and Chalcis, and got over the mountain which is on the limit of Celesyria, he came from Pella to Damascus ; and there it was that he heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors Hyrcanus and Aristo- bulus, who were at difference one with an- \ijOther, as also of the nation against them both, which did not desire to be under kingly go- vernment, because the form of government they received from their forefathers was that of subjection to the priests of that God whom they worshipped; and [they complained] that though these two were the posterity of priests, yet did they seek to change the go- vernment of their nation to another form, in order to enslave them. Hyrcaims complained, that although he were the elder brother, he was deprived of the prerogative of his birth by Aristobulus, and that he had but a small part of the country under him, Aristobulus having taken away the rest from him by force. He also accused him, that the incursions which had been made into their neighbours* B^reeable to Josephus, who would hardly have avoided the recording both these unconiinon points of history, bad he known any thing of them: nor would either the J» wish nation, or even Pompey himself, then have re- luUcd tuch a flagrant iostauce of sacriiega countries, and the piracies that had been at sea, were owing to him ; and that the nation would not have revolted, unless Aristobulus had been a man given to violence and disor- d.'r; and there were no fewer than a thousand Jews, 'of the best esteem among them, who confirmed this accusation ; which confirma- tion was procured by Antipater; but Aristo- bulus alleged against him, that it was Hyr- canus's own temper which was inactive, and on that account contemptible, which caused him to be deprived of the government; and that for himself he was necessitated to take it upon him, for fear lest it should be transfer- red to others; and that as to his title [of king], it was no other than what his father had taken [before him]. He also called for witnesses of what he said, some persons who were both young and insolent; whose purple garments, fine heads of hair, and other orna- ments, were detested [by the court], and which they appeared in, not as though they were to plead their cause in a court of justice, but as if they were marching in a pompbus procession. 3. When Pompey had heard the causes of these two, and had condemned Aristobulus for his violent procedure, he tken spake civilly to them, and sent them away; and told them, that when he came again into their country he would settle all their affairs, after he had first taken a view of the affairs of the Nabateans. In the mean time he ordered them to be quiet; and treated Aristobulus civilly, lest he should make the nation revolt, and hinder his return; which yet Aristobulus did; for with- out expecting any farther determination, which Pompey had promised them, he went to the city Delius, and thence marched into Judea, 4. At this behaviour Pompey was angry ; and taking with him that army which he was leading against the Nabateans, and the auxili- aries that came from Damascus, and the other parts of Syria, with the other Roman legions which he had with him, he made an expedition against Aristobulus; but as he passed by Pella and Scythopolis,^he came to Coreae, which is the first entrance into Judea when one passes over the midland countries, where he came to a most beautiful fortressthatwas built on the top of a mountain called Alexandrium, whither Aristobulus had fled; and thence Pompey sent his commands to him, that he should come to him. Accordingly, at the'persuasiuns of many that he would not make war with the Romans, he came down; and when he had disputed with his brother about the right to the government, he went up again to the citadel, as Pompey gave him leave to do; and this he did two or three times, as flattering himself with the hopes of having the kingdom granted him; so that he still pretended he would obey Pompey in what- soever he commanded, although at the same time he retired to his fortress, that he might not depress himself too low, an<i that he might b* 374 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIV. prepared for a war, in case it should prove as he (eared, that Poinpey would tran>t'er the government to H\rcaniis: hut when Ponipe} enjoined Aristohulus to deliver up the tor- tresses he held, and to send an injunction to their governors under his own hand for that purpose, for they had heen forhidden to de- liver them up upon any other commands, he suhinitted indeed to do so; hut still he retired in displeasure to Jerusalem, and made pre- paration for war. A little after this, certain persons came out of Pontus, and informed Pompey, as he was on the way, and conduct- ing his army against Aristohulus, that Mith- ri dates was dead, and was slain by his son Pharnaces. CHAPTER IV. how pompey, when the citizens of jeru- salem shut their gates against him, besieged the city, and took it by fokce; as also what other things he did in judea. § 1. Now when Pompey had pitched his camp at Jericho (where the palm-tree grows,* and that balsam which is. an ointment of all the most precious, which upon any incision made in the wood with a sharp stone, distils out thence like a juice), he marched in the morning to Jerusalem. ^Hereupon Aristo- bulur reftnted of what be was doing, and came to Pompey, and [promised to] give him money, ayd received him into Jerusalem, and desired that he would leave otf the war, and do what he pleased peaceably. So Ptunpey, upon his entreaty, forgave him, and sent Ga- binius, and soldiers with him, t« receive the money and the city; yet was no part of this performed; but Gabinius came back, being both excluded out of the city, and receiving none of the money promised, because Aristo- buliis's soldiers would not permit the agree- njents to be executed. At this Pompey was very angry, and put Aristohulus into prison, and cdwe himself to the citv, which was strong on every side, excepting the north, whi b was not so well fortified, for there was a br< a and deep ditch, that encompassed the cit),t and included within it the temple, • ' hf^f exprex* testimonieB of Jowphus here, and Anti<i. Ii \iii. cli. vi «fc' C, and b. xv. ch. iv. sfct. i, thai tlif iiiiK balxuni i:ar<1fi:s. and ihe b«f8t palni-treps. wrr,,\i lrH)-tin hisdnyK. n> ar JiTichi>un<l i-.n^adtii. about the n«>ril pait «)f tin- IVad >r.. (w hf r^-ahont also Alt-x- aiid»-r 111*- Crreat xaw thr balxani drop), nhnw the mistake of iliitxr iliat liiidcrKiaiid l'iis«>l)lii!< aid Jtfinni, ax it one ol thtixr f!ardfni> were a< the irnnth part of thai sesi. at Z'lar or Segor. whereas they nmst either nienn anotl-er Zoar or Segor, which was between .lerl<hii imd I- lujiddi. aireeah > to Josephiis. *hicb >«'t the\ do not BP|>eiir to do; »^r else the) directly contradict Jo>(epl>nn. ans: were thert in f;<>'i>tly mistaken: I mean Ihl^ nllle^)- ihat hal- xani. and the best |ialin-trreB. iriew miK'l' \^t^»^ »ocili waid in Judea in the dti>>> ol I n<» l>ins iiiul .li i \>. t\ni ttiey dill in <he daysof.loM ihos ♦ I he part ciilar di nili aid lireji.lih 'f «l i- diti !•. fhiciiue ilie •tone* for the wall abt)Ui tlie teoipii- were which was itself encompassed about with a very strong stone wall. 2. Now there was a sedition of the men that were within the city, who did not agree v\hat was to be done in their present circum- stances, while some thought it best to deliver up the city to Pompey; but Aristobulus's party exhorted them to shut the gates, be- cause he was kept in prison. Now these prevented the others, and seized upon the temple, and cut off the bridge which reached from it to the city, and prepared themselves to abide a siege; but the others admitted/ Pompey 's army in, and delivered up both the city and the king's palace to him. So Pom- pey sent his lieutenant Piso with an army, and placed garrisons bo'th in the city and in the palace, to secure them, and fortified the houses that joined to the temple, and all those which were more distant and without it. And in the first place, he offered terms of ac- commodation to those that were within; but when they would not comply with what was, desired, he encompassed all the places thereV^^, about with a wall, wherein Hyrcanus did gladly assist him on all occasions; but Pom- pey pitched his camp within [the wall], on the north part of the temple, where it was most practicable; but even on that side there were great towers, and a ditch had been dug, and a deep valley begirt it round about, for on the parts towards the city were precipices, and the bridge on which Pompey had iitjtten in was broken down. However, a bank was raised, day by day, with a great deal of la- bour., while the Romans cut down materials for it from the pUices round about; and when this bank was sufliciently raised, and the ditch filled up, though but poorly, by reason ot its immense depth, he brought his mechanical engines and battering-rams from Tyre, and placing them on the bai:k, he battered the. temple with the stones that were throvvri against it; and had it not been our practice, from the days of our forefathers, to rest on the seventh day, this bank could never have been perfected, by reason of the opposition the Jews would have made; for though our law gives us leave then _lo defend ourselves against those that begin to fight with us and assault us, yet does it not permit us to meddle with our enemies while they do any thing <lse. 3. Which thing when the Romans undt r- stood, on those days which we call SabSaths, they threw nothing at the Jews, nor came to any pitched battle with them, but raised up their earthen banks, and brought their engine* into such forwardness, that they might do i 60 6 CHAP. IV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 376 execution the next days; and any one may hence learn how very great piety we exercise towards God, and the observance of bis laws, siace the priests were not at all hindered from their sacred ministrations, by their fear du- ring this siege, but did still twice each day. in the morning and about the ninth hour, offer their sacrifices on the altar; nor did they omit those sacrifices, if any melancholy acci- dent happened, by the stones that were thrown among them; for although the city was taken on the third month, on the day of the fast,* upon the hundred and seventy-nintli olympiad, when Caius Antonius and Marcus TuU^us Cicero <tere consuls, and the enemy then fell upon them, and cut the throats of those that were in the temple, yet could not those that of- fered the sacrifices be compelled to run away,j neither^by the fear they were in of their owrr lives, nor by the number that were already slain, as thinking it better to suffer whatever came upon them, at their very altars, than to omit any thing that their laws required of them; and that this is not a mere brag, or an encomium to manifest a degree of our piety that was false, but is the real truth, I appeal to those that have written of the acts of Pom- pey; and, among them, to Strabo and Nico- laus [ot Damascus]; and besides these, to Titus Li\ius, the writer of the Roman His- tory, who will bear witness of this thing.f 4. But when the battering-engine was brought near, the greatest of the towers was shaken by it, and fell down, and broke down a part of the fonifications, so the enemy poured in apace; and Cornelius Faustus, the son of Sylla, with his soldiers, first of all ascended the wall, and next to him Furius the centu- rion, with those that followed, on the other part; while Fabius, who was also a centurion, as'-ended it in the middle, with a great body of men after him; but now all was full of slaughter; some of the Jews being slain by the Romans, and some by one another; nay, some there were who threw themselves down the precipices, or put fire to their houses and burnt them, as not able to bear the miseries they Were under. Of the Jews there fell twelve thousand; but of the Romans very few. Absalom, who was at once both unclt^ and father-in-law to Aristobulus, was taken • That is on the twenty-third of Sivan. the annual fast for tlie defection and idolatr\ of Jt- roboarn, " who made Israel to mo:" cr possibly some other fast niighi fall into that montti, before and in the days of Josephus + It deserves here to be rv>ied. tliat this Pharisaical su- Derstitious notion, that offensive fis;htins was unlawful to Jews, even under the utmost necessity, on the Sabbath- dii\,— of whicli we hear nothing before the times of the RIacrahees.— was the proper occasion of Jerusalem's be- ing taken by I'ompev, by Sossius. and by 'I itus, as ap- pears irom the pla(;es already quoted intheni-te on Antiq b. xiii.rli viii t.ect I; which scrupulous »uperstition. as to th observation o! such a riRomus rest upon the L-^ah- bath-<lay. iiur ^av^our always nj-posed, when the Phari- captive; and no small enormities were com. iiTrtted about the temple Itself, which, in for- mer at;es, had been inaccessible, and seen by none; for Pompey went into it, and not a few of those that were with biui al?o, and saw all that which it was unlawful for an^ otjrer men to see, but only for the I'i^b-priestsA There were in that temple the jjohien table, '■ the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels, and a great quantity of spices; and besides these there were among the treasures tu o t hou-. j sand talents of sacred mone) ; \e* did rum-'j pey touch nothing of all this.J on acc«)unt of / his regard to religion; and in this point also/ he acted in a manner that was worth) of hiy virtue. The next day he gave ortierto those that had the charge of the temple to cleanse it, and to bring what offerings the law reipiired to God; and restored the high-priesthood to Hyrranus, both because he bad been u^tful to him in other respects, and locause he hindered the Jews in the country from giving Aristo- bulus any assistance in his war against him. He also cut off those that had been the au- thors of that war; and bestowed proper re- wards on Faustus, and those others that mounted the wall with such alacrity; and he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans; and took away those cities of Celesyria which the inhabitants of Judea had suliriued, and put them under the government of the Roman pre- sident, and confined the whole nation, which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds. Moreover, he rebuilt Gadara, which had been demolished a'Tittle before,"]! to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, who was his freed-man, and restored the rest of the cities, Hippos, and Scythopolis, and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as also Marissa, and Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa, to their own inha- bitants: these were in the inland parts. Be- sides those that had been demolished, and also of the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and Strato's Tower: which last Heroo rebuilt after a glorious maniier, and adorne^i iwith havens and temples; and changed its name to Caesarea. All these Pompey left in ; a state of freedom, and joined them to the/ province of Syria. 5. Now the occasions of this misery which came upon Jerusalem were Hyrcaiius and Aristobulus, by raising a sedition one against the other; for now we lost our liberty, and became subject to the Romans, and were de- prived of that country which we had gained by our arms from the Syrians, and were com- pelled to restore it to the Syrians. Moreover, \ the Romans exacted of us, in a little time, j above ten thousand talents ; and the royal / t This is fully confirmed by the testimory of Cicero, W'ho says, in his oration for Flaccus. 'I hat " ( neius l*om- peius. when he was conqueror, and had tat eii Jerusalem^ «aicj| J.'»>i jrsis'ed on.it. as is evident in nia' y plates in j did not touch any th nir belonging to that un pie Uie New 'Irs^anieiit, thouuh be siiil int'niiied how per Of this destniction of G;.dara here pre' upposed, ai:d p>cioii> ti ai superstition mighr |)rove to them in their its restoration by Pompey^ see the note on Ito War, b. i fligbt from the !tuuj»us. Matt. rxv. iO ) ch. vji. sect 7 376 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIT auf.hcrfty, wbich was a dignity formerly be- stowed on those that were high-priests, by the ri^ht of their family, became the property of piivate men; but of these matters we shall treat in their proper places. Now Pompey committed Celesyria, as far as the river Eu- phrates and Egypt, to Scaurus, with two Ro- mun legions, and then went away to Cilicia, and made haste to Rome. He also carried b( und along with him Aristobulus and his children; for he had two daughters and as nnany sons; the one of whom ran away; but the younger, Antigonus, was carried to Rome, together with his sisters. CHAPTER V. HOW SCAURUS MADE A LEAGUE OF MUTUAL ASSISTANCE WITH ARETAS; AND WHAT GABINIUS DID IN JUDEA, AFTER HE tiAD CONQUERED ALEXANDER, THE SON OF ARIS- TOBULUS. § 1. ScAURUS made now an expedition against Petrea, in Arabia, and set on fire all the places round about it, because of the great difficulty of access to it; and as his army was pinched by famine, Antipater furnished him with corn out of Judea, and with whatever else he wanted, and this at the command of Hyrcanus; and when he was sent to Aretas as an ambas- sador, by Scaurus, because he had lived with him formerly, he persuaded Aretas, to give Scaurus a sum of money, to prevent the burn- ing of his country ; and undertook to be his surety for three hundred talents. So Scaurus, upon these terms, ceased to make war any longer: which was done as much at Scaurus's desire as at the desire of Aretas. 2. Some time after this, when Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, made an incursion into Judea. Gabinius came from Rome to Syria, as commander of the Roman forces. He did many considerable actions; and particu- larly made war with Alexander, since Hyrca- nus was not yet able to oppose his power, but was already attempting to rebuild the wall of Jerusalem, which Pompey had overthrown, al- though the Romans who were there restrained him from that his design. However, Alex- ander went over all the country round about, and armed many of the Jews, and suddenly got together ten thousand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen, and fortified Alexandrium, a fortress near to Coreae, and Macherus, near the mountains of Arabia. Ga- binius therefore came upon him, having sent Marcus Antonius, with other coninanders, before. 'J hese armed such Romans as fol- lowed tb(m; and, together with them, such Jews as were subject to them, whot^e leaders ivere Pitbolaus and Malichus; and tlx y took tvitb tbfcm also their friends that utre with Antipater, and met Alexander, while Gubj. nius himself followed with his legion. Here- upon Alexander retired to the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, where they fell upon one ano- ther, and it came to a pitched battle; in which the Romans slew of their enemies about three thousand, and took a like number alive. 3. At which time Gabinius came to Alex- andrium, and invited those that were in it to deliver it up on certain conditions, and pro- mised that then their former offences should be forgiven: but as a great number of the enemy had pitched their camp before the for- tress, whom the Romans attacked, Marcus Antonius fought bravely, and slew a great number, and seemed to come off with the greatest honour. So Gabinius left part ol his army there, in order to take the place, and he himself went into other parts of Judea, and gave order to rebuild all the cities that he met with that had been demolished; at which time were rebuilt Samaria, Ashdod, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Raphia, and Dora; Marissa also, and Gaza, aiKl not a few others besides; and as the men acted according to Gabinius'a command, it came to pass, that at this time these cities were securely inhabited, which had been desolate for a long time. 4. When Gabinius had done thus in the country be returned to Alexandrium; and when be urged on the siege of the place, Alex- ander sent an embassage to him, desiring that he would pardon his former offences; he also delivered up the fortresses, Hyrcania and Macherus, and at last Alexandrium itself, which fortresses Gabinius demolished; but when Alexander's mother, who was of the side of the Romans, as having her husband and other children at Rome, came to him, he granted her whatsoever she asked; and when he had settled matters with her, he brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him; and when be had ordained five councils, he distributed the na- tion into the same number of parts; so these councils governed the people; the first was at Jerusalem, the second at Gadara, the third at Amathus, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at Sepphoris, in Galilee. So the Jews were now freed from monarchic authority, and were governed by an aristocracy.* • Dean Pi id^aux well observes, " That notwithntand- injf the clamour apaiiist Gabinius at Koine, Juj<i>phru gives him a laudable character as if he bad acquitted himself with honour in the charge committed to biiu'* [in J udea]. Slc at the year ^ CHAP. VII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 377 CHAPTER VL HOW OABINIUS CAUGHT ARISTOBULUS AFTER HE HAD FLED FROM ROME, AND SENT HIM BACK TO ROME AGAIN; AND HOW THE SAME GABINIUS, AS HE RETURNED OUT OF EGYPT, OVEKCAME ALEXANDER AND THE NABATEANS IN BATTLE. § 1. Now Aristobulus ran away from Rome to Jiidea, and set about the rel)uilding of Alex- andrium, which h^d been newly demolished; hereupon Gabinius sent soldiers against him, and for their commanders Sisenna, and An- tonius, and Servilius, in order to hinder him from getting possession of the country, and to take him again; and indeed many of the Jews ran to Aristobulus on account of his former glory, as also because they should be glad of an innovation. Now, there was one Pithoiaus, a lieutenant at Jerusalem, who deserted to him with a thousand men, although a great number of those that came to him were unarmed; and when Aristobulus had resolved to go to Ma- cherus, he dismissed those people, because they were unarmed ; for they could not be useful to him in what actions he was going about; but he took with him eight thousand that were armed, and marched on; and as the Romans fell upon them severely, the Jews fought valiantly, but were beaten in the battle; and when they had fought with alacrity, but were overborne by the enemy, they were put to flight; of whom were slain about five thou- sand, and the rest being dispersed, tried, as well as they were able, to save themselves. — However, Aristobulus had with him still above a thousand, and with them he fled to Mache- rus, and fortified the place; and though he had had ill success, he still had good hope of his affairs; but when he had struggled against the siege for two days' time, and had received many wounds, he was brought as a captive to Gabinius, with his son Antigonus, who also fled with him from Rome, and this was the fortune of Aristobulus, who was sent back again to Rome, and was there retained in bonds, having been both king and high-priest for three years and six months; and was in- deed an eminent person, and one of a great soul. However, the senate let his children go, upon Gabinius's writing to them that he had promised their mother so much when she delivered up the fortresses to him; and ac- cordingly they then returned into Judea. 2. Now when Gabinius was making an expedition against the Parthians and had al- ready passed over Euphrates, he changed his mind, and resolved to return into Egypt, in order to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom,* • This history is best illustrated by Dr. Hudson out of Livy, who says, that "A. (ijibinins, the proconsul, restored PtoWniy to bis kingdom of F.jopt, and ejected Arcbelaus, uhom tbey had set up (or a king," &c. 8ee Prid. at the years &4 aud C=o^ This hath also been related elsewhere. Bow* ever, Antipatcr supplied his army, whicb he sent against Arehelaus, with corn, and wea- pons, aqd money. He also made those Jews who were above Pelusium his friends and con- federates, and had been the guardians of the passes that led into Egypt. But when he came back out of Egypt, he found Syria in disorder with seditions aod troubles; for Alex- ander, the son of Aristobulus, having seized on the government a second time by force, made many of the Jews revolt to him; and so he "marched over the country with a great army, and slew all the Romans be could light upon, and proceeded to besiege the mountain called Gerizzim, whither they had retreated. 3. But when Gabinius found Syria in such a state, he sent Antipater, who was a prudent man, to those that were seditious, to try whe- ther he could cure them of their madness, and persuade them to return to a better mind; and when he came to them, he brought many of them to a sound mind, and induced them to do what they ought to do. But he could not restrain Alexander, for he had an army of thir- ty thousand Jews, and met Gabinius, and joining battle with him was beaten, and lost ten thousand of his men about Mount Tabor. 4. So Gabinius settled the affairs which be- longed to the city Jerusalem, as was agreeable to Antipater's inclination, and went against the Nabateans, and overcame them in battle. He also sent away in a friendly manner, Mi- thridates and Orsanes, who were Parthian deserters, and came to him, though the report went abroad that they had run away from him. And when Gabinius had performed great and glorious actions, in his management of the affairs of the war, he returned to Rome, and delivered the government to Crassus. Now Nicolaus of Damascus, and Strabo of Cappa- docia, both describe the expeditions of Pom- pey and Gabinius against the Jews, while nei- ther of them say any thing new which is not in the other. CHAPTER VII. HOW CRASSUS CAME INTO JUDEA, AND PIL- LAGED THE TEMPLE; AND THEN MARCHED AGAINST THE PARTHIANS, AND PERISHED, WITH HIS ARMY. ALSO HOW CASSIUS OB- TAINED SYRIA, AND PUT A STOP TO THE PARTHIANS, AND THEN WENT UP TO JUDEA, § 1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the Parthians, came into Judea, and carried off the money that was in the temple which Pompey had left, being two thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil it of all the gold belonging to it, which was eight thousand talents. He also took a beam which was made of solid beaten gold, of tbe weight of three hundred minae, each of which 878 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIV. weighed two pounds and a half. It was the priest who was guardian of the sacred trea- sures, and whose name was Eleazar, that gave him this heam, not out of a wirked <Jesign, for he was a good and a righteous man ; but being intrusted with the custody of the veils belonging to the temple, which were of admir- able beauty and of very costly workmanship, and hung down from this beam, when he saw that Crassus was busy in gathering money, and was in fear for the entire ornaments of the temple, he gave him this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole, but this not till he had given his oath that he would remove no- thing else out of the temple, but be satisfied with this only, which he should give him be- ing worth many ten thousand [shekels]. Now, this 'beam was contained in a wooden beam that was hollow, but was known to no others; but Eleazar alone knew it ; yet did Crassus take away this beam, upon the condition of touching nothing else that belonged to the temple, — and then brake his oath and carried away all the gold that was in the temple. 2. And let no one wonder that there was 80 much wealth in our temple, since all the Jews throughout the habitable earth, and those that worshipped God, nay, even those of Asia and Europe, sent their contributions to it, and this trom very ancient times. Nor is the largeness of these sums without its at- testation ; nor is that greatness owing to our vanity, as raising it without ground to so great a height; but there are many witnesses to it, and particularly Strabo of Cappadocia, who says thus: — "Mithridates sent to Cos, and took the money which queen Cleopatra had deposited there; as also eight hundred talents belonging to the Jews." Now we have no public money but only what apper- tains to God; audit is evident that the Asian Jews removed this money out of fear of Mi- thridates; for it is not probable that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that the Jews who are inhabitants of Alexandrisi, should do so either, since they were in no fear of Mithridates. And Strabo himself bears witness to the same thing in another place; that at the same time that S^lla passed over into Greece, in order to fight against Mithridates, he sent Lucullus to put an end to a sedition that our nation,-of whom the habitable earth is full, had raised in Cy- rene; where he speaks thus: — *' There were four rlajises of men among those of Cyrene; that of citizens, that of husbandmen, the third of strangers, and the fourth of Jews. Now these Jews are already gotten into all cities; and it is hard to find a f)lace in the habitable earth that hath not adn itted this tribe of men and is not posse«fed by them: and it hath come to pass that Eg\ pt and Cyrene, as having the (same governors, and a ^ reat number of other nations, imitate tlieir UHy of living, and main- tain great bodies of these Jews in a peculiar manner, and grow up to greater prosperity with them, and make use of the same laws with that nation also. Accordingly, the Jews have places assigned them in Egypt, wherein they inhabit, besides what is pecubarly allot- ted to this nation at Alexandria, which is a large part of that city. There rs also an eth- narch allowed them, who governs the nation, and distributes justice to them, and takes care of their contracts, and of the laws to them belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free republic. In Egypt, therefore, this nation is powerful, because the Jews were originally Egyptians, and because the land wherein they inhabit since they went thence is near to Egypt. They also removed into Cyrene, be- cause that this land adjoined to the govern- ment of Egypt, as well as does Judea, or ra- ther was formerly under the same govern- ment." And this is what Strabo says. 3. So when Crassus had settled all thing? as he himself pleased, he marched into Par- thia, where both be himself and all his army perished, as hath been related elsewhere. But Cassius, as he fled from Rome to Syria, took possession of it, and was an impediment to the Parthians, who, by reason of their victory over Crassus, made incursions upon it; and as he came back to Tyre, he went up into Ju- dea also, and fe'l upon Taricbeae, ajid pre- sently took it, and carried about thirty thou- sand Jews captives; and slew Pitholaus, who succeeded Aristobulus in his seditious prac- tices, and that by the persuasion of Anti pater, who proved to have great interest in him, and was at that time in great repute with the Idu- means also: out of which nation he married a wife, who was the daughter of one of their eminent men, and her name was Cypros,* by whom he had four sons, Phasael, and Herod, who was atterwards made king, and Joseph, and Pheroras; and a daughter named Salouie. This Antipater cultivated a friendship and mutual kindness with other potentates, but especially with the king of Arabia^ to whom he committed his children, while he fought against Aristobulus. So Cassius removed bis camp, and marched to Euphrates to meet those that were coming to attack him, as hath been related by others. 4. But some time afterwards, Caesar, when he had taken Rome, and after Pompey and the senate were fled beyond the Ionian sen, freed Aristobulus from his bonds, and resolved to send hijn into Syria, and delivered two legions to him, (hat he might set niatters right, as being a potent man in that country : but Aristobulus had no enjoyment of what h« hoped for from the power that was given him by Cajsar ; for those of Pompey 's party pre- • Dr. Hudson ohjirrvM, that thp name of thin wife of Aniipuirr, in Josi-pliii!', wa» Cypros, an an Hebrew ter. niinutiun j but nut Cypiit, the Greek name for Venus, •* tdtnc critic* were rea<)y to romct it ffr^.^*;^^^.. CHAP. VIII. ANTTQTTTTTES OF THE JEWS. 379 rented it,' and destroyi'ii Inti) '>> poison; and those of Caesar's \)h~X\ tumt-d Imii. Hi> dead bt>dy also laj^ for d pc^l «i oile. embalmed in honey, till Antony rtfterwjinls sent, h to Judjea, an! caused hin» to he buried ii, the roval se- puicbre. But Scipio, upon Ponipey's send- ing to him to sla_» Aiexander. ihe son of Aris i)}iulu9, beoiiiis ' the }>> nj; ni-n was ac- cn^eji of what offenf«'s he had been guilty of at rtrst agaiiist the Rinnan-, rut off hi- head; and thus did he <ie at Anti<w'h. Bu' Piole- • ny, the son of .Mentieus, v* ho was the ruler «<f Chalcis, under Mnuiit Lihtinus. took his bipthren to him, and sent his son Philippion to Askelon to Aristobulus's wife, and desired h 'r to send back with him her son Antigo- lus and her daughters: the one of whom, whose name was Alexandra, Philippion fell in love with, and married her; though after- wards his father Ptolemy slew him, and mar- ried Alexandra, and continued to take care of her brethren. CHAPTER VIII. THE JEWS BECOME CONFEDERATES WITH CJE- SAR WHEN HE FOITGHT AGAINST EGYPT. THE GLORIOUS ACTIONS Of ANTIPATER, AND HIS FRIENDSHIP WITH C.^SAR. THE HONOURS WHICH THE JEWS RECEIVED FROM THE ROMANS AND ATHENIANS. § 1. Now after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had gained over him, An- tipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, be- came very useful to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and that by the order of Hyrcanus; for when Mithridates of Perga- raus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed men: he had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should come to his assistance; and on his account it was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their alac- rity for Cjesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and almost all the cities. So Mithridates marched out of Syria, and came to Pelusium; and when its inhabitants would not admit him, he oesieged the city. Now Antipater signalized himself here, and was the first who plucked down part of the wall, and so opened a way to the rest, whereby they might enter the city, and by this means Pelusium was taken. But it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not lot Antipater and Mithridates, with their sol- diers, pass to Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over to their t»arty, bet^uuse he was of the same pr'ople with them, and that ciuertv b< showing them the epistles of Hyr(•anu^ the hi^h-|»riest, wherein he exhorted them to j'ultivate friendshi|» with CaPsar; and to supply his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which they wanted; and ai-cord- ingly, when they saw Antipater and the high- (i:iest of the same sentiments, they did as they wert* <iesire<i. And when the Jews about Men, phis heard that these Jews were come over to C;es.r. they also invited Mithridates to CO lie to theui; so he came and received them also into his army. *2. And when Mithridates had pone over all Delta, as the place is called, he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near the place culled the Jewi>b Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing, and Antipater the left; and when it came to a tight that wing where Mithridates was gave way, and was likely to suffer extremely, unless Antipater had come running to him with bis own soldiers along the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy that opposed him; so he delivered Mithridates, and put those Egyptians who had been too hard for him to flight. He also took their camp, and continued in the pursuit of them. He also recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted, and was retired a great way off. of whose soldiers eight hundred fell; but of Antipater's fifty. So Mithridates sent an ac- count of this battle to Caesar, and openly de- clared that Antipater wastheauthor of this vic- tory, and of his own preservation ; insomuch that Caesar commended Antipater then, and made use of him all the rest of that war in the most hazardous undertakings: be happened also to be wounded in one of those engagements. 3. However, when Caesar, after some time, had finished that war, and was sailed away for Syria, he honoured Antipater greatly, and confirmed Hyrcanus in the high-priesthood; and bestowed on Antipater the privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes everywhere; and it is reported by many, that Hyrcanus went along with Antipater in this expedition, and came himself into Egypt. And Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to this, when he says thus, in the name of Asi- nius: — '* After Mithridates had invaded Egypt, and with him Hyrcanus the high-priest of the Jews." Nay, the same Strabo says thus again in another place, in the name of Hypsicrates, that *' Mithridates at first went out alone; but that Antipater, who had the rare of the Jewish affairs, was called by him to Askelon, and that he had gotten ready three thousand soldiers to go along with hina, and encouraged other governors of the country to go along with him also; and that Hyrcanus the high-priest was also present in this expe- dition." This is what Strabo says. 4. But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came at this time to Caesar, and laintnted his father's fate; and complained, that it was by 880 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIV. A«tipater*8 means tbat AHstobulus was taken off by poison, and bis brother was beheaded by Scipio, and desired that be would take pity of him who had been ejected out of that prin- cipality wh.'ch was due to him. He also ac- cused Hyrcanus a.'id Antipater as governing tbe nation by violence, and offering injuries to himself. Antipater was present, and made bis defence as to the accusations that were laid against him. He demonstrated, that Antigonus and his party were given to inno- vation, and were seditious persons. He also put Caesar in mind what difficult services he had undergone when he assisted him in his wars, and discoursed about what he was a witness of himself. He added, that Aristo- bulus was justly carried away to Rome, as one that was an enemy to the Romans, and could never be brought to be a friend to tbepn, and that his brother had no more than he de- served from Scipio, as being seized in com- mitting robberies; and that this punishment was not inflicted on him in a way of violence or injustice by him that did it. 5. When Antipater had made this speech, Caesar appointed Hyrcanus to be high-priest, and gave Antipater what principality he him- self should choose, leaving the determination to himself; so he made him procurator of Judea. He also gave Hyrcanus leave to raise up the walls of his own city, upon his asking that favour of him, for they had been demolished by Pompey. And this grant ha sent t4 the consuls at Rome, to be engraven in the capitol. The decree of the senate was this that follows:* "Lucius Valerius, the son of Lucius the praetor, referred this to the senate, upon the Ides of December, in the temple of Concord. There were present at the writing of this decree Lucius Coponius, the son of Lucius of the Colline tribe, and Papirius of the Quirine tribe, concerning the affairs which Alexander, the son of Jason, and Numenius the son of Antiochus, and Alexander, the son of Dositheus, ambassadors of the Jews, good and worthy men, proposed, who came to renew that league of good- will and friendship with the Romans which was in being before. They also brought a shield of gold, as a mark of confederacy, valued at fifty thousand pieces of gold; and desired that letters might be given them, directed • Take Dr. Hudson's note npon this place, which I Bupposf to be the truth: — " Here is some nii.stake in Jo- aephus; for when he had promised us a decree for the restoration of Jerusalem, he brings in a decree of far greater antiquity, and that a leo^ue of friet dship and union only. One may easily believe that Jor« phus gave order frr one thin?, and his amanuensis performed nno- ther, by transposing decrees that concerned the Ilyrcani, and as deluded by the sameness of their names; for that belongs to the first high-priest of this name [John Hyr- canus], which Josephus here ascribes to one that lived later [Flyrcanus, the son of Alexander Jannetis]. How- ever, the decree which he proposed to set down follows a Jittle lower, in the collection of Human decrei s that con- cerned the Jews, and is that dattd when Cajsor was ceii- •n ' t»»e flnh tini«»'» 8e» ch. X. sect. & both to the free cities and to the kings, that their country and their havens might be at peace, and that no one among them might receive any injury. Jt -therefore pleased [the senate} to make a league of friendship and good-will \yitb them, and to bestow on them whatsoever they stood in need of, and to ac- cept of the shield which was brought by them. This was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus the high-pnest and ethnarch, in the mon+.h Panemus." Hyrcanus also received honours from the people of Athens, as having been useful to them on many occasions; and when they wrote to him, they sent him this decree, as it here follows: — "Under the prutaneia and priesthood of Dionysius, the son of Es- cuiapius, on the fifth day of the latter part of the month Panemus, this decree of the Athe- nians was given to their commanders, when Agathocles was archon, and Eucles, the son of Menander of Alimusia, was the scrib^ In the month Munychion, on the eleventh day of the Prutaneia, a council of the presi- dents was held in the theatre. Dorotheus the high-priest, and the fellow-presidents with him, put it to the vote of the people. Dio- nysius, the son of Dionysius, gave the sen- tence. Since Hyrcanus, the son of Alexan- der, the high-priest and ethnarch of the Jews, continues to bear good-will to our people in general, and to every one of our citizens in particular, and treats them with all sorts of kindness; and when any of the Athenians come to him, either as ambassadors, or on any occasion of their own, he receives them in an obliging manner, and sees that they are con- ducted back in safety, of which we have had several former testimonies; it is now also de- creed, at the report of Theodosius, the son of Theodorus, and upon his putting the people in mind of the virtue of this man, and that his purpose is to do us all the good that is in his power, to honour him with a crown ot gold, the usual reward according to the law, and to erect his statue in brass in the temple of Demus and of the Graces; and that this present of a crown shall be proclaimed pub- licly in the theatre, in the Dionysian shows, while the new tragedies are acting; and in the Panathenean, and Eleusinian, and Gym- nical shows also; atid that the commanders shall take care, while he continues in his friendship, and preserves his good-will to us, to return all possible honour and favour to the man, for his affection and generosity ; that by this treatment it may appear how oul people receive the good kindly, and repay them a suitable reward; and he may be in- duced to proceed in his affection towards us, by the honours we have already paid him. That ambassadors be also chosen out of all the Athenians, who shall cairy this decree to him, and desire him to accept of the honours we do him, and to et;dcttvour always to be doing »on>c good to our city." — And thig ;=t.:^^::;^r-- ^"^' '2 & « ^iX^'ir^-~ *» CHAP. IX, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 38 shall suffice us to have spoken as to the honours that were paid by the Romans and the people of Athens to Hyrcanus. CHAPTER IX. HOW ANTIPATER COMMITTED THt CARE OF GALILEE TO HEROD, AN* THAT OF JERU- SALEM TO PHASAELUS; AS ALSO, HOW HE- RCyp, UPON THE jews' ENVY AT ANTIPATER, WAS ACCUSED BEFORE HYRCANUS. § 1. Now when Caesar had settled the affairs of Syria, he sailed away; and as soon as An- tipatLT had conducted Caesar out of Syria, he returned to Judea. He then immediately raised up the wall which had been thrajwn down by Porapey; and, by coming thither^e pacified that tumult which had been in the country, and this by both threatening and ad- vising them to be quiet; for that, if they would be of Hyrcanus's side, they would live hap- pily, and lead their lives without disturbance, in the enjoyment of their own possessions; but if they were addicted to the hopes of what mi^'ht come by innovation, and aimed to get wealth thereby, they should have him a severe master, instead of a gentle governor, and Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king, and the Romans, toother with Caesar, their bitter enemies, instead of rulers,' for that they would never bear him to be set aside whom they had appointed to govern. And when Anti pater had said this to them, he himself settled the affairs of this country. 2. And seeing that Hyrcanus was of a slow and slothful temper, he niade Phasaelus, his eldest son, governor of Jerusalem, and of the places that were about it, but committed Galilee to Herod, his next son, who was then a very young man, for he was but fifteen years of age; * but that youth of his was no impe- diment to him ; but as he was a youth of great mind, he presently met with an opportunity of signalizing his courage ; for, finding there was one Hezekias, a captain of a band of rob- Ifers, who overran the neighbouring parts of Syria with a great troop of them, he seized him and slew him, as well as a great number of the other robbers that were with him; for which action he was greatly beloved by the Syrians; for when they were very desirous to have their country freed from this nest of robbers, he purged it of them: so they sung songs in his commendation in their villages and cities, as having procured them peace and • Those who will carefully obserre the several occa- sional numbers and chronological characters in the life and death of this Herod, and of his children, hereafter noted, will see, that twenty-five years, and not fifteen, must for certain have been here Josephus's own number for the asfe of Herod, when he was made governor of Galilre. See ch. xxiii, sect .'>; and ch xxi\> sect. 7; and particularly Antiq. b. xvii. ch. viii. sect 1; where, about iorty-four years afterwards, Heroii dies an old man ^t about seTCBty. the secure enjoyment of their possessions; and on this account it was that he became known to Sextus Caesar, who was a relation of the great Caesar, and was now president of Syria, Now Phasaelus, Herod's brother, was moved \\ith emulation at his actions, and en- vied the fame he had thereby gotten, and be- came ambitious not to be behindhand with him in deserving it : so he made the inhabi- tants of Jerusalem bear him the greatest good- will while he held the city himself^ but did neithe'r manage its affairs improperly, nor abuse his authority therein. This conduct procured from the nation to Antipater such respect as is due to kings, and such honours as he might partake of if he were an absolute lord of the country. Yet did not this splen- ^ dour of his, as frequently happens, in the • least diminish in him that kindness and fide- lity which he owed to Hyrcanus. 3. But now the principal men among the Jews, when they saw Antipater and his sons to grow so much in the good-will the nation bare to them, and in the revenues which they received out of Judea, and out of Hyrcanus's own wealth, they became ill-disposed to him; for indeed Antipater bad contracted a friend- ship with the Roman emperors; and when he had prevailed with Hyrcanus to send them money, he took it to himself, and purloined the present intended, and sent it as if it were his 0\vn, and not Hyrcanus's gift to them. Hyrca- nus heard of this his management, but took no care about it ; nay, he rather was very glad of it; but the chief men of the Jews were there- fore in fear, because they saw that Herod was a violent and bold man, and very desirous of acting tyrannically; so they came to Hyrca- nus, and now accused Antipater openly, and said to him, " How long wilt thou be quiet under such actions as are now done? Or dost thou not see that Antipater and his sons have already seized upon the government, and that it is only the name of a king which is given thee? But do not thou suffer these things to be hid- den from thee: nor do thou think to escape danger by being so careless of thyself and of thy kingdom; for Antipater and his sons are not now stewards of thine affairs; do not thou deceive thyself with such a notion; they are evidently absolute lords; for Herod, An- tipater's son, hath slain Hezekias and those that were with him, and hath thereby trans- gressed our law, which hath forbidden to slay any man, even though he were a wicked man, unless he had been first condemned to suffer death by the sanhedrim; f yet hath he been + It is here worth wur while to remark, that none could be put to death in Judea but by the approbation of the Jewish sanhedrim, •lere being an excellent provision in the law of Moses, that even in criminal causes, and par- ticularly where life was concerned, an appeal should lie from the lesser councils of seven in the other cities, to the supreme council of seventy-one at Jerusalem j and this u exactly according to our Saviour's words, wh«n he says, ''It could net be that a prophet sbonid perish u«t of J era- ulem." fjiiie uii.33> 882 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK xr? so insolent as to <To this, aim that without any authority from thee." 4. I'pon Hyrcanus hearing this he com- plied with them. The mothers nlso of those ihat had been shin by Herod raised his in- ripnation; for those women continued every day in the temple, persuading the king and the people that Herod might undergo a trial htfore the sanhedrim for what he had done. Hxrcanus was so moved by these complaints, that he summoned Herod to come to his trial for what was charged upon him. Accordingly be came; but his father had persuaded him to come not like a private man, but with a guard, for the security of his person; and that when be had settled the affairs of Galilee in flie best manner he could for his own advantage, he • should come to his trial, but still with a body of men sufficient for his security on his jour- ney, yet so that he should not come with so great a force as might look like terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not expose him naked and unguarded [to his ene- mies]. However, Sextus Caesar, president of S>ria, wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him to clear Herod, and dismiss him at his trial, and threatened him beforehand if he did not i^, do it. Which epistle of his was the occasion ^^[ of Hyrcanus delivering Herod from suffering any harm from the sanhedrim, for he loved him as bis own son ; but when Herod stood before the sanhedrim, with his body of men about him, he affrighted them all, and no one ef his former accusers durst after that bring any charge against him, but there was a deep silence, and nobody knew what was to be done. When affairs stood thus, one whose name Vvas Sameas,* a righteous mjffi be was, and for that reason above all fear, rose up, and said, " O you that are assessors with me, and O thou that art our king, I neither have ever myself known such a case, nor do I suppose that any one of you can name its parallel, that one who is called to take his trial by us ever stood in such a manner before us; but every one, whosoever he be, that comes to be tried by this sanhedrim, presents himself in a sub- missive manner, and like one that is in fear of himself, and that endeavours to move us to compassion, with his hair dishevelled, and in 8 black and mourning garment : but this admi- rable man Herod, who is accused of murder, and called to answer so heavy an accusation, stands here clothed in purple, and with the hair of his head finely trimmed, and with his ainied men about him, that if we shall con- demn him by our law, he may slay us, and \)y overbearing justice may himself escape deaib; yet do not I make this complaint agaii.st Herod himself: he is^o be sure more coiuerned for himself than for the laws; but my complaint is against yourselves and your * TbU account, as Reland obxprveK, is confirmed by the 'I almudista, wbo call this i»aiueas *' bimeuo, the sou «/t»h«lMb.» king, who gave him a licence so to do. How « ever, take you notice, that God is great, an<5 that this very man, whom you are going to absolve and dismiss, for the sake of Hyrcanus, will one day punish both you and your king himself also." Nor did Sameas mistake in any part of this prediction; for when Herod had received the ^kingdom, he slew all the members of this sanhedrim, and Hyrcanus himself also, excepting Sameas, for he had a great honour for him on account of his rijjbte- ousness, and because, when the city was after- wards besieged by Herod and Sosius, he per- suaded the people to admit Herod into it ; and told them, that for their sins they would not be able to escape his hands: — which things will be related by us in their proper places. ||||£ut when Hyrcanus saw that the mem- bers of the sanhedrim were ready to pro- nounce the sentence of death upon Herod, he put off the trial to another day, and sent pri- vately to Herod, and advised him to fly out of the city ; for that by this means he might escape. So he retired to Damascus, as though . he fled from the king; and when he had bcei»' with Sextus Caesar, and had put his own af- fairs in a sure posture, he resolved to do thus- — That in case he were again summoned be- fore the sanhedrim to take his trial, he would not obey that summons. Hereupon the mem- bers of the sanhedrim had great indignation at this posture of a^airs, and endeavoured*to persuaded Hyrcanus that all these things were against him; which state of matters he was not ignorant of; but his temper was so un- manly and so foolish, that he was able to do nothing at all; but when Sextus had made Herod general of the army of Celesyria, for he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanua was in fear lest Herod should make war upon him; nor vvas the effect of what he feared long in coming upon him, — for Herod came, and brought an army along with him to fight with Hyrcanus, as being angry at the trial he had been summoned to undergo before the sanhedrinn; but his father Antipater, and his brother [Phasaelus] met him, and hindered him from assaulting Jerusalem. They also pacified his vehement temper, and persuaded him to do no overt action, but only to affright them with threatenings, and to proceed no farther against one who had given him the dignity he had: they also desired him not only to be angry that he was summoned, and obliged to come to his trial, but to remember w ithal how he was dismissed without condem- nation, and how he ought to give Hjrcanus thanks for the same; and that he was not to regard only w hat was disagreeable to him, and be unthankful for his deliverance. So they desired him to consider, that since it is God that turns the scales of war, there is great un- certainty in the issue of battles, and that there- fore he onjjht not to expect the vi<!tory when he should fi^ht with hia king, and him thai CHAP. X. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 383 Lad supported him, and bestowed many bene- fits upon him, and had done nothing of itself very severe to him; for that his accusation, which was derived from evil counsellors, and not Iram himself, had rather the suspicion of some severity, than any thing really severe in it. Herod was persuaded by these argu- ments, and believed that it was sufficient for his future hopes to have made a show of his strength before the nation, and done no more to it; — and in this state were the aflfairs of Judea at this time. CHAPTER X. THE HONOURS THAT WERE PAID THE JEW? ; AND THE LEAGUES THAT WERE MADE BY THE ROMANS, AND OTHER NATIONS, WITH THEM. § 1. Now when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into Africa to fight against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent ambassadors to him, and by them desired that he would ratify that league of friendship and mutual alliance which was between them; and it seems to me to be necessary here to give an account of all the honours that the Romans and their emperors paid to our na- tion, and of the leajrues of mutual assistance they have made with it, that all the rest of mankind may know what regard the kings of Asia and Europe have had to us, and that they have been abundantly satisfied of our courage and fidelity ; for whereas many will not be- lieve what hath been written about us by the Persians and -Macedonians, because those writings are not everywhere to be met with, nor do lie in public places, but among us our- selves, and certain other barbarous nations; while there is no contradiction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are laid up in the public places of the cities, and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven upon pillars of brass; nay, besides this, Ju- lius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were citizens of Alexandria. Out of these evi- dences will I demonstrate what I say; and will now set down the decrees made both by the senate and by Julius Caesar, which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation. 2. "Caius Julius Ciesar, imperator and high-priest and dictator the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Sidon, sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it is well. 1 also and the army are well. I have sent you a copy of that decree regis- tered on the tables, wbicn concerns Hyrca- nus, the son of Alexander, the high-priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records; and I will that it be r'penly proposed in a table of brass, both in Gre«k and in Latin. It is as follows: — I Julrus Caesar, imperator the second time, and high-priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the senate: Whereas H\r- canus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness, and came to our assistance in the last Alexandrian war,* with fifteen hundred soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed him- self superior in valour to all the rest of that army; — for these reasons I will that Hyrca- nus, the son of Alexander, and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high- priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their forefathers, and that he and his son be our confederates; and that be- sides this every one of them be reckoned among our particular friends. I also ordain, that he and his children retain whatsoever pri- vileges belong to the office of high-priest, or whatsoever favours have been hitherto granted them; and if at any time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish customs, I will that he determine the same; and I think it not proper that they should be obliged to find us wi[iter quarters, or that any money should be required of them." 3. "The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath been granted and deter- mined, are as follow: — That Hyrcanus and his children bear rtde over the nation of the Jews, and have the profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the high-priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are injured; and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the high-priest of the Jews, that may discourse with him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that a table of brass, containmg the premises, be opeidy proposed in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Ro- man and Greek letters : that this decree may also be communicated to the questors and praetors of the several cities, and to the friends of the Jews: and that the ambassadors may have presents made them, and that these de* crees be sent everywhere." 4. "Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, con- sul, hath granted, That out of regard to the honour, and virtue, and kindness of the man, and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high- priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by the same right, and accord- ing to the same laws, by which their progeni- tors have held the priesthood." * That Hyrcanus was himself in F.eypt, along with Antipater, at this time, to whom accordinijlv the bold and prudent actions of his deputy Ar>»pater are here as- cribed, as this decree of Julius C jesar supposes, we are farther assured by the testimony of Strabo, already pro> dncid by Jose 584 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIV 6. "CaJus Caesar, consul the fifth time, bath decreed, That the Jews shall possess Je- rusialem, and may encompass that city with "walls; and that Hyrcaniis, the son of Alex- ander, the high-priest and ethnarch of the Jews, retain it, in the manner he himself pleases; and the Jews be allowed to deduct ont of their tribute every second year the land is let [in the Sabbatic period], a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute they pay be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the game tribute." 6. "Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained. That all the country ot the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they call the Sabbatical Year, because thereon they neither receive the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land; and that they pay their tribute in Sidon on the se- cond year [of that Sabbatic period], the fourth part of what was sown: and besides this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons, which they paid to their forefathers. And that no one, neither president, nor lieu- tenant, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries with- in the bounds of Judea, nor may soldiers ex- act money of them for winter quarters, or un- der any other pretence, but that they be free from all sorts of injuries: and that whatsoever they shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought, they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as- it formerly did; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander,, and his sons, have as tribute of that city, from those that occupy the land, for the country, and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic Year, excepted; whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their trees. It is also the pleasure of the se- nate, that as to the villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefa- thers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews have them with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also; and that the same ori^nal ordinances remain still in force which concern the Jews with regard to their high-priests; and that they enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly byi^he concession of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges in Lydda. It is the pleasure also of the se- nate, that Hyrcanus, the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those places, countries, and vil- lages, which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Ito- n ans, and which they had bestowed on them a^ their free gifts. It is also granted to Hyr- (M.qs, and to his tO". and to the anibasHa- dci& hy them sent t ut<, that in the tights between single gladiators, and in those with beasts, they shall sit among the senators to see those shows; and that when they desire an audience, they shall be introduced into the senate by the dictator, or by the general of the horse; and when they have introduced them, their answers shall be returned them in ten days at the farthest, atter the decree of the senate is made about their affairs." 7. "Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator the fourth time, and consul the fifth time, de- clared to be perpetual dictator, made this speech concerning the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high- priest and ethnarch of the Jews. Since those imperators* that have been in the provinces before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus, the high-priest of the Jews, and to the Jews themselves, and this before the senate and people of Rome, when the people and senate returned their thanks to them, it is good that we now also remember the same, and provide that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to the sons of Hyr- canus, by the senate and people of Rome, and that suitably to what good- will they have shown us, and to the benefits they have be- stowed upon us." 8. "Julius Caius, praetor [consul] of Rome, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of your ambassadors, signified to us, that, oy a decree of yours, you forbid them to make use of the customs of their forefathers, and their way of sacred worship. Now it does not please me that such decrees should be made against our friends and confederate's, whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own cus- toms, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that decree wherein he forbade the Bac- chanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet per- mit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in their contributions, and to make their common suppers. Accordingly, when I for- bid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these Jews to gather themselves together, accord- ing to the laws and customs of their forefa- thers, and to persist therein. It will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree against these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same, by reason of their virtue, and kind disposition towards us." 9. Now after Caius was slain, when Mar- • Dr. Hudson justly supposes, that the Roman impe- rators. or generals of urinii's. meant both here and sect. 2, who gave testimony to tUrcanuit^s and the Jew 3' fcith- (Illness Olid p(>od will to the Fiomans before the st-imte and people ol Konie were, principally l*<>mpey, Scaiinia, and (iahiiiiuii: of ail whom Jorephus had already K>\ca ii!« ilir history, M> l..r as the Jews were concerned witk CHAP. X. ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS. 385 cus Antonius and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they both assembled the senate, and introduced Hyrcanus's ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what they desired, and made a league of friendship with them. The senate also decreed, to grant them all they desired. I add this decree itself, that those who read the present work, may have ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The decree was this : — 10. " The decree of the senate, copied out of the treasury, from the public 'tables be- longing to the quaestors, when Quintus Ru- tilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the second table of the first class, on the third day before the ides of April, in the temple of Concord. There were present at the writing of this decree, Lucius Calpurnius Piso, of the Menenian tribe, Servius Papi- nius Potitus of the Lemonian tribe, Caius Caninius Rebilius of the Terentine tribe, Publius Tidetius, Lucius Apulinus, the son of Lucius, of the Sergian tribe, Flavins, the sen of Lucius, of the Lemonian tribe, Pub- lius Platius, the son of Publius, of the Papy- rian tribe, Marcus Acilius, the son of Mar- cus, of the Mecian tribe, Lucius Erucius, the son of Lucius, of the Stellatine tribe, Marcus Quintus Plancillus, the son of Marcus, of the Pollian tribe, and Publius Serins. Pub- lius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the con- suls, made this reference to the senate, that as to those things which, by the decree of the senate, Caius Csesar had adjudged about the Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree been brought into the treasury, it is our will, as it is also the desire of Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have these decrees put into the public tables, and brought to the city quaestors, that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables. This was done before the fifth of the ides of February, in the temple of Concord. Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high-priest were these : — Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Alexander, the son of Theodo- rus, Patroclus, the son of Chereas, and Jona- than, the son of Onias." 11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these am- bassadors to Dolabella, who was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them. And when Dolabella had received Hyrca- nus's letter, without any farther deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and par- ticularly to the city of the Ephesians, the me- tropolis of Asia, about the Jews ; a copy of which epistle here follows : — 12. " When Artemon was prytanis, on the first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella iraperator, to the senate and magistrates, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the am- bassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high-priest and ethnarch of the Jews, ap- peared before me, to show that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they are not allowed to bear arms, or to travel on the Sabbath-days, nor there to procure them- selves those sorts of food which they have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers, — I do therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of their forefathSrs, in assembling together for sacred and religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting oblations necessary for sacrifices ; and my will is, that you write this to the several cities under your jurisdic- tion." 13. And these were the concessions that Dolabella made to our nation when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him; but Lucius the consul's decree ran thus: — "I have at my tribunal set these Jews, who are citizens of Rome, and follow the Jewdsh religious rites, and yet live at Ephesus, free from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under. This was done before the twelfth of the calends of October, when Lucius Len- tulus and Caius Marcellus were consuls, in the presence of Titus Appius Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieutenant of the Horatian tribe ; of Titus Tongius, the son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; of Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus; of Titus Pompeius Longinus, the son of Titus; of Caius Servilius, the son of Caius, of the Terentine tribe; of Braccus the military tribune ; of Publius Lucius Cal- lus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; of Caius Sentius, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe; of Titus Atilius Bulbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant and vice-pretor to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephe- sians, sendeth greeting. Lucius Lentulus the consul freed the Jews that are in Asia from going into the armies, at my intercession for them ; and when I had made the same peti- tion some time afterward to Phanius the im- perator, and to Lucius Antonius the vice- quaestor, I obtained the privilege of them also ; and my will is, that you take care that no one give them any disturbance." 14. The decree of the Delians. "The an- swer of the praetors, when Beotus was archon; on the twentieth day of the month Thar- geleon. While Marcus Piso the lieutenant lived in our city, who was also appointed over the choice of the soldiers, he called us, and many other of the citizens, and gave order, that if there be here any Jews who are Ro- man citizens, no one is to give them any dis- turbance about going into the army, because Cornelius Lentulus, the consul, freed the Jews from going into the army, on account of the superstition they are under, — you are 2B 386 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIV therefore obliged to submit to the pretor:" . — and the like decree was made by the Sar- diatis about us also. 15. " Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, im- perator and consul, to the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greeting. I would have )ou know that the ambao^adors of the Jews have been with me, and desired they might have those decrees which the senate had made about them : which decrees are here subjoined. My will is, that you have a regard to and take care of these men, according to the se- nate's decree, that they may be safely con- veyed home through your country." 16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: — "1 have dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who appear to nie to have their religious rites, and to ob- serve the laws of the Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under. This act was done before the thirteenth of the caleTids of October." 17. " Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and vice-pretor, to the magis- trates, senate, and people of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our fellow-citizens of Rome, came to me, and de- monstrated that they had an assembly of their own, according to the laws of their forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place of their own, wherein they determined their sxiits and controversies with one anotner. Upon their petition therefore to n e, that these might be lawful for them, I give order that these their privileges be preserved, and they be permitted to do accordingly." 18. The declaration of Marcus Publius, ihe son of Spurius, and of Marcus, the son of Marcus, and of Lucius, the son of Publius: i— " We went to the proconsul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the son of Cleopatrida of Alexandria, desired, that, if he thought good, he would dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens, and were wont to observe the rites of the Jewish religion, on account of the superstition they were under. Ac- cordingly he did dismiss them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends of October." 19. "In the month Quintilis, when Lu- cius Lentulus and Caius Marcellus were con- suls; and there were present Titus Appius Balbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant of the Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius of the Crus- tumine tribe, Quintus Resius, the son of Quin- tus, Titus Pompeius, the son of Titus, Cor- nelius Longinus, Caius Servilius Bracchus, the son of Caius, a military tribune, of the Terentine tribe, Publius Clusius Callus, the fon of Publius, of the Veturian tribe, Caius Teutius, the son of Caius, a military tribune, of the Emilian tribe, Sextus Atilius Serrsuius, the eon of Sextus, of the Esquiline tribe, Caius Pompeius, the son of Caius, of the Sab- Iwtine tribe, Titus Appius Menandpr, the son of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, the son o^ Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito, the son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe, Aulus F.:rius Tertius, the son of Aulus, and Appius Me- nas. In the presence of these it was that Lentulus pronounced this decree; 1 have be- fore the tribunal dismissed those Jews that are Roman citizens, and are accustomed to observe the sacred rites of the Jews at Ephe- sus, on account of the superstition they are under." 20. " The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son of Caius, the con- sul, send greeting. Sopater, the ambassa- dor of Hyrcanus the high-priest, hath delivered us an epistle from thee, whereb) he lets us know that certain ambassadors were come from Hyrcanus, the bigh-priest of the Jews, and brought an epistle viritten concerning their nation, wherein they desire that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sab- baths and other sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and that they may be under no command, because they are our friends and confederates: and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now al- though the Trallians there present contra- dicted them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou give order that they should be observed, and informed us that thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them. We therefore in obedience to the injunctions we have received froni thee, have received the epistle which thou sentest us, and have laid it up by itself among our public records; and as to the other things about which thou didst send to us, we will take care that no complaint be made against us." 21. "Publius Servilius, the son of Publius, cf the Galban tribe, the proconsul, to the ma- gistrates, senate, and people of the Melesians, sendeth greeting. Prytanes. the sou of Her- mes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths, and to perform the sacred rites received from their forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the earth accoid- ing to their ancient custom; aiui that he had himself been the promulger of your decree, according as your laws require; I would therefore have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on both sides, 1 gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use of their own customs." 22. The decree of those of Pergamus: — " When Cratippus was prytanis, oir the first day of the month Desius, the decree of the pretors was this: Since the Romans, follow- ing the conduct of their ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety of all man- kind, and are ambitious to settle their confe- derates and friends in happiness, and in nrni CHAP. X. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 387 ppace, Jind since the nation of the Jews, and ♦ heir hi^'h-priest Hvtc.itius, sent as ambassa- dors to tTiern, Strato, the son of Theodatus, ind Apolloiiiits, the son of Alexander, and Eneas, the son of Antipater, and Aristobulus, tb« son of Amyntas, and Sosi pater, the son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular account of their affairs, the senate thereuptm m?de a dpcree abo\it what they bad desired of them, that Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus, should do no injury to the Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and that the fortresses and the havens, and the country, and whatsoever else he had taken from them, should be restored to them; and that it may be lawful for them to export tbeir goods out of their own havens; and that no king nor people may have leave to export any goods, either out of the country of Judea, or out of their havens, without paying customs, but only Ptolemy, the king of Alexandria, because he is our confederate and friend ; and that, acoording to their desire, the garrisoji that is in Joppa may be ejected. Now Lu- cius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and good man, gave order that we should take care that these things should be done according to the senate's decree: and that we should take care also that their ambassadors might return hon:>e in safety. Accordingly we admitted Theodorus into our senate and assembly, and took the epistle out of his hands, as well as the decree of the senate; and as he discoursed with great zeal about the Jews, and described Hyrcanus's virtue and generosity, and how he was a benefactor to all men in common, and particularly to every body that comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our public records; and made a decree ourselves, that since we also are in confederacy with the Romans, we would do every thing we could for the Jews, according to the senate's decree. Theodorus also, who brought the epistle, de- sired of our praetors, that they would send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also am- bassadors to signify to him the affection of our people to him, and to exhort them to preserve and augment their friendship for us, and be ready to bestow other benefits upon us, as justly expecting to receive proper re- quitals from us; and desiring them to remem- ber that our ancestors* were friendly to the * We hare here a most remarkable and anthentic at- testation of the citizens of Pergamns, that Abraham was tlif father of all the Hebrew*; that their own ancestors were, in the oldest times, the friends of those Hebrews; and that the public acts of their city, then extant, con- firmed th_* same; which evidence is too strong to be evaded by our present ignorance of the particular occa- sion of such ancient friendship and alliance between lliose people. See the like full evidence of the kindred of the I.acedemoBians and the Jews; and that because they were both the posterity of Abral.am, by a public epis- tle of those people to the Jews, preserved in the first book «f the Maccabees, xii. 19—23, and thence by Josephus, Antiq. b. xii.cli.iv sect. 10; both which authentic records Are highly valuable. It is also well worthy of observation, what Moses Chorenensis, the principal Armenian histo- tiiuu iaCormti us of, p. SJ, tliat Arsaces, who raued tLiO Jews, even in the days of Abraham, who was the father of all the Hebrews, Jis we have [also] found it set dovvn in our public records." 23. The decree of those of Halicarnassus " When Memnon, the son of Orestidas by descent, but by adoption of Euonymous, was priest, on the *** day of the month Ariste- rion, the decree of the people, upon the re- presentation of Marcus Alexander, was this: Since we have ever a great regard to piety towards God, and to holiness; and since wc aim to follow the people of the Romans, who are the benefactors of all men, and what they have written to us about a league of friend- ship and mutual assistance between the Jews and our city, and that their sacred offices and accustomed festivals and assemblies may be observed by them ; we have decreed, that as many men and women of the Jews as are willing so to do, may celebrate their Sab- baths, and perform their holy offices, accord- ing to the Jewish laws; and may make their proseuchae at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers; and if any one, whether he be a magistrate or a private per- son, hindereth them from so doing, he shall be liable to a .fine, to be applied to the uses of the city." - 24. The decree of the Sardians. *' This decree was made by the senate and people, upon the representation of the praetors : — Whereas those Jews who are our fellow-citi- zens, and live with us in this city, have ever had great benefits heaped upon them by the people, and have come now into the senate, and desired of the people, that upon the resti- tution of their law and their liberty, by the senate and people of Rome, they may assem- ble together, according to their ancient legal custom, and that we will not bring any suit against them about it; and that a place may be given them where they may have their con- gregations with their wives and children, and may offer, as did their forefathers, their pray- ers and sacrifices to God. Now the senate and people have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the days formerly ap- pointed, and to act according to their own laws; and that such a place be set apart for them by the praetors, for the building and in- habiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for that purpose: and that those that take care of the provisions for the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they esteem fit for their eating, may be iiriported into the city." 25. The decree of the Ephesians. "When Meuophilus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Artemisius, this decree was made oy the people: — Nicanor, the son of Euphe- mus, pronounced it, upon the representation of the praetors. Since the Jews that dwell F*arthian empire, was of the sect of Abraham by Ketu- rah; and that thereby was acconjplished that prediction wh'ch said, " Kings of nations shall proceed from tbce,** Gen. xvii. 6. 388 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK xir m this city have petitioned Marcus Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus, the proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and to act in all things according to the customs of their forefathers, without impediment from any body, the praetor hath granted their petition. Accordingly, it was decreed by the senate and people, that in this affair that concerned the Romans, no one of them should be hindered from keeping the Sabbath-day, nor be fined for so doing; but that they may be allowed to do all things ac- cording to their own laws." 26. Now there are many such decrees of the senate and imperators of the Romans,* and those different from these before us, which have been made in favour of Hyrcanus, and of our nation ; as also, there have been more decrees of the cities, and rescripts of the prae- tors to such epistles as concerned our rights and privileges: and certainly such as are not ill-disposed to what we write, may believe that they are all to this purpose, and that by the specimens which we have inserted : for since we have produced evident marks that may still be seen, of the friendship we have had with the Romans, and demonstrated that those marks are engraven upon columns and tables of brass in the capitol, that are still in being, and preserved to this day, we have omitted to set them all down, as needless and disagree- able; for I cannot suppose any one so per- verse as not to believe the friendship we have had with the Romans, while they have de- monstrated the same by such a great number of their decrees relating to us ; nor will they doubt of our fidelity as to the rest of these decrees, since we have shown the same in those we have produced. And thus have we sufficiently explained that friendship and con- federacy we at those times had with the Ro- mans. * If we compare Josephus's promise in sect. 1, to pro- duce all the public decrees of the Romans in favour of the Jews, with his excuse here for omitting many of them, we may ohserTe. that when he came to transcribe all those decrees he had collected, he found themso nu- merous that ho thought he should too much tire his readers if he had attempted it, which he thought a suf- ficient apology for his omitting the rest of them ; yet do those by him produced afford such a strong confir- mation to his history, and give such great light to even the Koman antiquities themselves, that I believe the curioufl are not a little sorry for such his omissions. CHAPTER XI. Bf W MARCUsf SUCCEEDED SEXTUS WHEN HE HAD BEEN SLAIN BY BASSUs's TREACHERY, AND HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OF C^SAR, CASSIUS CAME INTO SYRIA, AND blSTRESSlB JUDEA; as also, how MALICHUS SLEW ANTIPATER, AND WAS HIMSELF SLAIN BY HEROD. § 1. Now it so fell out that about this very time the affairs of Syria were in great disor- der, and this on the occasion following: Ce- cilius Bassus, one of Pompey's party, laid a treacherous design against Sextus Caesar, and slew him, and then took his army, and got the management of public affairs into his own hand;, so there arose a great war about Apa- ntiia, while Caesar's generals came against him with an army of horsen)en and footmen ; to these Antipater sent also succourg, and his sons with them, as calling to mind the kind- nesses they had received from Caesar, and ojj that account he thought it but just to require punishment for him, and to take vengeance on the man that had murdered him. And as the war was drawn out into a great length, Marcus came from Rome to take Sextus's government upon him: but Caesar was slain by Cassius and Brutus in the senate-house, after he had retained the government three years and six months. This fact, however, is related elsewhere. 2. As the war that arose upon the deatb of Caesar was now begun, and the principal men were all gone, some one way, and some another, to raise armies, Cassius came fiom Rome into Syria, in order to receive the [army that lay in the] camp at Apamia; and having raised the siege, he brought over both Bassus and Marcus to his party. He then went over the cities, and got together wea- pons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon those cities; and he chiefly oppressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred talents: bi;t Antipater, when he saw the state to be in so great consternation and disorder, he divided the collection of that sum, and appointed his soriitto gather it; and so that part of it was to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-dis- posed to him, and part by others. And be- cause Herod did exact what is required of him from Galilee before others, he was in the greatest favour with Cassius; for he thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a friend.-hip with the Romans, and to gain their good-will at the expense of others; whereas the cura- tors of the other cities, with their citizens, were sold for slaves; and Cassius reduced + For Marcus, this prepident of Syria, sent as succes. «or to SrxtuH Caesar, th<> Roman historiuns require ii«.t« read "Murcus" in JoMphiis. and this ptTpetually. K^tk Suthcte AntiquitieH and in hi> HUtury of th» Wart. «» thai««rp«<) gfcntrally aicrce. CHAP. XI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 389 four cities into a state of slavery, the two most potent of which were Gophna and Emmaus ; and, besides these, Lydia and Thamna. Nay, Cassius was so very angry at Maiichus, that he had killed him (for he assaulted him), had not Hyrcanus, by the means of Antipater, sent him an hundred talents of his own, and thereby -pacified his anger against him. 3. But after Cassius was gone out of Ju- dea, Maiichus laid snares for Antipater, as thinking that his death would be the preser- vation of Hyrcanus's government; but his design was not unknown to Antipater, which, when he perceived, he retired beyond Jordan, and got together an army, partly of Arabs, and partly of his own countrymen. How- ever, Maiichus being one of great cunning, denied that he had laid any snares for him, and made his defence with an oath, both to himself and his sons ; and said that while Phasaelus had a garrison in Jerusalem, and Herod had the weapons of war in his custody, he could never have thought of any such thing. So Antipater, perceiving the distress that Maiichus was in, was reconciled to him, and made an agreement with him ; this was tvhen Marcus was president of Syria; who yet perceiving that this Maiichus was ma- king a disturbance in Judea, proceeded so far that he had almost killed him ; but still, at the intercession of Antipater, he saved him. 4. However, Antipater little thought that by saving Maiichus, He had saved his own murderer; for now Cassius and Marcus had got together an army, and intrusted the entire care of it with Herod, and made him general of the forces of Celesyria, and gave him a fleet of ships, and an army of horsemen and foot- men ; and promised him, that after the war was over they would make him king of Judea ; for a war was already begun between Antony and the younger Cfesar ; but as Maiichus was most afraid of Antipater, he took him out of the way ; and by the offer of money persuaded the butler of ^yrcanus, with whom they were both to feast, to kill him by poison. This being done, and he having armed men with him, settled the affairs of the city. But when Antipater's sons, Herod and Phasaelus, were acquainted with this conspiracy against their father, and had indignation at it, Maiichus denied all, and utterly renounced any know- ledge of the murder. And thus died Antipa- ter, a man that had distinguished himself for piety and justice, and love to his country. And whereas one of his sons, Herod, resolved immediately to revenge their father's death, and was coming upon Maiichus with an army for that purpose, the elder of his sons, Pha- saelus, thought it best .rather to get this man into their hands by policy, lest they should appear to begin a civil war in the country ; 50 he accepted of Malichus's defence for him- self, and pretended to believe him, that he had had no hand in the violent death of Antipater his father, but erected a fine monument for him. Herod also went to Samaria ; and when he found them in great distress, he revived their spirits, and composed their differences. 5. However, a little after this, Herod, upon the approach of a festival, came with his soldiers into the city ; whereupon Maiichus was affrighted, and persuaded Hyrcanus not to permit him to come into the city. Hyr- canus complied ; and, for a pretence of exclud- ing him, alleged, that a rout of strangers ought not to be admitted while the multitude were purifying themselves. But Herod had little regard to the messengers that were sent to him, and entered the city in the night-time, and affrighted Maiichus, yet did he remit nothing of his former dissimulation, but wept for Anti- pater, and bewailed him as a friend of his, with a loud voice ; but Herod and his friends thought it proper not openly to contradict Malichus's hypocrisy, but to give him tokens of mutual friendship, in order to prevent his suspicion of them. 6. However, Herod sent to Cassius, and in- formed him of the murder of his father ; who knowing what sort of a man Maiichus was as to his morals, sent him back word, that he should revenge his father's death ; and also sent privately to the commanders pf his army at Tyre, with orders to assist Herod in the execution of a very just design of his. Now when Cassius had taken Laodicea, they all went together to him, and carried him gar- lands and money : and Herod thought that Maiichus might be punished while, he was there ; but he was somewhat apprehensive of the thing, and designed to make some great attempt, and because his son was then an hos- tage at Tyre, he went to that city, and resolved to steal him away privately, and to njarch thence into Judea: and as Cassius was in haste to march against Antony, he thought to bring the country to revolt, and to procure the government for himself. But Providence opposed his counsels; and Herod being a shrewd man, and perceiving what his inten- tion was, he sent thither beforehand a ser- vant, in appearance indeed to get a supper ready, for he had said before, that he would feast them all there, but in reality to the com- manders of the army, whom he persuaded to go out against Maiichus, with their daggers. So they went out and met the man near the city, upon the sea-shore, and there stabbed him. Whereupon Hyrcanus was so astonished at what had happened, that his speech failed him; and when, after some difficulty, he had recovered himself, he asked Herod what the matter could be, and who it was that slew i Maiichus ; and when he said that it was done by the command of Cassius, he commended the action; for that Maiichus was a very wicked man, and one that conspired against his own country. And this was the punish- 890 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIV. ment tbat was inflicted on Malichus for what he wickedly did to Antipater. 7. But when Cassius was marched out of Syria, disturbances arose in Juriea: for Felix, who was left at Jerusalem with an army, made a sudden attempt against Phasaelus, and the people themselves rose in arms; but He- rod went to Fabius, the prefect of Damascus, and was desirous to run to Jiis brother's assist- ance, but was hindered by a distemper that seized upon him, till Phasaelus by hims^elf had been too hard for Felix, and had shut him up in the tower, and there, on certain conditions, dismissed him. Phasaelus also complained of Hyrcanus, that although he had received a great many benefits from them, yet did he support their enen)ies; for Malichus's brother had made many places to revolt, and kept gar- risons in them, and particularly Masada, the strongest fortress of them all. In the mean time, Herod was recovered of his disease, and came and took from Felix all the places he had gotten ; and, upon certain conditions, dis- missed him also. CHAPTER XII. HEROD EJECTS ANTIGONUS, THE SON OF ARISTOBULUS, OUT OF JUDEA, AND GAINS THE FRIENDSHIP OF ANTONY, WHO WAS NOW COME INTO SYIlIA, BY SENDING HIM MUCH MONEY; ON WHICH ACCOUNT HE WOULD NOT ADMIT OF THOSE THAT WOULD HAVE ACCUSED HEUOD: AND WHAT IT WAS THAT ANTONY WROTE TO THE TYRIANS IN BEHALF OF THE JEWS. § 1. Now* Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, brought back into Judea, Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, who had already raised an army, and had, by money, made Fabius to be his friend, and this because he was of kin to hifn. Marion also gave him assistance. He hiid been left by Cassius to tyrannize over Tyre; for this Cassius was a man that seized on Syria, and then kept it under, in the way of a tyrant. Marion also marched into Ga- lilee, which lay in his neighbourhood, and took three of its fortresses, and put garrisons into them to keep them. But when Herod came, he took all from him; but the Tyrian garrison he dismissed in a very civil manner ; • In this and the following chapters the reader wil »a^ily rimark, how truly (ironoviiis observf-s. in his note- on the Homan decrees in favtiur of the Jfws, that thei' rights and privi leges were commonly purchased ol tht HrniM s with money. Many examples of this sort. both as to tie Romans and others in anlhority, will oc- cur in our JosephuH. both now and hereafter, and need not \te taken particular noti<e «if on the several occa- ••ions in these notfs. Accordinely. the c.hM captain con- fesses to St. I'anl. that, 'with a great stini he had oh- fained his frt-tdom' (Acts xxii. ilfi): as had St. Paul's ancestors, very probably, purrbasfd the like freedom for thtlr family hy mone}, lu the kame author justly cun- rtiHc* alaa. nay, to some of the soldiers he made presents out of the good-will he bare to that city. When he had dispatched these affairs, and was gone to meet Antigonus, he joined bat- tle with him, and beat him, and drove him out of Judea presently, when he was just come into its borders; but when he was come to Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the people put garlands about his head; for he had already contracted an affinity with the family of H>r- canus by having espoused a descendant of his, and for that reason Herod took the greater care of him, as being to marry the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, and the grand-daughter of Hyrcanus; by which wife he became the father of three male and two female children. He bad also married before this another w ife, out of a lower family of his own nation, whose name was Doris, by whom he had his eldest son Antipater. 2. Now Antonius and Ca>sar had beaten Cassius near Philippi, as others have related; but after the victory, Caesar went into Gaul [Italy], and Antony marched for Asia, who when he was arrived at Bitbynia, he had am- bassadors that met him from all parts. The principal men also of the Jews came thither, to accuse Phasaelus and Herod, and they said that Hyrcanus had indeed the appearance of reigning, but that these men had all the power; but Antony paid great respect to Herod, who was come to him to make his defence against his accusers, on which ac- count his adversaries could not so much as obtain a hearing; which favour Herod had gained of Antony by money; but still, when Antony was come to Ephesus, Hyrcanus, the high-priest, and our nation sent an em- bassage to him, which carried a crown of gold with them, and desired that he would write to the governors of the provinces, to set those Jews free who had been carried captive by Cassius, and this without their having fought against him, and to restore them that coun- try which, in the days of Cassius, had been taken from them. Antony tl#iight the Jews' desires were just, and wrote immediately to Hyrcanus, and to the Jews. He also sent, at the same time, a decree to the Tyrians; the contents of which were to the same pur- pose. 3. " Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyr- canus the high-priest aiul ethnarch of the Jews, sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it is well; I am also in health, with the army. Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias. and Jose- phus, the son of Menneus, and Alexander, the son of Thcodorus, your ambassadors, met me at Ephesus, and have renewed the embas- sage which they had formerly been upon at Rome, and have diligt-ntly acquitted them- selves of the present embassage, whieh thou and thy nation have intrusted to them, and have fully declared the good-will thou hast for us. I anj therefore satisfied, both by CHAP. XII, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 391 your actions and your words, that you are I the high-priest and ethnarch [of the Jews]. appeared before me at Ephesus, and told hk that you are in possession of part of tbt-i country, which you entered upon under fh. government ot our adversaries. Since, there- fore, we have undertaken a war for the ob- taining the government, and have taken ca to do what was agreeable to piety and justi»( . and have brought to punishment those th«6 had neither any remembrance of the kindiie.'^s they had received, nor have kept their oaths, I will that you be at peace with those that are our confederates; as also, that what yoi have taken by the means of our adversarie- shall not be reckoned your own, but be re- turned to those from whom you took them ; for none of them took their provinces or their armies by the gift of the senate, but they seized them by force, and bestowed them hy violence upon such as became useful to them in their unjust proceedings. Since, there- fore, those men have received the punishment due to them, we desire that our confederates may retain whatsoever it was that they for- merly possessed without disturbance, and that you restore all the places which belong to Hyrcanus, the ethnarch of the Jews, which you have had, though it were but one day before Caius Cassius began an unjustifiable war against us, and entered into our pio- vince; nor do yo« use any force against hitn, 111 order to weaken him, that he may sot he able to dispose of that which is his own; btit if you have any contest with him about your respective rights, it shall be lawful for you to plead your cause, when we come upon the places concerned, for we shall alike preserve the rights, and hear ail the causes, of our confederates." 5. " Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, send- eth greeting. I have sent you my decree, of which I will that ye take care that it be en- graven on the public tables, in Roman and Greek letters, and that it stand engraven in the most illustrious places, that it may be read by all. Marcus Antonius, imperator, one of the triumvirate over the publjc affairs, made this declaration: — Since Caius Cassius, in this revolt he hath made, hath pillaged that province which belonged not to him, and was held by garrisons there encamped, while they were our confederates, and hath spoiled that nation of the Jews which was in friend- ship with the Roman people, as in war; and since we have overcome his madness by aru)S, we now correct, by our decrees and judicial determinations, what he hath laid waste, that those things may be restored to our confede- rates; and as for what hath been sold of the Jewish possessions, whether they be bodies or * possessions, let them be released; the bodies into that state of freedom they were orij:i- nally in, and the possessions to their former ownerfe. I also will, that he who shall not well dispose<i to us; and I understand that your conduct of life is constant and religious; «o I reckon you as our own; but when those that were adversaries to you, and to the Ro- man people, abstained neither froiri cities nor temples, and did not observe the agreement they had confirmed by oath, it was not only on account of our contest with them, but on account of all mankind in common, that we have taken vengeance on those who have been the authors of great injustice towards men, and of great wicke<lness towards the gods; for the sake of which we supp<?se that it was that the sun turned away bis light from us,* as unwilling to view the horrid crime they were piilty of in the case of Caesar. We have also overcome their conspiracies, which threatened the gods themselves, which Mace- donia received, as^ is a climate peculiarly proper for impious and insolent attempts; and we have overcome that confused rout of men, half mad with spite against us, which they got together at Philippi, in Macedonia, when they seized on the places that were pro- per for their pur{x>&e, and, as it were, walled them round with mountains to the very sea, and vvhere the passage was open only through a single gate. This victory we gained, be- cause the gods had condemned those men for their wicked enterprises. Now Brutus, when he had fled as far as Philippi, was shut up by tis, and became a partaker of the same perdi- tion with Cassius; and now these have re- ceived their punishment, we suppose that we may enjoy peace for the time to come, and that Asia may be at rest from war. We therefiore make that peace which God hath given us common to our confederates also, insomuch that the body of Asia is now reco- vered out of that distemper it was under by means of our victory. I therefore, bearing in mind both thee and your nation, shall take care of what may be for your advantage. I have also sent epistles in writing to the seve- ral cities, that if any persons, whether free- men or bondmen, have been sold under the spear by Caius Cassius or his subordinate officers, they may be set free; and I will that you kindly make use of the favours which I and Dolabella hi^ve granted you. I also forbid the Tyrians to use any violence with you ; and for what places of the Jews they now possess, I order them to restore them. I have withal accepted of the crown which thou sentest me." 4. "Marcus Antoniqs, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, send- eth greeting. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus, • This clair-e pi linly alludes to that well-known but unusual and v^>-y long darkness of tht sun, whi.-.h hap- pened upon tht? murder of Julius Caesar by Brutus and Cassius; which is trreatly Uken notice of by Virgil, I'liny. and other Rou» in aiitluirs. See Virgils Gi'or- gjc-. book i. ju«t bel«r« the euii; and Fliny's Nat msU ixMk ii. ch. XXX. 392 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK xir. comply with this decree of mine shall be punished for his disobedience ; and if such a one be caught, I will take care that the oflfen- ders suffer condign punishment." 6. The same thing did Antony write to the Sidonians, and the Antiochians, and the Aradians. We have produced these decrees, therefore, as marks for futurity of the truth of what we have said, that the Romans had a great concern about our nation. CHAPTER XIIL HOW ANTONY MADE HEROD AND PHASAELU3 TBTRABCH8, AFTER THEY HAD BEEN AC- CUSED TO NO purpose; and how the PAR- thian8, when they brought antigonus into judea, took hyrcanus and PHA- SAELUS CAPTIVES. HEBOD's FLIGHT; AND WHAT AFFLICTIONS HYRCANUS AND PHA- SABLUS ENDURED. § 1. When after this, Antony came into Sy- ria, Cleopatra met him in Cilicia, and brought him to fall in love with her. And there came now also a hundred of the most potent of the Jews to accuse Herod and those about him, and set the men of the greatest eloquence among them to speak. But Messala contradicted them, on behalf of the young men, and all this in the presence of Hyrcanus, who was He- rod's father-in-law* already. When Antony had heard both sides at Daphne, he asked Hyrcanus who they were that governed the nation best? He replied, Herod and his friends. Hereupon Antony, by reason of the old hospitable friendship he had made with his father [Antipater], at that time when he was with Gabinius, he made both Herod and Phasaelus tetrarchs, and committed the public affairs of the Jews to them, and wrote letters to that purpose. He also bound fifteen of their adversaries, and was going to kill them, but that Herod obtained their pardon. 2. Yet did not these men continue quiet when they were come back, but a thousand of the Jews came to Tyre to meet him there, whither the report was that he would come. But Antony was corrupted by the money which Herod and his brother had given him ; and so he gave order to the governor of the place to punish the Jewish ambassadors, who were for making innovations, and to settle the government upon Herod ; but Herod went out hastily to them, and Hyrcanus was with him (for they stood upon the shore before the city); and he charged them to go their ways, because great mischief would befall them • We may here take notice that espoiiHals alone were of old esteemed a sufficient foundation for affinity, Hyr- canus beinp; here caWcd father-in-lato to Herod, because his pfrand-dau(^htpr Mariainne was betrothed to him, although the marriage was not completed till four years aiUrwards. See Maitt. L 16. if they went on with their accusation. Buf they did not acquiesce : whereupon the Ro- mans ran upon them with their daggers, and slew some, and wounded more of them, and the rest fled away, and went home, and lay still in great consternation; and when the people made a clamour against Herod, Antony was so provoked at it, that he slew the prt sonere. 3. Now, in the second year, Pacorus, the king of Partiiia's son, and Barzaphames, a commander of the Parthians, possessed them- selves of Syria. Ptolemy, the son of Men- neus, also was now dead, and Lysanias his son took his government, and made a league of friendship with Antigonus, the son of Aris- tobulus : and in order to obtain it, made use of that commander, who had a great interest in him. Now Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a thcHMiind talents, and five hundred women, upon condition they wodld take the government away from Hyrcanus, and bestow it upon him, and withal kill He- rod. And although he did not give them what he had promised, yet did the Parthians make an expedition into Judea on that account, and carried Antigonus with them. Pacorus went along the maritime parts ; but the commander Barzapharnes, through the midland. Now the Tyrians excluded Pacorus; but the Sido- nians, and those of Ptolemais, received him. However, Pacorus sent a troop of horsemen into Judea, to take a view of the state of the country, and to assist Antigonus ; and sent also the king's butler, of the same name with himself. So when the Jews that dwelt about mount Carmel came to Antigonus, and were ready to march with him into Judea, Anti- gonus hoped to get some part of the country by their assistance. The place is called Drymi ; and when some others came and met them, the men privately fell upon Jerusalem ; and when some more were come to them, they got together in great numbers, and came against the king's palace, and besieged it. But as Phasaelus's and Jlerod's party came to the other's assistance, and a battle happened between them in the market-place, the young men beat their enemies, and pursued them into the temple, and sent some armed men into the adjoining houses, to keep them in, who yet being destitute of such as should sup- port them, were burnt, and the bouses with them, by the people who rose up against them. But Herod was revenged on these seditious adversaries of his a little afterward for this injury they had offered him, when he fought with them, and slew a great number of them. 4. But while there were daily skirmishes, the enemy waited for the comini: of the mul- titude out of the country to Pentecost, a feast of ours so calle<l; and when that day was come, many ten thousand.s of the f)eop!c were gathered together al»ont the t-^mplc, some in armour, and some without. Now those that CHAP. xin. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 393 came, guarded both the temple and the city, excepting what belonged to the palace, which Herod guarded with a few of his soldiers ; and Phasaelus had the charge of the wall, while Herod, with a body of his «nen, sallied out upon the enemy, who lay in the suburbs, and fought courageously, and put many ten thousands to flight, some flying into the city, and some into the temple, and some into the outer fortifications, for some such fortifica- tions there were in that place. Phasaelus came also to his assistance ; yet was Pacorus, the general of the Parthians, at the desire of Antigonus, admitted into the city with a few of his horsemen, under pretence indeed as if he would still the sedition, but in reality to assist Antigonus in obtaining the government. And when Phasaelus met him, and received him kindly, Pacorus persuaded him to go himself as ambassador to Barzapharnes, which was done fraudulently. Accordingly, Phasae- lus, suspecting no harm, complied with his proposal, while Herod did not give his con- sent to what was done, because of the perfi- diousness of those barbarians, but desired Phasaelus rather to fight those that were come into the city. 5. So both Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on the embassage ; but Pacorus left with He- rod two hundred horsemen, and ten men, who were called the freemen ; and conducted the others on their journey ; and when they were in Galilee, the governors of the cities there met them in their arms. Barzapharnes also received them at the first with cheerfulness, and made them presents, though he afterward conspired against them ; and Phasaelus with his horsemen were conducted to the sea-side : but when they heard that Antigonus had pro- mised to give the Parthians a thousand talents, and five hundred women, to assist him against them, they soon had a suspicion of the bar- barians. Moreover, there was one who in- formed them that snares were laid for them by night, while a guard came about them secretly ; and they had then been seized upon, had they not waited for the seizure of Herod by the Par- thians that were about Jerusalem, lest, upon the slaughter of Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, he should have an intimation of it, and escape out of their hands. And these were the cir- cumstances they were now in ; and they saw who they were that guarded them. Some persons indeed would have persuaded Pha- saelus to fly away immediately on horseback, and not to stay any longer; and there was one Ophellius, who above all the rest, was earnest with him to do so, for he had heard of this treachery from Saramalla, the richest of all the Syrians at that time, who also pro- mised to provide him ships to carry him off'; for the sea was just by them: but he had no mind to deseit Hyrcanus, nor bring his bro- ther into danger: but he went to Barza- pharnes, and told him he did not act justly when he made such a contrivance against them, for that if he wanted money, he would give him more than Antigonus; and besides, that it was a horrible thing to slay those that came to him upon the security of their oaths, and that when they had done him no injury. But the barbarian swore to him that there was no truth in any of his suspicions, bu that he was troubled with nothing bu false proposals, and then went away to Pacorus. 6. But as soon as he was gone away, some men came and bound Hyrcanus and Phasae- lus; while Phasaelus greatly reproached the Parthians for their perjury. However, that butler who was sent against Herod had it in command to get him without the walls of the city, and seize upon him ; but messengers had been sent by Phasaelus to inform Herod of the perfidiousness of the Parthians ; and when he knew that the enemy had seized upon them, he went to Pacorus, and to the most potent of the Parthians, as to the lords of the rest, who although they knew the whole mat- ter, dissembled with him in a deceitful way ; and said that he ought to go out with them before the walls, and meet those who were bringing him his letters, for that they were not taken by his adversaries, but were com- ing to give him an account of the good suc- cess Phasaelus had had. Herod did not give credit to what they said ; for he had heard that his brother was seized upon by others also; and the daughter of Hyrcanus, whose daughter he had espoused, was his monitor also [not to credit them], which made him still more suspicious of the Parthians; for although other people did not give heed to her, yet did he believe her, as a woman of very great wisdom. 7. Now while the Parthians were in con- sultation what was fit to be done ; for they did not think it proper to make an open at- tempt upon a person of his character; and while they put off" the determination to the next day, Herod was under great disturbance of mind; and rather inclining to believe the reports he heard about his brother and the Parthians, than to give heed to what was said on the other side, he determined, that when the evening came on, he would make use of it for his flight, and not make any longer delay, as if the dangers from the enemy were not yet certain. He therefore removed with the armed men whom he had with him ; and set his wives upon the beasts, as also his mo- ther, and sister, and her ./hom he wts about to marry [Mariamne], the daughter of Alex- ander, the son of Aristobulus, with her mo- ther, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and his youngest brother, and all their servants, and the rest of the multitude that was with him, and without the enemy's privity pursued his way to Idumea : nor could any enemy of his who then saw him in this case be so hard 394 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWI?. BOOK XIV. hearted, but would bave commiserated his fortune, while the women drew along their infant children, and left their own country, and their friends in prison, with tears in their eyes, and sad lamentations, and in expectation of nothing but what was of a melancholy na- ture. 8. But for Herod himself, he raised his mind above the miserable state he was in, and was of good courage in the midst of his mis- fortunes; and, as he passed along, he bade them every one to be of good cheer, and not to give themselves up U) sorrow, because that would hinder them in their flifjht, which was now the only hope of safety that they had — Accordingly, they tried to bear with patience the calamity they were under, as he exhorted them to do; yet was he once almost going to kill himself upon the overthrow of a waggon, and the danger his mother was then in of be- ing killed; and this on two accounts, because of his great concern for her, and because he was afraid lest, by this delay, the enemy should overtake him in the pursuit; but as he was drawing his sword, and going to kill himself therewith, those that were present restrained him, and being so many in number, were too hard for him; and told him that he ought not to riesert them, and leave them a prey to their enemies, for that it was not the part of a brave man to free himself from the distresses he was in, aiid to overlook his frientls that were in the same distress also. So he was compelled to let that horrid attempt alone, partly out of shame at what they said to him, and partly out of regard to the great number of those that would not permit him to do what he intended. So he encouraged his mother, and took all the care of her the time would allow, and proceeded on the way he proposed to go with the utmost haste, and that was to the fortress of Masada. And as he had many skirmishes with such of the Parthians as at- tacked him and pursued him, he was conqueror in them all. 9. Nor indeed was he free from the Jews all along as he was in his flight: for by the time he was gotten sixty furlongs out of the city, and was upon the road, they fell upon him, and fought hand to hand with him, whom he also put to flight, and overcame, not like one that was in distress and in necessity, but like one that was excellently prepared for war, and had what he wanted in great plenty. And in this very place where he overcame the Jews, it was that he some time afterwards built a most excellent pal<«e, and a city round about it, and called it Ilerodium. And when he was come to Idumea, at a place called Thres- sa. his brother Joseph met him, and he then held a council to take advice about all his af- fairs, and what was fit to be done in his cir- cunistances, since he had a great multitude that followed him, besides his mercenary sol- diert, and the place Masada, whither he pro- posed to fly, was too small to contain so great a multitude; so he sent away the greater part of his company, being above nine thousand, and bade them go, some one way and some another, ai\^ so save themselves in Idumea, and gave them what would buy them provi- sions in their journey. But he took with him those that were the least encumbered, and were most intimate with him, and came to the fortress, and placed there his wives and his followers, being eight hundred in number, there being in the place a sufficient quantit) of corn and water, and other necessaries, and went directly for Petra, in Arabia. But when it was day, the Parthians plundered all Jeru- salem, and the palace, and abstained from no- thing but Hyrcanus's money, which was three hundred talents. A gieat deal of Herod's money escaped, and' principally all that the man had been so provident as to send into Idumea beforehand : nor indeed did what was in the city suffice the Parthians; but they went out into the country, and plundered it, and demolished the city Marissa. 10. And thus was Antigonus brought back into Judea by the king of the Parthians, and received Hyrcanus and Phasaelus for his pri- soners; but he was greatly cast down because the women had esciiped, whom he intended to have given the enemy, as having promised they should have them, with the money, for their reward: but being afraid that Hyrcanus, who vi'as under the guard of the Parthians, might have his kingdom restored to him by the multitude, he cut off his ears, and there- by took care that the high-priesthood should never come to him any more, because he was maimed, while the law required that this dig- nity should belong to none but such as had all their members entire.* But now one can- not but here admire the fortitude of Phasae- lus, who, perceiving that he was to be put to death, did not think death any terrible thing at all; but to die thus by the means of his, enemy, this he thought a most pitiable and dishonourable thing, and therefore, since he had not his bands at liberty, for the bonds he was in prevented him from killing himself thereby, he dashed his head against a great atone, and thereby took away his own life, which he thought to be the best thing he could do in such a distress as he was in., and thereby put it out of the power of the enemy to bring him to any death he pleased. It is also reported, that when he had made a great wound in his head, Antigonus sent physicians to cure it, and, by ordering them to infuse poison into the wound, killed him. How- ever, Phasaelus hearing, before he was quite dead, by a certain woman, that his brother Herod had escaped the enemy, underwent his death cheerfully, since he now left behind • This law of Mosps, that the priextK wen to be ♦'without blt-mish," as to all thtr parts of their bodies, ia in Uvit. xxL 17—24 CHAP. XIV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 395 him one who would revenge his death, and wIjo was aol^ to inflict punishment on his enemies. CHAPTER XIV. BOW HEROD GOT AWAY FROM THE KING OF ARABIA, AND MADE HASTE TO GO INTO EGYPT, AND THENCK WENT IN HASTE ALSO TO ROME; AND HOW, BY PROMISING A GREAT DEAL OF MONEY TO ANTONY, HE OBTAINED OF THE SENATE AND OF C^SAR TO BE MADE KING OF THE'JEWS. § 1. As for Herod, the great miseries, he was in did not discourage him. but made him sharp in discovering surprising undertakings; for he went to Malchus, king of Arabia, whom he had formerly been very kind to, in order to receive somewhat by way of requital; now he was in more than ordinary want of it, and desired he would let him have some money, either by way of loan, or as his free gift, on account of the many benefits he had received from him; for not knowing what was become of his brother, he vvas in haste to redeem him out of the hand of his enemies, as willing to give three hundred talents for the price of his redemption. He also took with him the son of Phasaelus, who was a child of but seven years of age; for this very reason, that he might be an hostage for the repayment of the money. But there came messengers from Malchus to meet him, by whom he was de- sired to be gone, for that the Parthians had laid a charge upon him not to entertain He- rod. This was only a pretence which he made use of, that he might not be oblitred to repay him what he owed him; and this he was farther induced to, oy the principal men among the Arabians, that they n)i«ht cheat him of what sums they had received from [his father] Antipater, and which he had commit- ted to their fidelity. He made answer, that he did not intend to be troublesome to them by his coming thither, but that he desired only to discourse with them about certain affairs that were to him of the greatest im- portance. 2. Hereupon he resolved to go away, and did go very prudently the road to Egypt ; and then it was that he lodged in a certain temple; for he had left a great many of his followers there. On the next day he came to Rhinocolura, and theie it was that he heard what had befallen his brother. Though Mal- chus soon repented of what he had done and came running after Herod ; but with no man- ner of succees. for he was gotten a very great way off, af>d made haste into the road to Pe- lusium ; and when the stationary ships that lay there hindered him from sailing to Alex- andria, he went to their captains, by whos^ assistance, and that out of much reverence nf, and great regard to him, he was conducted into the city [Alexandria], and was retained there by Cleopatra, yet was she not able to prevail with him to stay there, because he vvas making haste to Rome, even though the wea- ther was stormy, and he was informed that the affairs of Italy were very tumultuous and in great disorder. 3. So he set sail from thence to Pamphy lia, and falling into a violent storm, he had much ado to escape to Rhodes, with the loss of the ship's burden; and there it was that two of his friends, Sappinas and Ptolemeus, met with him: and hs he found that city very much damaged in the war against Cassius, though he were in necessity himself, be ne- glected not to do it a kindness, but did what he could to recover it to its former state. He also built there a three-decked ship, and set sail thence, with his friends, for Italy, and came to the port of Brundusium: and when he was come from thence to Rome, he first related to Antony what had befallen him in Judea, and how Phasaelus his brother was seized on by the Parthians, and put to death by them, and how Hyrcanus was detained captive bv them, and how they had made An- tigonus king, who had promised them a sum of money, no less than a thousand talents, with five hundred women, who were to be of the principal families, and of the Jewish stock; and that he had carried off the women by night; and that, by undergoing a great many hardships, he had escaped the hands of his enemies; as also, that his own relations were in danger of being besieged and taken, and that he had sailed through a storm, and con- temned all these terrible dangers, in order to come, as soon as possible, to him who was his hope and only succour at this time. 4. This account made Antony commiserate the change that had happened in Herod's condition;' and reasoning with himself that- this was a common case among those that are placed in such great dignities, and that they are liable to the mutations that come from fortune, he was very ready to give him the assistance he desired; and this because he called to mind the friendship he had had vvith Antipater, because Herod olFered binv money to make him king, as he had formerly given it to him to make him tetrarch, and chiefly because of his hatred to Antigonus, for he took him to be a seditious person, and an enemy to the Romans. Caesar was also the forwarder to raise Herod's dignity, and to give him his assistance in what he desired, on account of the toils of war which he had • Concernini? tlie chronolosry of Herod, and the timn when he wan first made kin^ at Rome, and concerning »hf time when he hegan his second reicn. withnot a ri- val, upon the conq-.iest and slaughter of Antigonus, both princ palJy derived from this and the two next chap- ters in Josephus, see ib^ vntt on stct 6, and ch. xr aecL 10. 396 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK xiy. himself undergone with Antipater his father in Egypt, and of the hospitality he had treated him withal, and the kindness he had always shown him ; as also to gratify Antony, who was very zealous for Herod. So a senate was convocated ; and Messala first, and then Atratinus, introduced Herod into it, and en- larged upon the benefits they had received from his father, and put them in mind of the good-will he had borne to the Romans. At the same time, they accused Antigonus, and declared him an enemy, not only because of his former opposition to them, but that he had now overlooked the Romans, and taken the government from the Parthians. Upon this the senate was irritated ; and Antony informed them farther, that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should be king. This seemed good to all the senators ; and so they made a decree accordingly. 5. And this was the principal instance of Antony's affection for Herod, that he not only procured him a kingdom which he did not expect (for he did not come with an in- tention to ask the kingdom for himself, which he did not suppose the Romans would grant him, who used to bestow it on some of the royal family, but intended to desire it for his wife's brother, who was grandson by his father to Aristobulus, and to Hyrcanus by his mo- ther), but that he procured it for him so sud- denly, that he obtained what he did not expect, and departed out of Italy in so few days as seven in all. This young man [the grandson] Herod afterward took care to have slain, as we shall show in its proper place. But when the senate was dissolved, Antony and Csesar went out of the senate-house, with Herod between them, and with the consuls and other magis- trates before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay up their decrees in the capitol. Antony also feasted Herod the first day of his reign. And thus did this man receive the kingdom, having obtained it on the hundred and eighty-fourth olympiad, when Caius Do- mitius Calvinus was consul the second time, and Caius Asinius Pollio [the first time]. 6. All this while Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada, who had plenty of all other necessities, but were only in want of water,* insomuch that on this occasion Joseph, Herod's brother, was contriving to run away from it, with two hundred of his dependants, to the Arabians; for he had heard that Mal- chus repented of the offences he had been guilty of with regard to Herod ; but God, by sending rain in the night-time, prevented his going away, for their cisterns were thereby filled, and he was under no necessity of run- ning away on that account : but they were now of good courage, and the more so, because the ♦ ThU fnHlevotiB want of wjiter at Masada, till the place had like to havo been taken by the Parthians i mentioned both here and Of the War, b. \. ch. xt. sect ), i« an indication that it was now summer-time. sending that plenty of water which they had been in want of, seemed a mafk of divine pro- vidence ; so they made a sally, and fought hand to hand with Antigonus's soldiers (with some openly, with some privately), and destroyed a great number of them. At the same time Ven- tidius, the general of the Romans, was sent out of Syria, to drive the Parthians out of it, and marched after them into Judea, on pretence in- deed to succour Joseph; but, in reality, the whole affair was no more than a stratagem, in order to get money of Antigonus; so they pitch- ed their camp very near to Jerusalem, and strip- ped Antigonus of a great deal of money, and then he retired himself with the greater, part of tne army ; but, that the wickedness he had been guilty of might not be found out, he left Silo there, with a certain part of his soldiers, with whom also Antigonus cultivated an ac- quaintance, that he might cause him no dis- turjjance, and was still in hopes that the Par- thians would come again and defend him. CHAPTER XV. HOW HEROD SAILED OUT OP ITALY TO JUDEA, AND FOUGHT WITH ANTIGONUS; AND WHAl OTHER THINGS HAPPENED IN JUDEA ABOUT THAT TIME. § 1. By this time Herod had sailed out of Italy to Ptolemais, and had gotten together no small army, both of strangers and of his own countrymen, and marched through Gali- lee against Antigonus. Silo also, and Ven- tidius, came and assisted him, being persuaded by Dellius, who was sent by Antony to assist in bringing back Herod. Now, for Ven- tidius, he was employed in composing the disturbances that had been made in the cities by the means of the Parthians ; and for Silo, he was indeed in Judea, but corrupted by Antigonus. However, as Herod went along, his army increased every day, and all Galilee, with some small exception, joined him ; but as he was marching to those that were in Ma- sada (for he was obliged to endeavour to save those that were in that fortress, now they were besieged, because they were his rela- tions), Joppa was a hinderance to him, for it was necessary for him to take that place, first, it being a city at variance with him, that no strong-hold might be left in his enemies' hands behind him when he should go to Jerusalem. And when Silo made this a pretence for rising up from Jerusalem, and was thereupon pur- sued by the Jews, Herod fell upon them with a small body of men, and both put the Jews to flight and saved Silo, when he was very poorly able to defend himself; but when He- rod had taken Joppa, he made haste to set free those of his family that were in Masada. Now of the people of the country, some CHAP. XY. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 39' joined him because of the friendship they had had with his father, and some because of the splendid appearance he made, and others by way of requital for the benefits they had re- ceived from both of them ; but the greatest number came to him in hopes of getting somewhat from him afterward, if he were once firmly settled in the kingdom. 2. Herod had now a strong array ; and as he marched on, Antigonus laid snares and ambushes in the passes and places most pro- per for them ; but in truth he thereby did little or no damage to the enemy : so Herod received those of his family out of Masada, and the fortress Ressa, and then went on for Jerusalem. The soldiery also that was with Silo accompanied him all along, as did many of the citizens, being afraid of his power: and as soon as he had pitched his camp on the west side of the city, the soldiers that were set to guard that part shot their arrows, and threw their darts at him ; and when some sallied out in a crowd, and came to fight hand to hand with the first ranks of Herod's army, he gave orders that they should, in the first place, make proclamation about the wall, that he came for the good of the 'people, and for the preservation of the city, and not to bear any old grudge at even his most open enemies, but ready to forget the offences which his greatest adversaries had done him ; but Antigonus, by way of reply to what He- rod had caused to be proclaimed, and this before the Romans, and before Silo also, said, that they would not do justly if they gave the kingdom to Herod, who was no more than a private man, and an Idumean, i. e. a half Jew,* whereas they ought to be- stow it on one of the royal family, as their custom was ; for, that in case they at present bare an iM-will^o him, and had resolved to deprive him of the kingdom, as having re- ceived it from the Parthians, yet were there many others of his family that might by their law take it, and these such as had no way offended the Romans; and being of the sacer- dotal family, it* would be an unworthy thing to put them by. Now while they said thus one to another, and fell to reproaching one another on both sides, Antigonus permitted his own men that were upon the wall to de- fend themselves; who, using their bows, and showing great alacrity against their enemies, easily drove them away from the towers. 3. And now it was that Silo discovered that * This affirmation of Antigotiiis, spoken in the days of Herod, and in a manner to his face, that he was an Idumean, i. e. a half Jew. eeems to me of nmch greater authority than that pretence of his favourite and flat- terer Nicolaus of Damascus, that he derived his pedi- gree from Jews as far backward as the Babylonish cap- tivity, ch. i. sect. 3. Accordingly Josephus always esteems him an Idumean, though he says his father Antipater was of the same people with the Jews (ch. Till. sect. 1). and a Jew by birth ( Antiq. b. xx. ch. viii. cect. 7). as indeed all such proselytes of justice as the Idumean s were in time esteem©! the very same peo- ple with the Jews. I he had taken bribes: for he set a great nuro- I ber of his soldiers to complain aloud of the j want of provisions they were in, and to re- quire money to buy them food ; and that it was fit to let them go into places proper for winter quarters, since the places near the city were a desert, by reason that Antigonus's soldiers had carried all away; so he set his army upon removing, and endeavoured to march away; but Herod pressed Silo not to depart, and exhorted Silo's -aptains and sol- diers not to desert him, when Csesar and An- tony, and the senate, had sent him thither, for that he would" provide them plenty of all the things they wanted, and easily procure them a great abundance of what they required; af- ter which entreaty, he immediately went into the country, and left not the least pretence to Silo for bis departure, for he brought an unexpected quantity of provisions, and sent to those friends of his who inhabited about Samaria, to bring down corn, and wine, and oil, and cattle, and all other pro\nsions, to Jericho, that there might be no want of a supply for the soldiers for the time to come. Antigonus was sensible of this, and sent pre- sently over the country such as might restrain and lie in ambush for those that went out for provisions. So these men obeyed the orders of Antigonus, and got together a great num- ber of armed men about Jericho, and sat up- on the mountains, and watched those that brought the provisions. However, Herod was not idle in the meantime, for he took ten bands of soldiers, of whom five were of the Romans, and five of the Jews, with some mercenaries among them, and with some few horsemen, and caine to Jericho; and as they found the city deserted, but that five hundred of them had settled themselves on the tops of the hills, with their wives and children, those he took and sent away: but the Romans fell upon the city, and plundered it, and found the houses full of all sorts of good things. So the king left a garrison at Jericho, and came back again, and sent the Roman army to take their winter quarters in the countries that were come over to him, Judea and Galilee, and Samaria. And so much did Antigonus gain of Silo for the bribes he gave him, that part of the army should be quartered at Lyd- da, in order to please Antony. So the Ro- mans laid their weapons aside, and lived in plenty of all things. 4. But Herod was not pleased with lying still, but sent out his brother Joseph against Idumea with two thousand armed footmen, and four hundred horsemen, while he hiinself came to Samaria, and left his mother and his other relations there, for they were already gone out of Masada, and went into Gahleo, and took certain places which were held by the garrisons of Antigonus; and he passed on to Sepphoris, as God sent a snow, while Anti- gonus's garrisons withdrew themselves, anU 398 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIV, had great plenty of provisions. He also went tbence, and re!-olved to destroy those robbers thHt fiwelt ill the raves, and did much mischief in the country; so he sent a troop of horse- men, ajid three companies of armed footmen, ftgainst them. They were very near to a vil- lage called Arbela; and on the fortieth day after, he came himself with his whole army : and as the enemy sallied out boldly upon him, the left wing of his army gave way; but he appearing with a body of men, put those to flight who were already conquerors, and re- called his men that ran away. He also pressed upon his enemies, and pursued them as far as the river Jordan, though they ran away by different roads. So be brought over to him all Galilee, excepting those that dwelt in the caves, and distributed money to every one of his soldiers, giving them a hundred and fifty drachmae apiece, and much more to their captains, and sent them into winter quarters; at which time Silo came to him, and his com- manders with him, because Antigonus would not give them provisions any longer; for he supplied them for no more than one month; nay, be had sent to all the country round about, and ordered them to carry off the provi>ioiis that were there, and retired to the mountains, that the Romans might have no provisions to live upon, and so mi(.ht perish by famine; but Herod committed the care of that matter to Pheroras, his voungest brother, and ordered bim to repair Alexandrium ali-o. Accordingly, Be quickly made the soldiers abound with great plenty of provisions, and rebuilt Alex- andrium, which had been before desolate. 5. About this time it v\as that Antony con- tinued some time at Athens, and that Venti- dius, who was now in S}ria, sent for Silo, and commanded4)im to assist Herod, in the first place, to finish the present \\ar,and thento sendforthei.r confederates forthe\^a^ they were themselves engaged in; but as for Herod, he went in haste against the robbers that v»ere in the caves, and sent Silo away to Ventidi- us, while he marched against Ihtm. Th«se caves were in mountains that were exceeding abrupt, and in their middle were no other than precipices, with certain entrances into the caves, and those caves were encompassed with sharp rocks, and in these did the robbers lie concealed, with all their families about them; but the king caused certain chests to be made, in order to destroy them, aiid to be binig down, bound about with iron chains, by an engine, from the top of the mountain, it being not possible to get up to them, by rea- ,son of the sharp ascent of the mountains, nor to creep down to them from above. Kow the«e chests were tilled with armed men, who had long books in their bands, by which thev might pull out such as resisred them, and then tumble them down, and kill them by so doing; but the letting the chests down proved to be a matter of great danger, becauiie of I the vast depth they were to he let down, al- though they had their provisions in the chests themselves; but when the chests were let down, and not one of those in the mouths of the caves durst coine near them, but lay still out of fear, some of the armed men girt on their armour, and by both their hands took bold of the chain by which the chests were let down, and went into the mouths of the caves, because they fretted that such delay was made by the robbers not daring to come out of the caves; and when they were at any of those mouths, they first killed many of those that were in the mouths with their darts, and afterwards pulled those to them that resisted them with their hooks, and tum- l)ied them down the precipices, and afterwards went into the caves, and killed many more, and then went into their chests again, and luy still there; but upon this, terror seized the rest, when the} heard the lamentations that were made, and they despaired of escaping; however, vkhen the night came on, that put an end to the whole work; and as the king proclaimed pardon by an herald to su(h as ■;» delivered themselves up to him, mary accepted of the offer. The same method of assault was made use of the next day; and they went farther, and got out in baskets to fight tbem, and fought them at their doors, and sent fire an)ong them, and set their caves on fire, for there was a great deal of combustible matter within them. Now there was one old man who was caught within one of these caves, with seven children and a wife; these pra\ed him to give them leave to go out, and yield themselves up to the enemy; but he stood at the cave's mouth, and always- slew that child of his who went out, till he had destroyed them every one, and after that he slew his wife, and cast their dead bodies ^own the precipice, and himself after them, and so underwent death rather than slavery; but before he did this, he greatly reproached Herod with the meanness of his family, al- though he was then king. Herod also saw what he was doing, and stretched out hi. hand, and offered him all manner of security for his life: by which means all these cave* were at length subdued entirely. • 6. And when the king had set Ptolemy over these parts of the country as his general, he went to Samaria with six hundred horse- men and three thousand armed footmen, as intending to fight Antigonus: but still this command of the army did not succeed well with Ptolemy, hut those that had been trou- blesome to Galilee before attacked him, and •slew him; and when they had done this, they fled among the lakes and places almost inaccei»- sd)Ie, laying waste and plundering whatsoever they could come at in those places; but lie- rod soon returned, and punished them for wh.at they had done; for scnve of those rebels he elcw, and otberi of them, who had fled to the CHAP. XV, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 399 strong holds, he besieged, and both slew them and demolished their strong holds; and when he had thus put an end to their rebellion, be laid a fine upon the cities of a hundred talents. 7.. In the mean time Pacorus was fallen in a battle, and the Parthians were defeated, when Ventidius sent Macheras to the assist- ance ot Herod, with two legions and a thou- sand horsemen, while Antony encouraged him to make haste; but Macheras, at the in- stigation of Antigonus, without the approba- tion of Herod, as being ci»rrupted by money, went about to take a view of his affairs; but Antigonus, suspecting this intention of his coming, did not admit him into the city, but kept him at a distance, with throwing stones at him, and plainly showed what he hinjself meant; but when Macheras was sensible that Herod had given him good advice, and that he had made a mistake himself in not heark- ening to that advice, he retired to the city Eiiimaus; and what Jews he met with he slew them, whether they were enemies or j»^riends, out of the rage he was in at what ^ hardships he had undergone. The king was provoked at this conduct of his, and went to Samaria, and resolved to go to Antony about these affairs, and to inform him that he stood in no need of such, helpers, who did him more mischief than they did his enemies; and that he was able of himself to beat Antigonus. But Macheras followed him, and desired that - he would not go to Antony; or, if he was resolved to go that he would join his brother Joseph with them, and let them fight against Antigonus. So he was reconciled to Mache- ras, upon his earnest entreaties. Accordingly he left Joseph there with his army, but char- ged him to run no hazards, nor to quarrel with Macheras. ^ 8. But for his own part, he made haste to Antofiy (who was then at the siege of Samo- gata, a place upon Euphrates) with his troops, both horsemen and footmen, to be auxiliaries to him; and when he came to Antioch. and met there a greflt numher of men gotten to- gether that were very desirous to go to An- tony, but durst not venture to go, out of fear, because the barbarians fell upon men on the road, ai'd slew many, so he encouraged them, and became their conductor upon the road. Now, when they were within two days' march of Samosata, the barbarians had laid an am- bush there to disturb those that came to An- tony, and where the woods made the passes narrow, as they led to the plains, there .they laid not a few of their horsemen, who were to lie still until those passengers were gone by into the wide place. Now as soon as the first ranks were gone by (for Herod brought on the rear), those that lay in ambush, who were about five hundred, fell upon them on the sudden, and when they had put the fore- most to flight, the kin^j: came riding bird, with the forces that were about him, and immedi. ately drove back the enemy; by which means he made the minds of his own men courage- ous, and emboldened them to go on, insomuch that those who ran away before, now returned back, and the barbarians were slain on all sides. The king also went on killing them, and recovered all the baggage, among which were a great number of beasts for burden, and of slaves, and proceeded on in his march ; and whereas there were a great number of those in the woods that attacked them, and were near the passage that led into the plain, he made a sally upon these also with a strong body of men, and put them to flight, and slew many of them, and thereby rendered the way safe for those that came after; and these called Herod their saviour and protector. 9. And when he was near to Samosata, An- tony sent out his army in all their proper ha- biliments to meet him, in order to pay Herod this respect, and because of the assistance he had given him; for he had heard what at- t icks the barbarians had made upon him [in Judea]. He also was very glad to see him there, as having been made acquainted with the great actions he had performed upon the road ; so he entertained him very kindly, and could not but admire his courage. Antony also embraced him as soon as he saw him, and saluted him after a most affectionate man- ner, and gave him the upper hand, as having himself lately made him a king ; and in a little time Antiochus delivered up the fortress, and on that account this war was at an end ; then Antony committed the rest to Sossius, and gave him orders to assist Herod, and went himself to Egypt. Accordingly, Sossius sent two legions before into Judea to the as- sistance of Herod, and he followed himself with the body of the army. 10. Now Joseph was already slain in Judea, in the manner following: — He forgot what charge his brother Herod had given him when he went to Antony; and .when he had pitched his camp among the mountains, for Ma(;heras had lent him five regiments, with these he went hastily to Jericho, in order to reap the corn thereto belonging; and as the Roman regiments were but newly raised, and were unskilful in war, for they were in great part collected out of Syria, he was attacked by the enemy, and caught in those places of difficulty, and was himself slain, as he was fighting bravely, and the whole army was lost, for there were six regiments slain. So when Antigonus had got possession of the dead i)odies, he cut off Joseph's head, although Pheroras, his brother, would have redeemed «t at the price of fifty talents. After which de- feat the Galileans revolted from their com- manders, and took those of Herod's party, and drowned them in the lake; and a great part of Judea was become seditious: but Ma- cheras fortified the place Gitta [in SamariuJ. 400 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK XIV. 11. At this time messengers came to He- rod, and informed him of what had been done; and when he was come to Daphne by Antioch, they told him of the ill-fortune that nad befallen his brother, which yet he expect- ed, from certain visions that appeared to him in his dreams, which clearly foreshowed his brother's death. So he hastened his march; and when he came to mount Libanus, he re- ceived about eight hundred of the men of that place, having already with him also one Ro- man legion, and with these he came to Ptole- mais. He also marched thence by night with his army and proceeded along Galilee. Here it was that the enemy met him, and fought him, and were beaten, and shut up in the same place of strength whence they had sallied out the day before. So he attacked the place in the morning; but, by reason of a great storm that was then very violent, he was able to do nothing, but drew off his army into the neighbouring villages; yet as soon as the other legion that Arjtony sent him was come to his assistance, those that were in garrison in the place were afraid, and deserted it in the night-time. Then did the king march hastily to Jericho, intending to avenge himself on the enemy for the slaughter of his brother; and when'he had pitched his tents, he niide a feast for the principal commanders, and after this collation was over, and he had dis- missed his guests, be retired to his own cham- ber: and here may one see what kindness God had for the king, for the upper part of the bouse fell down when nobody was in it, and so killed none, insomuch that all the peo- ple believed that Herod was beloved of God, since he had escaped such a great and surpris- ing danger. 12. But the next day six thousand of the enemy came down fron#the tops of the moun- tains to fight the Romans, which greatly ter- rified them ; and the soldiers that were in light armour came near, and pelted the king's guards that were come out with darts and stones, and one of them bit him on the side with a dart. Antigonus also sent a comman- der against Samaria, whose name was Pappus, with some forces, being desirous to show the enemy how potent he was, and that he had men to spare in his war with them: he sat down to oppose Macheras; but Herod, when he had taken five cities, took such as were left in them, being about two thousand, and slew them, and burnt the cities themselves, and then returned to go against Pappus, who was encamped at a village called Isanas: and there ran in to him many out of Jericho and Judea, near to which places he was, and the enemy fell upon his men, so stout were they at this time, and joined battle with them, but he beat them in the fight ; and in order to be reven- ged on them for the slaughter of his brother, he pursued them sharply, and killed them as tbey ran away; and as the houses were full of armed men,* and many of them ran as far as the tops of the houses, he got them under his power, and pulled down the roofs of the houses, and saw the lower rooms full of sol- diers that were caught, and lay all on a heap: so they threw stones down upon them as tbey lay piled one upon another, and thereby kill ed them: nor was there a more frightful spec- tacle in all the war than this, where, beyond the walls, an immense multitude of dead men lay heaped one upon another. This action it was which chiefly brake the spirits of the ene- my, who expected row what would come ; for there appeared a mighty number of people that came from places far distant, that were now about the village, but then ran away; and had it not been for the depth of winter, which then restrained them, the king's army had presently gone to Jerusalem, as being very courageous at this good success, and the whole work had been done immediately; for Antigonus was already looking about how he might fly away and leave the city. 13. At this time the king gave order that the soldiers should go to supper, for it ws*l late at night, while he went into a chamber to use the bath, for he was very weary : and here it was that he was in the greatest danger, which yet, by God's providence, he escaped; for as he was naked, and had but one servant that followed him, to be with him while he was bathing in an inner room, certain of the enemy, who were in their armour, and had fled thither out of fear, were then in the place, and, as he was bathing, the first of them came out with his naked sword drawn, and went out at the doors, and after him a second, and a third, armed in like manner, and were un- der such a consternation, that they did no hurt to the king, and thought themselves to have come oflF very well in suffering no harm them- selves in their getting out of the house. How- ever, on the next day, he cut off the head of Pappus, for he was already slain, and sent it to Pheroras, as a punishment of what their brother had suffered by his means, for he was the man that. slew him with his own hand. 14. When the rigour of winter was over, Herod removed his army and came near to Jerusalem, and pitched his camp hard by the city. Now this was the third year since he had been made king at Rome ; and as he re- moved his camp, and came near that part of the wall where it could be most easily assault- ed, he pitched that camp before the temple, intending to make his attacks in the same manner as did Pompey. So he encompassed the place with three bulwarks, and erected * It may be worth our observation here, that these soldiers of Herod could not have gotten upon the tops of thet.e houses which wer«- full of enemies, in order to pull up the upper floors and destroy them benealh. but by ladders from the (U^tsidei which illustrates some texts in tlic New Testament by which it appears that men used to arct-nd thither by ladders on the outside. See Matt xziv.l7{ M«rkxiiLi6i Lukev.l9i xvil.31. CHAP. XVI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 401 lowers, and employed a great many hands jibont the work, and cut down the trees that were round about the city ; and when he ha# appoiiitea proper persons to oversee the works, even wmie the army lay before the city, he hiinself went to Samaria, to complete his mar- riage, and to take to wife the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; for he had betrothed her already, as I have before related. CHAPTER XVI. HOW HEROD, WHEN HE HAD MARRIED MARI- AMNK, TOOK JERUSALEM, WITH THE AS- SISTANCE OF SOSIUS, BY FORCE; AND HOW THE GOVERNMENT OF THE ASAMONEANS WAS PUT AN END TO. § 1. After the wedding was over, came Sosius through Phoenicia, having sent out his army before him over the midland parts. He also, who was their commander, came himself, ^^th a great number of horsemen and foot- men. The kii)g also came himself from Sa- maria, and brought with him no small army, besides that which was there before, for they were about thirty thousand; and they all met together at the walls of Jerusalem, and en- camped at the north wall of the city, being now an army of eleven legions, armed men on foot, and six thousand horsemen, with other auxiliaries out of Syria. The generals wore two: Sosrus, sent by Antony to assist Herod, and Herod on his own account, in order to take the government from Antigonus, who was declared an enemy to Rome, and that he might himself be king, according to the de- cree of the senate. 2. Now the Jews that were inclosed within the walls of the city fought against Herod with great alacrity and zeal (for the whole nation was gathered together); they also gave out many prophesies about the temple, and many things agreeable to the people, as if God would deliver them out of the dangers they were in; they had also carried off what was out of the city, that they might not leave any thing to afford sustenance either for men or for beasts; and, by private robberies, they made the want of necessaries greater. When Herod understood this, he opposed ambushes in the fittest places against their private rob- beries, and he sent legions of armed men to bring in provisions, and that from remote places, so that in a little time they had great plenty of provisions. Now the three bul- warks were easily erected, because so many hands were continually at work upon them ; for it was summer-time, and there was nothing to hinder them in raising their works, neither from the air nor from the workmen: so they brought their engines to bear, and shook the walls of the citv, and tried a'.l manner of ways *o get in; yet did not those within discover ftny fear, but they also contrived not a few engines to oppose their engines withal. They also sallied out, and burnt not only those en- gines that were not yet perfected, but those that were; and when they came hand to hand, their attempts were not less bold than those of the Romans, though they were behind them in skill. They also erected new works when the former were ruined, and muking mines under ground, they met each other, and fought there; and making use of brtxtish courage rather than of prudent valour, they persisted in this war to the very last: and this they did while a mighty army lay round about them, and while they were distressed by famine and the want of necessaries, for this happened to be a Sabbatic Year. The first that scaled the walls were twenty chosen men; the next were Sosius's centurions; for the first wall was taken in forty days, and the second in fifteen more, when some of the cloisters that were about the temple were burnt, which Herod gave out to have been burnt by Antigonus, in order to expose him to the hatred of the Jews. And when the outer court of the tem- ple, and the lower city were taken, the Jews fled into the inner court of the temple, and into the upper city; but now fearing lest the Romans should hinder them from offering their daily sacrifices to God, they sent an em- bassage, and desired that they would only permit them to bring in beasts for sacri- fices, which Herod granted, hoping they were going to yield; but when he saw that they did nothing of what he supposed, but bitterly opposed him, in order to preserve the king- dom to Antigonus, he made an assault upon the city, and took it by storm ; and now all parts were full of those that were slain, by the rage of the Romans tit the long duration of w; the siege, and by the zeal of the Jews that were on Herod's side, who were not willing to leave one of their adversaries alive; so they were murdered continually in the narrow streets and in the houses by crowds, and as they were flying to the temple for shelter, and there was no pity taken of either infants or the aged, nor did they spare so much as the weaker sex; nay, although the king sent about, and besought them to spare the people, yet nobody restrained their hand from slaugh- ter, but, as if they were a company of mad- men, they fell upon persons of all ages, with- out distinction ; and then Antigonus, without regard to either his past or present circum- stances, came down from the citadel, and fell down at the feet of Sosius, who took no pity of him, in the change of his fortune, but in- sulted him beyond measure, and called him Antigone [i. e. a woman, and not a man] ; yet did be not treat him as if he were a woman, by letting him go at liberty, but put him into bonds, and kept him in close custody. 3. And now Herod having overcome his 2C 402 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIV. enemies, bis care was to govern those fo- reigners who had been his assistants, for the crowd of strangers rushed to see the temple, and the sacred things in the temple; but the king thinking a victory to be a more severe affliction than a defeat, if any of those things which it was not lawful to see should be seen .by them, used entreaties and threatini'.gs, and even sometime force itself, to restrain thorn. He ^so prohibited the ravage that was made in the city, ana many times asked Sosius. whether the Romans would empty the K,ivy bovb of nioney and men, and leave him king of a desert; and told him, that he esteemed the dominion over the whole habi- table earth as by no means an equivalent satis- faction for such a murder of his citizens: and when he said that this plunder was justly to be permitted the soldiers for the siege they had undergone, he replied, that he would give every one his reward out of his own money; and by this means he redeemed what re- mained of the city from destruction; and he performed what he had promised him, for he gave a noble present to every soldier, and a proportionable present to their commanders; but a most royal present to Sosius himself, till they all went away full of money. 4. This destruction befel the city of Jeru- salem when Marcus Agrippa and Caninius Callus were consuls at Rome,* on the hun- dred and eighty-fifth olympiad, on the third month, on the solemnity of the fast, as if a periodical revolution of calamities had re- turned since that which befel the Jevvs under • Note here that Josephus fully and frequently as- sures us, that there passed above three years between Herod's first obtaining the kingdom at Rome and h s second obtaining it upon the taking of Jerusalem and dea'h of Antigonus. The present history of this ijiter- val twice mentions the army going into winter quarters, which perhaps belonged to two several winters (cli. xv. sect. 3. 4) ; and though Josephus says nothing how long they lay in those quarters, yet does he give such an ac- count of the long and studied delays of Vent dius, Silo, and Macheras, who were to see Herod settled in his new kingdom (hut seem not to have had sufficient forces for that purpose, and were for certain all cor- rupted by Antigonus to make the longest delays possi- ble), and gives us such particular accounts of the many great actions of Herod duriog the same interval, as fairly imply tiMt interval, before Herod went to Samo- sata. to have D«?en very considerable. However, what is wanting in Josephus, is fully supplied by Moses Cho> Pompey; for the Jews were taken by hino on the same day, and this was after twenty- seven years' time. So when Sosius had de- dicated a crown of gold to God, he marched away from Jerusalem, and carried Antigonus with him in bonds to Antony; but Heiod was afraid lest Antigonus should be kept in I i»ii?t'n [only] by Antony, and that when he 1 was carried to Rome by him, he might get his cause to be heard by the senate, and might demonstrate, as he was himself of the ro)al blood, and Herod but a private nian, tiiat therefore it belonged to his sons, however, to have the kingdom on account of the family they were of, in case he had himself offended the Romans by what he bad done. Out of Herod's fear of this it was that he, by giving Antony a great deal of money, endeavoured to persuade him to have Antigonus slain, which, if it were once done, he should be free from that fear. And thus did the go- vernment of the Asamoneans cease, a hun- dred and twenty-six years after it was first set up. This family vas a splendid and an illus^^ trious one, both on account of the nobilit^f of their stock, and of the dignity of the high- priesthood, as also for the glorious actions their ancestors had performed for our nation; but these men lost the government by their dissensions one with another, and it came to Herod, the son of Antipater, who was of no more than a vulgar family, and of no emi- nent extraction, but one that was subject to other kings. And this is what history tells us was the end of the Asamonean family. renensis. the Armenian historian, in his history of that interval (b. ii. ch. xviii); where he directly assures us that Tigranes, then king of Armenia, and the principal manager of this Parthian war, reigned two years after Herod was made king at Rome, and yet Antony did not hrar of his death, in that very neighbourhood, at Samosata. till he was come thither to besiege it; after which Herod brought him an army, which was three hundred and forty miles' march, and through a diffi- cult country, full of enemies also, and joined with him in the siege of Samosata till that city was taken; then Herod and Sosius marched back with their large .irmies the same number of three hundred and forty miles ; and when, in a little time, they sat down to be^ie^e Je- rusalem, they were not able to take it but by a siege of live months. All which put together, fully supplies what is wanting in Josephus, and secures tte entire chronology of these times beyond contradiction. 403 BOOK XV. CONTAININQ THB INTKJIVAL OF BIOHTESN TBARS FROM THE DEATH OF ANTIGONUS TO THE FINISHING OF THB TEMPLE BY HEROD. CHAPTER L CONCERNING POLLIO AND SAMEAS. HEROD SLAYS THE PRINCIPAL OF ANTIGONUs's FRIENDS, AND SPOILS THE CITY OF ITS ||^ WEALTH. ANTONY BEHEADS ANTIGONUS. § 1. How Sosius and Herod took Jerusalem by force'; and. besides that, bow they took Ai»tigonus captive, has been related by us in the foregoing book. We will now proceed in the narration. And since Herod had now the government of all Judea put into his hands, he promoted such of the privatt men of the city as had been of his party, but never left off avenging and punishing every day those that had chosen to be of the party of his ene- mies ; but Pollio the Pharisee, and Sameas, a disciple of his, were honoured by hitn above all the rest; for when Jerusalem was besieged, they advised the citizens to receive Herod for which advice they were well requited. But this Pollio, at the time when Herod was once upon his trial of life and death, foretold, in way of reproach to Hyrcanus and the other judges, how this Herod, whom they suffered now to escape, would afterward inflict punish- ment on them all; which had its completion in time, while God fulfilled the words he had spoken. 2. At this time Herod, now he had got Jerusalem under his power, carried off all the royal ornaments and spoiled the wealthy men of what they had gotten ; and when, by these means, he had heaped together a great quan- tity of silver and gold, he gave it all to An- tony, and his friends that were about him. He also slew forty-five of the principal men of Antigonus's party, and set guards at the gates of the city, that nothing might be car- ried out together with their dead bodies. — They also searched the dead, and whatsoever was found, either of silver or gold, or other treasure, it was carried to the king ; nor was there any end of the miseries he brought upon them; and this distress was in part oc- «sioned by the covetousness of the princ« regent, who was still in want of more, and in' part by the Sabbatic Year, which was still go- ing on, and forced the country to lie still un- cultivated, since we are forbidden to sow the land in that year. Now when Antony had received Antigonus as his captive, he deter- mined to keep him against his triumph; but when he heard that the nation grew seditious, and that, out of their hatred to Herod, they continued to bear good-will to Antigonus, he resolved to behead him at Antioch, for other- wise the Jews could no way be brought to be quiet. And Strabo of Cappadocia attests to what I have said, when he thus speaks: — "Antony ordered Antigonus the Jew to be brought to Antioch, and there to be behead- ed; and this Antony seems to me to have been the very first man who beheaded a king, as supposing he could no other way bend the minds of the Jews so as to receive Herod, whom he had made king in his stead; for by no torments could they be forced to call hira king, so great a fondness they had for their former king; so he thought that this disho- nourable death would diminish the value they had for Antigonus's memory, and at the same time vvould diminish the hatred they bare to Herod." Thus far Strabo. CHAPTER II. HOW HYRCANUS WAS SET AT LIBERTY BY THB PARTHIANS, AND RETURNED TO HEROD; AND WHAT ALEXANDRA DID WHEN SHE HEARD THAT ANANELUS WAS MADE UIGU- PRIEST. § 1. Now after Herod was in possession of the kingdom, Hyrcanus the high-priest, who was then a captive among the Parthians, came to him again, and was set free from his cap- tivity in the manner following: — Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the generals of the Parthians, took Hyrcanus, who was first made high-priest ajid afterwards king, and Herod's brother. 404 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOCK XV. Pbasaelus, captives, and were carrying them away into Parthia. Phasaelus indeed could not bear the reproach of being in bonds; and thinking that death with glory was better than any life whatsoever, he became his own executioner, as I have formerly related. 2 But when Hyrcanus was brought into Parthia, the king Phraates treated him after a very gentle manner, as having already learned of what an illustrious family he was; on which account he set him free from his bonds, and gave him a habitation at Babylon,* where there were Jews in great numbers. These Jews honoured Hyrcanus as their high-priest and king, as did all the Jewish nation that dwelt as far as Euphrates, which respect was very much to his satisfaction. But when he was informed that Herod had received the kingdom, new hopes came upon him, as hav- ing been himself still of a kind disposition towards him; and expecting that Herod would bear in mind what favour he had received from him, and when he was upon his trial, and when he was in danger that a capital sentence would be pronounced against him, he deli- vered him from that danger, and from all punishment. Accordingly, he talked of that matter with the Jews that came often to him with great affection ; but they endeavoured to retain him among them, and desired that he would stay with them, putting him in mind of the kind oflfi^ and honours they did him, and that those hWours they paid him Were not at all inferior to what they could pay to either their high-priests or their kings : and what was a greater motive to determine him, they said, was this, that he could not have those dignities [in Judea] because of that maim in his body, which had been inflicted on him by Antigonus; and that kings do not use to re- quite men for those kindnesses which they received when they were private persons, the height of their fortune making usually no small changes in them. 3. Now, although they suggested these arguments to him for his own advantage, yet did Hyrcanus still desire to depart. Herod also wrote to him, and persuaded him to de- sire of Phraates and the Jews that were there that they should not grudge him the royal authc^ity, which he should have jointly with himself, for that now was the proper time for himself to make him amends for the favours he had received from him, as having been brought up by him, and saved by him also, as well as for Hyrcanus to receive it. A^d as he wrote thus to Hyrcanus, so did he send also Saramallas his ambassador to Phraates, and many presents with him, and desired him, • The city here called " Babylon" by Josepbtm, seems to be the one which was built by some of the Seleucidse, opon the Tigris; which, lonjf after the utter desolation of Old Babylon, was commonly so called, and I suppose not far from Seleucia; hist as the later adjoining city Bai^dat has l>een and is often called by the same old nani« of Bihylon till this Tery day. in the niost obliging way, that he would be no hinderance to his gratitude towaras his bene ■ factor. But this zeal of Herod's did not flow from that principle, but because he had been made governor of that country without having any just claim to it, he was afraid, and that upon reasons good enough, of a change in his condition, and so made what haste he could to get Hyrcanus into his power, or indeed to put him quite out of the way; which last thing he effected afterwards. 4. Accordingly, when Hyrcanus came, full of assurance, by the permission of the king of Parthia, and at the expense of the Jews, who supplied him with money, Herod re'*ei red him with all possible respect, and gave him the upper place at public meetings, and set him above all the rest at feasts, and thereby deceived him. He called him his father, and endeavoured, by all the ways possible, that he might have no suspicion of any treacherous design against him. He also did other things, in order to secure his government, which yet occasioned a sedition in his own family; for being cautious how he made any illustrious'*^ person the high-priest of God,f he sent for an obscure priest out of Babylon, whose name was Anaiielus, and bestowed the high-priest- hood upon him. 5. However, Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and wife of Alexander, the son of . Aristobulus the king, who had also brought Alexander [two] children, could not bear this indignity. Now this son was one of the greatest comeliness, and was called Aristo- bulus ; and the daughter, Mariamne, was married to Herod, and eminent for her beauty also. This Alexandra was much disturbed, and took this indignity offered to her son ex- ceeding ill, that while he was alive, any one else should be sent to have the dignity of the high- priesthood conferred upon him. Accor- dingly she wrote to Cleopatra (a musician assisting her in taking care to have her letters carried) to desire her intercession with An- tony, in order to gain the high-priesthood for her son. 6. But as Antony was slow in granting this request, his friend DelliusJ came into Judea upon some affairs, and when he saw Aristobu- + Here we have an eminrnt example of Herod's worldly and profane politics, when by the abuse of hit unlawliil and usurped power, to make whom he pleased hii;h-priest, in the person of Ananelus, he occasioned such disturbances in his kingdom, and in his own fa- mily, as suffered him to enjoy no lastinjr peace or tran« quillity ever afterwards: and such is frequently the ef> feet of profane court politics about matters of religion in other ages and nations. Ttie Old Testament is full of the miserit-s of the people of the Jews derived from such court politics, especially in and after the days of Jeroboam, the son of Nehat. " who made Israel to sin;" who Rave the most pernicious example of it; who brought on the grossest ccuruption of religion by it; and the punishment ut whose fiiniily lor it was most remarkable. The case is too well known to stand in need of particular citations. ; Of this wicked Ik-llius, see the note on th« War.t»,L ch. XV. sect 3. CHAP. m. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 406 lus, he stood in admiration at the tallress and handsomeness of the child, and no Vss »t Mariamne, the king's wife, and was cp^n in his cominendations of Alexandra, as the mo- ther of most beautiful childreii: and when she came to discourse with him, he persuaded her to get pictures drawn of them both, and to send them to Antony, for that \\i\eu he saw 4;hem, he would deny her nothing that she would ask. Accordingly, Alexandra was ele- vated with these words of his, and sent the pictures to Antony, Dellius also talked ex- travagantly, and said that these children seemed not derived from men, but from some god or other. His design in doing so was to ■entice Antony into lewd pleasures with them, who was ashamed to send for the damsel, as teing the wife of Herod, and avoided it, be- cause of the reproaches he should have from Cleopatra on that account; but he sent, in the most decent manner he could, for the young man; but added this withal, unless he thought it hard upon him so to do. When this letter was brought to Herod, he did not i' think it safe for him to send one so handsome as was Aristobulus, in the prime of his life, for he was sixteen years of age, and of so noble a family, and particularly not to Antony, the principal man among the Romans, and one that would abuse him in his amours, and be- sides, one that openly indulged himself in such pleasures as his power allowed him, without controul. He therefore wrote back to him, that if this boy should only go out of the country, all would be in a state of war and uproar; because the Jews were in hopes of a change in the government, and to have ano- ther king over them. 7. When Herod had thus excused himself to Antony, he resolved that he would not en- tirely permit the child of Alexandra to be treated dishonourably; but his wife Mariamne lay vehemently at him to restore the high- priesthood to her brother; and he judged it- was for his advantage so to do, because, if he once had that dignity, he could not go out of the country. So he called all his friends to- gether, and told them that Alexandra privately conspired against his royal authority, and en- deavoured, by the means of Cleopatra, so to bring it about, that he might be deprived of the government, and that by Antony's means this youth might have the management of pub- lic aflfairs in his stead; and that this proce- dure of hers was unjust, since she would at the same time deprive her daughter of the dig- nity she now had, and would bring disturb- ances upon the kingdom, for which he had taken a great deal of pains, and had gotten it with extraordinary hazards: that yet, while he well remembered her wicked practices, he would not leave off doing what was right him- self, -but would even now give the youth the high-priesthood; and that he formerly set up Anunelus, because Aristobulus was th«D to very young a child. Now when he bad said this, not at random, but as he thought with the best discretion he had, in order to deceive the women, and those friends whom he had taken to consult withal, Alexandra, out of the great joy she had at this unexpected pro- mise, and out of fear from the suspicions she lay under, fell a- weeping; and made the fol' lowing apology for herself, and said, that as to the [high] priesthood, she was very much concerned for the disgrace her son was under, and so did her utmost endeavours to procure it for him, hut that as to the kingdom, she had made no attempts, and that if it were offered her [for her son], she would not ac- cept it; and that now she would be satisfied with her son's dignity, while he himself held the civil government, and she had thereby the security that arose from his peculiar ability in governing, to all the remainder of her family: that she was now overcome by his benefits, and thankfully accepted of this honour shown by him to her son, and that she would here- after be entirely obedient; and she desired him to excuse her, if the nobility of her fa- mily, and that freedom of acting which she thought that allowed her, had made her act too precipitately and imprudently in this mat- ter. So when they had spoken thus to one another, they came to an agreement; and all suspicions, so far as appeared, were vanished away. CHAPTER IIT HOW HEROD, UPON HIS MAKING ARISTOBULUS HIGH-PRIEST, TOOK CARE THAT HE SHOULD BE MURDERED IN A LITTLE TIME; AND WHAT APOLOGY HE MADE TO ANTONY ABOUT ARISTOBULUS: AS ALSO CONCERN- ING JOSEPH AND MARIAMNE. § 1. So king Herod immediately took the high-priesthood away from Ananelus, who, as we said before, was not of this country, but one of those Jews that had been carried captive beyond Euphrates; for there were not a few ten thousands of this people that had been carried captives, and dwelt about Baby- lonia, whence Ananelus came. He was one of the stock of the high-priests,* and had been of old a particular friend of Herod-^ and • When Josephus says here that this Ananelus, the new high-priest, was " of the stock of the high-priests," and since he had been just telling qs that he was a priest cf an obscure family or character (ch. ii. sect 4), it is nut at all probable that he could so soon say that he was " of the stock of the high-priests. " However, Josephus here makes a remarkable observation, that this Ananelus was the third that was ever unjustly and wickedly turned out of the high-priesthood by the civil power, no king or governor having ventured to do so, that Josephus knew of, but that heathen tyrant" and persecutor Antiochus Epiphanes; that barbanous par- ricide Aristobulus, the first that took royal authority amcAig the Maccabees,- and this tyrant king Herod tha Great: although afterward that infamous practice ha- came frequent, till the very destruction •f Jeru«aletn w^B the affiee of high-4[>riMtha*d waa at an mmk 406 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XV. when he was first made king, he conferred that dignity upon him, and now put him out of it again, in order to quiet the troubles in his family, though what he did was plainly unlawful, for at no other time [of old] was any one that nad once been in that dignity deprived of it. It was Antiochiis Epiphanes who first brok'e that law, and deprived Jesus, aiid made his brother Onias high-priest in his stead. Aristobuius was the second that did so, and took that dignity from his brother LHyrcanus]; and this Herod was the third who took that high office away [from Anane- lus], and gave it to this young man, Aristo- buius, in his stead. 2. And now Herod seemed to have healed the divisions in his family; yet was he not without suspicion, as is frequently the case of people seeming to be reconciled to one another, but thought that, as Alexandra had already made attempts tending to innovations, so did he fear that she vvould'go on therein, if she found a fit opportunity for so doing ; po he gave a command th^t she should dwell in the palace, and meddle with no public af- fairs: her guards also were so careful, that nothing she did in private life every day was concealed. All these hardships put her out of patience, by little and little, and she began to hate Herod ; for as she had the pride of a woman to the utmost degree, she had great indignation at this suspicious guard that was about her, as desirous rather to undergo any thing that could befal her than to be deprived of her liberty of speech, and, under the no- tion of an honorary guard, to live in a state of slavery and terror. She therefore sent to Cleopatra, and made a long complaint of the circumstances she was in, and entreated her to do her utmost for her assistance. Cleo- patra hereupon advised her to take her son with her, and come away immediately to her into Egypt. This advice pleased her; and she had this contrivance for getting away : She got two coffins ma»'e, as if they were to carry away two dead bodies, and put herself into one, and her son into the other, and gave orders to such of her servants as knew of her iutentions, to carry them away in the night- time. Now their road was to be thence to the sea-side; and there was a ship ready to carry them into Egypt. Now ^sop, one of her servants, happened to fall upon Sabion, ore of her friends, and spake of this matter to l.im, as thinking he had known of it before. "When Sabion knew this (who had formerly been an ^nppny of Herod, and had been esteemed one of those that laid snares for and gave the poisop to [bis father] Antipater), he expected that t^iis discovery would change Herod's hatred into kindness; so he told the king of this private stratagejn of Alexandra: whereupon he suffered her to proceed to the execution of her project, and raueht her in the TCJ^ fact; but still bs passed by her pf- fence: and though he had a great mind to do it, he durst not inflict any thing that w&a severe upon her, for he knew that Cleopatra would not bear that he should have her ac- cused, on account of her hatred to him; but made a show as if it were rather the generosity of his soul, and his great moderation, that made him forgive them. However, he fully proposed to himself to put this young maH»^ out of the way, by one means or other; but he thought he might in all probability be bet- ter concealed in doing it, if he did it not pre- sently nor immediafely after what had lately happened. 3. And now, upon the approach of the feast of tabernacles, which is a festival very much observed among us, be let tho^e day* pass over, and both he and the rest of the people were therein very merry; yet did the envy which at this time arose in him, cause him to make haste to do what he was about, and provoke him to it; for when this youth, Aristobuius, who w^as now in the seventeenth year of his age, went up to the altar, accord- ing to the law, to offer the sacrifices, and this with the ornaments of his high-priesthoody and when he performed the sacred offices,* he seemed to be exceeding comely and taller than men usually were at that age, and to ex- hibit in his countenance a great deal of that high family he was sprung from, — a wari» zeal and affection towards him appeared among the people, and the memory of the actions of his grandfather Aristobuius was fresh in their minds; and their affections got so far the mastery of them, that they could not forbear to show their inclinations to him. They at once rejoiced and were confounded, and mingled with good wishes their jovful ac- clamations which they made to him, till the good-will of the multitude was made too evi- dent; and they more rashly proclaimed the happiness they had received from his famil)i than was fit under a monarchy to have done. Upon all this, Herod resolved to complete what he had intended against the young man. When therefore the festival was over, and he was feasting at Jericho'f with Alexandra, who entertained him there, be was then very plea- sant with the young man, and drew him into a lonely place, and at the same tim.e played with him in a juvenile and ludicrous manner. Now the nature of that place was hotter that ordinary; so they went out in a body, and of a sudden, and in a vein of madness; and as they stood by the fish ponds, of which there were large ones about the house, they went to cool themselves [by bathing], because it was • This entirely confutes the Tnlmiidists, who pretend that no one under twenty years of age could officiate aa high-priest among the Jews. + An Hebrew cbronide. cited hy Kelani), soys this drowning was atJordHn,nut at Jerirhn, and this -even when he qnotrs Jooeplitis. I suspect the tiaiiseiibcr ol the Hebrew cbroTiirl/» mistook the sainp, and wrot* J[(>rdaii for Jericho. CHAP. III. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 40"/ in the midst of a hot day. * At first they were only spectators of Herod's servants and ac> quaintance as they were swimming; but after a while, the young man, at the instigation of Herod, went into the water among them, while such of Herod's acquaintance as he had appointed to do it, dipped him as he was swim- ming, and plunged him under water, in the dark of the evening, as if it had been done in sport only; nor did they desist till he was en- tirely suffocated. And thus was Aristobulus murdered, having lived no more in all than eighteen years,* and kept the high-priesthood one year only; which high-priesthood Anane- lus now recovered again. 4. When this sad accident was told the women, their joy was soon turned into la- uientation, at the sight of the dead body that lay before them, and their sorrow was immo- derate. The city also [of Jerusalem], upon the spreading of this news, was in very great grief, every family looking on this calamity as if it had not belonged to another, but that one of themselves was slain: but Alexandra was more deeply affected, upon her knowledge that he had been destroyed [on purpose}. Her sorrow was greater than that of others, by her knowing how the murder was committed; but she was under the necessity of bearing up un- der it, out of her prospect of a greater mis- chief that might otherwise follow ; and she sometimes came to an inclination to destroy herself with her own hand, but still she re- strained herself, in hopes she might live long enough to revenge the unjust murder thus pri vately committed ; nay, she further resolved to endeavour to live longer, and to give no occasion to think she suspected that her son was slain on purpose, and supposed that she aiii(ht thereby be in a capacity of revenging it at a proper opportunity. Thus did she re- st rain herself, that she might not be noted for entertaining any such suspicion. However, Herod endeavoured that none abroad should believe that the child's death was caused by any design of his; and for this purpose he did not only use the ordinary signs of sorrow, but, fell into tears also, and exhibited a real con- fusion of soul; and perhaps his affections were overcome on this occasion, when he saw the child's countenance so young and so beauti- ful, although his death was supposed to tend to his own security. So far at least this grief served as to make some apology for him; and as for his funeral, that he took care should be very magnificent, by making great preparation for a sepulchre to lay his body in, and pro- viding a great quantity of spices, and burying m:uiy ornaments together \v;th him, till the very women, who were in such deep sorrow, * The reading of one of J ospphuVs Greek MSS. seems here to he right, that Aristobulus was '-Hot eighteen years or' wbeii he was drowned, for he was not seventeen V I'll lie was uade high-piiest (ch. ii.sect. (>; ch. iii. stct. 3) md he cominiied in that ofTice but one vea"^, as in the place bofure ua. were astonished at it, and received in this way some consolation. 5. However, no such things could ov«rcomft Alexandra's grief; but the remembrance ot this miserable case made her sorrow both deep and obstinate. Accordingly, she wrote an account of this treacherous scene to Cleopatra, and how her son was murdered; but Cleo- patra, as she had formerly been desirous to give her what satisfaction she could, and com- miserating Alexandra's misfortunes, made the case her own, and would not let Antony be quiet, but excited him to punish the child's murder: for that it was an unworthy thing that Herod, who had by him been made a king of a kingdom that no way belonged to him, should be guilty of such horrid crimes against those that were of the royal blood in reality. Antony was persuaded by these ar- guments ; and when he came to Laodicea, he sent and commanded Herod to come and make his defence as to what he had done to Aristobulus, for that such a treacherous de- sign was not well done, if he had any hand in it. Herod was now in fear, both of the ac- cusation aijd of Cleopatra's ill-will to him, which was such that she was ever endeavour- ing to make Antony hate him. He therefore determined to obey his summons, for he had no possible way to avoid it: so he left his uncle, Joseph, procurator for his government and for the public affairs, and gave him a private charge, that if Antony should kill him, he also should kill Mariamne immediately; for that he had a tender affection for this his wife, and was afraid of the injury that should be offered him, if, after his death, she, for her beauty, should be engaged to some other man: but his intimation was nothing but this at the bottom, that Antony had fallen in love with her, when he had formerly heard somewhat of her beauty. So when Herod had given Jo- seph this charge, and had indeed no sure hopes of escaping with his life, he went away to Antony. 6. But as Joseph was administering the public affairs of the kingdom, and for that reason was very frequently with Mariamne, both because his business required it, and be- cause of the respects he ought to pay to the queen, he frequently let himself into discourses about Herod's kindness, and great affection towards her; and when the women, especially Alexandra, used to turn his discourses into feminine raillery, Joseph was so over-desirous to demonstrate the king's inclinations, that he proceeded so far as to mention the charge he had received, and thence drew his demonstra- tion that Herod was not able to live without her ; and that if he should come to any ill end, he could not endure a separation from her, even after he was dead. Thus spake Jo- seph. But the women, as was natural, did not take this to be an instance of Herod's strong affection for them, but of his severe 408 NTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK XV. «i8age of tbem, that tbey could not escape de- ftruction, nor a tyrannical death, even when he was dead himself: and this saying [of Jo- Beph] was a foundation for the women's se- vere suspicions about him afterwards. 7. At this time a report went about the city of Jerusalem, among Herod's enemies, that Antony had tortured Herod, and put him to death. This report, as is natural, dis- turbed those that were about the palace, but chiefly the women : upon which Alexandra endeavoured to persuade Joseph to go out of the palace, and fly away with them to the en- signs of the Roman legion, which then lay en- Camped about the city, as a guard to the king- dom, under the command of Julius; for that by this means, if any disturbance shouldiiap- pen about the palace, they should be in greater security, as having the Romans favourable to them ; and that besides they hoped to obtain the highest authority, if Antony did but once see Mariamne, by whose means they should recover the kingdom, and want nothing which was reasonable for them to hope for, because of their royal extraction. 8. But as they were in the midst of these deliberations, letters were brought from He- rod about all his affairs, and proved contrary to the report, and of what they before expec- ted; for when he was come to Antony, he soon recovered his interest with him, by the presents he made him, which he had brought with Hm from Jerusalem; and he soon in- duced him, upon discoursing with him, to leave offhis indignation at him, so that Cleo- patra's persuasions had less force than the ar- guments and presents he brought to regain his friendship : for Antony said, that it was not good to require an account of a king, as to the affairs of his government, for at this rate he could be no king at all, but that those who had given him that authority ought to permit him to make use of it. He also said the same things to Cleopatra, that it would be best for her not busily to meddle with the acts of the king's government. Herod wrote an account of these things ; and enlarged upon the other honours which he had received from Antony : how he sat by him at his hear- ing causes, and took his diet with him every day, and that he enjoyed those favours from him, notwithstanding the reproaches that Cleopatra so severely laid against him, who having a great desire of his country, and ear- nestly entreating Antony that the kingdom might be given to her, laboured with her ut- most diligence to have Irim out of the way ; but that he still found Antony just to him, and had no longer any apprehensions of hard treatment from him ; and that he was soon up'Ti his return, with a firmer additional as- surance of his fcvour to him, in his reigning and managing public aflPairs; and that there was no longer any hope for Cleopatra's covet- »Ui temper, since Ai.toii> had given her Cele- syria, instead of what she desired ; by which means he had at once pacified her, and got clear of the entreaties which she made him to have Judea bestowed upon her. 9. When these letters were brought, the women left off their attempt for flying to the Romans, which they thought of while Herod was supposed to be dead; yet was not that purpose of theirs a secret; but when the king had conducted Antony on his way against the Parthians, he returned to Judea, when both his sister Salome, and his mother, informed him of Alexandra's intentions. Salome also added somewhat farther against Joseph, though it was no more than a calumny, that he had often had criminal conversation with Mari- amne. The reason of her saying so was this, that she for a long time bare her ill-will; for when they had differences with one 'another, Mariamne took great freedoms, and reproach- ed the rest for the meanness of their birth But Herod, whose affection to Mariamne was always very warm, was presently disturbed at this, and could not bear the torments of jealousy, but was still restrained from doing any rash thing to her by the love he had for her; yet did his vehement affection and jea- lousy together make him ask Mariamne by herself about this matter of Joseph ; but she denied it upon her oath, and said all that an innocent woman could possibly say in her own defence; so that by little and little the king was prevailed upon to drop the suspi- cion, and left off his anger at her; and being overcome with his passion for his wife, he made an apology to her for having seemed to believe what he had heard about her, and returned her a great many acknowledg- ments of her modest behaviour, and professed the extraordinary affection and kindness he had for her, till at last, as is usuai between lovers, they both fell into tears, and em- braced one another with a most tender affec- tion. But as the king gave more and more assurances of his belief of her fidelity, and endeavoured to draw her to a like confidence in him, Mariamne said, " Yet was not that command thou gavest, that if any harm came to thee from Antony, I, who had been no occasion of it, should perish with thee, a sign of thy love to me ?" When these words were fallen from her, the king was shocked at them, and presently let her go out of his arms, and cried out, and tore his hair with his own hands, and said, that now be had an evident demonstration that Joseph had had criminal conversation with his wife ; for that he would never have uttered what he had told him alone by himself, unless there had been such a great familiarity and firm confi. dence between them. And while he was in this passion he hud liked to have killed his wife; but being still overborne by his love to her, he sestrHined this his passion, though not w'lhout a lusting grief and disquietnesn of CHAP. IV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 409 mind. However, he gave order to slay Jo- seph, without permitting him to come into his sight; and as for Alexandra, he bound her, and kept her in custody, as the cause of all this n^i&chief. CHAPTER IV. HOW CLEOPATRA, WHEN SHE HAD GOTTEN FROM ANTONY SOME PART? OF JUDEA AND ARABIA, CAME INTOJUDEA; AND HOW HE- ROD GAVE HER MANY PRESENTS, AND CON- DUCTED HEB ON HER WAY BACK TO EGYPT. § 1. Now at this time the affairs of Syria were in confusion by Cleopatra's constant persuasions to Antony to make an attempt upon every body's dominions; for she per- suaded him to take those dominions away from their several princes and bestow them upon her; and she had a miijhty influence upon him, by reason of his being enslaved to her by his affections. She was also by na- ture very covetous, ^nd stuck at no wicked- ness. She had already poisoned her brother, because she knew that he was to be king of Egypt, and this when he was but fifteen years old ; and she got her sister Arsinoe to be slain, by the means of Antony, when she was a supplicant at Diana's temple at Ephesus ; for if there were but any hopes of getting mo- ney, she would violate both temples and se- pulchres. Nor was there any holy place that was esteemed the most inviolable, from which she would not fetch the ornaments it had in it; nor any place so profane, but was to suf- fer the most flagitious treatment possible from her, if it could but contribute somewhat to the covetous humour of this wicked creature; yet did not all this suffice so extravagant a woman, who was a slave to her lusts, but she still imagined that she wanted every thing she could think of, and did 4ier utmost to gain it; for which reason she hurried Antony on perpetually to deprive others of their do- minions, and give them to her; and as she went over Syria with him, she contrived to get it into her possession; so he slew Lysa- nias the son of Ptolemy, accusing him of his bringing the Parthians upon those countries. She also petitioned Antony to give her Judea and Arabia; and, in order thereto, desired him to take these countries away from their present governors. As for Antony, he was so entirely overcome by this woman, that one would not think her conversation only could do it, but that he was some way or other be- witched to do whatsoever she would have him ; yet did the grossest parts of her injustice make him so ashamed, that he would not always hearken to her to do these flagrant enormi- ties she would have persuaded him to. That therefore he might not totally deny her, nor by doing every thing which she enjoined him appear openly to be an ill man, he took some parts of each of those countries away from their former governors, and gave them to her Thus he gave her the cities that were withii the river Eleutherus, as far as Egypt, except ing Tyre and Sidon, which he knew to have been free cities from their ancestors, although she pressed him very often to bestow those or her also. 2. When Cleopatra had obtained thuf much, and had accompanied Antony in hi? expedition to Armenia, as far as Euphrates, she returned back, and came to Apamia and Damascus, and passed on to Judea; wherf Herod met her, and farmed of her her part? of Arabia, and those revenues that came to her from the region about Jericho. This country bears that balsam, which is the most precious drug that is there, and grows there alone. The place bears also palm-trees, both many in number, and those excellent in their kind. When she was there, and was very often with Herod, she endeavoured to have criminal conversation with the king: nor did she affect secrecy in the indulgence of such sort of pleasures; and perhaps she had in some measure a passion of love to him, or rather, what is most probable, she laid a trea- cherous snare for him, by aiming to obtain such adulterous conversation from him ; however, upon the whole she s.eemed overcome witt love to him. Now Herod had a ^.reat what borne no good- will to Cleopatra, as knowing that she was a woman irksome to all ; and at that time he thought her particularly worthy of his hatred, if this attempt proceeded out of lust ; he had also thought of preventing her intrigues by putting her to death, if such were her endeavours. However, he refused to comply with her proposals, and called a counsel of his friends to consult with them whether he should not kill her, now he had her in his power; for that he should thereby deliver all those from a multitude of evils to whom she was already become irksome, and was expected to be still so for the time to come ; and that this very thing wouiu be much for the advantage of Antony himself, since she would certainly not be faithful to him, in case any such reason or necessity should come upon him as that he should stand in need of her fidelity. But when he thought to follow this advice, his friends would not let him ; and told him, that, in the first place, it was not right to attempt so great a thing, and run himself thereby into the utmost dan- ger; and they laid hard at him, and begged ot him to undertake nothing rashly, for that An- tony would never bear it, no, not though any one should evidently lay before his eyes that it was for his own advantage; and that the appearance of depriving him of her conversa- tion, by this violent and treacherous method, %vould probably set his affections more on a 410 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XV. flame than before. Nor did it appear that he could offer any thing of tolerable weight in his defence, this attempt being against such a woman as was of the highest dignity of any of ber sex at that time in the world; and as to any advantage to be expected from such an undertaking, ii any such could be supposed in this case, it would appear to deserve con- demnation on account of the insolence he must take upon him in doing it: which considera- tions made it very plain, that in so doing he would find bis government filled with mis- chiefs, both great and lasting, both to himself and his posterity, whereas it was still in his power to reject that wickedness she would persuade him to, and to come oflf honourably at the same time. So by thus affrighting He- rod, and representing to him the hazards he must, in all probability, run by this under- taking, they restrained him from it. So he treated Cleopatra kindly, and made her pre- sents, and conducted her on her way to Egypt. 3. But Antony subdued Armenia, and sent Artabazes, the son of Tigranes, in bonds, witb his children and procurators, to Egypt, and made 9 present of them, and of all the royal ornaments which he had taken out of that kingdom, to Cleopatra; and Artaxias, the eldest of bis sons, who had escaped at that time, took the kingdom of Armenia; who yet was ejected by Archelaus and Nero. Caesar, when they restored Tigranes, his younger brother, to that kingdom: but this happened a good while afterward. 4. But then, as to the tributes which He- rod was to pay Cleopatra for that country which Antony had given her, he acted fairly with her, as deeming it not safe for him to afford any cause for Cleopatra to hate him. As for the king of Arabia, whose tribute He- rod had undertaken to pay her, for some time indeed he paid him as much as came to two hundred talents; but he afterward became very niggardly and slow in his payAients, and could hardly be brought to pay some parts of it, and was not willing to pay even them without some deductions. CHAPTER V. HOW HEROD MADE WAR WITH THE KINO OF ARABIA, AND AFTER THEY HAD FOUGHT MANY BATTLES, AT LENGTH CONQUERED HIM, AND WAS CHOSEN BY THE ARABS TO BE GOVERNOR OF THAT NATION; AS ALSO CONCERNING A GREAT EARTHQUAKE. § 1. Hereupon Herod held himself ready to go against the king of Arabia, because of his ingratitude to him, and because, after all, he would do nothing that was just to him, although Herod made the Roman war an occasion of delaying his own; fur the battle I of Actium was now expected, which fell into the hundred and eighty-seventh olympiad, where Caesar and Antony were to fight for the supreme power of the world ; but Herod having enjoyed a country that was very fruit- ful, and that now for a long time, and having received great taxes and raised great armies therewith, got together a body of men, and carefully furnished them with all necessaries, and designed them as auxiliaries for Antony; but Antony said he had no want of his assis- tance; but he commanded him to punish the king of Arabia, for he had heard, both from him, and from Cleopatra, how perfidious be was ; for this was what Cleopatra desired, who thought it for her own advantage that these two kings should do one another as great mischief as possible. Upon this mes- sage from Antony, Herod returned back, but kept his army with him in order to invade Arabia immediately. So when his army of horsemen and footmen was ready, he march- ed to Diospolis, whither the Arabians came also to meet them, for they were not unap- prised of this war that was coming upon them ; and after a great battle had been fought, the Jews had the victory ; but after- ward there were gotten together another nu- merous army of the Arabians, at Cana, which is a place of Celesyria. Herod was informed of this beforehand: so he marched against them with the greatest part of the forces he had; and when he was come near to Cana, he resolved to encamp himself: and he cast up a bulwark that he might take a proper season for attacking the enemy ; but as he was giving those orders, the multitude of the Jews cried out that he should make no delay, but lead them against the Arabians. They went with great spirit, as believing they were in very good order ; and those especially were so that had been in the former battle, and had been conquerors, and had not permitted their enemies so much as to come to a close fight with them ; an4 when they were so tumultu- ous, and showed such great alacrity, the king resolved to make use of that zeal the multi- tude then exhibited ; and when he had as- sured them he would not be behindhand with them in courage, he led them on, and stood before them all in his armour, all the regi- ments following him in their several ranks; whereupon a consternation fell upon the Ara- bians; for when they perceived that the Jews were not to be conquered, and were full of spirit, the greater part of them ran away, and avoided fighting ; and they had been quite destroyed, had not Athenio fallen upon the Jews, and distressed them; for this ma^ was Cleo[)atra's general over the soldiers she had there, and was at enmity with Herod, and very wistfully looked on to see what the event of the Imttle would be. He had also resolved that in case the Arabians did any thing that whs brave and successful, he would CIIAP. V. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 411 lie still ; but in case they were beaten, as it really happened, he would attack the Jews with those forces he had of his own, and with those that the country had gotten together for him: so he fell upon the Jews unexpectedly, when they were fatigued, and thought they had ^- ready vanquished the enemy, and made a great slaughter of them; for as the Jews had spent their courage upon their known ene- mies, and were about to enjoy themselves in quietness after their victory, they were easily beaten by these that attacked them afresh^ and in particular received a great loss in places wbta-e the horses could not be of any service, and which were very stony, and where those that attacked them were better acquaint- ed with the places than themselves; and when the Jews had suffered this loss, the Arabians raised their spirits after their defeat, and re- turning back again, slew those that were al- ready put to flight; and indeed all sorts of slaughter were now frequent, and of those that escaped, a few only returned into the camp. So king Herod, when he despaired of the battle, rode up to them to bring them assistance, yet did he not come time enough to do them any service, though he laboured hard to do it; b«t the Jewish camp was taken, so that the Arabians had unexpectedly a most glorious success, having gained that victory which of themselves they were no way likely to have gained, and slaying a great part of the enemy's array: w^hence afterward Herod could only act like a private robber, and make excursions upon many parts of Arabia, and distress them by sudden incursions, while he encamped among the mountains, and avoid- ed by any means to come to a pitched battle; yet flid he greatly harass the enemy by his assiduity, and the hard labour he took in this matter. He also took great care of his own forces, and used all the means he could to restore his affairs to their old state. 2. At this time it was that the fight hap- pened at Actium, between Octavius Caesar and Antony, in the seventh year of the reign of Herod;* a«d then it was also that there was an earthquake in Judea, such a one as had not happened at any other time, and which earthquake brought a great destruction upon the cattle in that country. About ten thousand men also perished by the fall of houses; but the army, which lodged in the field, received no damage by this sad acci- dent. When the Arabians were informed of this, and when those that hated the Jews, and pleased themselves with aggravating the re- ports, told them of it, they raised their spirits, as if their enemy's country was quite over- • The reader is here to take notice, tliat this seventh year of the reii;n of Herod, and all the other years of his «eij;n, in Josephus, are dated from the death of Antigo- fius. or at the soonest from the conquest of Anti^oniis. and the taking of Jerusalem, a few months before, and never from bis first obtaining the kinRdom at Rome, fth.ive thre*! years before, a« zoiue have Ftry weakly and i^^udicioiMlf daD& thrown, and the men were utterly destroyed, and thought there now remained nothing that could oppose them. Accordingly, they took the Jewish ambassadors, who came to them after all this had happened, to make peace with them, and slew them, and came with great alacrity against their army; but the Jews durst not withstand them, and were so cast down by the calamities. they were under, that they took no fare of their affairs, but gave up themselves to despair, for they had no hope that they should be upon a level again with them in battles, nor obtain any as- sistance elsewhere, while their affairs at home were in such great distress also. When mut- ters were in this condition, the king persua- ded the commanders by his words, and tried to raise their spirits, which were quite sunk: and first he endeavoured to encourage and embolden some of the better sort beforehand, and then ventured to make a speech to the multitude, which he had before avoided to do, lest he should find them uneasy thereat, because ofthe misfortunes which had happened; so he made a consolatory speech to the mul- titude in the manner following: — 3. " You are not unacquainted, my fellow- soldiers, that we have had, not long since, many accidents that have put a stop to what we are about; and it is probable, that even those that are most distinguished above others for their courage, can hardly keep up their spirits in such circumstances; but since we cannot avoid fighting, and nothing that hath happened is of such a nature but it may by ourselves be recovered into a good state, and this by one brave action only well performed, I have proposed to myself both to give you some encouragement, and, at the same time, some information; both which parts of my design will tend to this point, that you may still continue in your own proper fortitude. I will then, in the first place, demonstrate to you, that this war is a just one on our side, and that on this account it is a war of neces- sity, and occasioned by the injustice of our adversaries; for, if you be once satisfied of this, it will be a real cause of alacrity to you ; after which I will farther demonstrate, that the misfortunes we are under are of no great consequence, and that we have the greatest reason to hope for victory. I shall begin \vith the first, and appeal to yourselves as witnesses to what I shall say. You are not ignorant certainly of the wickedness of the Arabians, which is to that degree as to appear incredible to all other men, and to include somewhat that shows the grossest barbarity and ignorance of God. The chief things wherein tiey have affronted us have arisen from covetousness and envy; and they have attacked us in an insidious manner, and on the sudden. And what occasion is there for me to mention many instances of such their procedure? W^heu they were in danger of 412 ANTlQUn lES QF THE JEWS. BOOK AV. losing their own government of -themselvts, and of being slaves to Cleopatra, what others were they that ireed them from that fear? for it was the friendship I had with Antony, and the kind disposition he was in towards us, that hath been the occasion that even these Arabians have not been utterly undone, An- tony being unwilling to undertake any thing which might be suspected by us of unkind- ness: but when he had a mind to bestow gome parts of each of our dominions on Cleo- patra, I also managed that matter so, that by giving him presents of my own, I might ob- tain a security to both nations, while 1 under- took myself to answer for the money, and gave him two hundred talents, and became surety for those two hundred more which were imposed upon the land that was subject to this tribute: and this they have defrauded us of, although it was not reasonable that Jews should pay tribute te any man living, or allow part of their land to be taxable ; but although that was to be, yet ought we not to pay tribute for these Arabians, whom v/e have ourselves preserved; nor is it fit that they who have professed (and that with great in- tegrity and sense of our kindness) that it is by our means that they keep their principa- lity, should injure us, and deprive us of what ib our due, and this while we have been still not their enemies but their friends. And whereas observation of covenants takes place among the bitterest enemies, but among friends is absolutely necessary, — this is not observed among these men, who think gain to be the hes^ oi all things, let it be by any Uteiiii whc Isi/cver, and that injustice is no harm, if they may but get money by it:, is it therefore a question with you, whether the unjust are to be punished or not? when God himself hath declared his mind that so it ought to be, — and hath commanded that we ever should hate injuries and injustice, which is not only just but necessary in wars between several nations; for these Arabians have done what both the Greeks and Barbarians own to be an instance of the grossest wickedness, with regard to our ambassadors, whom they have beheaded, while the Greeks declare that such ambassadors are sacred and inviolable.* And for ourselves, we have learned from God the most excellent of our doctrines, and the most holy part of our law, by angels or am- bassadors; for this name brings God to the knowledge of mankind, and is suihcient to , reconcile enemies one to another. What wickedness then can be greater than the slaughter of ambassadors, who come to treat about doing what is right? And when such have been their actions, how is it possible ♦ Herod aays here, that as ambassadors w«re sacred when they carried messaKes to otkers, so did tlie Jaws of the Jews derire a saored authority by being delivered from <iod by iajjeis £or divine anibassadorsj ; which is St. Taol's expressioB absut the same laws. Gal, iii. 19; B«U iLS. they can either live securely in common life, or be successful in war? In wy opinion, this is impossible. But perhaps some will say^ that what is holy, and what is righteous, is indeed on our pide, but that the Arabia/js are- either more courageous or more niunerous than we are. Now, as to this, in the first place, it is not fit fur us to say so, for with whom is what is riyhteuts, with them is God himself; now, where God is, there is both multitude and courage. But to oxpiriine our own circumstances a little, we were corqj'er- ors in the first battle; and when we fought again, they were not able to oppose us, but ran away, and could not endure our attacks or our courage; but when we had conquered them, then came Athenion, and made war against us without declaring it; and pray, is this an instance of their manhood, or is it not a second instance of their wickedness and treachery? Why are we therefore of less courage, on account of that which ought to inspire us with stronger hopes? and why are we terrified at these, who, when they fight upon a level, are continually beaten, and when they seem to be conq^uerors,. they gain it by wickedness? and if we suppose that any one should .deem them to be men of real courage, will not he be excited by that very consideration to do his utmost against them? for true valour is not shown by fighting against weak persons, but in being able to- overcome the most hardy. But then, if the distresses we are ourselves under, and the mi-, series that have come by the earthquake, have atfrighted any one, let him consider, in the first place, that this very thing will deceive the Arabians, by their supposal that what hath betallen us is greater than it rvally is. Moreover, it is not right that the same thing that emboldens them should discourage us; for these men, you see, do not derive tlieir alacrity from any advantageous virtue of theip own, but fiom their hope, as to lis, that w^ are quite cast down by our misfortunes; but' when we boldly ujarch against them, we shall soon pull down their insolent conceit of tliem« selves, and shall gain this by attacking them, that they will not be so insolent when we come to the battle; for our distresses are not so great, nor is what hath happened an indi- cation of the anger of God against us, as some imagine; for such things are accidental^ and adversities that come in the usual course of things; and if we allow that this was done by the will of God, we must allow that it is now over by his will also, and that he is sa- tisfied with what hath already happened; foe had he been wilUng to aaUct us still more thereby, he had not changed his mind to soon. And as for the war we are engaged in, he hath himself demonstrated that he is willing it should go on, and that he knows it to be a> just war; for while some of the people in the country have perished^ all you who wkm CKAP. n. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 413 in arms have suffered nothing, but are all preserved alive; whereby God makes it plain to us, that if you Lad universally, with your children and wives, been in the army, it had couie to pass that you had not undergone any thing that would have much hurt you. Con- wder these tnings, and, what is more than all the rest, that you have God at all times for your protector; and prosecute these men vntii a just bravery, who, in point of friend- ship, are unjust, in their battles perfidious, towards ambassadors impious, and always in- ferior to you in valour." 4. When the Jews heard this speech, they were much raised in their minds, and more disposed to fight than before. So Herod, when he had oifered the sacrifices appointed {)y the law,* made haste, and took them, and led them against the Arabians; and in order to that, passed over Jordan, and pitched his camp near to that of the enemy. He also thought fit to seize upon a certain castle that My in the midst of them, as hoping it would be for his advantage, and would the sooner produce a battle; and that, if there were occa- sion for delay, he should by it have his camp fortified; and as the Arabians had the same intentions upon that place, a contest arose about it; at first they were but skirmishes, after which there came more soldiers, and it proved a sort of fight, and some fell on both sides, till those of the Arabian side were beaten, and retreated. This was no small .ncouragement to the Jews immediately; and A'hen Herod observed that the enemy's army were disposed to any thing rather than to come to an engagement, he ventured boldly to at- tempt the bulwark itself, and to pull it to pieces, and so to get nearer to their camp, in order to fight them ; for when they were forced out of their trenches, they went out in disorder, and had not the least alacrity, or hope of victory; yet did they fight hand to hand, because they were more in number than ^e Jews, and because they were in such a dis- position of war that they were under a neces- sity of coming on boldly; so they came to a terrible battle, while not a few fell on each side. However, at length the Arabians fled; aiiii so great a slaughter was made upon their being routed, that they were not only killed by their enemies, but became the authors of •• This piece of Telio^ion, the supplicating God with •AcriGces, by Herod, before he went to this fight witti the Arabians, taken notice of also in the first boolc Of the War. ch. xix. sect o, is worth remarking, because it is the only example of this nature, so far as I remem- ber, that Jost-phus ever r.entions in all his large and particular accounts of this Herod: and it was when he haJ been in mighty distress, and discouraged by a great defeat of his former army, and by a very great earth- quake in Judea, such times of affliction making men ii^st religious; nor was he disappointed of his hopes here, but imraediately gained a most si-inal victory over tte Arabians, wliile they who just betore had been so great victois. and so much elevated upon the earthquake ia Judea as to venture to slay the Jewish ambassadors, vere now under a strange consternation, and hardly ikbie to imai <n alL their own deaths also, and were trodden down by the multitude, and the great current of people in disorder, and were destroyed by their own armour; so five thousand men lay dead upon the spot, while the rest of the multitude soon ran within the bidwark [for safety], but had no firm hope of safety, by reason of their want of necessaries, and especially of water The Jews pursued them, but could not get ia^ with hem, but sat round about the bulwark,' and watched any assistance that would get into them, and prevented any there, that had a mind to it, from lunning away. 5. When the Arabians were in these dr- cximstances, they sent ambassadors to Herod, in the first place, to propose terms of accom- modation, and after that to offer him, so press- ing was their thirst upon them, to undergo whatsoever he pleased, if he would free thera from their present distress; but he would admit of no ambassadors, of no price of re- demption, nor of any other moderate terms whatever, being very desirous to revenge those unjust actions which they had been guilty of towards his nation. So they were necessitated by other motives, and particularly by their thirst, to come out, and deliver themselves up to him, to be carried away captives; and in five days' time, the number of four thousand were taken prisoners, while all the rest re- solved to make a sally upon their enemies, and to fight it out \dth them, choosing rather, if so ■ it must be, to die therein, than to perish gra- dually and ingloriously. When they had taken this resolution, they came out of their trenches, but could no way sustain the fight, being too much disabled, both in mind and body, and having not room to exert them- selves, and thought it an advantage to be killed, and a misery to survive; so at the first onset there fell about seven thousand of them, after which stroke, they let all the courage they had put on before fall, and stood amazed at Herod's warlike spirit under his own cala- mities; so for the future they yielded, and made him ruler of their nation; whereupon he was greatly elevated at so seasonable a suc- cess, and returned home, taking great autho- rity upon him, on account of so bold and glorious an expedition as he had made. CHAPTER VI. HOW HEROD SLEW HYRCANUS, AND THEN HA!iTED AWAY TO C..ESAR, AND OBTAINED THE KINGDOM FROM HTM ALSO; AND HOW, A LITTLE TIME AFTERWARD, HE ENTEE- TAINKD C^SAR IN A MOST HONOURABLE MANNER. § 1. Herod's other affairs were now very prosperous, and he was not to be easily as- sHulted on any side. Yet did there come up- on him a danger that woiUd hazard his entire 414 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XV. dominions, after Antony had been beaten at the battle of Actium by Caesar [Octavian] ; for at that time both Herod's enemies and friends despaired of his affairs, for it was not probable that he would remain without pun- *" ishment, who had shown so much friendship for Antony. So it happened that his friends despaired, and had no hopes of his escape; but for his enemies, they all outwardly ap- peared to be troubled at his case, but were privately very glad of it, as hoping to obtain a change for the better. As for Herod him self, he saw that there ^s no one of royal dignity left but Hyrcanus, and therefore he thought it would be for his advantage not to suffer him to be an obstacle in his way any longer; for that in case he. himself survived and escaped the danger he was in, he thought it was the safest way to put it out of the power of such a man to make any attempt against him at such junctures of affairs, as was more Worthy of the kingdom than himself; and in case he should be slain by Caesar, his envy prompted him to desire to slay him that would otherwise be king after him. 2. While Herod had these things in his mind, there was a certain occasion afforded him; for Hyrcanus was of so mild a temper, both then and at other times, that he desired not to meddle with public affairs, nor to con- cern himself with innovations, but left all to fortune, and contented himself with what that afforded him: but Alexandra [his daughter] was a lover of strife, and was exceeding de- sirous of a change of the government; and spoke to her father not to bear for ever He- rod's injurious treatment of their family, but to anticipate their future hopes, as he safely might; and desired him to wiite about these matters to Malchus, who was then governor of Arabia, to receive them, and to secure them [from Herod], for that if they went away, and Herod's affairs proved to be, as it was likely they would be by reason of Caesar's enmity to him, they should then be the only persons that could take the government; and this, both on account of the royal family they were of, and on account o£ the good disposition of the multitude to them. While she used these per- suasions, Hyrcanus put off her suit; but as she showed that she was a woman, and a con- tentious woman too, and would not desist either night or day, but would always be speaking to him about these matters, and about Herod's treacherous designs, she at last prevailed with him to entrust DosithcuS, one of his friends, with a letter, wherein his re- solution was declared; and he desired the Arabian governor to send him some horsemen^ who should receive liim, and conduct him to the lake Asplialtites, which is from the bounds of Jerusalem three hundred furlongs: and he did therefore trust Dositheus with his letter, because he was a careful attendant on hitn, ^ And on Alexandra, and h.ul no small occasion to bear ill- wll to Herod ; for he was a kins- man of one Joseph, whom he had slain, and a brother of those that were formerly slain at Tyre by Antony: yet could not these motives induce Dositheus to serve Hyrcanus in this affair; for, preferring the hopes he had from the present king to those he had from him, he gave Herod the letter. So he took his kind- ness in good part, and bade him besides do what he had already done, that is, go on in serving him, by rolling up the epistle and sealing it again, and delivering it to Malchus, and then to bring back the letter in answer to it; for it would be much better if he could know Malchus's intentions also. And when Dositheus was very ready to serve him in this point also, the Arabian governor returned back for answer, that he would receive Hyr- canus, and all that should come with him, and even all the Jews that were of his party : that he would, moreover, send forces sutficient to secure them in their journey; and that he should be in no want of any thing he should desire. Now as soon as Herod had received this letter, he immediately sent for Hyrcanus, and questioned him about the league he had made with Malchus; and when he denied it, he showed his letter to the sanhedrim, and put the man to death immediately. 3. And this account we give the reader, as it is contained in the commentaries of king He- rod: but other historians do not agree with them, for they suppose that Herod did not find, but rather made, this an occasion for thus put- ting him to death, and that by treacherously lay- ing a snare for him ; for thus do they write : — That Herod and he were once at a treat, and that Herod had given no occasion to suspect [that he was displeased at him], but put this question to Hyrcanus, Whether he had received any letters from Malchus? and when he an- swered that he had received letters, butthose of salutation oidy; and when he asked farther, whether he had not received any presents from him? and when he had replied, that he had r* ceived no more than four horses to ride on, which Malchus had sent him, they pretended thM Herod charged these upon him as the crimes of bribery and treason, and gave order that ht should be led away and slain. And in order to demonstrate that he had been guilty of no offence, when he was thus brought to his end, they allege how mild his temper had been, and that even in his youth he had never given any demonstration of boldness or rashness, an(^ that the case was the same when he came to be king, but that he even then committed the management of the greatest part of public affairs to Antipater: and that he was now above fourscore years old, and knew that He- rod's government was in a secure state. He also came over Euphrates, and left those who greatly honoured him beyond that river, though he were to be entirely under Herod's government; and that it was a most incredible CHAP, VI, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 415 thing that he should enterprise any thing by way of innovation, and not at all agreeable to his temper, but that this was a plot of Herod's own contrivance. 4. And this was the fate of Hyrcanus; and thus did he end his life, after he had endured various and manifold turns of fortune in his lifetime; for he was made high-priest of the Jewish nation in the beginning of his mother Alexandra's reign, who held the government nine years ; and when, after his mother's death, he took the kingdom himself, and held it three months, he lost it, by the means of his brother Aristobulus. He was then re- stored by Pompey, and received all sorts of honour from him, and enjoyed them forty years; but when he was again deprived by Antigonus, and was maimed in his bedy, he was made a captive by the Parthians, and thence returned home again after some time, on account of the hopes that Herod had given him; none of which came to pass according to his expectation, bat he still conflicted with many misfortunes through the whole course of his life; and, what was the heaviest cala- mity of all, as we have related already, he came to an end which was undeserved by feim. His character appeared to be that of a nran of a mild and moderate disposition, who suffered the administration of affairs to be ge- nerally done by others under him. He was averse to much meddling with the public, nor %i)ad shrewdness enough to govern a kingdom: and both Antipater and Herod came to their greatness by reason of "his mildness; and at last he met witb sucli an end from them as was not agreeable either to J ustice or piety. 5- Now Herod, as soon as he had put Hyr- canus out of the way, made haste to Caesar; and because he could not have any hopes of kindness from him, on account of the friend- ship he had for Antony, he had a suspicion of Alexandra, lest she should take this opportu- i nity to bring the multitude to a revolt, and | •introduce a sedition int-j the affairs of the king- I dora ; so he committed the care of every thing to his brother Pheroras, and placed his mother Cypres, and his sister [Salome], and the whole family, at Massada, and gave him a charge, that if he should hear any sad news about him, he should take care of the government: but as to Mariamne his wife, because of the misunderstanding between her and his sister, and his sister's mother, which made it impos- sible for them to live together, he placed her at Alexandrium, with Alexandra her mother, and left his treasurer Joseph and Sohemus of Iturea, to take care of that fortress. These two had been very faithful to him from the beginning, and were now left as a guard to the women. They also had it in charge, that if they should hear any miJ^hief had befallen him, they should kill them both; and, as far as they were able, to pn^serve the kingdom j for his sons, and for his brother Pheroras. j 6. When he had given them this charge, he made haste to Rhodes, to meet Casar; and when he had sailed to that city, he took off his diadem, but remitted nothing else of his usual dignity: and when, upon his meet- ing him, he desired that he would let him speak to him, he therein exhibited a much more noble specimen of a great soul, for be did not betake himself to supplications, as men usually do upon such occasions, nor offered him any petition, as if he were an offender; but, after an undaunted manner, gave an account of what he had done ; for he spake thus to Caesar: — That he had the greatest friendship for Antony, and did every thing he could that he might attain the go- vernment: that he was not indeed in the army with him, because the Arabians had diverted him, but that he had sent him both money and com, which was but too little in comparison of what he ought to have done for him; "for, if a man owns himself to be another's friend, and knows him to be a bene- factor, he is obliged to hazard every thing, to use every faculty of his soul, every member of his body, and all the wealth he hath, for him; in which I confess I have been too deficient. However, I am conscious to myself, that so far I have done right, that I have not deserted him upon his defeat at Actium: nor upon the evident change of his fortune have I trans- ferred my hopes from him to another, but have preserved myself, though not as a valu- able fellow-soldier, yet certainly as a faithful counsellor, to Antony, when I demonstrated to him that the only way he had to save him- self, and not lose all his authority, was to slay Cleopatra; for when she was once dead, there would be room for him to retain his authority, and rather to bring thee to make a composition with him, than to continue at en- mity any longer. None of which advices would he attend to, but preferred his own rash reso- lutions before them, which have happened un- profitably for him, but profitably for thee. Now, therefore, in case thou determinest about me, and my alacrity in serving Antony, according to thy anger at him, I own there is no room for me to deny what I have done, nor will I be ashamed to own, and that pub- licly too, that I had a great kindness for bira; but^ thou wilt put him out of the case, and only examine how I behave myself to my be- nefactors in general, and what sort of friend I am, thou wilt find by experience that we shail do and be the same to thyself, for it is but changing the names, and the firmness of friendship that we shall bear to thee, will not be disapproved by thee." 7. By this speech, and by his beha- viour, which showed Caesar the frankness of his mind, he greatly gained upon him, who was himself of a generous and magnificent temper, insomuch that tho?e very actions, which were the foundation of the accusation 416 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK against him, procured him Caesar's good- wilL Accordingly, he restored him his dia- dem again; and encouraged him to exhibit himself as great a friend to himself as he had been to Antony, and then had him in great esteem. Moreover, he added this, that Qiiintus Didius had written to him that He- rod had very readily assisted him in the affair of the gladiatorsi So when he had obtained such a kind reception, and had, beyond all his hopes, procured his crown to be more entirely and firmly settled upon him than ever, by Caesar's donation, as well as by that decree of the Romans, which Caesar took care to pro- cure for his greater security, he conducted Csesar on his way to Egypt, and made pre- sents, even beyond his ability, to both him and his friends; and in general behaved him- self with great magnanimity. He also desired that Caesar would not put to death one Alexander, who had been a companion of Antony; but Caesar had sworn to put him to death, and so he could not obtain that his pe- tition: Mid now he returned to Judea again with greater honour and assurance than ever, and affrighted those that had expectations to the contrary, as still acquiring from his very dangers greater splendour than before, by the favour of God to him. So he prepared for the reception of Caesar as he was going o'at of Sjrria to invade Egypt; and when he came, he entertained him at Ptolemais with all royal magnificence. He also bestowed presents on the army, and brought them provisions in abundance. He also proved to be one of Caesar's most cordial friends, and put the army in array, and rode along with Caesar, and had a hundred and fifty men, well appointed in all respects, after a rich and sumptuous man- ner, for the better reception of him and his friends. He also provided them with what they should want, as they passed over the dry desert, insomuch that they lacked neither wine nor water, which last the soldiers stood in the greatest need of; and besides, he presented Caesar with eight hundred talents, and pro- cured to himself the good- will of them ail, be- cause he was assisting to them in a much greater and more splendid degree than the kingdom he had obtained could* afford; by which he more and more demonstrated to Caesar the firmness of his friendship, ani his readiness to assist him : and what was of the greatest advantage to him was this, that his liberality came at a seasonable time also; «nd wnen they returned again out of Egypt; his assistances were no way inferior to the good odices he had formerly done them. CHAPTER VIL HOW HEROD SLEW SOHEMUS AND MARIAWNF, AND AFTERWARDS ALEXANDRA AND C08T0- BARUS, AND HIS MOST INTIMATE FRIENDS^ AND, AT LAST, THE SONS OF BABA ALSO. § 1. However, when he came into his king- dom again, he found his house all in disorder, and his wife Mariamne and her mother Alex- andra very uneasy; for, as they supposed, (what was easy to be supposed) that they were not put into that fortress [Alexandrium] for the security of their persons, but as into a garrison for their imprisonment, and that they had no power over any thing, eitfeer of others or of their own affairs, they were very uneasy > and Mariamne, supposing that the king's love to her was but hypocritical, and rather pre- tended (as advantageous to himself) than real, she looked upon it as fallacious. She also was grieved that he would not allow her any hopes of surviving him, if he should come to any harm himself. She also recollected what commands he had formerly given to Joseph, insomuch that she endeavoured to please her keepers, and especially Soheraus, as well ap- prised how all was in his power; and at the first Sohemus was faithful to Herod, and ne- glected none of the things he had given hiia in charge. But when the women, by kinj^ words, and liberal presents, had gained his affections over to them, he was by degrees overcome, and at length discovered to them all the king's injunctions, and this on that ac- count principally, that he did not so much as hope he would come back with the same au- thority he had before, so that he thought he should both escape any danger from him, and supposed that he did hereby much gratify the women, who were likely not to be overlooked in the settling of the government, nay, that they would be able to make him abundant re-^ compense, since they must either reign them- selves, or be very near to him that should reign. He had a farther ground of hope also, that though Herod should have all the success he could wish for, and should return again, he could not contradict his wife in what she desired, for he knew that the king's fondness for his wife was inexpressible. These were the motives that drew Sohemus to discover what injunctions had been given him. So Mariamne was greatly displeased to hear that there was no end of the dangers she was un- der from Herod, and was greatly uneasy at it, and wished that he might obtain no favours [from Caesar], and esteemed it almost an in- supportable task to live with hiui any longer; and this she aft Avards openly declared, with- out concealing her resentment,. 2. And now lleroti suile<l lionie with joy, at the unexpected good success- b« had bad; CHAP. Vile ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 417 and went first of all, as was proper, to this his wife, and told her, and her only, the good news, as pr^erring her before the rest, oii account of his fondness for her, and the inti- macy there had been between thera, and sa- luted her? but so it happened, that as he told her of the good success he had had, she was so far from rejoicing at it, that she rather was sorry for it ; nor was she able to conceal her resentments, but, depending on her dignity, and the nobility of her birth, in return for his salutations, she gave a groan, and declared evidently that she rather grieved than rejoiced at his success, — and this till Herod was dis- turbed at her, as affording him, not only marks of her suspicion, but evident signs of her dissatisfaction. This much troubled him, to ;iee that this surprising hatred of his wife to hiin was not concealed, but open ; and he took this so ill, and yet was so unable to bear it, on account of the fondness he had for her, that he could hot continue long in any one mind, but sometimes was angry at her, and sometimes reconciled himself to her; but by always changing one passion for another, he was still in great uncertainty, and thus ^vas entangled between hatred and love, and was frequently disposed to inflict punishment on her for her insolence towards him ; but being deeply in love with her in his soul, he was not able to get quit of this woman. In short, as he would gladly have her punished, so was he afraid lest, ere he were aware, he should, by putting her to death, bring a hea- vier punishment upon himself at the same time. 3. "\Yhen Herod's sister and mother per- ceived that he was in this temper with regard to Mariamne, they thought they had now got an excellent opportunity to exercise their ha- tred against her, and provoked Herod to wrath by telling him such long stories and calum- nies about her, as might at once excite his hatred and his jealousy. Now, though he will- ingly enough heard their words, yet had not he courage enough to do any thing to her as if he believ(!d them, but still he became worse and worse disposed to her, and these ill pas- sions were more and more inflamed on both sides, while she did not hide her disposition towards him; and he turned his love to her into wrath against her; but when he was just going to put this matter past all remedy, he heard the news that Caesar was the victor in the war, and that Antony and Cleopatra were both dead, and that he had conquered Egypt ; whereupon he made haste to go to meet Csesar, and left the affairs of his family in their present state. However, Mariamne re- commended Sohemus to him, as he was set- ting out on his journey, and professed that she owed him thanks for the care he had taken of her, and asked of the king for him a place in the government; upon which an honourable employment was bes^towed upon him accord- ingly. Now, when Herod was come into Egypt, he was introduced to Caesar with great freedom, as already a friend of his, and re- ceived very great favours from him; for he made him a present of those four hundred Galatians who had been Cleopatra's guards, and restored that country to him again, which, by her means, had been taken away from him He also added to his kingdom Gadara, Hip- pos, and Samaria; and, besides those, the maritime cities, Gaza, Anthedon, Joppa, and Strato's Tower, 4. Upon these new acquisitions, he grew more magnificent, and conducted Caesar as far as Anfioch; but upon his return, as much as his prosperity was augmented by the foreign additions that had been made him, so muoh the greater were the distresses that came upon him in his own family, and chiefly in the affair of his ^vife, wherein he formerly ap- peared to hare been most of all fortunate ; for the affection he had for Mariamne was no way inferior to the affections of such as are on that account celebrated in history, and this very justly. As for her, she was in other respects a chaste woman, and faithful to him ; yet had she somewhat of a woman rough by nature, and treated her husband imperiously enough, because she saw he was so fond of her as to b^ enslaved to her. She did not also con- sider seasonably with herself that she lived under a monarchy, and that she was at ano- ther's disposal, and accordingly w5uld behave herself after a saucy manner to him, which yet he usually put off in a jesting way, and bore with moderation and good temper. She would also expose his mother and his sister openly, on account of the meanness of their birth, and would speak unkindly of them, in- somuch, that there was before this a disagree- ment and unpardonable hatred among the women, and it was now come to greater re- proaches, of one another than formerly, which suspicions increased, and lasted a whole year after Herod returned from Caesar. How- ever, these misfortunes, which had been kept under some decency for a great while, burst out all at once upon such an occasion as was now offered ; for as the king was one day about noon Tain down on his bed to rest him, he called for Mariamne, out of the great af- fection he had always for her. She came in accordingly, but would not lie down by him; and when he was very desirous of her com- pany, she showed her contempt of him; and added, by way of reproach, that he had caused her father and her brother to be slain;' and when he took this injury very unkindly, and • Whereas Mariamne is here represented as reproach- ing Herod with the murder of her father [Alexander], as well as her brother [Aristobulus], while it was her grandfather Hyrcanus, and not her father Alexander, whom he caused to be slain (as Josephus himself in- forms us, ch. vL sect. 2), we must either take Zonara's reading, which is here prand/ather. rightly, or rfse wo must, as before (ch. i. sect. 1). allow a slip of Josephus'a I pen or memory ia the place before ui. 2D 418 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK xr» was ready to use violence to her, in a precipi- tate mariner, the king's sister Salome, ob- serving that he was more than ordinarily dis- turbed, setit in to the king his cup-bearer, who had been prepared long beforehand for such a design, and bade him tell the king how Mariamne had persuaded him to give his as- sistance in preparing a love-potion for him;* and if he appeared to be greatly concerned, and to ask what that love-potion was, to tell him that she had the potion, and that he was desired only to give it him; but in case he did not appear to be much concerned at this potion, to let the thing drop; and that if he did so, no harm should thereby come to him. When she had given him these instructions, she sent him in at this time to make such a speech. So he went in, after a composed manner, to gain credit to what he should say, and yet somewhat hastily; and said, that Mariamne had given him presents, and per- suaded him to give him a love-potion; and when this moved the king,he said that this love- potion was a composition that she had given him, whose effects he did not know, which was the reason of his resolving to give him this information, as the safest course he could take, both for himself and for the king. When Herod heard what he said, and was in an ill disposition before, his indignation grew more violent; and he ordered that eunuch of Mariamne, who was most faithful to her, to be brought to torture about this potion, as well knowing it was not possible that any thing small or great could be done without him; and when the man was under the ut- most agonies, he could say nothing concern- ing the thing he was tortured about, but so far he knew, that Mariamne's hatred against him was occasioned by somewhat that Sohe- mus had said to her. Now, as he was saying this, Herod cried out aloud, and said, that Sohemus, who had been at all other times the most faithful to him, and to his government, would not have betrayed what injunctions he had given him, unless he had had a nearer conversation than ordinary Nvith Mariamne. So he gave orders that Sohemus should be seized on and slain immediately; but he allowed his wife to take her trial; and -got together those that were most faithful to him, and laid an elaborate accusation against her for this love-potion and composition, which had been charged upon her by way of calumny only. However, he kept no temper in what he said, and was in too great a passion for judging well about this matter. Accordingly, when the court was at length satisfied that he was so resolved, they passed the sentence of death upon her; but when the sentence was passed upon her, this temper was sug- gested by himself, and by some others of the court, that she should not be thus hastily put to dAith, but be laid in prison in one of the fortresses belonging to the kingdom; but Salome and her party laboured hard to hav« the woman put to death; and they prevailed with the king to do so, and ad^sed this out of caution, lest the multitude should be tu. multuous if she M^re suffered to live; and thus was Mariamne led to execution. 5. When Alexandra observed how things went, and that there were small hopes that she herself should escape the like treatment from Herod, she changed her behaviour to quite the reverse of what might have beer expected from her former boldness, and this after a very indecent manner; for out of her desire to show how entirely ignorant she was of the crimes laid against Mariamne, she leaped out of her place, and reproached her daughter, in the hearing of all the people; and cried out, that she had been an ill >ro- man, and ungrateful to her husband, and that her punishment came justly wpon her for such her insolent behaviour, <i>r that she had not made proper returns to him who had been their common bene^tctor. And when she had for some time acted after this hypo- critical manner, and had been so outrageous as to tear her hair, this indecent and dissembling behaviour, as was to be expected, was greatly condemned by the rest of the spectators, as it was principally by the poor woman who was to suffer; for at the first she gave her not a word, nor was discomposed at her peevish- ness, and only looked at her, yet did she, out of a greatness of soul, discover her concern for her mother's offence, and especially for her exposing herself in a manner so unbecom- ing her: but as for herself, she went to her death with an unshaken firmness of mind, and without changing the colour of her face, and thereby evidently discovered the nobility of her descent to the spectators, even in the last moments of her life. 6. And thus died Mariamne, a woman of an excellent character, both for chastity and greatness of soul; but she wanted modera- tion, and had too much of contention in her nature, yet had she all that can be said in the beauty of her body, and her majestic appear- ance in conversation; and thence arose the greatest part of the occasions why she did not prove so agreeable to the king, nor live so pleasantly with him as she might other- wise have done; for while she was most in- dulgently used by the king, out of his fond- ness for her, and did not expect that he could do any thing hard to her, she took too un- bounded a liberty. Moreover, that which most afflicted her, was what he had done to her relations; and she ventured to speak of all they had suffered by him, and at last greatly provoked both the king's mother and sister, till they became enemies to her; and even he himself also did the same, on whom alone she depended for her expectations of escaping the last of punishments. 7. But when she was once dead, the king'f CHAP. VII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 419 affections for her were kindled in a more out- rageous manner than before, whose old pas- i sion for her we have already described; for his love to her was not of a calm nature, nor such as we usually meet with among other husbands, for at its commencement it was of an enthusiastic kind; nor was it, by their long cohabitation and free conversation to- gether, brought under his power to manage; but at this time his love to Mariamne seemed to seize him in such a peculiar manner, as looked like divine vengeance upon him for the taking away her lite; for he would fre- quently call for her, and frequently lament for her, in a most indecent manner. More- over, he bethought him of every thing he could make use of to divert his mind from thinking of her, and contrived feasts and as- semblies for that purpose, but nothing would suffice : he therefore laid aside the adminis- tration of public affairs, and was so far con- quered by his passion, that he would order his servants to call for Mariamne, as if she were still alive, and could still hear them; and when he was in this way, there arose a pestilential disease, and carried off the great- est part of the multitude, and of his best and most esteemed friends, and made all men sus- pect that this was brought upon them by the anger of God, for the injustice that had been done to Mariamne. This circumstance af- fected the king still more, till at length he forced himself to go into desert places, and there, under pretence of going a hunting, bit- terly afflicted himself; yet had he not borne his grief there many days before he fell into a most dangerous distemper himself; he had an inflammation upon him, and a pain in the hinder part of his head, joined with mad- ness; and for the remedies that were used, they did him no good at all, but proved con- trary to his case, and so at length brought him to despair. All the physicians also that were about him, partly because the medicines they brought for his recovery could not at all conquer the disease, and partly because his diet could be no other that what his disease inclined him to, desired him to eat whatever he had a mind to, and so left the small hopes they had of his recovery in the power of that diet, and committed him to fortune. And thus did his distemper go on, while he was at Saniaria, now called Sebaste. 8. Now Alexandra abode at this time at Jerusalem; and being informed what condi- tion Herod was in, she endeavoured to get possession of the fortified places that were about the city, which were two, the one be- longing to the city itself, the other belonging to the temple; and those that could get them into their hands had the whole nation under their ' power, for without the command of them it was not possible to offer their sacrifices; and . to think of leaving off those sacrifices, is to every Jew plainly impossible, who are still / more ready to lose their lives than to leave off that divine worship which thev have been wont to pay unto God. Alexandra, there- fore, discoursed with those that had the keep- ing of these strongholds, that it was propel for them to deliver the same to her, and to Herod's sons, lest, upon his death, any pther person should seize upon the government; and that upon his recovery none could kee them more safely for him than those of hi. own family. These words were not by ther at all taken in good part; and, as they had been in former times faithful [to Herod], they resolved to continue so more than ever, both because they hated Alexandra, and be- cause they thought it a sort of impiety to de- spair of Herod's recovery while he was yet alive, for they had been his old friends; and one of them, whose name was Achiabus, was his cousin-german. They sent messen- gers, therefore, to acquaint him with Alex- andra's design; so he made no longer delay, but gave orders to have her slain; yet was it with difficulty, and after he had endured great pain, that he got clear of his distemper. He was still sorely afflicted, both in mind and body, and made very uneasy, and readier than ever upon all occasions to inflict punishment upon those that fell under his hand. He also slew the most intimate of his friends, Costo- barus, and Lysimachus, and Gadias, who was also called Antipater; as also Dositheus, and that upon the following occasion. 9. Costobarus was an Idumean by birth, and one of principal dignity among them, and one whose ancestors had been priests to the Koze, whom the Idumeans had [formerly] esteemed as a god; but after Hyrcanus had made a change in their political govern- ment, and made them receive the Jewish cus- toms and law, Herod made Costobarus go- vernor of Idumea and Gaza, and gave him his sister Salome to wife; and this was upon his slaughter of [his uncle] Joseph, who had that government before, as we have related already. When Costobarus had gotten to be so highly advanced, it pleased him, and was more than he hoped for, and he was more and more puffed up by his good success, and in a little while he exceeded all bounds, and did not think fit to obey what Herod, as their ruler, commanded him, or that the Idumeans should make use of the Jewish customs, or be subject to them. He therefore sent to Cleopatra, and informed her that the Idu- means had been always under his progenitors, and that for the same reason it was but just that she should desire that country for him of Antony, for that he was ready to transfer his friendship to her: and this he did not be- cause he was better pleased to be under Cleo- patra's government, but because he thought that, upon the diminution of Herod's power, it would not be difficult for him to obtain hraiself the entire government over the Idw- 420 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XV. means, and *omewhat more also; for he raised his hopes still higher, as having no small pretences, both by his birth and by these riches which he had gotten by his constant attention to filthy lucre; and accordingly it was not a small matter that he aimed at. So Cleopatra desired this country of Antony, but failed of her purpose. An account of this was brought to Herod, who was there- upon ready to kill Costobarus; yet, upon the entreaties of his sister and mother, he forgave him, and vouchsafed to pardon him entirely, though he still had a suspicion of him after- ward for this his attempt. 10. But some time afterward, when Sa- lome happened to quarrel with Costobarus, she sent him a bill of divorce,* and dissolved her marriage with him, though this was not according to the Jewish laws; for with us it is lawful for a husband to do so; but a wife, if she departs from her husband, cannot of herself be married to another, miless her for- mer husband put her away. However, Sa- lome chose not to follow the law of her coun- try, but the law of her authority, and so renounced her wedlock; and told her brother Herod, that she left her husband out of her good-will to him, because she perceived that he, with Antipater, and Lysimachus, and Do- sitheus, were raising a sedition against him: as an evidence whereof, she alleged the case of the sons of Babas, that they had been by him preserved alive already for the interval of twelve years, which proved to be true. But when Herod thus unexpectedly heard of it, he was greatly surprised at it, and was the more surprised, because the relation appeared incredible to him. As for the fact relating to these sons of Babas, Herod had formerly taken great pains to bring them to punish- ment, as being enemies to his government; but they were now forgotten by him, on ac- count of the length of time [since he had or- dered them to be slain]. Now the cause of his ill-will and hatred to theih arose hence: that while Antigonus was king, Herod, with his army, besieged the city of Jerusalem, • Here is a plain example of a Jewish lady giving a bill of divorce to her husband, though in the days of Jose- pbus it was not esteemed lawful for a woman so to do. See the like among the Farthians, Antiq. b. xviii. ch. ix. 8. 6. However, the Christian law, when it allowed di- ▼orce for adultery riVlat. v 3-2), allowed the innocent wife to' divorce her guilty husband, as well as the innocent husband to divorce his guilty wife, as we learn from the shepherd of Hermas (Mand. b. iv.), and from the second apology of .iustin IV1artyr,w.here a persecution was brought upon the Christians upon such a divorce; hnd 1 think the Roman laws permitted it at that time, -as well as the laws of Christianity. Now this Babas, who was one of the race of the Asamoneans or Maccabees, as the latter end of this section informs us, is related by the Jews, as Dr. Hudson here remarks, to have been so eminently re- ligious in the Jewish way, that, except the day following the tenth of Tisri, the great day of atonement, when he seems to have supposed all bis ains entirely forgiven, he used every day ot the whole year to oiler a sacrifio*! (or his sins of ignorance, or siich as he ^npposed he had been Kuilt> of, but did not distinctly remnnber. See some- what like it of Agrippa the Great, Aotiu. b. xix ch. iii. •ret .3i and Job 1.4. A. * where the distress and miseries which the besieged endured were so pressing, that the greater number of them invited Herod into the city, and already placed their hopes on him. Now, the sons of Babas were of great dignity, and had power among the multitude, and were faithful to Antigonus, and were al- ways raising calumnies against Herod, and encouraged the people to preserve the govern ment to that royal family which held it by inheritance. So these men acted thus politi- cally, an^, as they thought, for their own ad- vantage; but when the city was taken, and Herod had gotten the government into his own hands, and Costobarus was aopointed to hinder men from passing out at the gates, and to guard the city, that those citizens that were guilty, and of the party opposite to the king, might not get out of it, — Costobarus being sensible that the sons of Babas were had in respect and honour by the whole multitude, and supposing that their preservation might be of great advantage to him in the changes of government afterward, he set them by them- selves, and concealed them in his own farnjs. and when the thing was suspected, he assured Herod upon oath that he really Jknew nothing of that matter, and so overcame the suspicions that lay upon him; nay, after that, when the king had publicly proposed a reward for tlio discovery, and had put in practice all sorts ol methods for searching out this matter, he would not confess it; but being persuaded that when he had at first denied it, if the meu were found, he should not escape unpunished he was forced to keep them secret, not only out of his good- will to them, but out of a ne- cessary regard to his own preservation also But when the king knew the thing, by his sister's information, he sent men to the places where he had the intimation they were con cealed, and ordered both them and those that were accused as guilty with them, to be slain, insomuch that there were now none at all left of the kindred of Hyrcanus; and the king dom was entirely in Herod's own power, and there was nobody remaining of such dignity as could put a stop to what he did against the Jewish laws. CHAPTER VIII. \ HOW TEN MEN OF THE CITIZENS [OF JERUSA- LEM] MADE A CONSPIRACY AGAINST HEROD, FOR THE FOREIGN PRACTICES HE HAD IN- TRODUCED, WHICH WAS A TRANSGRESSION OF THE LAWS OF THEIR COUNTRY. CON- CERNING THE BUILDING OF SEBA8TE AND CESAREA, AND OTHER EDIFICES OF HEROD. § 1. On this account it was that Herod revolted from the laws of his country, and corrupted their ancient constitution, by tLe CHAP. vin. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 421 introduction of foreign practices, which consti- tuuoii yet ought to have been preserved in violable; by which means we became guilty of great wickedness afterward, while those religious observances which used to lead the multitude to piety, were now neglected : for, in the first place, he appointed solemn games to be celebrated every fifth year, in honour of Caesar, and built a theatre at Jerusalem, as also a very great amphitheatre in the plain. Both of them were indeed costly works, but opposite to the Jewish customs; for we have had no such shows delivered down to us as fit to be used or exhibited by us, yet did he celebrate these games every five years, in the most solemn and splendid manner. He also made proclamation to the neighbouring coun- tries, and called, men together out of ever\ nation. The wrestlers, and the rest of those that strove for th"e prizes in such games, were invited out of every land, both by the hopes of the rewards there to be bestowed, and by the glory of victory to be there gained. So the principal persons that were the most emi- nent in these sorts of exercises, were gotten together, for there were very great rewards for victory proposed, not only to those that per- fonned their exercises naked, but to those that played the musicians also, and were called Tkijnielici; and he spared no pains to induce all persons, the most famous for such exercises, to come to this contest fof victory. He also proposed no small rewards to those who ran for the prizes in chariot-races, when they were drawn by two, or three, or four pair of horses. He also imitated every thing, though ever so costly or magnificent, in other nations, out of an ambition that he might give most public demonstration of his gran- deur. Inscriptions also of the great actions of Ctesar, and trophies of those nations which he had conquered in his wars, and all made of the purest gold and silver, encompassed the theatre itself: nor was there any thing that could be subservient to his design, whether it were precious garments, or precious stones set in order, which was not also exposed to sight in these games. He had also made a great preparation of wild beasts, and of lions them- selves in great abundance, and of such other beasts as were either of uncommon strength, or of such a sort as were rarely seen. These were prepared either to fight with one ano- ther, or that men who were condemned to death were to fight with them. And truly foreigners were greatly surprised and delighted at the vastness of the expenses here exhi- bited, and at the great dangers that were here seen; but to natural Jews, this was no better than a dissolution of these customs for which they had so great a veneration.* It appeared • These prand plays, and shows, and Thymelici, or music-meetings, and ciiariot-races, whec the chariots were drawn by two, three, or four pair of horses, &c. insti- luted by Herod ia hi« theatres, were stul, as we see here, also no better than an instance of barefaced impiety, to throw men to wild beasts, for the affording delight to the spectators ; and it appeared an instance of no less impiety, to change their own laws for such foieign exer- cises: but, above all the rest, the trophies gave most distaste to the Jews; for as they ima- gined them to be images, included within the armour that hung round about them, they were sorely displeased at them, because it was not the custom of their country to pay ho- nours to such images. 2. Nor was Herod unacquainted with the disturbance they were under ; and, as he thought it unseasonable to use violence with them, so he spoke to some of them by way of consolation, and in order to free them from that superstitious fear they were under; yet could not he satisfy them, but they cried out with one accord, out of their great uneasiness at the offences they thought he had been guilty of, that although they should think of bearing all the rest, yet would they never bear images of men in their city, meaning the trophies, because this was disagreeable to the laws of their country. Now when Herod saw them in such a disorder, and that they would not easily change their resolution unless they re- ceived satisfaction in this point, he called to him the most eminent men among them, and brought them upon the theatre, and showed them the trophies, and asked them, what sort of things they took these trophies to be; and when they cried out that they were the images of men, he gave order that they should be stripped of these outward ornaments which were about them, and showed them the naked pieces of wood; which pieces of wood, now without any ornament, became matter of great sport and laughter to them, because they had before always had the ornaments of images themselves in derision. 3. When therefore Herod had thus got clear of the multitude, and had dissipated the vehemency of passion under w^hich they had been, the greatest part of the people were dis- posed to change their conduct, and not to be displeased at him any longer; but still some of them continued in their displeasure against him, for his introduction of new customs, and esteemed the violation of the laws of their country as likely to be the origin of very great mischiefs to them, so that they deemed it an instance of piety rather to hazard them- selves [to be put to death], than to seem as if they took no notice of Herod, who, upon the change he had made in their government, looked on by the sober Jews as heathenish sports, and tending not only to corrupt the manners of the Jewish nation, and to bring them in love with pai;anish idolatry and paganish conduct of life, but to the dissolution of the law of Moses, and accordingly \*ere greatly and justly condemned by them, as appears here and every- where else in Josephus. Nor is the case of our modern masquerades, plays, operas, and the like " pomps and vanitivs of this wicked world," of any better teadecvivf utidei Christianity. 422 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XV. introduced sucli customs, and that in a violent manner, which they had never been used to before, as indeed in pretence a king, but in reality one that showed himself an enemy to their whole nation; on which account ten men that were citizens [of Jerusalem], con- spired together against him, and sware to one another to undergo any dangers in the at- tempt, and took daggers with them under their garments [for the purpose of killing Herod], Now there was a certain blind man among those conspirators who had thus sworn to one another, on account of the indignation he had against what be heard to have been done; he was not indeed able to afford the rest any assistance in the undertaking, but was ready to undergo any suffering with them, if so be they should come to any harm, in- somuch that he became a very great encou- rager of the rest of the undertakers. 4. When they had taken this resolution, and that by common consent, they went into the theatre, hoping that, in the first place, Herod himself could not escape them, as they should fall upon him so unexpectedly; and supposing, however, that if they missed him, they should kill a great many of those that were about him; and this resolution they took, though they should die for it, in order to suggest to the king what injuries he had done to the multitude. These conspirators, therefore, standing thus prepared beforehand, went about their design with great alacrity; but there was one of those spies of Herod that were appointed for such purposes, to fish out and inform him of any conspiracies that should be made against him, who found out the whole affair, and told the king of it, as he was about to go into the theatre. So when he reflected on the hatred which he knew the greatest part of the people bore him, and on the disturbances that arose upon every occa- sion, he thought this plot against him not to be improbable. Accordingly, he retired into his palace, and called those that were accused of this conspiracy before him by their several names; and as, upon the guards falling upon them, they were caught in the very fact, and knew they could not escape, they prepared themselves for their ends with all the decency they could, and so as not at all to recede from their resolute behaviour, for they showed no shame for what they were about, nor denied i^; but when they were seized, they showed their daggers, and professed, that the conspi- racy they had sworn to was a holy and a pious action; that what they intended to do was not for gain, or out of any indulgence to their passions, but principally for those coiimnon customs of their '•ouiitry, which ail the Jews were obliged to observe, or to die for them. This was what these men said, out of their •jndttunted courage in this conspiracy. So they were led away to execution by the king's r»»««rdji that otood about them, and patiently underwent all the torments inflicted on them till they died. Nor was it long before that spy who had discovered them, was seized on by some of the people, out of the hatred they bore to him; and was not only slain by them, but pulled to pieces, limb from limb, and given to the dogs. This execution was seen by many of the citizens, yet would not one of them discover the doers of it, till upon Herod's making a strict scrutiny after them, by bitter and severe tortures, certain women that were tortured confessed M'hat they had seen done ; the authors of which fact were so terribly punished by the king, that their en- tire families were destroyed for this their lash attempt; yet did not the obstinacy of the peo- ple, and the undaunted constancy they showed in the defence of their laws, make Herod a.iy easier to them, but he still strengthened himself after a more secure manner, and re- solved to encompass the multitude every way, lest such innovations should end in an open rebellion. 5. Since, therefore, he had now the city for- tified by the palace in which he lived, and by the temple which had a strong fortress by it, called Antonia, and was rebuilt by himself, he contrived to make Samaria a fortress for himself also against all the people, and called it Sebaste, supposing that this place would be a stronghold against the country, not inferior to the former, So he fortified that place, which was a day's journey distant from Jeru- salem, and which would be useful to him in common, to keep both the couiitry and the city in awe. He also built another fortress for the whole nation: it was of old called Strato's Tower: but was by him named Ce- sarea. ^loreover, he chose out some select horsemen, and placed them in the great plain; and built [for them] a place in Galilee, called Gaba, with Hesebonitis, in Perea; and these were the places which he particularly built while he always was inventing somewhat far ther for his own security, and encompassing the whole nation with guards, that they might by no means get from under his power, nor fall into tumults, which they did continually upon any small commotion; and that if they did make any commotions, he might know of it, while some of his spies might be upon them from the neighbourhood, and might both be able to know what they were attempting, and to prevent it; and when he went about build- ing the wall of Samaria, he contrived to bring thither many of those that had been assisting to him in his wars, and many of the people in that neighbourhood also, whom he made fellow-citizens with the rest. This he did, out of an ambitious desire of building a temple, and out of a desire to make the city more enu- nent than it had been before, but principally because he contrived that it might at once be for his own security, and a monument of his magnificence. He ulso clianged its name CHAP. IX. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 428 and called it Sebaste. Moreover, he parted the adjoining country, which was excellent in its kind, among the inhabitants of Samaria, that they might be in a happy condition, upon their first coming to inhabit. Besides all which, he encompassed the city with a wall of great strength, and made use of the accli- vity of the place for making its fortifications stronger, nor was the compass of the place .made now so small as it had been before, but was such as rendered it not inferior to the mofct famous cities; for it was twenty furlongs in circumference. Now within, and about the middle of it, he built a sacred place, of a furlong and a half [in circuit], and adorned it with all sorts of decorations, and therein erected a temple, which was illustrious, on account of both its largeness and beauty; and as to the several parts of the city, he adorned them with decorations of all sorts also; and as to what'was necessary to provide for his own security, he made the walls very strong for that purpose, and made it for the greatest part a citadel , and as to the elegance of the buildings, it was taken care of also, that he might leave monuments of the fineness of his taste, and of his beneficence, to future ages. CHAPTER IX. 20NCERNING THE FAMINE THAT HAPPENED IN JUDEA AND SYRIA; AND HOW HEROD. AFTER HE HAD MARRIED ANOTHER WIFE, REBUILT CESAREA, AND OTHER GRECIAN CITIES. § 1. Now on this very year, which was the thirteenth year of the reign of Herod, very great calamities came upon the country ; whe- ther they were derived from the anger of God, or whether this misery returns again natu- rally in certain periods of time;* for, in the first place, there were perpetual droughts, and I for that reason the ground was barren, and did not bring forth the same quantity of fruits that it used to produce; and after this barren- ness of the soil, that change of food which the want of corn occasioned, produced distempers in the bodies of men, and a pestilential disease prevailed, one misery following upon the back of another; and these circumstances, that they were destitute both of methods of cure and of food, made the pestilential dis- temper, which began after a violent manner, the more lasting. The destruction of men also, after such a manner, deprived those that • Here we have aiveminent eJKimple of the 1aDe:aa£:e of Josephus in hin writing to Gentiles, different Irom that w'len he wrote to Jews; in his writini? t<» whom he still derives all sucn jmlirments from the anger of God; but because he kne-v many of the (ieatiles thought they might natiirally co:ne m certain perioiis. he complies with them in the fullovvini.' sentence See the note on the War (b I ch. xxxiii. ^eoi. ^). survived of all their courage, because they had no way to provide remedies sufficient for the distresses they were in. When therefore the fruits of that year were spoiled, and what- soever they had laid up beforehand was spent, there was no foundation. of hope for relief re- maining, but the misery, contrary to what they expected, still increased upon them; and this, not only on that year, while they had nothing for themselves left [at the end of it], but what seed they had sown perished also, by reason of the ground not yielding its fruits on the second year.f This distress they were in made them also, out of necessity, to eat many things that did not use to be eaten: nor was the king himself free from this dis- tress any more than other men, as being de- prived of that tribute he used to have from the fruits of the ground; and having already expended what money he had, in his liberality to those whose cities he had built; nor had he any people that were worthy of his assist- ance, since this miserable state of things had procured him the hatred of his subjects; for it is a constant rule, that misfortunes are still laid to the account of those that govern. 2. In these circumstances, he considered with himself how to procure some seasonable help ; but this was a hard thing to be done, while their neighbours had no food to sell them; and their money also was gone, had it been possible to purchase a little food at a great price. However, he thought it his best way, by all means, not to leave ofi" his endea- vours to assist his people ; so he cut off the rich furniture that was in his palace, both of silver and gold, insomuch that he did not spare the finest vessels he had, or those that were made with the most elaborate skill of the artificers, but sent the money to Petronius, who had been made prefect of Egypt by Caesar; and as not a few had already tied to him under their necessities, and as he was^ particularly a friend to Herod, and desirous to have his subjects preserved, he gave leave to them, in the first place, to export corn, and assisted them every way, both in purchasing and exporting the same; so that he was the principal, if not the only peison, who afforded them what help they had. And Herod, ta- king care the people should understand that + This famine for two y»^ars that aflected Judea and Syria, the thirteenth and lourteenth years of Herod, which are the twenty-third and twenty-fourth years be- fore the Christian jera, seems to have been more terrible during this time than was that in the days of Jacob, Gen. xij xlii. And what makes the comparison the more re- markable is this:— That now, as well as then, the relief they had was from Euypt also; then from Joseph t^e go- vernor of Egypt, under Pnaraoh king of Egypt; and now from Petronius the prefect of I gypt, under Augustus, the Roman emperor. See aim >st the like case, Antiq b. xx, ch. ii. sect. 6. it is also well worth our observation here, that these two years were a Sabbatic Year, and a year of jubilee, for which Providence, during the theocracy, used to provide a triple crop beforehand; but which became now, when the Jews had torfeited that blessing, the greatest years of famine to them ever since the dajs of A hah. 1 Kings, xviL xviii. 424 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XV this help came froin himself, did thereby not only remove the ill opinion of those that for- merly hated him, but gave them the greatest demonstration possible of his good-will to them, and care of them: for, in the first place, as for those who w«re able to provide their own food, he distributed to them their pro- portion of corn in the exactest manner ; but for those many that were not able, either by reason of their old age, or any other infirmity, to provide food for themselves, he made this provision for them, that the bakers should make their bread ready for them. He also took care that they might not be hurt by the dangers of winter, since they were in great want of clothing also, by reason of the utter destruction and consumption of their sheep and goats, till they had no wool to make use of, nor any thing else to cover themselves withal. And when he had procured these things for his own subjects, he went farther, in order to provide necessaries for their neigh- bours; and gave seed to the Syrians; which things turned greatly to his own advantage also, this charitable assistance being afforded most seasonably to their fruitful soil, so that every one had now a plentiful provision of food. Upon the whole, when the harvest of the land was approaching, he sent no fewer than fifty thousand men, whom he had sus- tained, into the country; by which means he both repaired the afflicted condition of his own kingdom with great generosity and diligence, and lightened the afflictions of his neighbours, who were under the same ci^amities; tor there was nobody who had been in want, that was left destitute of a suitable assistance by him: nay, farther, there were neither any people, nor any cities, nor any private men, who were to make provision for the multitudes; and on that account were in want of support, and had recourse to him, but received what they ^ stood in need of, insomuch that it appeared, upon a computation, that the number of cori of wheat, of ten Attic medimni a-piece, that were given to foreigners, amounted to ten thousand; and the number that was given in his own kingdom M'as fourscore thousand. Now it happened that this care of his, and this seasonable benefa-^tion, had such influ- ence on the Jews, and was so cried up among other nations, as to wipe oflf that old hatred which his violation of some of their customs, during his reign, had procured him among all the nation, and that this liberality of his assistance in this their greatest necessity was full satisfaction for all that be had done of that nature, as it also procured him great iame among foreigners; and it looked as i( these calamities that afflicted his land to a degree plainly incredible, came in order to raise bis glory, and to be to his great advan- tage: for the greatness of his liberality in these distresses, which he now demonstrated beyond all expectation, did so change tb iis- position of the multitude towards him, that they were ready to suppose he had been from the beginning not such a one as they had found him to be by experience, but such a one as the care he had taken of them in supplying their necessities proved him now to be. 3. About this time it was that he sent five hundred chosen men out of the guards of bis body as auxiliaries to Caesar, whom -3iliu9 Gallus* led to the Red Sea, and who were oJ great service to him there. "When therefore his affairs were thus improved, and were again in a flourishing condition, he built himself t» palace in the upper city, raising the rooms to a very great height, and adorning them with the most costly furniture of gold, and marble seats, and beds; and these were so large that they could contain very many companies of men. These apartments were also of distinct magnitudes, and had particular names given them; for one apartment was called Caesar's, another Agrippa's. He also fell in love again, and married another wife, not suffering his reason to hinder him from living as he pleased. The occasion of this his marriage was as fol- lows: — There was one Simon, a citizen of Jerusalem, the son of one Boethus, a citizen of Alexandria, and a priest of great note there: this man had a daughter, who was esteemed the most beautiful woman of this time; and when the people of Jerusalem began to speak much in her commendation, it happened that Herod was much affected with what was said of her: and when he saw the damsel, he was smitten with her beauty, yet did he entirely reject the thoughts of using his authority to abuse her; as believing, what was the truth, that by so doing he should be stigmatized for violence and tyranny: so he thought it be§t to take the damsel to wife. And while Simon was of a dignity too inferior to be allied to him, but still too considerable to be despised, he governed his inclinations after the njost prudent manner, by augmenting the dignity of the family, and n)aking them more honour- able; so he immediately deprivea Jesus the son of Phabet of the high -priesthood, and conferred that dignity on Simon, and so joined in afflnity with him [by marrying his daughter]. 4. When this wedding was over, he built another citadel in that place where he had conquered the Jews, when he was driven out of bis government, and Antigonus enjoyed it. This citadel is distant from Jerusalem about threescore furlongs. It was strong by nature, and fit for such a building. It is a sort of a moderate hill, raised to a farther height by the hand of man, till it was of the shape of u • This ^lins Oallus Rcenn to he no other than that ^lius I^rguR, whom l)io speaks of as conducting »n expedition that was ahont this time made into Arabia Ft-rix, according to Petavius. who is ht-re cited by Span« htim. ^ee a lull account ot this expedilioi) in I'hdeauz, at the years '£i and H. GHAP. IX. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 425 woman's breast. It is encompassed with cir- cular towers, and hath a straight ascent up to it, which ascent is composed of steps of polished stones, in number two hundred. Within it are royal and very rich apartments, of a structure that provided both for security and for beauty. About the. bottom there are habitations of such a structure as are well worth seeing, both on other accounts, and also on account of the water which is brought thither from a great way off, and at vast ex- penses; for the place itself is destitute of water. The plain that is about this citadel is full of edifices, not inferior to any city in largeness, and having the hill above it in the nature of a castle. 5. And now, when all Herod's designs had succeeded according to his hopes, he had not the least suspicion that any troubles could arise in his kingdom, because he kept his people obedient, as well by the fear they stood in of him, for he was implacable in the inflic- tion of his punishments, as by the provident care he had shown towards them, after the most magnanimous manner, when they* were iHider their distresses: but still he took care to have external security for his government, as a fortress against his subjects; for the ora- tions he made to the cities were very fine, and full of kindness; and he cultivated a season- able good understanding with their govern- ors, and bestowed presents on every one of them, inducing them thereby to be more friendly to him, and using his magnificent disposition so as his kingdom might be the better secured to him, and this till all his affairs were every way more and more aug- mented. But then, this magnificent temper of his, and that submissive behaviour and liberality which he exercised towards Caesar, and the most powerful men of Rome, obliged him to transgress the customs of his nation, and to set aside many of their laws, by build- ing cities after an extravagant manner, and erecting temples, — not in Judea indeed, for that would not have been borne, it being for- bidden for us to pay any honour to images, or representations of animals, after the man- ner of the Greeks ; but still he did this in the country [properly] out of our bounds, and in the cities thereof.* The apology ♦ One may here take notice, that how tyranni(»l and extravagant soever Herod were in himself, and in his Grecian cities, as to those plays, and shows, and temples for idolatry, mentioned above (ch. viii. sect. I), and here also, yet durst even he introduce vry tew of them into the cities of the Jews, who. as Josephus here notes, would not even then have borne them, so zealous were they still for many of the laws of Moses, even under so tyrannical a government as this was of Herod the Great; which tyrannical government puts me naturally in mind of Uean Prideaux's honest reflection upon the lik** am- bition alter such tyrannical power in Pompey and Caj- sar; — " One of these (says he, at the year tiO), could not bear an equal, nor the other a superior; and through this ambitii)us humour and thirst after more power in these two men, the whole Roman Kmpirt- beinfi: divided into two oppositr factions, there was produced hereby th» most destructive war that e%'er atHicled it; aD<* the which he made to the Jews for these things was this: — That all was done, not out of his own inclinations, but by the commands and injun'!tions of others, in order to please Ciesar and the Romans; as though he had not the Jewish customs so much in his eye as he had the honour of those Romans, while yet he had himself entirely in view all the while, and indeed was very ambititius to leave great monuments of his government to posterity; whence it was that he was so zealous in build- ing such fine cities, and spent such vast sums of money upon them. 6. Now upon his observation of a place near the sea, which was very proper for con- taining a city, and was before called Strato's Tower, he set about getting a plan for a mag- nificent city there, and erected many edifices with great diligence all over it, and this of white stone. He also adorned it with most sumptuous palaces, and large edifices for con- taining the people; and what was the great- est and most laborious work of all, he adorned it with a haven, that was always free from the waves of the sea. Its largeness was not less than the Pyraeum [at Athens] ; and had to- wards the city a double station for the ships. It was of excellent workmanship; and this was the more remarkable for its being built in a place that of itself was not suitable to such noble structures, but was to be brought to perfection by materials from other places, and at very great expenses. This city is situ- ate in Phoenicia, in the passage by sea to Egypt, between Joppa and Dora, which are lesser maritijjie cities, and not fit for havens, on account of the impetuous south winds that beat upon them, which, rolling the sands that come from the sea against the shores, do not admit of ships lying in their station ; but the merchants are generally there forced to ride at their anchors in the sea itself. So Herod endeavoured to rectify this inconvenience, and laid out such a compass towards the land as might be sufficient for a haven, wherein the great ships might lie in safety ; and this he effected by letting down vast stones of above fifty feet in length, not less than eighteen in breadth, and nine in depth, into twenty fa- thoms deep; and as some were lesser, so were others bigger, than those dimensions. This mole which he built by the sea-side was two hundred feet wide, the half of which was opposed to the current of the waves, so as to like folly too much reigns in all other places. Could about thirty men be persuaded to live at home in peace, without enterprising upon the rights of each other, for the vain glory of conquest, and the enlargement of power, the whole world might be at quiet; but their ambition, their follies, and their humour, leading them constantly to encroach upon and quarrel with each other, they involve all that are under them in the mis- chiefs thereof, and many thousands are they which yearly perish by it: so that it may almost raise a , doubt, whether the benefit which the world receives from government be sufficient to make amends for the calamities which it sutlers from the follies aud mai- admitiistrationfc of those tt**t manage it." 426 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XV. keep off those waves which were to break upon them, and so was called Procymatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but the other half had upon it a wall, with several towers, the largest of which was named Drusus, and was a work of very great excellence, and had its name from Drusus, the son-in-law of Cae- sar, who died young. There were also a great number of arches, where the mariners dwelt: there was also before them a quay [or landing-place], which ran round the en- tire haven, and was a most agreeable walk to such as had a mind to that exercise ; but the entrance or mouth of the port was made on the north quarter, on which side was the still- est of the winds of all in this place: and the basis of the whole circuit on the left hand, as you enter the port, supported a round turret, which was made' very strong, in order to re- sist the greatest waves; while, on the right hand, as you enter, stood two vast stones, and those each of them larger than the turret, which was over-against them: these stood upright, and were joined together. Now there were edifices all along the circular haven, made of the most polished stone, with a certain elevation, whereon was erected a temple, that was seen a great way off by those that were sailing for that haven, and had in it two statues, the one of Rome, the other of C«Esar. The city itself was called Cesarea, which was also itself built of fine material3,^nd was of a fine structure; nay, the very subterranean vaults and cellars had no less of architecture bestowed on them than had the buildings above ground. Some of these vaults carried things at even distances to the haven and to the sea; but one of them ran obliquely, and bound all the rest together, that both the rain and the tilth of the citizens were together car- ried off with ease, and the sea itself, upon the flux of the tide from without, came into the city, and washed it all clean. Herod also built therein a theatre of stone ; and on the south quarter, behind the port, an amphi- theatre also, capable of holding a vast num- ber of men, and conveniently situated for a prospect of the sea. So this city was thus finished in twelve years;* during which time the king did not fail to go on both with the work, and to pay the charges that were ne- cessary. • Cesarea being here said to be rebuilt and adorned in twelve years, and soon afterwards in ten years (Antiq b. xvi. ch- V. sect. 1), there must be a mistake in one of the places as to the true number; bui in which of them, It is bard positively to determine. CHAPTER X. HOW HXROD SENT HIS SONS TO ROME; HOW ALSO HE WAS ACCUSED BY ZENODORUS AND THE GaDARENS, but WAS CLEARED OF WHAT TI^Y ACCUSED HIM OF, AND WITHAL GAINED TO HIMSELF THE GOOD-WII-L OF CiESAR. CONCERNING THE FHARI&EES, THE ESSENS, AND MANAHEM. § 1. When Herod was engaged in such mat- ters, and when he had already re-edified Se- baste [Samaria], he resolved to send his sons Alexander and Aristobulus to Rome, to en- joy the company of Caesar; who, when they came thither, lodged at the house of PoUio.f who was very fond of Herod's friendship: and they had leave to lodge in Caesar's own palace, for he received these sons of Herod with all humanity, and gave Herod leave to give his kingdom to which of his sons he pleased ; and, besides all this, he bestowed on him Trkchon, and Batanea, and Auraiiitis, which he gave him on the occasion following: — One Zenodorusf had hired what was called the house of Lysanias, who, as he was not satisfied with its revenues, became a partner with the robbers thatinhabited the Trachonites, and so procured him a larger income; for the inhabitants of those places lived in a mad way, and pillaged the country of the Damascenes, while Zenodorus did not restrain them, but partook of the prey they acquired. Now, as the neighbouring people were hereby great sufferers, they complained to Varro, who was then president [of Syria], and entreated him to write to Caesar about this injustice of Ze- nodorus. When these matters were laid be- fore Caesar, he wrote back to Varro to destroy those nests of robbers, and to give the land to Herod, that by his care the neighbouring countries might be no longer disturbed with these doings of the Trachonites, for it was not an easy thing to restrain them, sincethis way of robbery had been their usual practice, and they had no other way to get their living, be- cause they had neither any city of th«ir own, nor lands in their possession, but only some receptacles and dens in the earth, and there they ^nd their cattle lived in common toge- ther: however, they had made contrivances to get pools of water, and laid up corn in gra- naries for themselves, and were able to make great resistance, by issuing out on the sudden against any that attacked them; for the en + This Follio, with wliom Herod's sons lived at Rome was not I'ljllio the Pharisee, already mentioned by Jose- phus (ch. i sect. I), and aj{;iin presently after this (ch. x. sect 4), but Asinius Pulliu, the Human, as Spanbeim here observes. t The character of this Zenodorus is so like that of a famous robl)er of the same name in (Strabo, and that about this very country, and about this very time also, that I thinli Dr. Hudson hardly needed to have put a ptrhapM \o bis determination (hut tliry were the same. CHAP. X. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 427 trances of their caves were narrow, in which but one could come in at a time, and the places within incredibly large, and made very wide; but the ground over their habitations was not very high, but rather on a plain, while the rocks are altogether hard and difficult to be entered upon, unless any one gets into the plain road by the guidance of another, for these roads are not straight, butliave several revolutions. But when these men are hin- dered from their wicked preying upon their neighbours, their custom is to prey one upon another, insomuch that no sort or injustice comes amiss to them. But when Herod had received this grant from CiEsar, and was come into this country, he procured skilful guides, and put a stop to their wicked robberies, and procured peace and quietness to the neigh- bouring people. 2. Hereupon Zenodorus was grieved, in the first place, because his principality was taken away from him, and still more so, because he envied Herod, who had gotten it; so he went up to Rome to accuse him, but returned back again without success. Now Agrippa was [about this time] sent to succeed Caesar in the government of the countries beyond the Ionian Sea, upon whom Herod lighted when he was wintering about Mitylene, for he had been his particular friend and companion, and then returned into Judea again. However, some of the Gadarens came to Agrippa, and accused Herod, whom he sent back bound to the king, without giving them the hearing: but still the Arabians, who of old bare ill-will to Herod's government, were nettled, and at that time attempted to raise a sedition in his domiruons, and, as they thought, upon a more justifiable occasion; for Zenodorus, despairing already of success as to his own affairs, pre- vented [his enemies], by selling to those Ara- bians a part of his principality, called Aura- nitis, for the value of fifty talents; but as this was included in the donations of Csesar, they contested the point with Herod, as un- justly deprived of what they had bought. Sometimes they did this by making incursions upon him, and sometimes by attempting force against him, and sometimes by going to law with him. Moreover, they persuaded the poorer soldiers to help them, and were trouble- some to him, out of a constant hope that they should reduce the people to raise a sedition; in which designs those that are in the most miserable circumstances of life are still the most earnest; and although Herod had been ft great while apprized of these attempts, yet did not he indulge any severity to them, but by rational methods aimed to mitigate things, as not willing to give any handle for tu- mults. 3. Now when Herod had already reigned seventeen years, Ciesar came into Syria; at which time the greatest part of the inhabitants «f Gadara clamoured against Herod, as one that was heavy in his injunctions, aiid tyran- nical. These reproaches they mainly ven- tured upon by the encouragement of Zenodo- rus, who took his oath that he would never leav« Herod till he had procured that they should be severed from Herod's kingdom, and joined to Caesar's province. The Gada- rens were induced hereby, and made no small cry against him; and that the more boldly, because those that had been delivered up by Agrippa were not punished by Herod, who let them go, and did them no harm ; for in- deed he was the principal man in the world who appeared almost inexorable in punishing crimes in his own family; but very generous in remitting the offences that were committed elsewhere. And while they accused Herod of injuries and plunderings, and subversion of temples, he stood unconcerned, and was ready to make his defence. However, Caesar gave him his right hand, and remitted no- thing of his kindness to him, upon this dis- turbance by the multitude; and indeed these things were alleged the first day, but the hear- ing proceeded no farther; for as the Gada- rens saw the inclination of Caesar and of his assessors, and expected, as they had reason to do, that they should be delivered up to the king, some of them, out of a dread of the tor> ments they might undergo, cut their own throats in the night-time, and some of them threw themselves down precipices, and others of them cast themselves into the river, and de- stroyed themselves of their own accord; which accidents seemed a sufficient condemnation of the rashness and crimes they had been guilty of; whereupon Ciesar made no longer delay, but cleared Herod from the crimes he was accused of. Another happy accident there was, which was a farther great advan- tage to Herod at this time; for Zenodorus's belly burst, and a great quantity of blood is- sued from him in his sickness, and he there- by departed this life at Antioch in Syria; so Caesar bestowed his country, which was no small one, upon Herod; it lay between Trachon and Galilee, and contained Ulatha, and Paneas, and the country round about. He also made him one of the procurators of Syria, and commanded that they should do every thing with his approbation; and, in short, he arrived at that pitch of felicity, that whereas there were but two men that governed the vast Roman empire, first Caesar and then Agrippa, who was his principal favourite, Caesar preferred no one to Herod besides Agrippa; and Agrippa made no one his greater friend than Herod beside Caesar; and when he had acquired such freedom, he beg- ged of Caesar a tetrarchy* for his brother • A tetrarchy properly and originally denoted the fourth pari of an entire kingdom or country, and a t«- trarch one that was ruler of such a fourth part, which always implies somewhat less extent of dominion and power than belong to a kingdom ^nd to a king. 428 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVil Pberoras, while he did himself bestow upon him a revenue of a hundred talents out of his own kingdom, that, in case he came to any harm himself, his brother might be in safety, and that his sons might not have dominion over him. So when he had conducted Ctesar to the sea, and was returned home, he built bim a most beautiful temple, of the whitest stone in Zenodorus's country, near the place calfed Panium. This is a very fine cave in a mountain, under which there is a great cavity in the earth, and the cavern is abrupt, and prodigiously deep, and full of a still water; over it hangs a vast mountain; and under the caverns arise the springs of the river Jordan. Herod adorned this place, which was already a very remarkable one, still farther by the erection of this temple, which he dedicated to Caesar. 4. At which time Herod released to his subjects the third part of their taxes, under pretence indeed of relieving them, after the dearth they had had; but the main reason was, to recover their good -will, which he now wanted; for they were uneasy at him, because of the innovations he had introduced in their practices, of the dissolution of their religion, and of the disuse of their own customs; and fte people everywhere talked against him, like those that were still more provoked and disturbed at his procedure ; against which discontents he greatly guarded himself, and took away the opportunities they might have, to disturb him, and enjoined them to be always at work; nor did he permit the citizens either to meet together, or to walk, or eat together, but watched every thing they did, and when any were caught, they were severely, punished; hnd many there were who were brought to the citadel Hyrcania, both openly and secretly, and were there put to death ; and there were spies set everywhere, both in the city and in the roads, who watched those that met toge- ther; nay, it is reported that he did not him- self neglect this part of caution, but that he would oftentimes himself take the habit of a private man, and mix among the multitude, in the night-time, and make trial what opinion they had of his government ; and as for those that could no way be reduced to acquiesce under his scheme of government, he persecuted them all manner of ways; but for the rest of the multitude, he required that they should be obliged to take an oath of fidelity to him, and at the same time compelled them to swear that they would bear him good-will, and con- tinue certainly so to do, in his management of the govf^rnment; and indeed a great part of th3m, either to please him or out of fear of him, yielded to what he required of them ; but for such as were of a more open and ge- nerous disposition, and had indignation at the force he used to them, he by one means or other made way with them. He endeavoured •Uo to persuade PoUio the Pharisee, and Sa- meas, and the greatest part of their scholars, to take the oath; but these would neither sub- mit so to do, nor were they punished together with the rest, out of the reverence he bore to Pollio. The Essens also, as we call a sect of ours, M'ere excused from this imposition. These men live the same kind of life as do those whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans; concerning whom I shall discourse more lully elsewhere. However, it is but fit to set down here the reasons wherefore Herod bad these Essens in such honour, and thought higher of them than their mortal nature required: nor will this account be unsuitable to the nature of this history, as it will show the opinion men had of these Essens. 5. Now there was one of these Essens, whose name was Manahem, who had this tes- timony, that he not only conducted his life after an excellent manner, but had the fore- knowledge of future events given hina by God also. This man once saw Herod when he was a child, and going to school, and sa- luted him as king of the Jews; but he, think- ing that either he did not know bim, or that he was in jest, put him in mind that he was but a private man ; but Manahem sniiled to himself, and clapped him on his backside with his hand, and said, " However that be, thou wilt be king, and wilt begin thy reign happily, for God finds thee worthy of it; and do thou remember the blows that Manahem hath given thee, as being a signal of the change of thy fortune; and truly this will be the best reasoning for thee, that thou love justice [towards men], and piety towards God, and clemency towards thy citizens; yet do 1 know how thy whole conduct will be, that thou wilt not be such a one, for then wilt ex- cel all men in happiness, and obtain an ever- lasting reputation, but wilt forget piety and righteousness; and these crimes will not be concealed from God at the conclusion of thy life, when thou wilt find that he will be mindlul of them, and punish thee for them." Kow at that time Herod did not at all attend to what Manahem said, as having no hopes of such advancement; but a little afterward, when he was so fortunate as to be advanced to the dignity of king, and was in the height of his dominion, he sent for Manahem, and asked him how long he should reign. Ma- nahem did not tell him the full length of his reign ; wherefore, upon that silence of his, he asked him farther, whether he should reign ten years or not? He replied, " Yes, twenty, nay, thirty years;" but did not assign the just determinate limit of his reign. Herod was satisfied with these rephes, and gave Ma- nahem his hand, and dismissed him ; and from that time be continued to honour all the Essens. We have thought it proper to re- late these facts to our rewlers, how strange soever they be, and to declare what hath happened among u.-, bc.':uus« aiany of these CHAP. XI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 429 Essens have, by their excellent virtue, been thought worthy of this knowledge of divine revelations. CHAPTER XI. HOW HEROD REBUILT THE TEMPLE, AND RAISED IT HIGHER, AND MADE IT MORE MAGNIFICENT THAN IT WAS BEFORE; AND ALSO CONCERNING THAT TOWER WHICH HE CALLED ANTONIA. § 1. And now Herod, in the eighteenth year of his reign, and after the acts already men- tioned, undertook a very great work, that is, to build of himself the temple of God,* and make it larger in compass, and to raise it to a most magnificent altitude, as esteeming it to be the most glorious of all his actions, as it really was, to bring it to perfection, and that this would be sufficient for an everlast- ing memorial of him; but as he knew the multitude were not ready nor willing to as- sist him in so vast a design, he thought to prepare them first by making a speech to them, and then set about the work itself; so he called them together, and spake thus to them: — "I think I need not speak to you, my countrymen, about such other works as I have done siiice I came to the kingdom, al- though I may say they have been performed in such a manner as to bring more security to you than glory to myself; for I have nei- ther been negligent in the most difficult times about what tended to ease your ne- cessities, nor have the buildings I have made been so proper to preserve me as yourselves from injuries; and I imagine that, with God's assistance, I have advanced the nation of the Jews to a degree of happiness which they never had before; and for the particu- lar edifices belonging to your own country, and to your own cities, as also to those cities that we have lately acquired, which we have erected and greatly adorned, and thereby aug- mented the dignity of your nation, it seems to me a needless task to enumerate them to you, since you well know them yourselves; but as to that undertaking which 1 have a mind to set about at present, and which will be a work of the greatest piety and excellence that can possibly be undertaken by us, I will now declare it to you. Our fathers, indeed, when they were returned from Babylon, built ♦* We may here observe, that the fancy of the modem Jews, in calling this temple, which was really the third of their temples, the secoud temple, followed so long by later Christians, seems to be without any solid foundation. The reason why the Christians here follow the Jews is. because of the prophecy of Ha^gai (ii. 6, 9), which they expound of the Messiah's coming'to the second or Zoro- fcabel'8 temple, of which they suppose this of Herod to be only a continuation, which is meant, I think, of his com- injj to the fourth and last temple, or to that future, lar- jtest, and most glorious one.described by Ezekiel; whence t tike the former notion, bow gsnei al soever, to be a gr«at B>Uukc. «ee Lit Aevomp. of Propb. p. Sr^ this temple to God Almighty, yet does it want sixty cubits of its largei«ess in altitude; for so much did that first temple which Solo- mon built exceed this temple: nor let any one condemn our fathers for their negligence or want of piety herein, for it was not tneu fault that the temple was no higher; for they were Cyrus, and Darius the son of Hystas- pes, who determined the measures for its re- building; and it hath been by reason of the subjection of those fathers of ours to them and to their posterity, and after them to the JNIacedonians, that they had not the opportu- nity to follow the original model of this pious edifice, nor could raise it to its ancient alti- tude; but since I am now, by God's will, your governor, and I have had peace a long time, and have gained great riches and large revenues, and, what is the principal thing of all, I am at amity with and well regarded by the Romans, who, if I may so say, are the rulers of the whole world, I will do my endea- vour to correct that imperfection, which hath arisen from the necessity of our affairs, and the slavery we have been under formerly, and to make a thankful return, after the most pious manner, to God, for what blessings I have received from him, by giving me this kingdom, and that by rendering his temple ai* complete as I am able." 2. And this was the speech which Herod made to them: but still this speech afi'righted many of the people, as being unexpected by them, and because it seemed incredible, it did not encourage them, but put a damp upon them, for they were afraid that he would pull down the whole edifice, and not be able to bring his intentions to perfection for its re- building; and this danger appeared to them to be very great, and the vastness of the undertaking to be such as could hardly be ac- complished. But while they were in this dis- position, the king encouraged them, and told them he would not pull down their temple till all things were gotten ready for building it up entirely again. And as he promised them this beforehand, so he did not break his word with them, but got ready a thousand waggons, that were to bring stones for the builuing, and chose out ten thousand of the most skil- ful workmen, and bought a thousand sacer- dotal garments for as many of the priests, and had some of them taught the arts *.f stone- cutters, and others of carpenters, and then began to build; but this not till every thing was well prepared for the work. 3. So Herod took away the old foundations, and laid others, and erected the tepiple upon them, being in length a hundred cubits, and in height twenty additional cubits, which [twenty], upon the sinking of their founda- tionSjf fell down: and this part it was that + Some of our modern students in architecture hava made a strange blunder here, when they imagine that J«»ephus affirms tii« entire fouadatioo of the temple 430 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XV, we resolved to /mse again in the days of Nero. Now the temple was- built of stones that were white and strong, and eacn of their length was twenty -five cubits, their height was eight, and their breadth about twelve ; and the whole structure, as also the structure of the royal cloister, was on each side much lower, but the middle was much higher, till they were visible to those that dwelt in the country for a great many furlongs, but chiefly to such as lived over-against *thera, and those that approached to them. The temple had doors also at the entrance, and lintels over them, of the same height with the temple it- self. They were adorned with embroidered veils, with their flowers of purple, and pil- lars interwoven s and over these, but under the crown- work, was spread out a golden vine, with its branches hanging down from a great height, the largeness and fine workmanship of which was a surprising sight to the spec- tators, to see what vast materials there were, and with what great skill the workmanship was done. He also encompassed the entire temple with very large cloisters, contriving them to be in a due proportion thereto ; and he laid out larger sums of money upon them than had been done before him, till it seemed that no one else had so greatly adorned the temple as be had done. There was a large wall to both the cloisters; which wall was itself the most prodigious work that was ever heard of by man. The hill was a rocky ascent, that declined by degrees towards the east parts of the city, till it came to an ele- vated level. This hill it was which Solomon, who was the first of our kings, by divine reve- lation, encompassed with a wall; it was of ex- cellent workmanship upwards, and round the top of it. He also built a wall below, begin- ning at the bottom, which was encompassed by a deep valley j and at the south side he laid rocks together, and bound them one to another with lead, and included some of the inner parts, till it proceeded to a great height, and till both the largeness of the square edi- fice and its altitude were immense, and till the vastness of the stones in the front were plainly visible on the outside, yet so that the inward parts were fastened together with iron, and preserved the joints immoveable for aU or holy house sank down into the rocky mountain on whiirli it stood, no less than twenty cubits, whereas he .» i:<vnT that they were the foundations of the additional tw«rii!y cubits only above the hundred (made perhaps >vf';it on purpose, and only for show and grandeur), that b.iiik or fell down, as Dr. Hudson rightly understands li in: nor is the thing itself possible in the other sense. .\»;rippa's preparation for huildin^ the inner parts of ttie temple twenty cubits hiKher (History of the War, b. v. ch. 1. sect. 6), must in all probability refer to this mat- ter, since Josephus says here, that this which had fallep down was designed to be raised up again under Nero. • under whom Agrippa made that preparation. Hut what Josephus says presently, that Solomon was the first Kin»^ of the Jews, appears by the parallel place, Aiitiq. b. xx cb. ix. sect. 7, and other places, to be meant only XUo Crst of liATid'a posterity, and the first builder of tne future times. When this work [for the foun- dation] was done in this manner, and joined together as part of the hill itself to the verjf top of it, he wrought it all into one outward surface, and filled up the hollow places which were about the wall, and made it a level on the external upper surface, and a smooth level also. This hill was walled all round, and ill compass four furlongs, [the distance of] each angle containing in length a furlong: but within this wall, and on the very top of all, there ran another wall of stone also, having, on the east quarter, a double cloister, of the same length with the wall; in the midst of which was the temple itself. This cloister looked to the gates of the temple; and it had been adorned by many kings in former times; and round about the entire temple were fixed the spoils taken from barbarous nations ; all these had been dedicated to the temple by Herod, with the addition of these he had taken from the Arabians. 4. Now on the north side [of the temple] was built a citadel, whose walls were square, and strong, and of extraordinary firainess. This citadel was built by the kings of the Asamonean race, who were also high -priests before Herod, and they called it the Tower, in which were reposited the vestments of the high-priest, which the high-priest only put on at the time when he was to offer sacrifice. These vestments king Herod kept in that place; and after his death they were under the power of the Romans, until the time of Ti- berius Caesar; under whose reign Vitellius, the president of Syria, when he once came to Je- rusalem, and had been most magnificently re- ceived by the multitude, he had a niind to make them some requital for the kindness they had shown him; so, upon their petition to have those holy vestments in their own power, he wrote about them to Tiberius Cae- stir, who granted his request: and this their power over the sacerdotal vestments continued with the Jews till the death of king Agrippa; but after that, Cassius Longinus, who was president of Syria, and Cuspius Fadt's, who was procurator of Judea, enjoined the Jews to reposit those vestments in the tower of An- tonia, for that they ought to have them in their power, as they formerly had. However, the Jews sent ambassadors to Clairdius Casar, to intercede with him for them; upon whose coming, king Agrippa, junior, being then at Rome, asked for and obtained the power over them From the emperor; who gave command to Vitellius, who was then commander in Syria, to give them it accoidingly. Before thaL time they were kept under the seal of the high- priest, and of the treasurers, of the temple; which treasurers the day before a festival, went up to the Roman captain of the temple- guards, and viewed their own seal, and received the vestiufiits; and ai^uiii when the festival wa* over, ilwy bn.»ugiii it to the «ama CHAP. xr. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 431 place, and showed the captain of the temple- guards their seal, which corresponded with his Beal, a»d reposited them there. And that these things were so, the afflictions that hap- pened to us afterward [about them] are sutii- cieut evidence: but for the tower itself, when Herod the king of the Jews had fortified it more firmly than before, in order to secure and guard the temple, he gratified Antonius, who was his friend, and the Roman ruler, and then gave it the name of the Tower of Antonia. 5. Now, in the western quarter of the en- closures of the temple there were four gates; the first led to the king's palace, and went to a passage over the intermediate valley; two more led to the suburbs of the city; and the last led to the other city, where the road de- scended down into the valley by a great num- ber of steps, and thence up again by the as- sceut; for the city lay over-against the temple in the manner of a theatre, and was encom- passed with a deep valley along the entire south quarter; but the fourth front of the temple, which was southward, had indeed it- self gates in its middle, as also it had the royal cloisters, with three walks, which reached in length from the east valley unto that on the west, for it was impossible it should reach any farther: and this cloister deserves to be mentioned better than any other under the sun; for while the valley was very deep, and its bottom could not be seen, if you looked from above into the depth, this farther vastly high elevation of the cloister stood upon that height, insomuch that if any one looked dowTi from the top of the battlements, or down both those altitudes, he would be gidi'y, while his sight could not reach to such an immense depth. This cloister had pillars tlirtt stood in four rows one over-against the >ther all along, for the fourth row was inter- woven into the wall, which [also was built of stone] ; and the thickness of each pillar was such, that three men might, with their arms extended, fathom it round, and join their hands again, while its length was twenty- seven feet, with a double spiral at its basis; and the number of all the pillars [in that court] was an hundred and sixty-two. Their chapiters were made with sculptures after the Corinthian order, and caused an amazement [to the spectators], by reason of the grandeur of the whole. These four rows of pillars in- cluded three intervals for walking in the mid- dle of this cloister; two of which walks were nude parallel to each other, and were con- trived after the same manner; the breadth of each of them was thirty feet, the length was a furlong, and the height fifty feet: but the breadth of the middle part of the cloister was one and a half of the other, and the height was double, for it was much higher than those on each side; but the roo were adorned with deep sculptures in wood, representing MHiiy so is of figures: the middle was much higher than the rest, and the wall of the front was adorned with beams, resting upon pillars, that were interwoven into it, and that front was all of polished stone aisomuch that its fineness, to such as had not seen it, was in- credible, and to such as had seen it, was greatly amazing. Thus was the first enclo- sure. In the midst of which* and not far from it, was the second, to be gone up to by a few steps: this was encompassed by a stone wall for a partition, with an inscription, which forbade any foreigner to go in, under pain of death. Now this inner enclosure had on its southern and northern quarters three gates [equally] distant from one another; but on the east quarter, towards the sun-rising, there was one large gate through wMch such as were pure came in, together with their wives; but the temple farther inward in that gate was not allowed to the women; but still more inward was there a third [court of the] tem- ple, whereinto it was not lawful for any but the priests alone to enter. The temple itself was within this; and before that temple was the altar, upon which we offer our sacrifices and burnt-offerings to God. Into none of these three did king Herod en^er,* for he was forbidden, because he was not a priest. How- ever, he took care of the cloisters and the outer enclosures; and these he built in eight years. 6. But the temple itself was built by the priests in a year and six months, — upon which all the people were full of joys and presently they returned thanks, in the first place, to God; and in the next place, for the alacrity the king had shown. They feasted and cele- brated this rebuilding of the temple: and for the king, he sacrificed three hundred oxen to God; as did the rest, every one according to his ability: the number of which sacrifices is not possible to set down; for it cannot be that we should truly relate it; for at the same time with this celebration for the work about the temple, fell also the day of the king's inauguration, which he kept of an old custom as a festival, and it now coincided with the other; which coincidence of them both made the festival most illustrious. 7. There was also an occult passage built for the king: it led from Antonia to. the in- ner temple, at its eastern gate; over which he also erected for himself a tower, that he might have the opportunity of a subterraneous as- cent to the temple, in order to guard against any sedition which might be made by the peo- ple against their kings. It is also reported,! • " Into none of these three did Line Herod enter." i. e. 1. Not into the court of the priests; i Nor into the holy house itself; 3. Nor into the separate place belonging to the altar, as the words following imply; for none bat priests, or their attendants the Levites, minbt come into any of them. See Antiq. b. xvi ch. iv. sect. 6, wbea Herod ^oes into the temple, and makes a speech in it to The people; but that cuuld only be into the court vf 1»- fael, whither the people cuuld come to bear him. + This tradition which Josephus here mentions, ai delivered down from f^-tbers to tbeir cbildren, of ^fais 432 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK- XVI that during tbe time that the temple was building, it did not rain in the day-time, but that tbe showers fell in the nights, so that the work was not hindered. And this our fathers have delivered to us; nor is it incredible, if any have regard to the manifestations of God. And thus was performed the work of the rebuilding of the temple. BOOK XVI. COWTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWELVE TEARS, FROM THE FINISHING OF THE TEMPLE BY HEROD TO THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS. CHAPTER L A LAW OF HEROD's ABOUT THIEVES. SALOME AND PHERORAS CALUMNIATE ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS, UPON THEIR RETURN FROM ROME, FOR WHOM HEROD YET PRO- VIDES WIVES. § 1. As king Herod was very zealous in the administration of his entire government, and desirous to put a stop to particular acts of in- justice which were done by criminals about the city and country, he made a law, no way like our original laws, and which he enacted of himself, to expose housebreakers to be ejected out of his kingdom ; which punish- ment was not only grievous to be borne by the offenders, but contained in it a dissolu- tion of the customs of our forefathers; for this slavery to foreigners, and such as did not live after the manner of Jews, and this neces- sity that they were under to do whatsoever such men should command, was an offence against our rebgious settlement, rather than a punishment to such as were found to have offended, such a punishment being avoided in our original laws; for those laws ordain, that the thief shall restore fourfold ; and that if he have not so much, he shall be sold indeed, but not to foreigners, nor so that he be under perpetual slavery, for he must have been released after six years. But this law, thus particular remarkable circumMance relating; to the build- InK of Herud's temple, is a deinoiistrutiuii that such its building; was a Ltiowri thing in Judeaai this lime. He waa born but furty-six yrars after it is rtrlated to have been finished, and might himselt have seen and ^pu ..en with Slime of the builders themselves, and with a great DUmlier ol iliose who had seen its building. I'he duubl therefore about the truth of this history of the pulling down and rebuilding this temple by lierud. which suqje weak people have indulged, was not then iliicIi greater tbsu it S4Min may be, wbelhev or nut M I'liui's church In Ion was burnt down in the «re of I nmlun, * u liioo, " b) air Cbriftopner VViru u littiv it/terwurd. enacted in order to introduce a sfevere and ille- gal punishment, seemed to be a piece of inso- lence in Herod, when he did not act as a king but as a tyrant, and thus contemptuously, and without any regard to his subjects, did be venture to introduce such a punishment. Now this penalty thus brought into practice, was like Herod's other actions, and became a part of his accusation, and an occasion of the hatred he lay under. 2. Now at this time it was that he sailed to Italy, as very desirous to meet with Cjesar, and to see his sons who lived at Rome : and Cajsar was not only very obliging to hiuj in other respects, but delivered him his suns again, that he might take them home with him, as having already completed themselves in the sciences; but as soon as the young men were come from Italy; the multitude were very desirous to see them, and they became conspicuous among them all, as adorned with great blessings of fortune, and having the countenances of persons of royal dignity. So they soon appeared to be the objects of envy to Salome, the king's sister, and to such as had raised calumnies against Marianuie; for they were suspicious, that when these came to the government, they should be pun- ished far the wickedness they had been guilty of against their mother; so they made tins very fear of theirs a motive to raise calumnies against them also. They gave it out lliat . they were not pleased with their father's company, because he had put their mother to death, as if it were not agreeable to piety to appear to converse with their mother's mur- derer. Now, by carrying these stories, that had indeed a true iuunUution [in the fact], but were only built on probubiUties as to the present accu^ation, tliey were able to do them tuidchicf, and to make Herod take away that kindness tVoui hia suns whiuh he had b<;tar« ClUP. II. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 433 borne to them, for tney did not say these tmnff? to liiin openly, but scattered abroad siicn words among the rest of the multitude; trom which words, when carried to Herod, he uras induced [at last] to hate them, and which uatural atfection itself, even in length of time, was not able to overcome; yet was the king Bt that time in a condition to prefer the natu- ral affection of a father before all the suspi- cions and calumnies his sons lay under: 80 he respected them as he ought to do, and ojarried them to wives, now they were of an Bge suitable thereto. To Aristobulus he gave for a wife Bernice, Salome's daughter; and to Alexander, Glaphyra, the daughter of Ar- chelaus, king of Cappadocia. CHAPTER II. HOW HEROD TWICE SAILED TO AGRIPPA; AND HOW, UPON THE COMPLAINT OF THE JEWS IN IONIA AGAINST THE GREEKS, AGRIPPA CONFIRMED THE LAWS OF THE JEWS TO THEM. § 1. When Herod had dispatched these af- fairs, and he understood that Marcus Agrippa had sailed again out of Italy into Asia, he made haste to him, and besought him to come to him into his kingdom, and to partake of what he might justly expect from one that had been his guest, and was his friend. This request he greatly pressed, and to it Agrippa agreed, and came into Judea: whereupon Herod omitted nothing that might please him. He entertained him in his new-built cities, and showed him the edifices he had built, and provided all sorts of the best and most costly dainties for him and his friends, and that at Sebaste and Cesarea, about that port that he had built, and at the fortresses which he had erected at great expenses, Alexandrium, and Herodium, and Hyrcania. He also conducted him to the city Jerusalem, where all the people met him in their festival garments, and received him with acclamations. Agrippa also offered a hecatomb of sacrifices to God; and feasted the people, without omitting any of the greatest dainties that could be gotten. lie also took so much pleasure there, that he abode many days with them, and would will- ingly have staid longer, but that the season of the year made him make haste away; for, as winter was coming on, he thought it not safe to go to sea later, and yet he was of necessity to return again to Ionia. 2. So Agrippa went away, when Herod had bestowed on him, and on the principal of those that were with him, many presents; but king Herod, when he haid passed the win- ter in his own dominions, made haste to get to him again in the spring, when he knew he designed to go to a campaign at the Bosphorus. So when he had sailed by Rhodes and by Cos, he touched at Lesbos, as thinking he should have overtaken Agrippa there; but he was taken short here by a north wind, which hindered his ship from going to the shore; so . be continued many days at Chius, and there he kindly treated a great many that came to him, and obliged them by giving them royal gifts. And when he saw that the portico of the city was fallen down, which as it was overthrown in the Mithndatic war, and was a very large and fine building, so was it not so easy to rebuild that as it was the rest, yet did he furnish a sura not only large enough for that purpose, but what was more than sufficient to finish the building; and ordered them not to overlook that portico, but to re- build it quickly, that so the city might recover its proper ornaments. And when the high winds were laid, he sailed to Mitylene, and thence to Byzantium; and when he heard that Agrippa was sailed beyond the Cyanean rocks, he made all the haste possible to over- take him, and came up with him abont Si- nope, in Pontus. He was seen sailing by the shipmen most unexpectedly, but appeared to their great joy; and many friendly saluta- tions there were between them, insomuch that Agrippa thought he had received the greatest marks of the king's kindness and humanity towards him possible, since the king had come so long a voyage, and at a very proper sea- son, for his assistance, and had left the govern- ment of his own dominions, and thought it more worth his while to come to hira. Ac- cordingly, Herod was all in all to Agrippa, in the management of the war, and a great assistant in civil affairs, and in giving him counsel as to particular matters. He was also a pleasant companion for him when he relaxed himself, and a joint partaker with him in all things ; in troubles because of his kind- ness; and in prosperity, because of the re- spect Agrippa had for him. Now as soon as those affairs of Pontus were finished, for whose sake Agrippa was sent thither, they did not think fit to return by sea, but passed through Paphlagonia and Cappadocia; they then tra- velled thence over great Phrygia, and came to Ephesus, and then they sailed from Ephe- sus to Samos. And indeed the king bestowed a great many benefits on every city that he came to, according as they stood in need of them ; for as for those that wanted either mo- ney or kind treatment, he was not wanting to them ; but he supplied the former himself out of his own expenses: he also became an in- tercessor with Agrippa for all such as sought after his favour, and he brought things so about, that the petitioners failed in none of their suits to him, Agrippa being himself of a good disposition, and of great generosity and ready to grant all such requests as might be advantageous to the petitioners, provided they were not to the detriment of others, 2B 434 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK XVI. The inclination of the king was of great weight also, and sIjU excited Agrippa, who was himself ready to do good ; for he made a reconciliation between the people of Ilium, at whom he was angry, and paid what money the people of Chilis ovved Caesar's procurators, and discharged them of their tributes; and uelped all others, according as their several aecessities required. 3. But now, when Agrippa and Herod were in Ionia, a great multitude of Jews, who dwelt in their cities, came to them, and laying hold of the opportunity and the liberty now given them, laid before them the injuries which they suffered, while they were not per- mitted to use their own laws, but were com- pelled to prosecute their law-suits, by the ill usage of the judges, upon their holy days, and were deprived of the money they used to lay up at Jerusalem, and were forced into tjie arujy, and upon such other offices as obliged them to spend their sacred money ; from which burdens they always used to be freed by the Romans, who had still permitted them to live according to their own laws. When this clamour was made, the king desired of Agrippa that he would hear their cause, and assigned Nicolaus, one of his friends, to plead for those their privileges. Accordingly, when Agrippa had cadled the principal of the Ro- mans, and such of the kings and rulers us were there, to be his assessors, Niculaus stood up, and pleaded for the Jews, as follows: — * it is of necessity incumbent on such as are jn distress to have recourse to those that huve it in their power to free them from those in- juries they lie under; and for those that now are complainants, they approach you with great assurance; for as they have formerly often obtained your favour, so far as they have even wished to have it, they now only entreat that you, who have been the donors, will take care that those favours you have already grant- ed them may not be taken away from them. "We have received these favours from you, who alone have power to grant them, but have them taken from us by such as are no greater than ourselves, and by such as we know are as much subjects as we are; and certainly, if we have been vouchsafed great favours, it is to our commendation who have obtained them, as^ having been found deserving of such great favours; and if those favours be but snn.all ones, il would be barbarous for the donors not to contirm them to us: and for those that are the hinderance of the Jews, and use them re- proachfully, it is evident that they affront both the receivers, while they will not allow those to be worthy men to whom their excellent rulers themselves have borne their testimony, and the donors, while they desire those favours already granted may be abrogated. Now if any one should ask these Gentiles thonjselves, which of the two things they would choose to part with, their lives, or the customs of their forefathers, their solemnltifs, their sacrificesi their festivals, which they celebrate in honour of those they suppose to be gods? I know very well that they would choose to sutfer any thing whatsoever rather than a dissoiutioii ul any of the customs of their forefathers ; tor a great many of them have rather chosen to go to war on that account, as very solicitoua not to transgress in those matters: and indeed we take an estimate of that happiness which all mankind do now enjoy by your means from this very thing, that we are allowed every one to worship as our ov/n institutions require, and yet to live [in peace] ; and although they would not be thus treated themselves, yet do they endeavour to compel others to comply with them, as if it were not as great an in- stance of impiety, profanely to dissolve the religious solemnities of any others, as to be negligent in the observation of their own to- wards their gods. And let us now consider the one of these practices : — Is there any people, or city, or community of men, to whom your government and the Roman power does not appear to be the greatest blessing? Is there any one that can desire to make void the favours they have granted? No one is cer- tainly so mad; for there are no men but such as have been partakers of their favours, both public and private ; and indeed those that take away what you have granted, can have no assurance, but every one of their own grants made them by you may be taken from thena also; which grants of yours can yet never be sufficiently valued ; for if they consider the old govcrninents under kings, together with your present government, besides the great number of benefits which this government hath bestowed on them, in order to their hap- piness, this is instead of all the rest, that they appear to be no longer in a state of slavery, but of freedom. Now the privileges we de- sire, even when we are in the best circumstan- ces, are not such as deserve to be envied, for we are indeed in a prosperous state by your means, but this is only in common with others; and it is no more than this which we desire, to preserve our religion without any prohibi- tion, which, as it appears not in itself a privi- lege to be envied us, so it is for the advantage of those that grant it to us: for if the Divi- nity delights in being honoured, he must de- light in those that permit him to be honoured. And there are none of our customs which are inhuman, but all tending to piety, and de- voted to the preservation of justice; nor do we conceal those injunctions of ours by which we govern our lives, they being raeuiorials of piety, and of a friendly conversation among men. And the seventh day we set apart from labour; it is dedicated to the learning of our customs and laws,* we thinking it proper lo • We may here observe the ancient practice of th» JeMH, uf dvdicKliiiK tlii; Sabbath-day, not to idlent-8ft but tu the IcantiuK tbeu: aacred rites aud reli<iuu CHAP, ir ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 435 reflect on them, as well as on any [good] thing else, in order to our avoiding of sin. If any one, therefore, examine into our observances, he will find they are good in themselves, and that they are ancient also, though some think o:<herwise, insomuch that those who have re- ceived them cannot easily be brought to de- part from thera, out of that honour they pay to the length of time they have religiously enjoyed them and observed then). Now our adversaries take these our privileges away in the way of injustice; they violently seize upon that money of ours which is oflfered to God, and called sacred money, and this openly, after a sacrilegious manner; and they impose tri- butes upon us, and bring us before tribunals on holy days, and then require other like debts of us, not because the contracts require it, »nd for their own advantage, but because they would put an affront on our religion, of which they are conscious as well as we, and have indulged themselves in an unjust, and •to them involuntary, hatred; for your govern- ment over all is one, tending to the establish- ing of benevolence, and abolishing of ill-will among such as are disposed to it. This is therefore what we implore from thee, most ex- cellent Agrippa, that we may not be ill treat- ed; that we may not be abused; that we may not be hindered from making use of our own customs, nor be despoiled of our goods; nor be forced by these men to do what we our- selves force nobody to do: for these privileges of ours are not only according to justice, but have formerly been granted us by you : and we are able to read to you many decree^of the senate, and the tables that contain them, which are still extant in the capitol concern- ing these things, which, it is evident, were granted after you had experience of our fide- lity towards you, which ought to be valued, though no such fidelity had been; for you have hitherto preserved what people were in possession of, not to us only, but aimost to all men, and have added greater advantages than they could have hoped for, and thereby j'our government is become a great advantage to thera. And if any one were able to enu- merate the prosperity you have conferred on <;very natioa, which they possess by your tneans, he could never put an end to his dis- course; but that we may demonstrate that we are not unworthy of all those advantages we have obtained, it will be sufficient for us to Bay nothing of other things, but to speak freely of this king who now governs us, and Ls now one of thy assessors; and indeed in. what instance of good- will, as to your house, hath he been deficient? What mark of fide- lity to it hath he omitted? What token of honour, hath he not devised? What occasion for his assistance of you bath be not regarded zustoms, and to the meditation on the law of Moses. The like to which we meet with elsewbece in Josephtts also, •^autft Apioa- b. i sect. ii. at the very first? What hindereth, therefore, but that your kindnesses may be as numerous as his so great benefits to you have been? It may also perhaps be fit not here tc pass over in silence the valour, of his father Anti- pater, who, when Ctesar made an expedition into Egypt, assisted him \\'ith two thousand armed men, and proved inferior to none, neither in the battles on land, nor in the ma- nagement of the navy; and what need I say any thing of how great weight those soldiers were at that juncture ? or how many, and how great presents they were vouchsafed by Caesar? And truly I ought before now to have men- tioned the epistles which Caesar wrote to the se- nate; and how Anti pater had honours, and the freedom of the city of Rome, bestowed upon him; for these are demonstrations both that we have received these favours by our own deserts, and do on that account petition thee for thy confirmation of them, from whom we had rea- son to hope for them, though they had not been given us before, both out of regard to our king's disposition towards you, and your dis- position towards him; and farther, we have been informed by those Jews that were there, with what kindness thou camest into our coun- try, and how thou offeredst the most perfect sacrifices to God, and honouredst him with remarkable vows, and how thou gavest the people a feast, and acceptedst of their own hos- pitable presents to thee. We ought to esteem all these kind entertainments made both by our nation and our dty, to a man who is the ruler and manager 6f so much of the public affairs, as indications of that friendship which thou hast returned to the Jewish nation, and which hath been procured them by the family of He- rod. So we put thee in mind of these things in the presence of the king, now sitting by thee, and make our request for no more but thie, that what you have given us yourselves, you will not see taken away by others from us." 4. When Nicolaus had made this speech, there was no opposition made to it by the Greeks, for this was not an inquiry made, as in a court of justice, but an intercession to prevent violence to be offered to the Jews any longer; nor did the Greeks make any defence of themselves, or deny what it was supposed they had done. Their pretence was no more than this, that while the Jews inhabited in their country, they were entirely unjust to them [in not joining in their worship]; but they demonstrated their generosity in this, that though they worshipped according to their own institutions, they did nothing that ought to grieve them. So when Agrippa perceived that they had been oppressed by violence, he made this answer: — That, on account of Herod's good-will and friendship, he was ready to grant the Jews whatsoever they should ask him, and that their requests seemed to him in themselves just; and that if they requested any thing farther, he should 436 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVI not scruple to grant it tbem, provided they were no way to the detriment of the Roman government; but that, while their request was no more than this, that what privileges they had already given them might not be abro- gated, he confirmed this to theni^ that they might continue in the observation of their own customs, without any one offering them the least injury; and when he had said thus, he dissolved the assembly: upon which He- rod stood up and saluted him, and gave him thanks for the kind disposition be showed to them. Agrippa also took this in a very obliging manner, and saluted him again, and embraced him in his arms; after which he went away from Lesbos; but the king deter- mined to sail from Samos to his own coun- try; and when he had taken his leave of Agrippa, he pursued his voyage, and landed at Cesarea in a few days' time, as having favourable winds; from whence he went to Jerusalem, and there gathered all the people together to an assembly, not a few being there out of the country also. So when he came to them, he gave them a particular account of all his journey, and of the afikirs of all the Jews in Asia, how by his means they would live without injurious treatment for the time to come. He also told them of the en- tire good fortune he had met with, and how he had admimstered the government, and had not neglected any thing which was for their advantage; and as he was very joyful, he now remitted to them the fourth part of their taxes for the last year. Accordingly, they were so pleased with his favour and speech to them, that they went their ways ,with great glad- ness, and wished the king all manner of hap- piness. CHAPTER IIL HOW GREAT DISTURBANCES AROSE IN HEROD's FAMILY ON HIS PREFERRING ANTIl'ATlill, HIS ELDEST SON, BEFORE THE REST, TILL ALEXANDER TOOK THAT INJURY VERY HEINOUSLY. § 1. But now the affairs in Herod's family were in more and more disorder, and became more severe upon him, by the hatred of Salome to the young men [Alexander and Aristobu- lus], which descended as it were by inheritance [from their mother Mariamne]: and as she had fully succeeded against their mother, so she proceeded to that degree of madness and insolence, as to endeavour that none of her posterity might be left alive, who might have it in their power to revenge her death. The young men had also somewhat of a bold and uneasy disposition towards their father, occa- sioned by the remembrance of what their mother had unjustly suffered, and by their own affectation of dominion. The old grudge was als«» renewed; and they cast reproaches on Saiom« and Pheroras, who requited the young men with malicious designs, and actually laid treacherous snares for them. Now, as for this hatred, it was equal on both sides, but the manner of exerting that hatred was dif- ferent; for as for the young men, they were rash, reproaching and affronting the others openly, and were inexperienced enough to think it the most generous to declare their minds in that undaunted manner; but the others did not take that method, but made use of calumnies after a subtile and a spite- ful manner, still provoking the young men,. and imagining that their boldness nii>;ht in time turn to the offering violence to their father, for inasmuch as they were not ashamed of the pretended crimes of their mother, nor thought she suffered justly, these su[.i,used that might at length exceed all boundh, and induce them to think they ought to be avenged on their father, though it were by dispatchnig- him with their own hands. At length it came to this, that the whole eity was full of their discourses, and, as is usual in such contests, the unskilfulness of the }oung meu was pitied J but the contrivance of Salome was too hard for them, and what imputa- tions she laid upon them came to be believed, by means of their own conduct; for they were so deeply affected with the death of their mother, that while they said both she and themselves were in a miserable case, they vehemently complained of her pitiable end> w^ch indeed was truly such, and aaid that they were themselves in a pitiable "^ase also> because they were forced to live with those that had been her murderers, and to be par- takers with them. 2. These disorders increased greatly, and the king's absence abroad had afforded a fit opportunity for that increase; but as soon as Herod was returned, and had made the fore- mentioned speech to the multitude, Pheroras and Salome let fall words immediately, as ii he were in great danger, and as if the young men openly threatened that they wouU not spare him any longer, but revenge their mother's death upon him. They also added another circumstance, that their hopes were fixed on Archelaus,the king of Cappadocia, that they should be able by his means to come to C^iesar, and accuse their father. Upon hearing such things, Herod was immediately dis- turbed ; and indeed was the more astonished, because the same things were related to him by some others also. He then called to mind his former calamity, and considered that the disorders in his family had hindered him from enjoying any comfort from those that were dearest to him, or from his wife whom he loved so well; and suspecting that his future troubles would soon be heavier and {>reater than those that were past, he was in gretU CHAP. IV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 437 confusion of mind, for divine Providence had in reality conferred upon him a great many outward advantages for his happiness, even beyond his hopes, — but the troubles he had at home were such as he never expected to have met with, and rendered him unfortunate; nay, both sorts came upon him to such a degree as no one could imagine, and made it a doubtful question, whether, upon the com- parison of both, he ought to have exchanged so great a success of outward good things for so great misfortunes at home, or whether he ought not to have chosen to avoid the cala- mities relating to his family, though he had, for a compensation, never been possessed of the admired grandeur of a kingdom. 3. As be was thus disturbed and afflicted, in order to depress these young men, he brought to court another of his sons, that was bom to him >vhen he was a private man ; his name was Antipater: yet did he not then indulge him as he did afterwards, when he was quite overcome by him, and let him do every thing as he pleased, but rather with a design of depressing the insolence of the sons of Mariam- ne, and managing this elevation of bis son, that it might be for a warning to them; for this bold behaviour of theirs [be thought] would not be so great, if they were once persuaded that the succession to the kingdom did not appertain to them alone, or must of necessity come to them. So he introduced Antipater as their antagonist, and imagined that he made a good provision for discouraging their pride, and that after this was done to the young men, there might be a proper season for expecting these to be of a better disposition : but the event proved otherwise than he intended, for the young men thought he did them a very great injury; and as Antipater was a shrewd man, when he had once obtained this degree of freedom, and began to expect greater things than he had before hoped for, he had but one single design in his head, and that was to dis- tress his brethren, and not^t all to yield to them the pre-eminence, but to keep close to his father, who was already alienated from them by the calumnies he had heard about them, and ready to be wrought upon in any way his zeal against them should advise him to pursue, that he might be continually more and more severe against them. Accordingly, all the reports that were spread abroad came from him, while he avoided himself the sus- picion, as if those discoveries proceeded from him: but he rather chose to make use of those persons for his assistants that were un- suspected, and such as might be believed to speak truth by reason of the good- will they bore to the king ; and indeed there were already not a few who cultivated a friendship with Antipater, in hopes of gaining somewhat by him, and these were the men who most of all persuaded Herod, because they appeared to speak thus out of their good- will to him: and while these joint accusations, which, from various foundations, supported one another's veracity, the young men themselves afforded farther occasions to Antipater also; for they were observed to shed tears often, on account of the injury that was offered them, and had their mother in their mouths; and among their friends they ventured to reproach their father, *s not acting justly by them: all which things were with an evil intention reserved in me- mory by Antipater against a proper oppor- tunity; and when they were told to Herod, with aggravations, increased the disorder so much, that it brought a great tumult into the family; for while the king was very angry at imputations that were laid upon the sons of Ma- riamne, and was desirous to humble them, he still increased the honour that he had bestowed on Antipater, and was at last so overcome by his persuasions, that he brought his mother to court also. He also wrote frequently to Caesar in favour of him, and more earnestly recom- mended him to his care particularly. And when Agrippa was returned to Rome, after he had finished his ten years' government in Asia,* Herod sailed from Judea; and when he met with him, he 4iad none with him but An- tipater, whom he delivered to Agrippa, that he might take him along with him, together with many presents, that so he might become Ciesar's friend, insomuch that things already looked as if he had all his father's .favour, and that the young men were already entirely rejected from any hopes of the kingdom. CHAPTER IV. HOW, DURING ANTIPATEr's ABODE AT ROME, HEROD BROUGHT ALEXANDER AND ARIS- TOBULUS BEFORE C^SAR, AND ACCUSED THEM. Alexander's defence of him- self BEFORE C^SAR, AND RECONCILIATION TO HIS FATHER. § 1. And now what happened during Anti- pater's absence augmented the honour to which he had been promoted, and his apparent eminence above his brethren; for he had mad a great figure in Rome, because Herod had sent recommendations of him to all his friends there; only he was grieved that he was not at home, nor had proper opportunities of perpe- tually calumniating his brethren; and his chief fear was, lest his father should alter his mind, and entertain a more favourable opinion of the sons of Mariamne; and as he had this in his mind, he did not desist from his purpose, but continually sent from Rome any such stories as he hoped might grieve and irritate ♦ This interval of ten years for the duration of Marcus Agrip;>a's government in Asia, seeros t> be tmr, and agreeable to the Roman history. See Usher's Annala at AH. U39;^ 438 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVL his father against his brethren, under pretence indeed of a deep concern for his preservation, but in truth, such as his malicious mind dic- tated, in order to purchase a greater hope of the succession, which yet was already great in itself: and thus he did till he had excited such a degree of anger in Herod, that he was already become very ill disposed towards the young men; but still, while he delayed #1 exercise so violent a disgust against them, and that he might not either be too remiss or too rash, and so offend, he thought it best to sail to Rome, and there accuse his sons before Caesar, and not indulge himself in any such crime as might be heinous enough to be sus- pected of impiety. But as he was going up to Rome, it happened that he made such haste as to meet with Caesar at the city Aquilei:* 80 when he came to the speech of Caesar, he asked for a time for hearing this great cause, wherein he thought himself very miserable, and presented his sons there, and accused them of their mad actions, and of their attempts against him: — That they were ene- mies to him ; and, by all the means they were able, Ad their endeavours to show their hatred to their own father, and .would take away his life, and so obtain his kingdom, after the most barbarous manner: that he had power from Caesar to dispose of it, not by necessity, but by choice, to him who shall exercise the greatest piety towards him; while these my bons are not so desirous of ruling, as they are, upon a disappointment thereof, to expose their own life, if so be they may but deprive their father of his life ; so wild and polluted is their mind by time become, out of their hatred to him: that whereas he had a long time borne this his misfortune, he was now compelled to lay it before Caesar, and to pollute his ears with such language; while he himself wants to know what severity they have ever suffered from him, or what hardships he had ever laid upon them, to make them complain of him; and how they can think it just that he should not be lord of that kingdom which he, in a long time, and with great danger, had gained, and not allow him to keep it and dispose of it to him who should deserve best; and this, with other advantages, he proposes as a reward for the piety of such a one as will here- after imitate the care he hath taken of it; and that such a one may gain so great a requital as that is: and that it is an impious thing for them to pretend to meddle with it before- hand, for he who hath ever the kingdom in • Althont^h Herod met Aiit^ustus at Aquilei, yet was tl»i« aci-.tiHutton of hi* ions deterred till they came to Home, us s. 3 assures us, and as we are particularly informed in ttie History of the War, b i c. xxiii. s. 3. tiiounh what he here says belonj^ed distinctly to Alexander, the elder bro- ther, 1 mean his heinK hruu({ht to Kome, is here JHstly ex- tended tu both the brotherN,an<l that not only in ourcopies. but in that o( Zunaras also: nor is there reason to doulx but they were both at this solemn hearing by Augustus, al- ttiotigh the defence wan ntutle by Alexander alone, who w«k 0«r e»dr«t hT«>iher. Mid one that could »pcal> very well. his view, at the same time reckons upon pro- curing the death of his father, because other- wise he cannot come at the goveriunent: that as for himself, he had hitherto given them all that he was able, and what was agreeable to such as are subject to the royal authority, and the sons of a king; what ornaments they wanted, with servants and delicate fare, and had married them into the most illustrious families, the one [Aristobulus] to his sister's daughter, but Alexander to the daughter of king Archelaus; and, what was the greatest- favour of all, when their crimes were so very bad, and he had authority to punish them, yet had he not made use of it against them, but had brought them before Caesar, their common benefactor, and had not used the severity which either as a father who had been impiously abused, or as a king who had been assaulted treacherously, he miglit have done, but made them stand upon the level with him in judgment: that, however, it was ne- cessary that all this should not be passed over without punishment, nor himself live in the greatest fears; nay, that it was not for their own advantage to see the light of the sun after what they had done, although they should escape at this time, since they had done the vilest things, and would certainly suffer the greatest punishments that ever were known among mankind. 2. These were the accusations which He- rod laid with great veheniency against his sons before Caesar. Now the young men, both while he was speaking, and chiefly at his concluding, wept, and were in confusion. Now as to themselves, they knew in their own conscience they were innocent, but because they were accused by their father, they were sensible, as the truth was, that it was hard for them to make their apology, since though they were at liberty to speak their minds freely as the occasion required, and might with force and earnestness refute the accusation, yet was it not noflr decent so to do. There was therefore a dithculty how they should be able to speak; and tears, and at length a deep groan followed, while they were afraid, that if they said nothing, they should seem to be in this difficulty from a consciousness of guiit, — nor had they any defence ready, by reason of their youth, and the disorder they were under; yet was not Caesar unapprised, when he looked upon them in the confusion they were in, that their delay to make their defence did not arise from any consciousness of great enormities, but from their unskilfulness and modesty. They were also commiserated by those that were there in particular; and they moved their father's affections in earnest till he had much ado to conceal them. 3. But when they saw there was a kind disposition arisen both in him, and in Caesar, and that every one of the rest did either shed tears, or at least did all grieve with them, the CHAP. IV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 439 one of thern, whose name was Alexander, called to his father, and attempted to answer his accusation, and said, " O father, the benevo- ience thou hast showed to us is evident, even in this very judicial procedure, for hadst thou any pernicious intentions about us, thou hadst not produced us here before the common saviour of all, for it was in thy power, both is a king and as a father, to punish the guilty ; but by thus bringing us to Rome, and making Caesar himself a witness to what is done, thou intimatest that thou intendest to save us ; for no one that hath a design to slay a man will bring him to the temples, and to the altars: yet are our circumstances still worse, for we caniiot endure to live ourselves any longer, if it be believed that we have iujured such a father; nay, perhaps it would be worse for us to live with this suspicion upon us, that we have injured him, than to die without such guilt: and if our open defence «nay be taken to be true, we shall be happy, both in paqMiig thee, and in escaping the danger we ar^~ in; but if this calumny so prevails, it is more than enough for us that we have seen the s«n this day ; whicl> why should we see, if this suspicion be fixed upon us? Now it is easy to say of young men, that they desired to reign; and to say farther, that this evil proceeds from the case o£ our unhappy mother. This is abundantly suffi- cient to produce our present raisibrtune out of the former; but consider well, whether such an accusation does not suit all such young men, and may not be said of them all promiscuous- iy; for nothing can hinder him that reigns, if be have children, and their mother be dead, but the father may have a suspicion upon all his sons, as intending some treachery to him : but a suspicion is not sufficient to prove such an impious practice. Now let any man say, whether we have actually and insolently at- tempted any such thing, whereby actions other- vrise incredible used to be made credible? Can any body prove that poison hath been prepared ? or prove a conspiracy of our equals, or the corruption of servants, or letter/ written against thee? thotigh indeed there are none of tho=*} things but have sometimes been pretended ^' way of calumny, when they were never done; for a royal family that is »t variance with itself is a terrible thing; and that which thou callest a reward of piety, often becomes, among very wicked men, such a foundation of hope, as makes them leave no sort of mischief untried. Nor does any one lay any wicked practices to our charge; but as to calumnies by hearsay, how can he put an end to them, who will not hear what we nave to say? Have we talked \vith too great treedora? yes; but not against thee, for that would be unjust, but against those that never conceal any thing that is spoken to them. Hath either of us lamented our mother? yes; .rUt not because she is dead, but because she was evil spoken of by those that had no reason so to do. Are we desirous of that domi- nion which we know our father is possessed of? For what reason can we do so ? If we already have royal honours, as we have, should not we labour in vain? And if we have them not, yet are not we in hopes of them? Or supposing that we had killed thee, could we expect to obtain thy kingdom? while neither the earth would let us tread upon it, nor the sea let us sail upon it, after such an action as that: nay, the religion of all your subjects, and the piety of the whole nation, would have prohibited parricides from assuming the go- vernment, and from entering into that most holy temple which was built by thee.* But suppose we had made light oi other dangers, can any murderer go off unpunished while Caesar is alive? We are thy sons, and not so impious, or so thoughtless as that comes to, though perhaps more unfortunate than is con venient for thee. But in case thou neither findest any causes of complaint, nor any treacherous designs, what sufficient evidence hast thou to make such a wickedness of ours credible? Our mother is dead indeed, but then what befel her might be an instruction to us to caution, and not an incitement to wickedness. We are willing to make a larger apology for ourselves; but actions never done do not admit of discourse: nay, we will make this agreement with thee, and that before Caesar, the lord of all, who is now a mediator between us, if thou, O father, canst bring thy- self, by the evidence of truth, to have a mind free from suspicion concerning us, let us live, though even then we shall live in an un- happy way, for to be accused of great acts of wickedness, though falsely, is a terrible thing; but if thou hast any fear remaining, continue thou on in thy pious life, we will give this reason for our own conduct; our life is not so desirable to us as to desire to have it, if it tend to the harm of our father who gave it us." 4. When Alexander had thus spoken, Cae- sar, who did not before believe so gross a calumny, was still more moved by it, and looked intently upon Herod, and , perceived he was a little confounded : the persons there present were under an anxiety about the young men, and the fame that was spread abroad made the king hated, for the very • Since some prejudiced men have indaltced a wild suspicion, as we have supposed already (Antiq b. xv. ch. xi. sect. 7^, that Josephus's history of Herod's re- building the temple is no tietter than a fable, it nay not be amiss to take notice of this occasional clause in the sp(>ech of Alexandt-r before his father Herod, in his and his brother's viodicatioo, which mentions the temple as known by every body to have been built by Herod. See John ii 20. See also another speech of Herod's own to the young men that pulled down his golden eagle from the front of the temple, where he takes notice how the building of the temple cost him a vast sum; and that the Asamoneans, in those one hundred and twenty-five years they held the government, were not able to per- form so great a work, to tiie honour of God as this WM, Antiq. b. xvii. ch- vL secU A 440 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVI, incredibility of the calumny, and the commi- seration of the flower of youth, the beauty of bod>, which were in the young men, pleaded strongly for assistance, and the more so on this account, that Alexander had made their defence with dexterity and prudence; nay, they did not themselves any longer continue in their former countenances, which had been bedewed with tears, and cast downwards to the ground, but now there arose in them hope of the best: and the king himself appeared not to have had foundation enough to build such an accusation upon, he having no real evidence wherewith to convict them. Indeed he wanted some apology for making the accusation; but Caesar, after some delay, said, that although the young men were thoroughly ijinocent of that for which they were calum- niated, yet had they been so far to blame, that they had not demeaned themselves towards their father so as to prevent that suspi- cion which was spread abroad concerning thera. He also exhorted Herod to lay all such suspicions aside, and to be reconciled to his sons; for that it was not just to give any credit to such reports -concerning his own children; and that this repentance on both sides might heal those breaches that had hap- pened between them, and might improve that their good- will to one another, whereby those on both sides, excusing the rashness of their suspicions, might resolve to bear a greater degree of affection towards each other than they had before. After Caesar had given them this admonition, he beckoned to the young men. When, therefore, they were disposed to fall down, to make intercession to their father, he took them up, and embraced them, as they were in tears, and took each of them distinctly in his arms, till not one of those that were present, whether freeman or slave, but was deeply affected with what they saw. 5. Then did they return thanks to Caesar, and went away together ; and with them went Anti pater, with an hypocritical pretence that he rejoiced at this reconciliation. And in the last days they were with Caesar, Herod made bim a present of three hundred talents, as he was then exhibiting shows and largesses to the people of Rome: and Caesar made him a pre- sent of half the revenue of the copper mines in Cyprus, and committed the care of the other half to bim, and honoured him with other gifts and incomes: and as to his own kingdom, he left it in his power to appoint which of his sons he pleased for bis successor, or to distribute it in parts to every one, that the dignity might thereby come to them all; and when Herod was disposed to make such a settlement immediately, Csesar said he would not give him leave to deprive himsell', while he was alive, of the power over his kingdom, or over his /»ons. 9. After this, Herod returned to Judca again ; but during his absence, no small part of his dominions about Trachou had revolted, whom yet the commanders he left there had vanquished, and compelled to a submission again. Now, as Herod was sailing with his sons, and was come over-agaiitst Cilicia, to [the island] Eleusa, which hath now changed its name for Sebaste, he met with Archelaus, king of Cuppadocia, who received him kindly, as rejoicing that he was reconciled to his sons, and that the accusation against Alexander, who had married his daughter, was at an end. They also made one another such presents as it became kings to make. From thence Herod came to Judea and to the ternple, where he made a speech to the people concerning what bad been done in this his journey: he also discoursed to them about Caesar's kind- ness to him, and about as many of the parti- culars he had done as he thought it for his advantage other people should be acquainted with. At last he turned his speech to the ad- monition of his sons; and exhorted those that lived at court, and the multitude, to concord; and informed them that his sons were to reign after him; Antipater first, and then Alexan- der and Aristobulus, the sons of Mariannie; but he desired that at present they should all have regard to himself, and esteem him king and lord of all, since he vi^as not yet hindered by old age, but was in that period of life when he must be the most skilful in governing; and that he was not deficient in other aits of ma- nagement that might enable him to govern the kingdom well, and to rule over his children also. He farther told the rulers under him, and the soldiery, that in case they would look upon him alone, their life would be led in a peaceable manner, and they would make one another happy; and when he bad said this, he dismissed the assembly. Which speech was acceptable to the greatest part of the audience, but not so to them all; for the contention among his sons, and the hopes he had given them, occasioned thoughts and desires of in- novations among them. CHAPTER V. HOW HEROD CELKBRATED THE GAMES THAT WERE TO RETURN EVERY FIFTH YEAR, UPON THE BUILDING OF CESAREA ; AND HOW HE BUILT AND ADORNED MANY OTHER PLACES AFTER A MAGNIFICENT MANNER; AND DID MANY OTHER ACTIONS GLOUW OUSLY. § 1. About this time it was tliat Ces'irea Sebaste, which he hud built, was hiushed. The entire building being aceouiphsheu in the tenth year, the soloinnit}' of it tvll into the twenty-eighth yi-ar of hrrodV i\-i^t\, «^/i into the hunurud uiio iiincty-kucuiKi ulympiad -^^E. CHAP. T. ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS* 441 theTC was accordingly a great festival, and most sumptuous preparations made presently, in order to its dedication ; for he had appoint- ^ ed a contention in music, and games to be performed naked; he bad also gotten ready a great number of those that fight single com- bats, and of beasts for the like purpose; horse- races also, and the most chargeable of such sports and shows as used to be exhibited at Rome, and in other places. He consecrated this combat to Caesar, and ordered it to be celebrated every fifth year. He also sent all sorts of ornaments for it out of his own fur- niture, that it might want nothing to make it decent; nay, Julia, Ciesar's wife, sent a great part of her most valuable furniture [from Rome],.insomuch that he had no want of any thing; the sum of them all was estimated at five hundred talents. Now when a great multitude was conae to that city to see the shows, as well as the ambassadors whom other people sent, on account of the benefits they had received [from Herod], be entertained them all in the public inns, and at public tables, and with perpetual feasts; this solem- nity having in the day-time the diversions of the fights, and in the night-time such merry iheetings as cost vast sums of money,- and publicly demonstrated the generosity of his soul ; for in all his undertakings he was am- bitious to exhibit what exceeded whatsoever had been done before of the same kind ; and it is related that Caesar and Agrippa often said, that the dominions of Herod were too little for the greatness of his soul ; for that he deserved to have both all the kingdom of Syria, and that of Egypt also. 2. After this solemnity and these festivals were over, Herod erected another city in the plain called Capharsaba, where he chose out a fit place, both for plenty of water and good- ness of soil, and proper for the production of what was there planted, where a river encom- passed the city itself, and a grove of the best trees for magnitude was round about it; this he named Antipatris, from his father Antipa- ter. He also built upon another spot of ground above Jericho, of the same name with his mother, a place of great security, and very pleasant for habitation, and called it Cyprus. He also dedicated the finest monuments to his brother Phasaelus, on account of the great natural affection there had been between them, by erecting a tower in the city itself, not less than the tower of Pharos, which he named Phasaelus, which was at once a part of the strong defences of the city, and a memorial for him that was deceased, because it bare his name. He also built a city of the same name in the valley of Jericho, as you go from it northward, whereby he rendered the neigh- bouring country more fruitful, by the culti- vation its inhabitants introduced ; and this also he called Phasaelus. 3. But as fur his other benefits, it is impos- sible to reckon them up, those which he be* stowed O' cities, both in Syria and in Greece, and in all the places he came to in his voy- ages; for he seems to have conferred, and that after a most plentiful manner, what would minister to many necessities, and the build- ing of public works, and gave them the money that was necessary tp such works as wanted it, to support them upon the failure of their other revenues; but what was the greatest and most illustrious of all his works, he erected Apollo's temple at Rhodes, at bis own expenses, and gave them a great num- ber of talents of silver for the repair of their fleet. He also built the greatest part of the public edifices for the innauitants of Nicopo- lis, at Actium ;* and for the Antiochians, the inhabitants of the principal city of Syria, where a broad street cuts through the place lengthways, he built cloisters along it on both sides, and laid the open road with polished stone, which was of very great advantage to the inhabitants; and as to the Olympic games, which were in a very low condition, by reason of the failure of their revenues, he recovered their reputation, and appointed revenues for their maintenance, and made that solemn meeting more venerable, as to the sacrifices and other ornaments; and by reason of this vast liberality, he was generally de- clared in their inscriptions to be one of the perpetual managers of those games. 4. Now some there are who stand amazed at the diversity of Herod's nature and pur- poses; for when we have respect to his mag-* nificence, and the benefits which he bestowed on all mankind, there is no possibility for even those that had the least respect for him to deny, or not openly to confess, that he had a nature vastly beneficent: but when any one looks upon the punishments he inflicted, and the injuries he did, not only to his subjects, but to his nearest relations, and takes notice of his severe and unrelenting disposition there he will be forced to allow that he was brutish, and a stranger to all humanity; insomuch that these men suppose his nature to be dif- ferent, and sometimes at contradiction with itself; but I am myself of another opinion, and imagine that the occasion of both these sorts of actions was one and the same; for being a man ambitious of honour, and quite overcome by that passion, he was induced to be magnificent, wherever there appeared any hopes of a future memorial, or of reputa- tion at present; and as his expenses were beyond his abilities, he was necessitated to be harsh to his subjects; for the persons on whom he expended his money were so many, that they made him a very bad procurer • Dr. Hudson here {fives us the words of .Suetoniui C)Dcerning this Nicopojis. when Augustus rebuilt it:— *> And that the inemor> (if the victory at Actium mii^ht be celebrated ttie more afterward, he built Nicopolis ai Actium. and appointed puhix shows to be there exhibited every fiftti year." In August sccL ISL 442 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK XVI of it; and because he was conscious that he was hated by those under him, for the injuries he did them, he thought it not an easy thing to amend his offences, for that was inconvenient for his revenue; he therefore strove on the other side to make their ill-will an occasion of his gains. As to his own court, therefore, if any one was not very obsequious to him in his language, and would not confess himself to be his slave, or but seemed to think of any innovation in his go- vernment, he was not able to contain himself, but prosecuted his very kindred and friends, and putiished them as if they were enemies; and this wickedness he undertook out of a desire that he might be himself alone honoured. Novv for this my assertion about that passion of his, we have the greatest evidence, by what he did to honour Caesar and Agrippa, and his other friends; for with what honours he paid his respects to them who were his superiors, the same did he desire to be paid to himself; and what he thought the most ex- cellent present he could make another, he discovered an inclination to have the like pre- sented to himself; but novv the Jewish nation is by their law a stranger to all such things, and accustomed to prefer righteousness to glory; for which reason that nation was not agreeable to him, because it was out of their power to flatter the king's ambition with sta- tues or temples, or any other such perform- ances; and this seems to me to have been at once the occasion of Herod's crimes a's to his own courtiers and counsellors, and of his bene- factions as to foreigners and those that had no relation to him. CHAPTER VL AN EMBASSAGE OF THE JEWS IN GYRENE AND ASIA TO CiESAU, CONCERNING THE COM- PLAINTS THEY HAD TO MAKE AGAINST THE GREEKS; WITH COPIES OF THE EPIS- TLES WHICH C^SAR AND AGRIPPA WROTE TO THE CITIES FOR THEM. § I. Now the cities ill-treated the Jews in Asia, and all those also of the same nation which hved in Libya, which joins to Cyrene, while the former kings had given them equal privileges with the other citizens; but the Greeks affronted them at this time, and that 80 far as to take away their sacred money, and to do them mischief on other particular occasions. When, therefore, they were thus b/jfUcled, and found no end of the barbarous treatment they met with among the Greeks, they sent ambassadors to Caisar on those accounts; who gave them the same privileges as they had before, and sent letters to the same purpose to the governors of the pro- rinoes, copies of which 1 subjoin here, us testimonials of the ancient favourable dispo sition the Roman emperors had towards us. 2. " Caesar Augustus, high-priest and tri- bune of the people, ordains thus: — Since the | nation of the Jews have been found grateful to the Roman people, not only at this time, but in times past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus the high-priest, under iny father,* Caesar the emperor, it seemed good to me and my coun- sellors, according to the sentence and oath of the people of Rome, that the Jews have liberty to make use of their own customs, according to the law of their forefathers, as they made use of them under Hyrcanus, the high-priest of Almighty God; and that their sacred money be not touched, but be sent to Jerusalem, and that it be committed^ to the care of the jecei vers at Jerusalem; and that they be not obliged to go before any judge on the Sabbath-day, nor on the day of the preparation to it, after the ninth hour;t but if any be caught stealing their holy books, or their sacred money, whether it be out of the synagogue or public school, he shall be deemed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall be brought into the public treasury of the Romans. And I give order, that the testi- monial which they have given me, on account of my regard to that piety which 1 exercise toward all mankind, and out of regard to Caius Marcus Censorinus, together with the present decree, be proposed in that most euji- nent place which hath been consecrated to me by the community of Asia at Ancyra. And if any one transgress any part of what is above decreed, he shall be severely punished." This was inscribed upon a pillar in the temple of Caesar. 3. " Caesar to Norbanus Flaccus, sendeth greeting. Let those Jews, how many soever they be, who have been used, according to their ancient custom, to send their sacred money to Jerusalem, do the same freely." These were the decrees of Caesar. 4. Agrippa also did himself write, after the manner following, on behalf of the Jews: — " Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. I will that the care and custody of the sacred money that is carried to the te.7:ple at Jeru- salem be left to the Jews of Asia, to do with it according to their ancient custom ; and that such as steal that sacred money of the Jews, and fly to a sanctuary, shall be taken thence and delivered to the Jews, by the same law that sacrilegious persons are taken thence. I have also written to Sylvanus the pretor, that no one compel the Jews to come before a judge on the Sabbath-day." • Augustus here calls Julius Cflssar his/ather, though by birth he was only his uncle, on account ot his aduptioa by him. See the same. Antiq. b. xiv. ch. xiv. sect. 4. ■f 'J'his is authentic evidcncif that the Jews in the days of Augustus, beRan to prepare for t!ie celebration of th» Nabliudi iti ibe ninth hour on IVitiay. as the tradttioa Of uf the elders did, it seeius, tbeu letiuire of Ibeiu. CHAP. VII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 443 5. "Marcus Agrippa to the magistrates, se- nate, and people of Cyrene, sendeth greeting. The Jews of Cyrene have interceded with me fnr the performance of what Augustus sent orders about to Flavius, the then pretor of Libya, and to the other procurators of that province, that the sacred money may be sent to Jerusalem freely, as hath been their custom from their forefathers, they complaining that they are abused by certain informers, and, un- der pretence of taxes which were not due, ure hindered from sending them; which I com- mand to be restored without any diminution or disturbance given to them: and if any of that sacred money in the cities be taken from Iheir proper receivers, I farther enjoin, that the same he exactly returned to the Jews in that place." 6. " Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul, to the magistrates of the Sardians, sendeth greeting. Caesar hath written to me, and commanded me not to forbid the Jews, how many soever they be, from assembling toge- ther according to the custom of their fore- fathers, nor from sending their money to Jerusalem: I have therefore written to you, that you may know that both Caesar and 1 would have you act accordingly." 7. Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul, write otherwise. " To the magistrates, se- nate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. As I was dispensing justice at Ephesus, on the ides of February, the Jews that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me that Augustus and Agrippa had permitted them to use their own laws and customs, and to offer those their first-fruits, which every one of them freely offers to the Deity on account of piety, and to carry them in a company toge- ther to Jerusalem without disturbance. They also petitioned me, that I would confirm what had been granted by Augustus and Agrippa by my own sanction. I would there- fore have you take notice, that, according to the will of Augustus and Agrippa, I permit them to use and do according to the customs of their forefathers without disturbance." 8. I have been obliged to set down these decrees, because the present history of our own acts will go generally among the Greeks; and I have hereby demonstrated to them, that we have formerly been in great esteem, and have not been prohibited by those governors we were under from keeping any of the laws of our forefathers; nay, that we liave been supported by them, while we followed our own religion, and the worship we paid to God: and I frequently make mention of these de- crees, in order to reconcile other people to us, and to take away the causes of that hatred which unreasonable men bear to us. As for our customs,* there is no nation which always • The remainin-i pirt of this chapter is remarkable, as justly distinguishing natural justice, rt-ligiou, and Jity, from positive uistitutiuns, in all countries, makes use of the same, and in every city almost we meet with them different from one another; but natural justice is most agreeable to the advantage of all men equally, both Greeks and barbarians, to which our laws have the greatest regard, and thereby render us, if we abide in them after a pure manner, benevolent and friendly to all men: on which account we have reason to expect the like return from others, and to inform them that they ought not to esteem difference of positive institutions a sufficient cause of alienation, but [join with us in] the pursuit of virtue and probity, for this belongs to all men in common, and of itself alone is sufficient for the preservation ol human life. I now return to the thread of my history. CHAPTER VII. HOW, UPON HEROD's GOING DOWN INTO David's sepulchue, the sedition in his family greatly increased. § 1. As for Herod, he had spent vast sum? about the cities, both without and within hi^ own kingdom: and as he had before heard that Hyrcanus, who had been king before him, had opened David's sepulchre, and taken out of it three thousand talents of silver, and that there was a much greater number left behind, and indeed enough to suffice all his wants, he had a great while an intention to make the attempt; and at this time he opened that sepulchre by night, and went into it, and endeavoured that it should not be at all known in the city, but took only his most faithful friends with him. As for any money, he found none, as Hyrcanus hadrlone, but that furniture of gold, and those precious goods that were laid up there; all which he took away. However, he had a great desire to make a more diligent search, and to go farther in, even as far as the very bodies of David and Solomon; where two of his guards were slain, by a flame that burst out upon those that went in, as the report was. So he was terribly affrighted, and went out, and built a propitiatory monument of that fright he had been in; and this of white stone, at the mouth of the sepulchre, and that at * great expense also. And even Mcolausf hi& and evidently preferring the former before the latter, as did the true prophets of <iod alwavs under the Old Testament, and Christ and his apostles always under the New; whence our Jusephus seems to have been at this time nearer Christianity than were the Scribes and Pharisees of his age; who, as we know from the New Testament, were entirely of a different opinion and practice. + It is here worth our observation, how careful Jose- phus was as to the discoveiy of truth in Herod's history, since he would not follow Mcolaus of Damascus him- self, so great an historian, where there was great reason to suspect that he had flattered Merod; which impar. tiality in history Josephus here solemnly professes, and ot which impartiality b« has given mon« d'tmuuBlration* 444 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVI. historiographer makes mention of this monu- ment built by Herod, though he does not mention his going .down into the sepulchre, as knowing that action to be of ill repute; and many other things he treats of in *,he same manner in his book; for he wrote in Herod's lifetime, and under his reign, and so as to please him, and as a servant to him, touching upon nothing but what tended to his glory, and openly excusing many of his noto- rious crimes, and very diligently concealing them. And as he was desirous to put hand- some colours on the death of Mariamne and her sons, which were barbarous actions in the king, he tells falsehoods about the inconti- nence of Mariamne, and the treacherous designs of his sons upon him; and thus he proceeded in his whole work, making a pom- pous encomium upon what just actions he had done, but earnestly apologizing for his unjust ones. Indeed, a man, as I said, may have a great deal to say by way of excuse for Nico- laus, for he did not so properly write this as a history for others, as somewhat that might be subservient to the king himself. As for our- selves, who come of a family nearly allied to the Asamonean kings, and on that account have an honourable place, which is the priest- hood, we think it indecent to say any thing that is false about them, and accordingly we have described their actions after an unble- mished and upright manner. And although we reverence many of Herod's posterity, who still reign, yet do we pay a greater regard to truth than to them, and this though it some- times happens that we incur their displeasure by so doing. 2. And indeed Herod's troubles in his fami^ seemed to be augmented, by reason of this attempt he made upon David's sepulchre; vvhether divine vengeance increased the cala- mities he lay under, in order to render them incurable, or whether fortune made an assault upon him, in those cases, wherein the season- ableness of the cause made it strongly believed that the calamities came upon him for his mpiety; for the tumult was like a civil war n his palace; and their hatred towards one another was like that where each one strove to exceed another in calumnies. However, Antipater used stratagems perpetually against his brethren, and that very cunningly : while broad he loaded them with accusations, but still took upon him frequently to apologize for them, that this apparent benevolence to them might make him be believed, and for- ward his attempts against them; by which means he, after various manners, circumvented his father, who believed that all he did was for his preservation. Herod also recommended Ptolemy, who was a great director of the than almost any other historian; but as to Hrrod'n taking great wealth out of David's «piilr.hre. th«.iH5»i I csjiiiot prove it, jet do 1 itronijly suspect it ironi U»ie *»rjr history. affairs of his kingdom, to Antipater; and consulted with his mother about the public affairs also. And indeed these were all in all, and did what they pleased, and made the king angry against any other persons, as they thought it might be to their own advantage: but still the sons of Mariamne were in a worse and worse condition perpetually; and while they were thrust out, and set in a more dishonourable rank, who yet by birth were the most noble, they could not bear the disho- nour. And for the women, Glaphyra, Alex- ander's wife, the daughter of Archelaus, hated Salome, both because of her love to her husband, and because Glaphyra seemed to behave herself somewhat insolently towards Salome's daughter, who was the wife of Aristobulus, which «. Uality of hers to herself Glaphyra took very impatiently. 3. Now, besides this second contention that had fallen among them, neither did the king's brother Pheroras keep himself out of trouble, but had a particular foundation for sus- picion and hatred; for he was overcome with the charms of his wife, to such a degree of madness, that he despised the king's daugh- ter, to whom he had been betrothed, and wholly bent his mind to the other, who had been but a servant. Herod also was grieved, by the dishonour that was done him, because he had bestowed many favours upon him, and had advanced him to that height of power that he was almost a partner with him in the kingdom; and saw that he had not made him a due return for his favours, and esteemed himself unhappy on that account. So upon Pheroras's unworthy refusal, he gave the damsel to Phasaelus's son; but after some time, when he thought the heat of his bro- ther's affections was over, he blamed liiin for his former conduct, and desired him to take his second daughter, whose name was Cypros. Ptolemy also advised him to leave off aitront- ing his brother, and to forsake her whom ho had loved, for that it was a base thing to be so enamoured of a servant, as to deprive' him- self of the king's good-will to him, and be- come an occasion of his trouble, and make himself hated by him. Pheroras knew that this advice would be for his own advantage, particularly because he had been accused before, and forgiven; so he put his wife away, although he already had a son by her, and engaged to the king that he would take his second daughter, and agreed that the thirtieth day after should be the day of marriage; and sware he would have no farther conversation with her whom he had put away; but when the thirty days were over, he was such a slave to his affections, that he no longer performed any thing he had promised, but continued still with his former wife. This occasioned Herod to grieve ope»dy, and made him angrv, while the king dropped one word or other against Pheroras perpetually; iuid many made CHAP. VII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 445 the king's ancrer an opportunity for raising calumnies against him. Nor bad the king any longer a single quiet day or hour, but occasions of one iresh quarrel or another arose among his relations, and those that were dear- est to him ; for Salome was of a harsh tem- per, and ill-natured to Mariamne's sons; nor would she sulFer her own daughter, who was the wife of Aristobulus, one of those young man, to bear a good-will to her husband, but persuaded her to tell her if he said any thing to her in private, and when any misunder- standing happened, as is common, she raised a great many suspicions out of it: by which means she learned all their concerns, and made the damsel ill-natured to the young man. And in order to gratify her mother, she often said that the young men used to mention Mariamne when they were by them- selves; and that they hated their father, and were continually threatening, that if they had once got the kingdom, they would make He- rod's sons, by his other wives, country-school- masters, for that the present education which was given them, and their diligence in learn- ing, fitted them for such an employment. _And as for the women, whenever they saw ^hem adorned with their mother's clothes, they threatened, that instead of their present gaudy apparel, they should be clothed in sackcloth, and confined so closely that they should not see the light of the sun. These stories were presently carried by Salome to the king, who was troubled to hear them, and endeavoured to make up matters: but these suspicions afflicted him, and, becoming more and more uneasy, he believed every body against every body. However, upon his rebuking his sons, •uui hearing the defence they made for them- selves, he was easier for a while, though a little afterwards much worse accidents came upon him. 4. For Pheroras came to Alexander, the husband of Glaphyra, who was the daughter of Archelaus, as we have already told you, and said that he had heard from Salome, that Herod was enamoured of Glaphyra, and that his -passion for her was incurable. When Alexander heard that, he vsas all on fire, from his youth and jealousy ; and he interpreted the instances of Herod's obliging behaviour to her, which were very frequent, for the worse, which came from those suspicions he had on account of that 'word which fell from Phero- ras; nor could he conceal his grief at the thing, but informed him what words Phero- ras had said. Upon which Herod was in a greater disorder than ever; and not bearing such a false calumny, which was to his shame, was much disturbed at it: and often did he lament the wickedness of his domestics, and bow good he had been to them, and how ill requitals they had made him. So he sent for Pheroras, and reproached him, and said. Thou vilest of all men! art thou come to that unmeasurable and extravagant degree of ingratitude, as not only to supjHJse such things of me, but to speak of them? I now indeed perceive what thy intentions are: it is not thy only aim to reproach me, when thou usest such words to my son, but thereby to persuade him to plot against me, and get me (•estroyed by poison; and who is tht?re, if he had not a good genius at his elbow, as hath my son, that would bear such a suspicion of his father, but would revenge himself upon him? Dost thou suppose that thou hast only dropped a word for him to think of, and not rather hast put a sword into his hand to slay his father? And what dost thou mean, when thou really hatest both him and his brother, to pretend kindness to them, only in order to raise a reproach against me, and talk of such things as no one but such an impious wretch as thou art could either devise in their mind, or declare in their words? Begone, thou that art such a plague to thy benefactor and thy brother; and may that evil con- science of thine go along with thee; while I still overcome my relations by kindness, and am so far from avenging myself of them as they deserve, that I bestow greater benefits upon them than they are worthy of." 5. Thus did the king speak. Whereupon Pheroras, who was caught in the very act oi his villany, said, that, "it was Salome who was the framer of this plot, and that the words came from her;" but as soon as she heard that, for she was at hand, she cried out, like one that would be believed, that no such thing ever came out of her mouth; that they all earnestly endeavoured to make the king hate her, and to make her away, because of the good- will she bore to Herod, and because she was always foreseeing the dangers that were com- ing upon him, and that at present there were more plots against him than usual: for while she was the only person who persuaded her brother to put away the wife he now had, and to take the king's daughter, it was no wonder if she were hated by him. As she said this, and often tore her hair, and often beat her breasti, her countenance made her denial to be believed, but the perverseness of her manners declared at the same time her dissimulation in these proceedings; but Pheroras was caught between them, and had nothing plausible to offer in his own defence, while he confessed that he had said what was charged upon him, but was not believeff when he said he had heard it from Salome; so the confusion among them was increased, and their quarrelsome words one to another. At last the king, out of his hatred to his brother and sister, sent them both away ; and when he had commended the moderation of his son, and that he had him- self told him of the report, he went ^n the evening to refresh himself. After such a contest as this had fallen out among them^ I Salome's reputation suffered greatly, since slie 446 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVI. was supposed to hare first raised the calumny; and the king's wives were grieved at her, as knowing she was a very ill-natured woman, and would sometimes be a friend, and some- times an enemy, at different seasons; so they perpetually said one thing or another against lier; and somewhat that now fell out, made them tbB bolder in speaking against her. 6. There was one Obodas, king of Arabia, an inactive and slothful man in his nature; but Sylleus managed jnost of his affairs for him. He was a shrewd man, although he was but young, and was handsome withal. This Sylleus, upon some occasion coming to Herod, and supping with him, saw Salome, and set his heart upon her: and understand- ing that she was a widow, he discoursed with her. Now because Salome was at this time less in favour with her brother, she looked upon Sylleus with some passion, and was very earnest to be married to him; and on the days following there appeared many, and those very great, indications of their agreement to- gether. Now the women carried this news to the king, and laughed at the indecency of it; whereupon Herod inquired about it farther of Pheroras, and desired him to observe them at supper, how their behaviour was one towards another; who told him, that by the signals' which came from their heads and their eyes, they both were evidently in love. After this, Sylleus the Arabian being suspected, went away, but came again in two or three months afterwards, as it were on that very design, and spake to Herod about it, and desired that Salome might be given him to wife; for that his affinity might not be disadvantageous to his affairs, by a union with Arabia, the go- vernmenl of which country was already in .effect under his power, and more evidently would be his hereafter. Accordingly, when Herod discoursed with his sister about it, and asked her whether she were disposed to this match, she immediately agreed to it; but when Sylleus was desired to come over to the Jewish religion, and then he should marry her, and that it was impossible to do it on any other terms, he could not bear that proposal, and went his way; for he said, that if he should do so, he should be stoned by the Arabs. Then did Pheroras reproach Salome for her incontinency, as did the women much more; and said that Sylleus had debauched her. As for that damsel which the king had betrothed to his brother Ph^oras, but he had not taken her, as I have before related, be- cause he was enamoured of bis former wife, Salome desired of Herod she might be given to her son by Costobarus: which match he was very willing to, but was dissuaded from it by Pheroras, who pleaded, that this young man would not be kind to her since his father had been slain by him, and that it was more »U8t that his son, who was to be his successor in the t«^trarchy, ahould have her: so h»^ begged his pardon, and persuaded him to do so. Accordingly the damsel, upon this change of her espousals, was disposed of to tiiis young man, the son of Pheroras, the king giving for her portion a hundred talents. CHAPTER VIII. HOW HEROD TOOK UP ALEXANDER, AND BOUND HIM; WHOM YET ARCHELAUS, KING OF CAPPADOCIA, RECONCILED TO HIS FA- THER HEROD AGAIN. § 1. But still the affairs of Herod's family were no better, but perpetually more trouble- some. Now this accident happened, which arose from no decent occasion, but proceeded so far as to bring great difficulties upon hiu). There were certain eunuchs which the king had, and on account of their beauty was very fond of them; and the care of bringing hiin drink was entrusted to one of them; of bring- ing him his supper, to another; and of putting him to bed, to the third, who also ma- naged the principal affairs of the government; and there was one told the king that these eunuchs were corrupted by Alexander the king's son, by great sums of money: and when they were asked whether Alexander had had criminal conversation with them, they con- fessed it, but said they knew of no farther mischief of his against his father; but when they were more severely tortured, and were in the utmost extremity, and the tormentors, out of compliance with Antipater, stretched the rack to the very utmost, they said that Alexander bare great ill-will and innate hatred to his father; and that he told them that Herod despaired to live much longer; and that, in order to cover his great age, he coloured his hair black, and endeavoured to conceal what would discover how old he was; but tliaS if he would apply himself to him, when he should attain the kingdom, which in spite ot his father, could come to no one else, he should quickly have the first place in thai kingdom under him, for that he was now ready to take the kingdom, not only as his birthright, but by the preparations he had made for obtaining it, because a great many of the rulers, and a great many of his friends, were of his side, and those no ill men neither, ready both to do and to suffer whatsoevei should come on that account. 2. When Herod heard this confession^ he was all over anger and fear, some parti seeming to him reproachful, and son)e made him suspicious of dangers that attended hini, insomuch, that on both accounts he wai provoked, and bitterly afraid lest some more iieuvy plot was laid against him than he should be tlien able to escape from; whereupon hq liid not now make un open search, but sent CHAP. V^ii ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 447 ■bout spies to watch such as he suspected, for he was now overrun with suspicion and hatred against all about him; and indulging abundance of those suspicions, in order to his preservation, he continued to suspect those that were guiltless: nor did he set any bounds to himself; but supposing that those who staid with him had the most power to hurt him, they were t^ him very frightful; and for those that did not use to come to him, it seemed enough to name them [to make them suspected], and he thought himself safer when they were destroyed: and at last his domes- tics were come to that pass, that being no way secure of escaping themselves, they fell to accusing one another, and imagining that he who first accused another was most likely to save himself; yet, when any had overthrown others, they were hated; and they were thought to suffer justly, who unjustly accused others; and they only thereby prevented their own accusation; nay, they now executed their own private enmities by this means, and when they were caught, they were punished in the same way. Thus these men contrived to make use of this opportunity as an instrument and a snare against their enemies ; yet, when they tried it, were themselves caught also in the same snare which they laid for others: »nd the king soon repented of what he had done, because he had no clear evidence of the guilt of those whom he had slain; and yet what was still more severe m him, he did not make use of his repentance, in order to leave off doing the like again, but in order to inflict the same punishment upon their accusers. 3. And in thi§ state of disorder were the affairs of the palace; and he had already told many of his friends directly, that they ought not to appear before him, nor come into the palace; and the reason of this injunction was, that [when they were there] he had less free- dom of acting, or a greater restraint on him- self on their account; for at this time it was that he expelled Andromachus and Gemellus, men who had of old been his friends, and been very useful to him in the affairs of his kingdom, and been of advantage to his family, by their embassages and counsels; and had been tutors to his sons, and had in a manner the first degree of freedom with him. He expelled Andromachus, because his son De- metrius was a companion to Alexander; and Gemellus, because he knew that he wished him well, which arose from his having been with him in his youth, when he was at school, and absent at liome. These he expelled out of his palace, and was willing enough to have done worse by them ; but that he might not seem to take such liberty against men of so great reputation, he contented himself with depriving them of their digriity, and of their power to hinder his wicked proceedings. 4. Now it WHS Antipater who was the cause of all this; who when he knew what a mad and licentious way of acting his father was in, and had been a great while one of his counsellors, he hurried him on, and then thought he should bring him to do somewhat to purpose, when every one that could oppose him was taken away. When therefore An- dromachus and his friends were driven away, and had no discourse nor freedom with the king any longer, the king, in the first place, examined by torture all whom he thought to be faithful to Alexander, whether they knew of any of his attempts against him; but these died without having any thing to say to that matter, which made the king more zealous [after discoveries], when he could not find out what evil proceedings he suspected them of. As for Antipater, he was very sagacious to raise a calumny against those that were really innocent, as if their denial was only their constancy and fidelity [to Alexander], and thereupon provoked Herod to discover by the torture of great numbers, what at- tempts were still concealed. Now there was a certain person among the many that were tortured, who said that he knew that the young man had often said, that when he was commended as a tall man in his body, and a skilful marksman, and that in his other com- mendable exercises he exceeded all men, these quaUfications, given him by nature, though good in themselves, were not advantageous to him, because his father was grieved at them, and envied him for them; and that when he walked along with his fatber, he endeavoured to depress and shorten himself that he might not appear too tall; and that when he shot at any thing as he was hunting, when his father was by, he missed his mark on purpose; for he knew how ambitious his father was of being superior in such exercises. So when the man was tormented about this saying, and had ease given his body after it, he added, that he had his brother Aristobulus for his assistance, and contrived to he in wait for their father, as they were hunting, and kill him; and when they had done so, to fly to Rome, and desire to have the kingdom given them. There were also letters of the young man found, written to his brother; wherein he complained that his father did not act justly in giving Antipater a country, whose [yearly] revenues amounted to ten hundred talents. Upon these confessions Herod presently thought he had somewhat to depend on, in his own opinioii^as to his suspicion about his sons: so he took up Alexander and bound him; yet did he still continue to be uneasy, and vvas not quite satisfied of the truth of what he had heard; and when he came to recollect himself, he found that they had only made juvenile complaints and contentions, and that it was an incredible thing, that when his son should have slain him, he should openly go to Rome [to heg the kingdom]; so he was desirous to have some surer mark ci &is 448 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVI. son's wickedness, and was very solicitous about it, that he might not appear to have condennned him to be put in prison too rashly ; so he tortured the principal of Alexander's friends, and put not a few of them to death, without getting any of the things out of them whi h he suspected. And while Herod was very busy about this matter, and the palace was full of terror and trouble, one of the younger sort, when he was in the utmost agony, confessed that Alexander had sent to his friends at Rome, and desired that he might be quickly invited thither by Ccesar, and that he could discover a plot against him ; that Mithridates, the king of Parthia, was joined in friendship with bis father against the Ro- mans, and that he had a poisonous potion ready prepared at Askelon. 5. To these accusations Herod gave credit, and enjoyed hereby, in his miserable case, some sort of consolation, in excuse of his rash- ness, as tiattering himself with finding things in so bad a condition ; but as for the poison- ous potion, which he laboured to find, he could find none. As for Alexander, he was very desirous to aggravate the vast misfortunes he was under, so he pretended not to deny the accusations, but punished the rashness of his father 'with a greater crime of his own; and perhaps he was willing to make his father ashamed of his easy belief of such calumnies: he aimed especially, if he could gain belief to his story, to plague him and his whole king- dom; for he wrote four letters and sent them to him, that " he did not need to torture any more persons, for he had plotted against him , and that he had for his partners, Pheroras, and the most faithful of his friends ; and that Sa- lome came in to him by night, and that she lay with him whether he would or not ; and that all men were come to be of one mind to make away with him as soon as they could, and so get clear of the continual fear they were in from him." Among these were accused Pto- lemy and Sapinnius, who were the most faith- ful friends to the king. And what more can be said, but that those who before were the most intimate friends, were become wild beasts to one another, as if a certain madness had fallen upon them, while there wag no room for defence or refutation, in order to the dis- covery of the truth, but all were at random doomed to destruction! so that some lamented those that were in prison, some those that were put to death, and others lam'ented that they were in expectation of the same miseries ; and a melancholy solitude rendered the kingdom deformed, and quite the reverse of that happy state it was formerly in. Herod's own life also was entirely disturbed; and, because he could trust nobody, he was sorely punished by the expectation of farther misery; for he often fiuicied in his imagination, that his son had fiillen upon him, or stood by him with a sword in his band; and thus was his mind night and day intent upon this thing, and revolved it over and over, and no otherwise than if he were under a distraction. And this was the sad condition Herod was now in. 6. But when Archelaus, king of Cappado- cia, heard of the state that Herod was in, and being in great distress about his daughter, and the young man [her husband], and grieving with Herod, as with a man that was his friend, on account of so great a disturbance as he was under, he came [to Jerusalem] on pur- pose to compose their differences; and, when he found Herod in such a temper, he thought it wholly unseasonable to reprove him, or to pretend that he had done any thing rashly, for that he should thereby naturally bring him to dispute the point with him, and by still more and more apologizing for himself to be the more irritated: he went, therefore, another way to work, in order to correct the former misfortunes, and appeared angry at the young man, and said that Herod had been so very mild a man that he had not acted a rash part at all. He also said he would dissolve his daughter's marriage* with Alexander, nor could in justice spare his own daughter, if she were conscious of any thing, and did not inform Herod of it. When Archelaus appear- ed to be of this temper, and otherwise than Herod expected or imagined, and for the main took Herod's part, and was angry on his ac- count, the king abated of his harshness, and took occasion from his appearing to have acted justly hitherto, to come by degrees to put on the affection of a father, and was on both sides to be pitied; for when some persons refuted the calumnies that were laid on the young man, he was thrown into a passion; but when Archelaus joined in the accusation, he was dissolved into tears and sorrow after an affectionate manner. Accordingly, he de- sired that he would not dissolve his son's mar- riage, and became not so angry as before for his offences. So when Archelaus had brought him to a more moderate temper, he transferred the calumnies upon his friends; and said it must be owing to them that so young a man, and one unacquainted with malice, was cor- rupted; and he supposed that there was more reason to suspect the brother than the son. Upon which Herod was very much displeased at Pheroras, who indeed now had no one tliai could make a reconciliation between him and his brother. So when he sa^v that Archelaus had the greatest power with Herod, he betook himself to him in the habit of a mourner, and like one that had all the signs upon him of an undone man. Upon this Archelaus did not overlook the intercession he made to hiu), nor yet did he undertake to change the king's disposition towards him immediately; and he said that it was better for him to come himself to the king, and confess himself the occasion of all; that this would make the king's a/ig^r not to be extravagant towards bim, and ti> U CHAP. IX. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 449 then he would be present to assist him. When he had persuaded him to this, he gained his point with both of them; and the calumnies raised against the young man were, beyond all expectation, wiped off. And Archelaus, as soon as he had made the reconciliation, went then away to Cappadocia, having proved at this juncture of time the most acceptable person to Herod in the world; on which account he gave him the richest presents, as tokens of his respects to him, and being on other occasions magnanimous, he esteemed him one of his dearest friends. He also made an agreement with him that he would go to Rome, because he had written to Caesar about these affairs; so they went together as far as Antioch, and there Herod made a recon- ciliation between Archelaus and Titus, the president of Syria, who had been greatly at variance, and so returned back to Judea. CHAPTER IX. CONCERNING THE REVOLT OF THE TRACHON- ITES; HOW SYLLEUS ACCUSED HEROD BE- FORE CiESAR; AND HOW HEROD, WHEN CiESAR WAS ANGRY AT HIM, RESOLVED TO SEND NICOLAUS TO ROME. § 1. When Herod had been at Rome, and was come back again, a war arose between him and the Arabians, on the occasion follow- ing: — The inhabitants of Trachonitis, after Caesar had taken the country away from Zenodorus, and added it to Herod, had not now power to rob, but were forced to plough the land, and to live quietly, which was a thing they did not like; and when they did take that pains, the ground did not produce much fruit for them. However, at the first the king would not permit them to rob; and so they abstained from that unjust way of living upon their neighbours, which procured Herod a great reputation for his care. But when he was sailing to Rome, it was at that time when he went to accuse his son Alexander, and to commit Antipater to Caesar's protection, the Tra<:honites spread a report as if he were dead, and revolted from his dominion, and betook themselves again to their accustomed way of robbing their neighbours; at which time the king's^commanders subdued them during his absence: but about forty of the principal robbers, being terrified by those that had been taken, left the country, and retired into Arabia, Sylleus entertaining them, after he had missed of marrying Salome, and gave them a place of strength, in which they dwelt. So they overran not only Judea, but all Cele- fiyria also, and carried off the prey, while Sylleus afforded them places of protection and quietness during their wicked practices. But when Herod ooiic back from Rome, he p«r- I ceived that his dominions had greatly suffered j by them, and since he could not reach the robbers themselves, because of the secure retreat they had in that country, and A-hich the Arabian government afforded them, and yet being very uneasy at the injuries they had done him, he went all over Trachoi.itis, and slew their relations; whereupon these robbers were more angry than before, it being a law among them to be avenged on the murderers of their relations by all possible means; so they continued to tear and rend every thing under Herod's dominion with impunity; then did he discourse about these robberies to Saturninus and Volumnius, and required that they should be punished; upon which occa- sion they still the more confirmed themselves in their robberies, and became more numerous, and made very great disturbances, laying waste the countries and villages that belonged to Herod's kingdom, and killing those men whom they caught, till these unjust proceedings came to be like a real war, for the robbers were now become about a thousand; — at which Herod was sore displeased, and required thd" robbers, as well as the money which he had lent Obodas, by Sylleus, which was sixty talents, and since the time of payment was now past, he desired to have it paid him: but Sylleus, who had laid Obodas aside, and managed all by himself, denied that the robbers were in Arabia, and put off the payment of the money; about which there was a hearing before Saturninus and Volumnius, who were then the presidents of Syria.* At last, he, by their means, agreed, that within thirty days' time Herod should be paid his money and that each of them should deliver up th« other's subjects reciprocally. Now, as to Herod, there was not one of the other's sub- jects found in his kingdom, either as doing any injustice, or on any other account; but i<" 'was proved that the Arabians had the robbers amongst them. 2. When the day appoint«l for payment of the money was past, without Sylleus's per- forming any part of his agreement, and he was gone to Rome, Herod demanded the pay- ment of the money, and that the robbers that were in Arabia should be delivered up; and, by the permission of Saturninus and Volum- nius, executed the judgment himself upon those that were refractory.^ He took an army that he had, and led it into Arabia, and in three days' time marched seven mansions; and when he came to the garrison wherein the robbers were, he made an assault upon them, and took them all, and demolished the place, which was called Raepta, but did no harm to any others. But as the Arabians came to their assistance, under Naceb their • These joint presidents of Syria. Saturninus and Vo« lomnius, wrre not perltaps of equal authority, but the lat« ter like a procurator under the turmer. as the very lenno^ Nohsaod Pagi, and with thera Or. Uudsoa. deteimina 2F 460 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVI. captain, tbere ensued a battle, wherein a few of Herod's soldiers, and Naceb, the captain of the Arabians, and about twenty of his sol- diers fell, while the rest betook themselves to flight. So when he had brought these to pun- ishment, he placed three thousand Idumeans in Trachonitis, and thereby restrained the rob- bers that were there. He also sent an account to the captains that were about Phoenicia, aiid demonstrated that he had done nothing but what he ought to do, in punishing the refrac- tory Arabians, which, upon an exact inquiry, they found to be no more than what was true. 3. However, messengers were hasted away to Sylleus to Rome, and informed him what had been done, and, as is usual, aggravated every thing. Now Sylleus had already in- sinuated himself into the knowledge of Caesar, and was then about the palace ; and as soon as he heard of these things, he changed his habit into black, and went in, and told Cae- sar that Arabia was afflicted with war, and that all his kingdom was in great confusion, upon Herod's laying it waste with his army ; and he said, with tears in his eyes, that two thousand five hundred of the principal men among the Arabians had been destroyed, and that their captain Nacebus, bis familiar friend and kinsman, was slain; and that the riches that were at Raepta were carried off; and that Obodas was despised, whose infirm state of body rendered him unfit for war; on which account, neither he nor the Arabian army were present. When Sylleus said so, and added invidiously, that he would not him- self have come out of the country, unless he had believed that Caesar would have provided that they should all have peace one u'ith ano- ther, and that, had he been there, he would have taken care that the war should not have been to Herod's advantage. Caesar was pro- voked when this was said; and asked no more than this one question, both of Herod's friends that were there, and of his own friends, who were come from Syria, Whether Herod had led an army thither? And when they were forced to confess so much, Caesar, without staying to hear for what reason he did it, and how it was done, grew very angry, and wrote to Herod sharply. The sum of his epistle was this, that whereas of old he had used him as his friend, he should now use him as his subject. Sylleus also wrote an account of this to the Arabians, \^o were so elevated with it, that they neither delivered up the robbers that had Hed to them, nor paid the money that was due: they retained those pastures also which they had hired, and kept them without paying their rent, and all this because the king of the Jews was now in a low con- dition, by reason of Ciesar's anger at him. Those of Trachonitis also made use of this opportunity, and rose up against the Idumcan garrison, and followed the same way of rob- (nng with the Arabians, who had pillaged their country, and were more rigid in their unjust proceedings, not only in order to get by it, but by way of revenge also. 4. Now Herod was forced to bear all this, that confidence of his being quite gone with which Caesar's favour used to inspire him; for Caesar would not admit so much as an embassage from him, to make an apology for him; and when they came again, he sent them away without success: so he was cast into sadness and fear; and Sy Ileus's circum- stances grieved him exceedingly, who was now believed by Caesar, and was present at Rome, nay, sometimes aspiring higher. Now it came to pass that Obodas was dead: and ^neas, whose name was afterward changed to Aretas,* took the government, for Sylleus endeavoured by calumnies to get him turned out of his principality, that he might himself take it; with which design he gave much money to the courtiers, and promised much money to Caesar, who indeed was angry that Aretas had not sent to him first before he took the kingdom, yet did -^neas send an epistle and presents to Caesar, and a crown of gold, of the weight of many talents. Now that epistle accused Sylleus as having been a wicked servant, and having killed Obodas by poison; and that while he was alive, he had governed him as he pleased; and had also debauched the wives of the Arabians; and had borrowed money, in order to obtain the dominion for himself: yet did not Caesar give heed to these accusations, but sent his ambas- sadors back, without receiving any of his pre- sents. But in the mean time the affairs of Judea and Arabia became worse and worse, partly because of the anarchy they were un- der, and partly because, bad as they were, nobody had power to govern them; for of the two kings, the one was not yet confirmed in his kingdom, and so had not authority suf- ficient to restrain the evil doers; and as for Herod, Caesar was immediately angry at him for having avenged himself, and so he was compelled to bear all the injuries that wore offered him. At length, when he saw no end of the mischief which surrounded him, he resolved to send ambassadors to Rome again, to see whether his friends had prevailed to mitigate Caesar, and to address themselves to Caesar himself; and the ambassador he sent thither was Nicolaus of Damascus. • This Aretus was now become p established a nama for the kings of Arabia [at Petra and Damascus], that when the crown came to this ^neas, he changeil hii name to Aretas, as Havercamp here jusUy obbcrvedk See Antiq. b. xiii. ch. xv. sect '2. CH/^P. X. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 451 CHAPTER X. HOW ECRTCLES FALSELY ACCUSED HEKOD's SONS; AND HOW THEIR FATHER BOUND THEM, AND WROTE TO CiESAR ABOUT THEM. OF SYLLEUS; AND HOW HE WAS ACCUSED BY NICOLAUS. § 1. The disorders about Herod's family and children about this time grew much worse; for it now appeared certain, nor was it unforeseen beforehand, that fortune threatened the great- est and most insupportable misfortunes pos- sible to his kingdom. Its progress and augmentation at this time arose on the occasion following: — One Eurycles, a Lacedemonian (& person of note there, but a man of a per- verse mind, and so cunning in his ways of voluptuousness and flattery, as to indulge both, and yet seem to indulge neither of them), came in his travels to Herod, and made him presents, but so that he received j more presents from him. He also took such proper seasons for insinuating himself into his friendship, that he became one of the most intimate of the king's friends. He had his lodging in Antipater's house; but he had not only access, but free conversation, with Alex- ander, as pretending to him thit he was In great favour with Arclielaus, the king of Cappadocia; whence he pretended much re- spect to Glaphyra, and, m an occal> manner, cultivated a friendship with them all. but always attending to what was said and done, that he might be furnished with calumnies to please then) all. In short, he behaved himself so to every b9dy in his conversation, as to appear to be his particular friend, and he made others believe that his being anywhere was for that person's advantage. So he won upon Alexander, who was but young; and persuaded him, that he might open his grievances to him with assurance, and with nobody else. So he declared his grief to him, how his father was alienated from him. He related to him also the affairs of his motk|r, and of Antipater; that he had driven tl#ii from their proper dignity, and had the power over every thing himself; that no part of this was tolerable, since his father was already •come to hate them; and he added, that he would neither admit them to his table nor to his conversation. Such were the complaints, as was but natural, of Alexander about the things that troubled him: and these discourses Eurycles carried to Antipater, and told him, he did "hot inform him of this on his own account, but that being overcome by his kind- ness, the great importance of the thing obliged him to do it: and he warned him to have a care of Alexander, for that what he said was spoken with vebemency, and that, in conse- quence of what he said, he would certainly kill him with his own hand, ^"hereupon Antipater, thinking him to be his friend by this advice, gave him presents upon all occasions, and at length persuaded him to inform Herod of what he had heard. So when he related to the king Alexander's ill temper, as discovered by the words be had heard him speak, he was easily believed by him; and he thereby brought the king Vu that pass, turning him about by his words, and irritating him, till he increased his hatred to him, and made him implacable, which he showed at that very time, for he immediately gave Eurycles a present of fifty talents; who, when he had gotten them, went to Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, and commended Alex- ander before him, and told him that he had been many ways of advantage to him, in making a reconciliation between him and his father. So he got money from him also, and went away, before his pernicious prac- tices were found out; but when Eurycles was returned to Lacedemon, he did not leave oflf doing mischief; and so, for his many acts of in- justice, he was banished from his own country. 2. But as for the king of the Jews, he was not now m the temper he was in formerly towards Alexander and Aristobulus, when he had been content with the hearing their calumnies when others told him of them, but he was now come to that pass as to hate them himself, and to urge men to speak against them, though they did not do it of themselves. He also observed all that was said, and put questions, and gave ear to every one that would but speak, if they could but say any thing against them, till at length he heard that Euaratus of Cos was a conspirator with Alex ander; which thing to Herod was the most agreeable and sweetest news imaginable. 3. But still a greater misfortune *came upon the young men; while the calumnies against them were continually increased, and, as a man may say, one would think it was every one's endeavour to lay some grievous thing to their charge, which might appear to be for the king's preservation. There were two guards of Herod's body, who were in great esteem for their great strength and tall- ness, Jucundus and Tyrannus; these men had been cast off by Herod, who was dis- pleased at them; these now used to ride along with Alexander, and for their skill in their exercises were in great esteem with him, and had some gold and otheiJ||^fts bestowed on them. Now the king, havivg an immediate suspicion of these men, had them tortured; who endured the torture courageously for a long time; but at last confessed that Alexander would have persuaded them to kill Herod when he was in pursuit of the wild beasts, that it might be said he fell from his horse, and was run through with his own spear, for that he had once such a misfortune formerly. They also showed where there was money bidden in the stable, under groimd; and these 452 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK XVI. con%icted the king's chief hunter, that he had given the young men the royal hunting-spears and weapons to Alexander's dependants, and at Alexander's command. 4. After these, the commander of the gar- rison of Alexandrium was caught and tortured; for he was accused to have promised to receive the young men into his fortress, and to supply them with that money of the king's which was laid up in that fortress, yet did not he acknowledge any thing of it himself; but his son came in, and said it was so, and deli- vered up the writing, which, so far as could be guessed, was in Alexander's hand. Its contents were these : — " When we have finished, by God's help, all that we have proposed to do, we will come to you; but do your endeavours, as you have promised, to re- ceive us into your fortress." After this writ- ing was produced, Herod had no doubt about the treacherous designs of his sons against him; but Alexander said that Diophantus, the scribe, had imitated his hand, and that the paper was maliciously drawn up by Antipater; for Diophantus appeared to be very cunning in such practices; and as he was-afterward convicted of forging other papers, he was put to death for it. 5. So the king produced those that had been tortured before the multitude at Jericho, in order to have theni accuse the young men, which accusers many of the people stoned to death ; and when they were going to kill Alexander and Aristobulus likewise, the king would not permit them to do so, but restrained the multitude, by means of Ptolemy and Pheroras. However, the young men were put under a guard, and kept in custody, that nobody might come at them ; and all that they rfid or said was watched, and the re- proach and fear they were in was little or nothing different from those of condemned criminals; and one of them, who was Aristo- bulus, was so deeply affected, that he brought Salome, who was his aunt, and his mother-in- law, to lament with him for his calamities, and to hate him who had suffered things to come to that pass; when he said to her, " Art thou not in danger of destruction also, while the report goes that thou hadst disclosed before- hand all our affairs to Sylleus, when thou wast in hopes of being mariied to him?" But she immediately carried those words to her brother: uponjius he was out of patience, and gave commanOto bind him; and enjoined them both, now they were kept separate one from the other, to write down all the ill things they had done against their father, and bring the writings to him. So when this was enjoined them, they wrote this: that they had laid no treacherous designs, nor made any preparations against their father, but that they had intended to fly away; and that by the distress they were in, their lives being now uncertain and todious to them. 6. About this time there came an ambassa- dor out of Cappadocia from Archelaus, whose name was Melas; he was one of the prin- cipal rulers under him. So Herod being desirous to show Archelaus's ill-will to hii.., called for Alexander, as he was in his bonds, and asked him again concerning his flight, whether and how they had resolved to retire: Alexander replied, — To Archelaus, who had promised to send them away to Rome; but that they had no wicked or mischievous de- signs against their father, and that nothing of that nature which their adversaries had charged upon them was true; and that their desire was, that he might have examined Tyrannus and Jucundus more strictly, but that they had been suddenly slain by the means of An- tipater, who put his own friends among the multitude [for that purpose]. 7. When this was said, Herod commanded that both Alexander nnd Melas should be carried to Glaphyra, Archelaus's daughter, and that she should be asked, whether she did not know somewhat of Alexander's treacherous designs against Herod ? Now as soon as they were come to her, and she saw Alexander in bonds, she beat her head, and in great con- sternation, gave a deep and a moving groan. The young man also fell into tears. This was so miserable a spectacle to those present, that, for a great while, they were not able to say or to do any thing; but at length Ptolemy, who was ordered to bring Alexander, bade him say whether his wife were conscious of bis actions. He replied, " How is it possible that she, whom I love better than my own soul, and by whom I have had children, should not know what I do?" Upon which she cried out, that she knew of no wicked designs of his ; but that yet, if her accusing herself falsely would tend to his preservation, she would confess it all. Alexander replied, " There is no such wickedness as those (who ought the least of all so to do) suspect, which either I have imagined, or thou knowest of, but this only, that we had resolved to retire to Arahelaus, and from thence to Rome." Which shp also confessed. Upon which Herod, supposing that Archelaus's ill-will to him was fully proved, sent a letter by Olympus and Volumnius; and bade them, as they sailed by, to touc^ at Eleusa of Cilicia, and give Arche- laus the letter. And that when they had expostulated with him, that he had a hand in his son's treacherous design against him, they should from thence sail to Rome ; and that, in case they found "Nicolaus had gained any ground, and that Caesar was no" longer displeased at him, he should give him his let- ters, and the proof which he had ready to show against the young men. As to Archelaus, he made this defence for himself, that he had promised to receive the young men, because it was both for their oM-n and their faihor't advantage so to do, lest some too sev«;re CHAP, X. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 453 procedure sboulti be gone upon in that anger and disorder tbey were in on occasion of the present suspicious; but that still he had not promised to send them to Ccesar; and that he had not promised any thing else to the young Hien that could show any ill-will to him. 8. When these ambassadors were come to Rome, they had a fit opportunity of delivering their letters to Caesar, because they found him reconciled to Herod ; for the circumstances f Nicolaus's embassage had been as follows: — As soon as be was come to Rome, and was about the court, he did not first of all set bout what he was come for only, but he hought fit also to accuse Sylleus. Now, the Arabians, even before he came to talk with hem, were quarrelling one with another; and ome of them left Sylleus's party, and joining themselves to Nicolaus, informed him of all the wicked things that had been done; and pro- duced to him evident demonstrations of the slaughter of a great number of Obodas's friends by Sylleus; for when these men left Sylleus, they had carried oflF with them those letters whereby they could convict him. When Nicolaus saw such an opportunity afforded faim, he made use of it, in order to gain his own point afterward, and endeavoured imme- diately to make a reconciliation between Ciesar and Herod; for he was fully satisfied, that if he should desire to make a defence for Herod directly, he should not be allowed that liberty; but that if he desired to accuse Syl- leus, there would an occasion present itself of speaking on Herod's behalf. So when the cause was ready for a hearing, and the day was appointed, Nicolaus, while Aretas's am- bassadors were present, accused Sylleus, and said that he imputed to him the destruction of the king [Obodas], and of many others of the Arabians: that he had borrowed money for no good design; and he proved that he tiad been guilty of adultery, not only with the Arabian, but Roman women also. And he added, that above all the rest he had alienated Caesar from Herod; and that all that he had said about the actions o£ Herod were faWi- ties. When Nicolaus was come to this topVc, Cassar stopped him from going on, and desired him only to speak to this affair of Herod, and to show that he had not led an army into Arabia, nor slain two thousand fire hundred men there, nor taken prisoners, nor pillaged the country. To which Nicolaus made this answer: — "I shall principally demonstrate, that either nothing at all, or but a very little, of those imputations are true, of which thou hast been informed; for had they been true, thou mightest justly have been still more angry at Herod." At this strange aS' sertion, Ciesar was very attentive; and Nico- laus said, that there was a debt due to Herod of five hundred talents, and a bond, wherein t was written, that if the time appointed be elapsed, it should be lawful to make a sei2ure out of any part of his country. " As for the pretended army," he said, " it was no army, but a party sent out to require the just pay- ment of the money: that this was not sent immediately, nor so soon as the bond allowed, but that Sylleus had frequently come before Saturninus and Volumnius, the presidents of Syria: and that at last he had sworn at Be- rytus, by thy fortune,* that he would cer- tainly pay the money within thirty days, and deliver up the fugitives that were under his dominion. And that when Sylleus had per- formed nothing of this, Herod came again before the presidents; and upon their per- mission to make a seizure for his money, he, with difficulty, went out of his country with a party of soldiers for that purpose. And this is all the war which these men so tragi- cally describe; and this is the affair of the expedition into Arabia. And how can this be called a war, when thy presidents permit- ted it, the covenants allowed it, and it was not executed till thy name, O CtEsar, as well as that of the other gods, had been profaned? And now I must speak in order about the captives. There were robbers that dwelt in Trachonitis: — at first their number was no more than forty, but they became more after- wards, and they escaped the punishment He- rod would have inflicted on them, by making Arabia their refuge. Sylleus received them, and supported them with food, that they might be mischievous to all mankind; and gave them a country to inhabit, and himself received the gains they made by robbery; yet did he pro- mise that he would deliver up these men, and that by the same oaths and same time that he sware and fixed for payment of his debt: nor can he by any means show that any other per- sons have at this time been taken out of Ara- bia besides these, and indeed not all these neither, but only so many as coMd not con- ceal themselves. And thus does the calumny of the captives, which hath been so odiously represented, appear to be no better than a fiction and a lie, made on purpose to provoke thy indignation ; for I venture to affirm, that when the forces of the Arabians came upon us, and one or two of Herod's party fell, he then only defended himself, and there fell Nacebus their general, and in all about twenty- five others, and no more; whence Sylleus, by multiplying every single soldier to a hundred, he reckons the slain to have beau two thousand five hundred." 9. This provoked Caesar more than ever; so he turned to Sylleus full of rage, and asked him how many of the Arabians were slain. Hereupon he hesitated, and said he had been imposed upon. The covenants were also read about the money he had borrowed, and the ♦ This oath, by the fortune of Ccesar, was put to Polycarp, a bishop of Smyrna, by the Roman governor, to try whether he were a Christian, as they were then esteemed who refused to swear that oath. Alartyc Palycarp. sect. S». 454 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK X^T letters of the presidents of Syria, and the complaints of the several cities, so many as nad been injured by the robbers. The con- chision was this, that Sylleus was condemned to die, and that Caesar was reconciled to Herod, and owned his repentance for what severe things he had written to him, occasioned by calumny, insomuch that he told Sylleus, that he bad compelled him, by his lying account of things, to be guilty of ingratitude against a man that was bis friend. At the last all came to this, — Sylleus was sent away to answer Herod's suit, and to repay the debt that he owed, and after that to be punished [with death]; but still Csesar was offended with Aretas, that he had taken upon himself the government, without his consent first obtained, tor he had determined to bestow Arabia upon Herod; but that the letters he had sent hindered him from so doing; for Olympus and Volumnius, perceiving that Caesar was now become favourable to Herod, thought fit iiumediately to deliver him the letters they were commanded by Herod to give him con- cerning his sons. When Cjfisar had read them, he thought it would not be proper to add another government to him, now he was old, and in an ill state with relation to his sons, so he admitted Aretas's ambassadors; and after he had just reproved him for his rashness, in not tarrying till he received the kingdom from him, he accepted of his presents, and con- firmed him in his government. CHAPTER XL HOW HEROD, BY PERMISSION FROM C-iESAE, ACCUSED HIS SONS BEFORE AN ASSEMBLY OF JUDGES AT BERYTUS; AND WHAT TERO SUFFERED, FOR USING A BOUNDLESS AND MILITAR-ifLIBERTY OF SPEECH. CONCERN- ING ALSO THE DEATH OF THE YOUNG MEN, AND THEIR BURIAL AT ALEXANDRIUM. § 1. So Caesar was now reconciled to Herod, and wrote thus to him: — That he was grieved for him on account of his sons; and that in case they had been guilty of any profane and insolent crimes against him, it would behove him to punish them as parricides, for which he ^Hve him power accordingly; but if they had only contrived to fly away, he would have hi III give them anr. admonition, and not pro- ceed to extremity with them. He also ad- vised him to get an assembly together, and to appoint some place near Berytus,* which is a city belonging to the Romans, and to take the presidents of Syria, and Archelaus, king • What JoMpbus relates Aueaatus to have here naid, that B«ryt>is was a city belunKin^ to the Romans, is con- ttrmrd by Mpaiiheim's note here:— " It was (says he) a co- lony pliiced there by Augustus. Whence Ulpian, De Cens b*"!. L. T. XV. The colony of Berytus was reQdere<i iMiiioiift by the ben. ttts of C»<ar: and thence it 1% that atnonc the coins of Augustus, we meet wirh some having this iiiacTi|>Uuac The bapuy colony of Aui{ii»tus at 15e- rytoM.'* of Cappadocia, and as many more as h« thought to be illustrious for their friendsUiO to him, and the dignities they were m, and determine what should be done by iheit approbation. These were the directions that Caesar gave him. Accordingly Herod, when the letter was brought to him, was immediately very glad of Caesar's reconciliation to him, and very glad also that he had a complete authority given him over his sons. And it strangely came about, that whereas before, n his adversity, though he had indeed shown himself severe, yet had he not been very rash, nor hasty, in procuring the destruction of his sons; he now, in his prosperity, took advan- tage of this change for the better, and the freedom he now had, to exercise his hatred against them, after an unheard-of manner ^ he therefore sent and called as many as he thought fit to this assembly, excepting Arche- laus; for as for him, he either hated him, so that he would not invite him, or thought he would be an obstacle to his designs. 2. When the presidents, and the rest that belonged to the cities were come to Berytus, he kept his sons in a certain village belongii.g to Sidon, called Platana, but near to this city, that if they were called he might produce them, for he did not think fit to bring them before the assembly: and when there were one hundred and fifty assessors present, Herod came by himself alone, and accused his sons, and in such a way as if it were not a melan- choly, accusation, and not made but out of necessity, and upon the misfortunes he was under; indeed, in such a way as was very indecent for a father to accuse his sons, for he was very vehement and disordered when he came to the demonstration of the crime they were accused of, and gave the greatest signs of passion and barbarity: nor would he sulfer the assessors to consider of the weight of the evidence, but asserted them to be true by his own authority, alter a manner most indecent in a father against his sons, and read himself what they themselves had written, wherein theVe was no confession of any plots or con- trivances against him, but only how they had coufc-ived to *fly away, and containing withal certain reproaches against him, on account of the ill-will he bare them; and when he came to those reproaches, he cried out most of all, and exaggerated what they said, as if they had confessed the design against him, — and took his oath that he had rather lose his life than hear such reproachful wotds. At last he said that he had sutHcitnt authority, both by nature and by Cajsar's grant to him, [to do what he thought fit.] He also MUied an allegation of a law of their country, which enjoined this: — That if parents laid their hands on the head of him that was accused, the standers by were oldiged to cast stones at him, and thereby to slay him; which though b« w«r« r«Nidy to do in his own country and CRAP. XI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 4f!m kiii}rdom, yet did be wait for their determina- tii-ii; and yet they came thither not so much rts jufljrcs, to coiuiemn them for such manifest designs against him, whereby he had almost perished by his sons* means, but as persons that had an opportunity of showing their de- testation of such practices, and declaring how unworthy a thing it must be in any, even the most remote, to pass over such treacherous designs [without punishment]. S. When the king had said this, and the young men had not been produced to make any defence for themselves, the assessors per- ceived there was no room for equity and re- conciliation, so they confirmed his authority. And in the first place, Saturniims, a person that had been consul, and one of great dignity, pronounced his sentence, but with great moderation and trouble ; and said, that he condemned Herod's sons ; but did not think they should be put to death. He had sons of his own; and to put one's son to death, is a greater misfortune than any other that could befal him by their means. After him Satur- ninus's sons, for he had three sons that fol- lowed him, and were his legates, pronounced the same sentence with their father. On the contrary, Volumnius's sentence was to inflict death on such as had been so impiously un- dutiful to their father; and the greatest part of the rest said the same, insomuch that the conclusion seemed to be, that the young men v/ere condemned to die. Immediately after this, Herod came away from thence, and took his sons to Tyre, where Nicolaus met him in his voyage from Rome; of whom he inquired, after he had related to him what had passed at Berytus, what his sentiments were about his sons, and what his friends at Rome thought of that matter. His answer was, " That what they had determined to do to thee was im- pious, and that thou oughtest to keep them in prison: and if thou thinkest any thing farther necessary, thou mayest indeed so punish them, that thou mayest not appear to indulge thy anger more than to govern thyself by judg- nJL'iit; but if thou inclinest to the milder side, thou mayest absolve them, lest perhaps thy misfortunes be rendered incurable: and this is the opinion of the greatest part of thy friends at Rome also." Whereupon Herod was silent, and in great thoughtfulness, and bade Jiicolaus sail along with him. 4. Now as they came to Cesarea, every body was there talking of Herod's sons; and the kingdom was in suspense, and the people in great expectation of what wouhl become ol tnein, for a terrible feui seized upon all m«'n, iest the ancient disorders of the family SDouio come to a sad conclusion, and they were in great trouble about their sufferings; nor was it without danger to say any rash tnirig about this matter, nor even to hear ano- tiitr saying it, but men's pity was forced to be shut up in themselves, which rendered the excess of their sorrow very irksome, but very silent; yet was there an old soldier of Htrod's, whose name was Tero, who had a son of the same age as Alexander, and his friend, who was so very free as openly to speak out what others silently thought about that matter; and was forced to cry out often among the mul- titude, and said, in the most unguarded manner, that truth was perished, and justice taken away from men, while lies and ill-will prevailed, and brought such a mist before public affairs, that the offenders were not able to see the greatest mischiefs that can befal men. And as he was so bold, he seemed not to have kept himself out of danger, by speaking so freely ; but the reasonableness of what he said moved men to regard him as having behaved himself with great manhood, and this at a proper time also, for v/hich reason every one heard what he said with pleasure: and although they first took care of their own safety by keeping silent themselves, yet did they kindly receive the great freedom he took; for the expectation they were in of so great an aflliction, put a force upon them to speak of Tero whatsoever they pleased. 5. This man had thrust himself into the king's presence with the greatest freedom, and desired to speak with him by himself alone, which the king permitted him to do; where he said this: — " Since I am not able, O king, to bear up under so great a concern as I am under, I have preferred the use of this bold liberty that I now take, which may be for thy advan- tage, if thou mind to get any profit by it, before my own safety. Whither is thy under- standing gone, and left thy soul empty? Whither is that extraordinary sagacity of thine gone, whereby thou hast performed so many and such glorious actions? Whence comes this solitude, and desertion of thy friends and rela- tions? Of which I cannot but determine that they are neither thy friends nor relations, while they overlook such horrid wickedness in thy once happy kingdom. Dost not thou perceive what is doing? Wilt thou slay these two young men, born of thy queen, who are accomplished with every virtue in the highest degree, and leave thyself destitute in thy old age, but exposed to one son, who hath very ill uianaged the hopes thou hast given him, and to relations, whose death thou hast so often resolved on thyself? Dost not thou take notice, that the Very silence of the multitude at once sees the crime, and abhors the fact? The whole army and the officers have commiseration on the poor unhappy youths, and hatred to those that are the actors in this matter." — These words the king heard, and for some time with good temper. But what can one say? When Tero plainly touched upon the bad behaviour and perfidiousness of his domestics, he was moved at it; but Tero went on farther, and by degrees used an unbounded military free- dom of speech, nor was he <o \vv\l diacipiined 456 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVI. as to accommodate himself to the time: so Herod was greatly disturbed, and seemed to be rather reproached by this speech, than to be hearing what was for his advantage, while he learned thereby that both the soldiers abhorred the thing he was about, and the offi- cers had indignation at it, he gave order that all whom Tero had named, and Tero himself, should be bound and kept in prison. 6. When this was over, one Trypho, who was the king's barber, took the opportunity, and came and told the king that Tero would often have persuaded him, when he trimmed him with a razor, to cut his throat, for that by this means he should be among the chief of Alexander's friends?, and receive great re- wards from him. When he had said this, the king gave order that Tero, and his son, and the barber, should be tortured, which was done accordingly; but while Tero bore up himself, his son, seeing his father already in a sad case, and with no hope of deliverance, and perceiv- ing what would be the co«equen<e of his terrible sufferings, said, that if the king would free him and his father from these torments for what he should say, he would tell the truth. And when the Icing had given his word to do so, he said that there was an agree- ment made, that Tero should lay violent hands on the king, because it was easy for him to come when he was alone; and that if, when he had done the thing, he should suffer death for it, as was not unlikely, it would be an act of generosity done in favour of Alexander. This was what Tero's son said, and thereby freed his father from the distress he was in; but un- certain it is whether he had been thus forced to speak what was true, or whether it were a con- trivance of his, in order to procure his own and his father's deliverance from their miseries. 7. As for Herod, if he had before any doubt about the slaughter of his sons, there was now no longer any room left in his soul for it; but be had banished away whatsoever might afford him the least suggestion of reasoning better about this matter, so he already made baste to bring his purpose to a conclusion. He also brought out three hundred of the officers that were under an accusation, as also Tero and his son, and the barber that accused them, before an assembly, and brought an accusation against them all; whom the multi- tude stoned with whatsoever came to hand, and thereby slew them. Alexander also and Aristobulus were brought to Sebaste, by their father's command, and there strangled; but thv'ir dead bodies were, in the night-time, car- ried to Alexandrium, where their uncle, by the mother's side, and the greatest part of their ancestors, had been deposited. 8. • And now perhaps it may not seem un- • The reader is here to note, that thia eiglilh section is entirely wauiing in the old Latin versicm, as Spanheira truly obHrrvcs; nor i* ih«Te any other rra»ou fur it. I sup- |pg«r, thmi tb« §n:»l ditJicuUy of »u ex»ft trun»ii«ti.»n. reasonable to some, that such an inveterate hatred might increase so much [on both sides], as to proceed farther, and overcome nature; but it may justly deserve consiuera- tion, whether it be to be laid to the charge of the young men, that they gave such an occa- sion to their father's anger, and led him to do what he did, and by going on long in the same way, put things past remedy, and brought him to use them so unmercifully; or whether it be to be laid to the father's charge, that he was so hard-hearted, and so very tender in the desire of government, and of other things that would tend to his glory, that he would take no one into a partnership with him, that so whatsoever he would have done himself might continue iaimoveable; or, indeed, whe- ther fortune ha> not greater power than all prudent reasonings: whence we are pers^uaded that human actions are thereby deteruiiued beforehand by an inevitable necessity, and we call her Fate, because there is nothing which is not done by her; wheielore 1 suppose it will be sufficient to compare this notion with that other, which attributes somewhat to our- selves, and renders men not unaccountable for the diiferent conducts of their hves; which notion is no other than the philosophical de- termination of our ancient law. Accoroingly, of the two other causes of this sad event, any body may lay the blame on the young men, who acted by youthlul vanity, and pride of their royal birth, that they should bear to hear the calumnies that were raised against their father, while ceitainly they were not equitable judges of the actions of his lite, but ill-natured in suspecting, and intemperate in speaking of it, and on both accounts easily caught by those that observed them, and re- vealed them to gain favour; yet cannot their father be thought worthy of excuse, as to that horrid impiety which he was guilty of about them, while he ventured, without any certain evidence of their treacherous designs against him, and without any proofs that they had made preparations for such an attempt, to kill his own sons, who were of very comely bouies and the great darlings of other men, and uo way delicient in their conduct, whether it were in hunting, or in warlike exercises, or in speaking upon occasional topics of discourse; for in all these they were skilful, and espe- cially Alexander, who was the eldest; for certainly it had been sufficient, even though he had condemned them, to have kept them ulive 'm bonds, or to let them hve at a distance from his dominions in banishment, while he was surrounded by the Roman forces, which were a strong security to him, whose help would prevent his suffering any thing by u sudden onset, or by open force; but for him to kill them on the sudden, in order to graiily a passion that governed him, was a demon- stration of insufferable impiety. He aUo w as guilty of %o grtai a crime in his older agej CHAP. I. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 457 nor will the delays thai he made, and the leiijk'th of time in which the thing Was done, plea(i at all for his excuse; for when a man is on a sudden amazed, and in commotion of mind, and then commits a wicked action, although this be a heavy crime, yet it is a thing that frequently happens; but to do it upon deliberation, and after frequent attempts, and as frequent puttings -oflF, to undertake it at last, and accomplish it, was the action of a murderous mind, and such as was not easily moved from that which was evO: and thia temper he showed in what he did afterward, when he did not spare those that seemed to be the best-beloved of his friends that were left, wherein, though the justice of the pun- ishment caused those that perished to be the less pitied, yet was the barbarity of the man here equal, in that he did not abstain from their slaughter also. But of those persons we shall have occasion to discourse more hereafter. BOOK XVII. CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF FOURTEEN TEARS. FROM ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS'S DEATH TO THE BANISHMENT OF ARCHELAUS. CHAPTER L HOW ANTIPATER WAS HATED BY ALL THE NA- TION [of the jews] for THE SLAUGHTER or HIS BRETHREN; AND HOW, FOR THAT REASON, HE GOT INTO PECULIAR FAVOUR WITH HIS FRIENDS AT ROME, BY GIVING THEM MANY PRESENTS; AS HE DID ALSO WITH SATURNINUS, THE PRESIDENT OF SYRIA, AND THE GOVERNORS WHO WERE UNDER HIM; AND CONCERNING HEEOD's WIVES AND CHILDREN. § 1. When Antipater had thus taken off his brethren, and had brought his father into the highest degree of impiety, till he was haunted with furies for what he had done, his hopes did iiot succeed to his mind, as to the rest of his life; for although he was delivered from i the fear of his brethren being his rivals as to i the government, yet did he find it a very [ hard thing, and almost impracticable, to come at the kingdom, because the hatred of the nation against him on that account was become very great ; and, besides this very disagree- | able circumstance, the affairs of the soldiery grieved him still more, who were alienated from him, from which yet these kings de- rived all the safety which they had, whenever they found the nation desirous of innova- tion, and all this danger was drawn upon him by his destruction of his brethren. How- ever, he governed the nation jointly with his Uther, being indeed no other than a king ilready; and he was for that very reason trusted, and the more firmly depended on, for which he ought himself to have been put to death, as appearing to have betrayed his bre- thren out of his concern for the preservation of Herod, and not rather out of his ill-will to them, and before them, to his father him- self; and this was the accursed state he was in. Now, all Antipater's cotitrivances tended to make his way to take off Herod, that he might have nobody to accuse him in the vile practices he was devising; and that Herod might have no refuge, nor any to afford him their assistance, since they must thereby have Antipater for their open enemy; insomuch that the very plots he had laid ngainst hva bre- thren, were occasioned by the hatred he bore ' his father. But at this time he was more ; than ever set upon the execution of his I attempts against Herod, because, if he were j once dead, the government would now be [ firmly secured to him ; but if he were suffered to live any longer, he should be in danger upon a discovery of that wickedness of which he had been the contriver, and his father would then of necessity become his enemy. And on this account it was that he became very bountiful to his father's friends, and bestowed great sums on several of them, in order to surprise men with his good deeds, and take off their hatred against them. And he sent great presents to his friends at Rome particularly, to gain their good- will; and, above all, to Saturninus, the president of Syria. He also hoped to gain the favour of Satiu'ninus's brother with the large presents he 458 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVIT bestowed on him; as also he used the same art to [Salome] the king's sister, who had married one ot Heroti's ehief friends. And, when he counterfeited friendship to those with whom he conversed, he was very subtle in gaining their belief, and very cunning to hide his hatred against any that he really did -bate. But he could not iu)pose upon his aunt, who understood him of a long tiuie, ar.i was a woman ;.ot easily to be deluded, espe- cially while she had already used all possible caution in preventing his pernicious designs. Although Antipater's uncle by the mother's side was married to her daughter, and this by his own connivance and management, while she kad before been married to Aristobulus, and while Salome's other daughter by that husband was married to the son of Calleas; yet that marriage was no obstacle to her, who knew how wicked he was, in her discovering his designs, as her former kindred to him could not prevent her hatred of him. Now Herod had compelled Salome, while she was in love with Sylleus the Arabian, and had taken a fondness to him, to marry Alexas; which match was by her submitted to at the instance of JuUa, who persuaded Salome not to refuse it, lest she should herself be their open enemy, since Herod had sworn that he would never be friends with Salome if she would not accept of Alexas for her husband; so she submitted to Julia, as being Ciesar's wife; and besides that, she advised her to nothing but what was very much for her own advantage. At this time also it was that Herod sent back king Archelaus's daughter, who bad been Alexander's wife, to her father, returning the portion he had with her out of his own estate, that there might be no dispute between them about it. 2. Now Herod brought up his sons* chil- dren with great care; for Alexander had two sons by Glaphyra; and Aristobulus had three sons by Bernice, Salome's daughter, and two daughters; and as his friends were once with him, he presented the children before them; and deploring the hard fortune of his own sons, he prayed that no such ill fortune would befal these who were their children, but that they might improve in virtue, and obtain what they justly deserved, and might make him amends for his care of their edu- cation. He also caused them to be betrothed against they should come to the proper age of marriage; the elder of Alexander's sons to Pberoras's daughter, and Antipater's daugh- ter to Aristobulus's eldest son. He also allotted one of Aristobulus's daughters to Antipater's son, and Aristobulus's other daughter to Herod, a son of his own, who was born to him by the high-priest's daughter: for it is the ancient practice among us to have many wives at the same time. Now, the king rtnde these espousals for tfie chil- dren, out ol commiseration of them now they were fatherless, as endeavouring to render Antipater kind to them by these intermar- riages. But Antipater did not fail to bear tlie same temper ot mind to his brothers children which he had borne to hi? b'/'>.*h^'V9 themselves; and his father's concern a*>*"it them provoked his inriignution against ll'em upon his supposal, that they would becon«€ greater than ever his brothers had been; wliiU Archelaus, a king, would support his daugh- ter's sons, and Pheroras, a tetrarch, wouk accept of one of the daughters as a wife tc his son. What provoked him also was this, that all the multitude would so commiserate these fatherless children, and so hate him [tor making them fatherless], that all would come out, since they were no strangers to his vile disposition towards his brethren. He con- trived, therefore, to overturn his father's set- tletnents, as thinking it a terrible thing that they should be so related to him, and be so powerful withal. So Herod yielded to him, and changed his resolution at his entreaty; and the determination now was, that Anti()atei himself should uiarry Aristobulus's daughter, and Antipater's son should marry Pheroras's daughter. So the espousals for the marriages were changed after this manner, even without the king's real approbation. 3. Now Herod* the king had at this time nine wives; one of them Antipater's mother, and another the high-priest's daughter, by whom he had a son of his own name. He had also one who was his brother's daughter, and another his sister's da^ighter; which two had no children. One of his wives also was of the Samaritan nation, whose sons were Antipas and Archelaus, and whose daughter was Olym- pias; which daughter was afterward married to Joseph, the king's brother's son; but Archelaus and Antipas were brought up with a certain private man at Rome. Herod had also to wife Cleopatra of Jerusalem, and by her he had his sons Herod and Philip; which last was also brought up at Roine: Pallas also was one of his wives, who bare him his son Phasaelus; and besides these, he had for his wives Phedra and El pis, by whom he had his daughters Roxana and Salome. As for his elder daughlfers by the same mother with Alexander and Aristobulus, and whom Phe- roras neglected to marry, he gave the one in marriage to Antipater, the king's sister's son, and the other to Phasaelus, his brother's son; — and this was the posterity of Herod. • Thow who have a mind to know all the family and <le.scei)dant8 of AndpHler the Idiinieun, and of lierod the Great, his son. and have a menioiy to preserve them al] distinctly, may consult Josephus, Autiij. b. xviii. i-ih. v. sect. 4; and Of the War. b. i vh. xxviii. sect. 4; and Noldiiis ill Haveicamp's edition, p.lKkij and >()&..tlieira, ib. p. 4U2— 4U6i aud Relaud, Talestiu-part i. p. 176, I7& >^^ CKAr. n< AJirriQUITIES OF THE JEWS. CHAPTER IL COm,ERKlSG ZAMAaiS, THE BABYLONIAN JfcW; CONCEaMNG THE PLOTS LAID BY ANflPATER AGAINST HIS FATHER; AND 80MEWHAT ABOUT THE PHAIUSEES. § 1. And now it was that Herod, being de- sirous to secure hiuiseU" on the side of the Trachouites, resolved to build a village as large as a city for the Jews, in the middle of that country, which might make his own country ditficult to be assaulted, and whence be might be at haiid to make sallies upon them, and do them a mischief. Accordingly, when he understood that there was a man that was a Jew come out of Babylon, with five hundred borsenten, all of whom could shoot thtfir arrows as they rode on horseback, and, with a hundred of his relations, had passed over Euphrates, and now abode at Antioch by Daphne of Syria, where Saturni- Bus, who was then president, had given them a place for habitation, called Valatha, be sent for this luan, with the multitude that fol- lowed him, and promised to give him land in the toparchy called Batanea, which country is bounded with Tracbonitis, as desirous to make that his habitation a guard to himself. Ke also engaged to let him hold the country free from tribute, and that they should dwell entirely without paying such customs as used to be paid, and gave it him tax-free. 2. The Babylonian was induced by these offers to come hither; so he tool^ possession of the laud, and built in it fortresses and a village, and named it Bathyra. Whereby this man became a safeguard to the inhabi- tants against the Trachonites, and preserved those Jews who came out of Babylon, to offer their sacrifices at Jerusalem, from being hurt by the Traehonite robbers; so that a great number came to him from all those parts where the ancient Jewish laws were observed, and the country became full of people, by rea- son of their universal freedom from taxes. This continued during the life of Herod; but when Philip, who was [tetrarch] after him, took the government, he made them pay some small taxes, and that for a little while only; and Agrippa the Great, and his son of the same name, although they harassed them greatly, yet would they not take their liberty away. From whom, when the Romans have now taken the government into their own hands, they still gave them the privilege of their freedom, but oppress them entirely with the imposition of taxes. Of which matter 1 •LaJ treat more accurately in the progress of this history.* % At lengthy Zamaris the Babylonian, to • Tkia ta now wanting. whom Herod had given that country for a (ros- session, died; having lived virtuously, and left children of a good character behind hitii ; one of whom was Jacim, who was fain<iu.>- for his valour, and taught his Babylonians how to ride their horses ; ami a troop ot them were guards to the fore-mentioned kings; and when Jacim was dead in his old age, \w left a son, whose name was Philip, one oi great strength in his hands, and in other rr-- spects also more eminent for his valour thai; any of his contemporaries; on which accouu! there was a contidence and tirm friendship between oim and king Agrippa. He had tt».-.o an army which he maintained, as great a> thai of a king; which he exercised and led where- soever he had occasion to inarch. 4. When the affairs of Herod were in the condition 1 have described, all the public at- fairs depended upon Anti,)ater; and bi> power was such, that he could do good turns to as many aUie pleased, and this by his father's concession, in hopes of his good- will and fidelity to him; and this till he ventured to use his ^ower still farther, because hfs wicked designs were concealed from his father, and he made him bebeve every thing he said. He was also formidable to all, not so much on account of the power and authority he had, as for the shrewdness of his vile attempts beforehand; but he who principally cultivated a friendship with him was Pheroras, wlio received the like marks of his friendship; while Antipater had cunningly encom|>assed him about by a company of women, whom he placed as guards about him; for Pheroras was greatly enslaved to his wite, and to her mother, and to her sister; and this notwith- standing the hatred he bare them, for the in- dignities they had offered to his virgin daugh- ters. Yet did he bear them; and nothing was to be done without the women, who had got this man into their circle, and continued still to assist each other in all things, inso- much that Antipater vi'as entirely addicted to them, both by himself and by his mother; for these four women* said all one and the same thing; but the opinions of Pheroras and Antipater were different in some points of no consequence. But the king's sister [Salome] was their antagonist, who for a good while had looked about all their affairs, aiid was apprised that this their friendship was made, in order to do Herod some mischief, and was disposed to inform the king of it; and since these people knew toat their friendship was very disagreeable to Herod, as tending to do him a mischief, they, contrived that theii meetings should not be discovered; so they pretended to hate one another, and abuse one another when time served, and especially when Herod was present, or when any one was * Pberoras's wif«, and her mother and Doris, A nti pater's mother 460 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOQK XVI ^ there that would tell him; but still their intimacy was firmer than ever, when they were private; and this was the course they took. But they could not conceal from Salome neither their first contrivance, when they set about these their intentions, nor when they had made some progress in them; but she searched out every thing, and, aggravating the relations to her brother, declared to him, ds well their secret assemblies and compota- tions, as their counsels taken in a clandestine manner, which, if they were not in order to destroy him, they might well enough have been open and public; but to appearance they are at variance, and speak about one another as if they intended one another a mischief, but agree so well together when they are out of the sight of the multitude; for when they are alone by themselves they act in concert, and profess that they will never leave off their friendship, but will tight against those from whom they conceal their designs: and thus did she search out these things, and get a perfect knowledge of them, and then told her brother of them, who un- derstood also of himself a great deal of what she said, but still durst not depend upon it, because of the suspicions he had of his sister's calumnies; for there was a certain sect of men that were Jews, who valued themselves highly upon the exact skill they had in the law of their fathers, and made men believe they were highly favoured by God, by whom this set of women were inveigled. These are those that are called the sect of the Pha- risees, who were in a capacity of greatly opposing kings. A cunning sect they were, and soon elevated to a pitch of open fighting and doing mischief. Accordingly, when all the people of the Jews gave assurance of their good-will to Caesar, and to the king's government, these very men did not swear, being above six thousand; and when the^ king imposed a fine upon them, Pheroras's wife paid their fine for them. In order to requite which kindness of hers, since they were believed to have the foreknowledge of things to come by divine inspiration, they foretold how God had decreed that Herod's government should cease, and his posterity should be deprived of it; but that the king- dom should come to her and Pheroras, and to" their children. These predictions were not concealed from Salome, but were told the king; as also how they had perverted some persons about the palace itself. So the king slew such of the Pharisees as were prin- cipally accused, aq^ Bagoas the eunuch, and one Car us, who exceeded all men of that time in comeliness, and one that was his catamite. He slew also all those of his own family who had consented to what the Phari- sees foretold; and for Bagoas, he had been puffed up by them, as though he should be named the father and the ben^actor of him who, by the prediction, was foretold to b< their appointed king; for that this king would have all things in his power, and would enable Bagoas to marry, and to hav« children of his own body begotten. CHAPTER III. CONCERNING THE ENMITY BETWEEN HEROD AND pheroras; how HEROD SENT ANTI- PATER TO C-<ESARr AND OF THE DEATH OS PHERORAS. § 1. When Herod had pninished those Pha- risees who had been convicted of the fore- going crimes, he gathered an assembly together of his friends, and accused Pheroras's wifej and ascribing the abuses of the virgins to the impudence of that woman, brought an -accu- sation against her for the dishonour she had brought upon them: that she had studious:ly introduced a quarrel between him and his brother; and, by her ill temper, had brought them into a state of war, both by her words and actions: that the fines which he had laid had not been paid, and the offeuders had escaped punishment by her means; and that nothing which had of late been done, had been done without her: "for which reasoa Pheroras would do well, if .he would of his own accord, and by his own coiiimand, and not at my entreaty, or as following my opinion, put this his wife away, as one that will still be the occasion of war between thee and me. And now, Pheroras, if thou vainest thy relation to me, put this wife of tlime away; for by this means thou wilt continue to be a brother to me, and wilt abide in thy love to me." Then said Pheroras (.although he was pressed hard by the former words), that as he would not do so unjust a thing as to renounce his brotherly relation to him, so would he not leave off his affection for his wife; that he would rather choose to die, than to live and be deprived of a wife that was s» dear unto him. Hereupon Herod put off his anger against Pheroras on these accounts, although he himself thereby underwent a very uneasy punishment. However, he forbade Antipater and his mother to have any conver- sation with Pheroras, and bade them to take care to avoid the assemblies of the women: which they promised to do, but still got together when occasion served; and both Pheroras and Antipater had their own merry meetings. The report went also, that Antipater had criminal conversation with Pheroras's wife, and that they were brought together by Antipater's mother. 2. But Antipater had now a suspicion o( his father, and was afraid that the elfects of his hatred to him nii{jht increase; so he wrot» to bis friends at Uuuie, aud bade theru seod CHAP. IV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 461 to Herod, that he would immediately send Antipater to Caesar; which, when it was done, Ilerod sent Antipater thither, and sent most noble presents along with him ; as also his testament, wherein Antipater was appointed to be his successor : and that if Antipater should die first, his son [Herod Philip], by the high -priest's daughter, should succeed. And, together with Antipater, there went to Rome, Sylleus the Arabian, although he had done nothing of all that Caesar had enjoined him. Antipatei also accused him of the same crimes of w hich he had been formerly accused by Herod. Sylleu was also accused by Are- tas, that without his consent he had slain many of the chief of the Arabians at Petra; and particularly Soemus, a man that deserved to be honoured by all men, and that he had slain Fabatus, a servant of Caesar. These were the things of which Sylleus was accused, and that on the occasion following: — There was one Corinthus, belonging to Herod, of the guards of the king's body, and one who was greatly trusted by him. Sylleus had per- suaded this man with the offer of a great sum of money to kill Herod; and hehad promised todo it. When Fabatus had been made acquainted with this, for Sylleus had himself told him of it, he informed the king of it; who caught Corinthus, and put him to the torture, and thereby got out of him the whole conspiracy. He also caught two other Arabians, who were discovered by Corinthus; the one the head of a tribe, and the other a friend to Sylleus, who both were by the king brought to the torture, and confessed that they were come to encou- rage Corinthus not to foil of doing what he had undertaken to do; and to assist him with their own hands in the murder, if need should require their assistance. So Saturninus, upon Herod's discovering the whole to him, sent them to Rome. 3. At this time Heroti ^.ommanded Phe- roras, that since he was so obstinate in his affection for his wife, he should retire into his own tetrarchy; which he did very willingly, and sware many oaths that he would not come again till he heard that Herod was dead. And indeed when, upon a sickness of the king, he was desired to come to him before he died, that he might entrust him with some of his injunctions, he had such a regard to his oath, that he would not come to him ; yet did not Herod so retain his hatred to Pheroras, but remitted of his purpose [not to see him] which he before bad, and that for such great causes as have been already mentioned: but as soon as he became to be ill he came to him, and this j without being sent for ; and when he was dead he took care of his funeral, and had his body brought to Jerusalem, and buried there, nd appointed a solemn mourning for him. This [death ol Pheroras] became the origin of Antipater's misfortunes, although he had already sailed for Rome. God now being about to punish him for the murder of his brethren. I will explain the history of this matter very distinctly, that it may be for a warning to mankind, that they take care of conducting their whole lives by the rules of virtue. CHAPTER IV. I PHEROHAS'S WIFE IS ACCUSED BY HIS FREED- MEN AS GUILTY OF POISONING HIM; AND HOW HEROD, UPON EXAMINING OF THB MATTER BY TORTURE, FOUND THE POISON; BUT SO THAT IT HAD BEEN PREPARED FOa HIMSELF BY HIS SON ANTIPATER; AND, UPON AN INQUIRY BY TORTURE, HE DIS- COVERED THE DANGEROUS DESIGNS OP ANTIPATER. I § 1. As soon as Pheroras was dead, and his funeral was over, two of Pheroras's freedmen, who were much esteemed by him, came to Herod, and entreated him not to leave the murder of his brother without avenging it, but to examine into such an unreason^le and unhappy death. When he was moved with these words, for they seemed to him to be true, they said that Pheroras supped with his wife the day before he fell sick, and that a certain potion was brought him in such a sort of food as he was not used to eat ; but that when he had eaten he died of it: that this potion was brought out of Arabia by a woman, under pretence indeed as a love- potion, for that was its name, but in reahty to kill Pheroras; for that the Arabian women are skilful in making such poisons: and the woman to whom they ascribe this, was con- fessedly a most intimate friend of one of Syl- leus's mistresses; and that both the mother and the sister of Pheroras's wife had been at the place where she lived, arrd had persuaded her to sell them this potion, and bad come back and brought it with them the day before that of his supper. Hereupon the king was provoked, and put the women-slaves to the torture, and some that were free with them; and as the fact did not yet appear, because none of them would confess it, at length one of them, under the utmost agonies, said no more but this, that she prayed that Go* would send the like agonies upon Antipater's mother, who had been the occasion of these miseries to all of them. This prayer induced Herod to increase the women's tortures, till thereby all was discovered: their merry meet- ings, their secret assemblies, and the disclos- ing of what he bad said to his son alone unto Pheroras's* women. (Now what Herod had charged Antipater to conceal, was the gift of a hundred talents to him, not to have any conversation with Pheroras.) And what • His wife, her mother, and aistm. 462 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XTIL hatred be bore to bis father; and that he com- pluiiieii to his mother how very long his father lived, and that he was himself almost an old man, insomuch that if the kingdom should come to him, it would not afford hin» any great pleasure ; aiid that there were a great many of his brothers, or brothers' children, bringing up, that might have hopes of the kingdom as well as himself; all which made bis own hopes of it uncertain; for that even now, if he should himself not live, Herod bad ordained that tbe government should be conferred, Tiot on his son, but rather on a brother. He also had accused the king of great oarbarity, and of the slaughter of his sons; and that it was out of the fear he was under, lest he should do the like to him, that made him contrive this his journey to Rome, and Pheroras contrive to go to his own tetrarchy.* • 2. These confessions agreed with what his sister had told him, and tended greatly to corroborate her testimony, and to free her • from the suspicion of her unfaithfulness to him. So the king having satisfied himself of the spite which Doris, Antipater's mother, as«well as hiiqself, bore to him, took away from her all her fine ornaments, which were worth «nany talents, and then sent her away, and entered into friendship with Pheroras's women. But he who most of all irritated the king against his son, was one Antipater, the procurator of Antipater the king's son, who, when he was tortured, among other things, said that Anti- pater had prepared a deadly potion, and given it to Pheroras, with his desire that he would give ^t to his father during his absence, and , when he was too remote to have the least suspicion cast upon him thereto relating; that Antiphilus, one of Antipater's friends, brought that potion out of Egypt; and that it was sent to Pheroras by Theudion, the brother of the mother of Antipater, the king's son, and by that means came to Pheroras's wife, her hus- band having given it her to keep. And when the king asked her about it, she confessed it; and as she was running to fetch it, she threw herself down from the house-top, yet did she not kill herself, because she fell upon her feet: by which means, when the king had comforted her, and had promised her and her domestics pardon, upon condition of their concealing nothing of the truth from him, but had threatened her with the utmost mise- ries if she proved ungrateful [and concealed any thing]; so she proTiised him, and swore that she would speak out every thing, and tell • It st-ems to me, by this whole »tory put togetfier, that Pheroras was not himiieir poisoned, as is commonly sup- posed; for Aiitipatfr haii per^uaiied him to poison Herod ich. T. s. 1). which would lali to the ground if he were himself poisoned: nur could the puisotink; of Pheroras serve any denign that appears now kuii>k forward; it was only the supposal uftwu ui bis Ireediiitn. that thin juve- potion, ur poison, wiiich they kn*-w was briiut;ht tu Phero- ras's wife, was made use of h»r ^ixiuiiiK him ; witneaK it ■ ppritrs lo have l>«frn broiiKht fur her husband to poison lierod withal, as tbe fiuure cxantiuatiuus demonstrate. after what manner every thing was done; and said what man) took to be entirely true, that the potion was brought out of Egypt by Antiphilus, and that his brother, who wab a physician, had procured it; and that, "when Theudion brought it us, she kept it upon I*heroras's committing it to her; and that it was prepared by Antipater for thee. When, therefore, Pheroras was fallen sick, and thou camest to him and tookest care of him, and when he saw the kindness thou hadst for him, his mind was overborne thereby. So he called me to him, and said to me, 'O woman! Antipater hath circumvented me in this atfair of his father and my brother, by persuading me to have a murderous intention to him, and procuring a potion to be subservient thereto: do thou, therefore, go and fetch my potion (since my brother appears to have still the same virtuous disposition towards me which he had formerly, and 1 do not expect to live long myself, and that 1 may not defile my forefathers by the murder of a brother) and burn it before my face:' that accordingly she itnmediately brought it, and did as her husband bade her; and that she burnt the greatest part of the potion ; but that a little of it wa« left, that if the king, after Pheroras's death, should treat her ill, she might poison herself, ^ and thereby get clear of her miseries." Upor flj her saying thus, she brought out the potion, and the box in which it was, before them all. Nay, there was another brother of Antiphilus, and his mother also, who, by the extremity of pain and torture, confessed the same things, and owned the box [to be that which had been brought out of Egypt]. The high- priest's daughter also, who was the king's wife, was accused to have been conscious of all this, and had resolved to conceal it; for which reason Herod divorced her, and blotted her son out of his testament, wherein he had been mentioned as one that was to reign after him; and he took the high-priesthood away from his father-in-law, Simeon the son of Boethus, and appointed Matthias the son ol Theophilus, who was born at Jerusalem, to be high- priest in his room. 3. While this was doing, Bathyllus also, Antipater's freedman, came from Rome, and upon the torture was fjund to have brought another potion, to give it into the hands of Antipater's mother, and of Pheroras, that if the former potion did not operate upon the king, this at least might carry him off. There came also letters from Hero<i's friends at Rome, by the approbation and at the sugges- tion of Antipater, to accuse Arcbelaus and ! Philip, as if they calumniated their father on account of the slaughter of Alexander end Aristobuliis, and as if they commiserated their deaths, and as if, because they were sent for home (for their father bad already recalled them), they concluded they were themselves also to be destroyed. These letters had been CHAP. V, ANTiaUITIES OF THE JEWS. 463 prncnred by great rewards, by Antipater's frfpiids; bat Antipater himself wrote to his Catberabout tbeia, aiid laid the heavietst thing)' to their charge; yet did he entirely excuse theic «^ any guiit, and said they were but youPjT loeo, afid lio imputed their word:$ tu tbeir v-ottth. Bat be said that he had hioi- self been very busy in the afiair relating tu Sylletts, and in i^ettii^ intere^ aiuoiig the great Mcn; and on that account had bought spleiulid ornaiHents to preseut them vkithaL. which cost him two hundred talents. Now, one may wonder bow it caine about, thaU while so many arrusatioas were laid against faim in Jadea during seven inoiKhs before this time, he was not made acquainted with aiiy of them. The causes of which were, that the ruads were exactly guarded, and that wen bated Antipater; for there was nobody who would run auiy hazard himself, to gain him any advaati^ges. CHAPTER V. 4KTirATE«*S NAVIGATION FftOlf ftOME TO HTS FATHER; AND llUW HE WAS ACCUSED BT KiruLACS OF DAMASCUS, AND CONDEMNED TO DIE BV HIS FATHER, AND BT QOIN- TIUUS VARUS, WHO WAS THEN FRESIOFNT OF stria; AND HOW HE WaS THEN BO0ND TILL OiilSAR SUOCLO BE INFORMED OF UlS CACSE. § 1. Now Herod, upon Antipater's writing to him, that having done all that he was to do, and this in the manner he was to do it, fae would suddenly come to him, coiM^aled his anger against him, and wrote back to him, and bade lum not delay his journey, lest any harm should be£il himself in his absence. At the same time also he made some litfle complaint about his mother, but promised that he would lay those complaints aside when he should return. He withal expressed bis en- tire affection for him, as fearing lest he should have some suspicion of him, and defer his journey to him; and lest, while he lired at fiome, he should lay plots for the kingdom, and, moreover, do something against himsel£ This letter Antipater met with in Cilicia; but bad received an account of Pheroras's death be- fore at TarcDtum. This last news affected him deeply; -oi ^Mit of any affection for Phero- ras, but because he was dead without baring murdered his father, which he had promised him to do. And whe^ he was at Celendris in Cilicia, he began to deliberate with him- self about his sailing home, u being much grieved with the ejection of his mother. Now, some of his friends advised him that he should tarry a while somewhere, in expectation of fiirrher informatiou. But others advisui him to sail home without delay; for that if be were once come thither, be would soon put an end to all accusations, and that nodung afford- ed any weight to his accusers at present but his absence. Ue wast persuaded by tnesse last, and sailed on, and landed at the haven exiled Seba>tus, which llerud had built at vast««x> peuses ill honour of Caesar, and called Sebas- tus. And now wa« Antipater evidently in a miserable condition, while nobody came to him nor saluted him, as they diu at hi:* gunu; away, aith good aishes or joyful acrl«uM. tious; nor was there now any thing to hiiuier them from entertaiuing him, ou the cikutr*r\, with bitter curses, while they suppoMti ht was coiue to recuve bis puni^inwrut fur the murder of his brethren. 2. Now Quiutilius Varus was at this timt at Jerusaieai. being sent to succeed Siaturm- nus as president of Syria, and aras oouie a? aii assessor to Herod, who bad desired bi» ail vice in his present affairs; and as they were sitting t<^ether, Ajitipater came upon them, «rithuut kuuwit^ any tbi^g oft the matter; >o be cajiie into the p ^U c c eluthed in purple The purttrr^ indeed recei^red him in, but ex- cluded his friends. And now he was in gn^t disorder, and presently uuderstuod the cuutJ- tiou he M-as in, while, u{kmi h» guiiig tu salute his &ther, he was repuh<ed by hiui, who called him a murderer of hi> brethren, aiui plotter of destruction against hini^^lf, aiiu tokl him that Varus shouln be his amator amu: his judge the very next day; so be tuttuU, that what misfortune he now heard of W4!^ already upon him, with the greatness of which he went away in coiifu.'%ion ; uptia which hi^ mother and lus w^e met him (which wife witi- the daughter of Antigonus, who ap«s kuig ot the Jews before Herod), from whom he learned all circumstances which cuiUrerueo him, and then prepared himself tor his trial. 3. On the next day Varus and the kin^ sat together in judgment, and both tlicir friends were also called in, as also the king's relations, with his sister Salome, and as many as could discover any thing, and such as h^ been tortured; and besides these, some slaves of Antipater's mother, who were taken up a little before Antipater*s coming, and brougnt H-ith them a h ritten letter, the sum of whu-h was this: That he should mA come back, be- cause all was come to his Either 's knowlei'.ge, and that Caesar was the only refuge be hat< left, to prevent both his and her delivery inu< bis father's hands, ^hen did Antipater tiA dou-n at his father's feet, and besought bi.t. not to prejudge his cause, but that he might ik tirst heard by his father, and that his hither would keep himself stiU unprejudiced. So Herod <Hdered him to be brought into the midst, and then lamented himself about bis children, from whom b€ bad suffered such great misfortunes; and because Antipater fell upon him in his old age. He also reckoned up% what ciaint f T'lniv . and what oducatimi be hati 464 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVII. given them; and Vfhat seasonable supplies of wealth he had aflforded them, according to their own desires; none of which favours had hindered them from contriving against him, and from bringing his very life into danger in order to gain his kingdom, after an impious manner, by taking away his life before the course of nature, their father's wishes, or 'ustice, required that that kingdom should come to them; and that he wondered what hupes could elevate Antipater to such a pass as to be hardy enough to attempt such things; that he had by his testament in writing de- clared him his successor in the government; and while he was alive, he was in no respect interior to him, either in his illustrious dig- nity, or in power and authority, he having no less than filty talents for his yearly income, and had received for bis journey to Rome no fewer than thirty talents. He also objected to bira the case of his brethren whom he had accused; and if they were guilty, he had imitated their example; and if not, he had brought him groundless accusations against his near relations; for that he had been acquainted with all those things by him, and by nobody else, and had done what was done by bis approbation, and whom he now absolved from all that was criminal, by be- coming the inheritor of the guilt of such their parricide. 4. When Herod had thus spoken, he fell a- weeping, and was not able to say any more ; but at his desire Nicolaus of Damascus, being tbe king's friend, and always conversant with him, and acquainted with whatsoever he did, and with the circumstances of his affairs, pro- ceeded to what remained, and explained all that concerned the demonstrations and evi- dences of the facts. Upon which Antipater, in order to make his legal defence, turned himself to his father, and enlarged upon the many indications he had given of his good- will t© him; and instanced in the honours that bad been done him, which yet had not been done, had he not deserved them by his virtuous concern about him; for that he had made provision for every thing that was fit to be foreseen beforehand, as to giving him his wisest advice; and whenever there was occa- sion for the labour of his own hands, he had not grudged any such pains for him. And that it was almost impossible that he, who had delivered his father from so, many treacherous contrivances laid against him, should be him- self in a plot against him, and so lose all the reputation he had gained for his virtue, by his wickedness which succeeded it; and this while he had nothing to prohibit him, who was already appointed his successor, to enjoy the royal honour with his father also at present ; ai d that there was no likelihood that a person who had tbe one half of that authority without '-any danger, and with a good character, should bunt after tb« whole with infamy and danger, and this when it was doubtful whether h« could obtain it or not ; and when he saw the sad example of his brethren before him, and was both the informer and the accuser against them, at a time when they might not other- wise have been discovered; nay, was the author of the punishment inflicted upon them, when it appeared evidently that they were guilty of a wicked attempt against their father; and that even the contentions that were in the king's family, were indications that he had ever managed affairs out of tbe sincerest affection to his father. And as to what he had done at Rome, Caesar was a witness thereto, who was yet no more to be imposed upon than God himself; of whose opinions his letters sent hither are sufficient evidence: and that it was not reasonable to prefer the calumnies of such as proposed to raise dis- turbances, before those letters; the greatest part of which calumnies had been raised during his absence, which gave scope to his enemies to forge them, which they had not been able to do if he had been there. More- over he showed the weakness of the evidence obtained by torture, which was commonly false; because the distress men are in under such tortures, naturally obliges them to say many things, in order to please those that govern them. He also offered himself to the torture. 5. Hereupon there was a change observed in the assembly, while they greatly pitied Antipater, who, by weeping and putting on a countenance suitable to his sad case, made them commiserate the same; insomuch that his very enemies were moved to compassion; and it appeared plainly that Herod himself was .affected in his own mind, although he was not willing it should be taken notice of. Then did Nicolaus begin to prosecute what the king had begun, and that with great bitterness; and summed up all tbe evidence which arose from the tortures, or from the testimonies. He principally and largely crieu up the king's virtues, which he had exhibited in the maintenance and education of his sons; while he never could gain any advantage thereby, but still fell from one misfortune to another. Although he owned that he was not so much surprised with that thoughtless behaviour of his former sons, who were but young, and were besides corrupted by wicked counsellors, who were the occasion of their wiping out of their minds all the righteous dictates of nature, and this out of a desire of coming to tbe government sooner than they ought to do; yet that he could not but justly stand amazed at the horrid wicked- ness of Antipater, who, although he had not only had great benetits bestowed on him by his father, enough to tame his reason, yet could not be more tamed than the n:ost envenomed serpents; whereas even those crea- tures admit of oCMiie mitigation, and will not '""'^lUi 'lIBlip mi iiiiiiJiil ^P-^:. CHAP. V. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 465 bite their benefactors, while Anti pater hath not let the misfortunes of his brethrSn be any hinderance to him, but he hath gone on to imi- tate Their barbarity notwithstanding. "Yet wast thou, O Antipater! (as thoa hast thy- self confessed) the informer as to what wicked actions they had done, and the searcher out of the evidence against them, and the author of the punishment they underwent upon their detection. Nor do we say this as accusing ibee for being so zealous in thy anger against them, but are astonished at thy endeavours to imitate their profligate behaviour; and we discover thereby, that thou didst not act thus for the safety of thy father, but for the de- struction of thy brethren, that by such outside hatred of their impiety thou mightest be believed a lover of thy father, and mightest thereby get thee power enough to do mischief with the greatest impunity; which design thy actions indeed demonstrate. It is true, thou tookest thy brethren off, because thou didst convict them of their wicked designs; but thou didst not yield up to justice those who were their partners; and thereby didst make it evident to all men that thou madest a cove- nant with them against thy father, when .thou chosest to be the accuser of thy brethren, as desirous to gain to thyself alone this advan- tage of laying plots to kill thy father, and so to enjoy double pleasure, which is truly worthy of thy evil disposition, — which thou hast openly shown against thy brethren; on which account thou didst rejoice, as having done a most famous exploit, nor was that behaviour unworthy of thee; but if thy intention were otherwise, thou art worse than they: while thou didst contrive to hide thy treachery against thy father, thou didst hate them; not as plotters against thy father, for in that case thou hadst not thyself fallen upon the like crime, but as successors of his dominions, and more worthy of that succession than thyself. Thou wouldest kill thy father after thy bre- thren, lest thy lies raised against them might be detected ; and lest ,thou shouldst suffer what punishment thou hadst deserved, thou hadst a mind to exact that punishment of thy unhappy father, and didst devise such a sort of uncommon parricide as the world never yet saw; — for thou who art his son didst not only lay a treacherous design against thy father, and didst it while he loved thee, and had been thy benefactor, — had made thee in reality hU partner in the king<lom, and had openly declared thee his successor, while thuu wast not forbidden to taste the sweetness of authority already, and hadst the iirm hope of what was future by thy father's determination, and the security of a written testament; but for certain, thou didst not measure these things according to thy father's various disposition, but according to thy own thoughts and incli- nations; and wast desirous to take the part that remained away from thy too indulgent father, and soughtest to destroy him with thy deeds, whom thou in words pretendedst to preserve. Nor wast thou content to be wicked thyself, but thou filledst thy mother's head with thy devices, and raisedst disturbance among thy brethren, and hadst the boldness to call thy father a wild beast; while thou hadst thyself a mind more cruel than any serpent whence thou sentest out that poison a.moug thy nearest kindred and greatest benefactors, and invitedst them to assist thee and guard thee, and didst hedge thyself in on all sides by the artifices of both men and women, against an old man, — as though that mind ot thine was not sufficient of itself to support so great a hatred as thou barest to him; and here thou appearest, after the tortures of free- men, of domestics, of men and women, which have been examined on thy account, and after the informations of thy fellow-conspira- tors, as making haste to contradict the truth; and hast thought on ways not only how to take thy father out of the world, but to disan- nul that written law which is against thee, and the virtue of Varus, and the nature of justice; nay, such is that impudence of thine on which thou confidest, that thou desirest to be put to the torture thyself, while thou allegest that the tortures of those already examined thereby have made them tell lies; that those that have been the deliverers of thy father may not be allowed to have spoken the truth; but that thy tortures may be esteemed the discoverers of truth. Wilt not thou, O Varus! deliver the king from the injuries oi his kindred? "Wilt not thou destroy this wicked wild beast, which halh pretended kind- ness to his father, in order to destroy his bre- thren; while yet he is himself alone ready to carry off the kingdom immediately, and ap- pears to be the most bloody butcher to hira of them all? for thou art sensible that par- ricide is a general injuuy both to nature and to common life ; and that the intention of parricide is not inferior to its preparation ; and he who does not punish it, is injurious to nature itself." 6. Nicolaus added farther what belonged to Antipater's mother, and whatsoever she had prattled like a woman ; as al»o about the predictions and the sacrifices relating to th-e king; and whatsoever Antipater had done lasciviously in his cups and his amours among Plieroras's women; the examination upon torture; and v/hatsoever concerned the tes- timoiiiesof the witnesses, which weremany,and of various kinds; some prepared beforehand, and others were sudden answers, which farther declared and confirmed the foregoing evi- dence. For those men who were iict ec- quainted with Antipater's practices, but had concealed thern out of fear, when they saw that he was exposed to the accusations ot ttie former witnesses, and that his great good tor tune, which Had supported Lim hitherto, had 466 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVII now evidently betrayed him into the hands of his enemies, who were now insatiable in their hatred to hiui, told all they knew of him; and his ruin was now hastened, not so much by theentuityot those mat were his accusers, as by his gross, impudent, and wicked contrivances, and by his ill-will to his father and his brethren; while he had filled their house with disturbance, and caused them to murder one another; and was neither fair in his hatred nor kind in his friendship, but just so tar as served his own turn. Now, there were a ^reat number who for a long time beforehand had seen all this, and especially such as were naturally disposed to judge of matters by the rules of virtue, because they were used to de- termine about affairs without passion, but had been restrained from making any open com- plaints before; these, upon the leave now given them, produced all that they knew befor^ the public. 'I'he denionstrations also of these wicked facts could no way be 1i>proved ; because the many witnesses there were did neither speak out of favour to Herod, nor were they obliged to keep what they had to say silent, out of suspicion of any danger they were in; but they spwke what they knew, because they thought such actions very wicked, and that Antipater deserved the greatest punishment; and indeed not so much for Hero<i's safety, as on account of the man's own wickedness. Many things were also said, and those by a great number of persons, who were no way obliged to say them: insomuch that Antipater, who used generally to be very shrewd in his lies and impudence, was not able to say one word to the contrary. When Nicolaus bad left off speaking, and had pro- duced the evidence. Varus bade Antipater to betake himself to the making his defence, if he had prepared any thing whereby it might appear that he was not guilty of the crimes he was accused of; for that, as he was himself desirous, so did he know that his father was in like manner desirous also to have him found entirely innocent; but Antipater fell down on his face, and appealed to God and to all men, for testimonials of his imiocency, desiring that God would declare, by some evident signals, that he had not laid any plot against bis father. This being the usual method of all men destitute of virtue, that, when they 8et about any wicked undertakings, they fall to work according to their own inclinations, as if idey believed that God was uncon- cerned in human affairs; but when once they are found out, and are in danger of undergo- ing the punishment due to their crimes, they endeavour to overthrow all the evidence against them, by appealing to God; which was the very thing which Antipater now did; for whareas he had done every thing as if there were no God in the world, when he was on all ■ides distressed by justice, and when he had M> other advantage to expect from any legal proofs, by which he might disprove the accu sations laid against him, he impudently abused the majesty of God, and ascribed it to his power, that he hath been preserved hitherto; and produced before them all what difficulties he had ever undergone in his bold acting for his father's preservation. 7. So when Varus, upon asking Antipater what he had to say for himself, found that hf had nothing to say besides his appeal to God, and saw that there was no end of that, he bade them bring the potion before the court, that he might see what virtue still remained in it; and when it was brought, and one that was condemned to die had drank it by Varus's command, he died presently. Then Varus got up, and departed out of the courts and went away the day following to Antioch, where his usual residence was, because that was the palace of the Syrians; upon which Herod lai<i his son in bonds: but what were Varus's discourses to Herod, was not known to the generality, and upon a hat words it was that he went away; though it was also gene- rally su|)posed, that whatsoever Herod did afterward al)out his son, was done with his approbation: but when Herod had bound his son, he sent letters to Rome to Ca;sar about him, and such messengers withal as should, by word of mouth, inform Ciesar of Antipater's wickedness. Now, at this very time, there was seized a letter of Antiphilus, written to Antipater out of Egypt (for he lived there); and, when it was opened by the king, it was found to contain what follows: — ' I have sent thee Acme's letter, and hazarded my own life; for thou knowest tHat I am in danger from two families, if I be discovered. I wish thee good success in thy affair." These were the contents of this letter; but the king made inquiry about the other letter also, for it <ii<l not appear; and Antiphilus's slave, who brought that letter which had been read, denied that he had received the other: but while the king was in doubt about it, one of Herod's friends seeing a seam upon the inner coat of the slave, and a doubling of the cloth (for he had two coats on) he guessed that the letter might be within that doubling; which accordingly proved to be true. So they took out the letter; and its contents were these: — "Acme to Antipater. I have written such a letter to thy father as thou desiredst me. I have also taken a copy and sent it, as if it came from Salome, to my lady [Livia]; which when thou readest, I know that Herod will punish Salome, as plotting against him." Now, this pretendod letter of Salome to her lady was composed by Antipater, in the name of Salome, as to its meaning, but in the words of Acme. The letter was this: — "Acme to king Herod. 1 have done my endeavour that nothing that is done against thee should be concealed from thee. So, upon my finding a letter of Salome written to my lady against thee, I hav« CHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIES OF THfi JEWS. 457 written out a copy and sent it to thee ; with buziird to myself, but for thy advantage. The reason why she wrote it was this, — that she had a mind to be married to Sylleus. Do thou therefore tear this letter in pieces, that 1 may not come into danger of my life." Now Acme had written to Anti pater himself, and inJbrmed him, that in compliance with his command, she had both herself written to He- roii, as if Salome had laid a sudilen plot en- tirely against him, and had herself sent a copy of an epistle, as coming from Salome to her lady. Now Acme was a Jew by birth, and a servant to Julia, Ciesar's wife; and did this out of her friendship for Antipater, as having been corrupted by him with a large present of money, to assist in his pernicious designs against his father and his aunt. *8. Hereupon Herod was so amazed at the prodigious wickedness of Antipater, that he was ready to have ordered him to be slain im- mediately, as a turbulent person in the most important concerns, and as one that had laid a plot not only against himself, but against his sister also; and even corrupted Ciesar's own domestics. Salonie also provoked him to it, beating her breast, and bidding him kill her, if he could produce any credil)le testimony that she had acted in that manner. Herod also sent for his son, and asked him about this matter, and bade him contradict it if he could, and not suppress any thing he had to say for himself; and when he had not one word to say, he asked him, since he was every way caught in his villany, that he would make no farther delay but discover his associates in these hU wicked designs. So he laid all upon Antiphilus; but discovered nobody else. Hereupon Herod was in such great grief, that he was ready to send his son to Home to Caesar, there to give an account of these his Mricked contrivances. But he soon became afraid, lest he might there, by the assistance of his friends, escape the danger he was in: so he kept him bound as before, and sent more ambassadors and letters [to Rome] to accuse his son, and an account of what as- sistance Acme had given him in his wicked designs, with copies of the epistles before- mentioned. CHAPTER VL COXCERNIN'G THE DISEASE THAT HEROD FELL INTO, AND THE SEDITION WHICH THE JEWS RAISED THEREUPON; WITH THE PUNISH- MENT OF THE SEDITIOUS. § 1. Now Herod's ambassadors made haste to Rome; but sent, as instructed beforehand, what answers they were to make to the ques- tions put to them. They also carried the epistles with them. But Herod now fell into a distemper, and made his will, and bequeathed his kingdom to [Antipas], his youngest son; and this out of that hatred to Arcbelaus and Philip, which the calumnies of Anti- pater had raised against them. He also be- queathed a thousand talents to Caesar, and tive hundred to Julia, C:esar's wife, to Cae sar's children, and friends, and freedmen He also distributed among his sons and thei sons his money, his revenues, and his lands. He also made Salome, his sister, very rich, because she had continued faithful to him in all his circumstances, and was never so rash as to do him any harm. And as he despaired of recovering, ior he was about the seven- tieth year of his age, he grew tierce, and in- dulged the bitt^irest anger upon all occasions; the cause whereof was this, that he thought himself despised, and that the nation was pleased with his misfortunes; besides which, he resented a sedition which some of the lower sort of men excited against him, the occasion of which was as follows: — 2. There was one Judas, the son of Sari- pheus, and Matthias, the son of Marg.dothus two of the most eloquent men among the 'Jews, and the most celebrated interpreters ol the Jewish laws, and men well-belove<l by the people, because of their educatioii of theii youth; for all those that were studious ot virtue frequented their lecture* every day. These men, when they found that the king's distemper was incurable, excited the young men that they would pull down all those works which the king had erecte(i contrary lo the law of their fathers, and thereby obtain the rewards which the law will confer on them for such actions of piety; for that it was truly on account of Herod's rashness in making such things as the law bad forbidden, that his other misfortunes, and this distemper also, which was so unusual among mankind, and with which he was now atfiicted, came upon him: for Herod had caused such things to be nmde, which were contrary to the law, of which he was accused by Jjidas and Mat- thias; for the king had erected over the great gate of the temple a large golden eagle, of great value, and had dedicated it to the tem- ple. Now, the law forbids those that pro- pose to live according to it, to erect images,* or representations of any living creature. So these wise men persuaded [their scholars] to pull down the golden eagle; alleging, that although they should incur any danger which might bring them to their deaths, the virtue of the action now proposed to them would appear much more advantageous to them than the pleasures of life; since they would die for the preservation and observation of the law of their fathers; since they would also • That the making <■'( iinae«s. without an inientiov to wursiiip them, was not unlawful t> the Jews, aee the note on Antiq. b. viii. cb. tu. se^a- 468 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVIT. acquire an everlasting fame and commenda- tion; since they would be both commended by the present generation, and leave an example ot lite that would never be forgotten to posterity; since that common calamity of dying cannot be avoided by our living so as to escape any such dangers: that therefore it is a right thmg for those who are in love with virtuous conduct, to wait for that fatal hour y such a behaviour as may carry them out of the world with praise and honour; and that this will alleviate death to such a degree, thus to come at it by the performance of brave actions, which bring us into danger of it; and at the same time to leave that repu- tation behind them to their children, and to all their relations, whether they be men or women, which will be of great advantage to them afterward. 3. And with such discourses as this did these men excite the young men to this action; and a report being come to them that the king was dead, this was an addition to the wise men's persuasions; so, in the very middle of the day they got upon the place, they pulled down the eagle, and cut it into pieces with axes, while a great number of the people were in the temple. And now the king's captain, upon hearing what the undertaking was, and supposing it was a thing of a higher nature than it proved to be, came up thither, having a great band of soldiers with him, such as was sufficient to put a stop to the multitude of those who pulled down what was dedicated to God: so he fell upon them unexpectedly, Hiid as they were upon this bold attempt, in a foolish presumption rather than a cautious circumspection, as is usual with the. multi- tude, and while they were in disorder, and incautious of what was for their advantage, — so he caught no fewer than forty of the young men, who had the courage to stay behind when the rest ran away, together with the authors of this bold attempt, Judas and Mat- thias, who thought it an ignominious thing to retire upon his approach, and led them to the king. And when they were come to the king, and he had asked them if they had been so bold as to pull down what he had dedicated to God, " Yes (said they) what was contrived we contrived, and what hath been performed, we performed it; and that with such a vir- tuous courage as becomes men ; for we hare given our assistance to those things which were deaicated to the majesty of God, and we have provided for what we have learned by heanng the law; and it ought not to be won- derea at, if we esteem those laws which Moses had 8ui<:gested to him, and were taught him by oofl. and which he wrote and left behind him, more worthy of observation than thy cotrmands. Accordingly, we will undergo deacn, and all sorts of punishments which thou canst inflict upon us, with ^.lc•a:^ul•e, since we are conscious to ourselves that we shall die, not for any unrighteous actions, but foi our love to religion." And thus they ail saidi and their courage was still equal to their pro- fession, and equal to that with which they readily set about this undertaking. And when the king had ordered them to be bound, he sent them to Jericho, and called together the principal men among the Jews; and when they were come, he made them assemble in the theatre, and because he could not himself stand, he lay upon a couch, and enumerated the many labours that he had long endured on their account, and his building of the tem- ple, and what a vast charge that was to him ; while the Asamoneans, during the hundred and twenty-five years of their government, had not been able to perform any so great a work for the honour of God as that was: that he had also adorned it with very valuable donations; on which account he hoped that he had left himself a memorial, and procu'ed himself a reputation after his death. He then cried out, that these men had not abstained from affronting him, even in his life-time, but that, in the very day-time, and in the sight of the multitude, they had abused him to that degree, as to tall upon what he had dedicated, and in that way of abuse, had pulled it down to the ground. They pre- tended, indeed, that they did it to affront him ; but if any one consider the thing truly, they will find thrt they were guilty of sacrilege against God therein. 4. But the people, on account of Herod's barbarous temper, and for fear he should be so cruel as to intlict punishment on them, said what was done, was done without approbation, and that it seemed to them that the actors might well be punished for what they had done. But as for Herod, he dealt more mildly with others [of the assembly]; but he deprived Matthias of the high-priesthood, as in part an occasion of this action, and made Joazar, who was Matthias's vvitie's brother, high-priest in his stead. Now it happened, that during the time of the high- priesthood of this Matthias, there was another person made high-priest for a single day, that very day which the Jews observed as a last. The occasion was this: — This Matthias the high- priest, on the night before that day when the fast was to be celebrated, seemed, in a dream," • This fact, that one Joseph was made high-priest for a single day. on occasion of tli<' action here specilied. that befel Matthias, the real hiRh-priest, in his sleep, the ninhl before the Kreat day of expiation, is attested to hoth in the V/ishna and Talmud, as Dr. Hudson here inlurms us. And indted from this fad. thus lully attested, we may confute that pretended rule in the Talmu<l here mentioned, and endeavoured to be excused by Reland, that the high-priest was not suHered to seep the night before that ureat day of expiation ; which waicliinjj w..uld surely rather unfit him fur ti.e many important duties he was to perform on that solemn day, than dispose turn duly to perform them. Nor do such Taliuudical rules, when unnupportt-d by better evidence, mucli less when contradicted thereby, seem to me of weij;ht eiiuugii to deserve that so K^at a man as Kelund abuuld spend hit time in endeavours at their vindicaliwB. CHAP. Vt. ANTIQT IT 5^^ OF ThK JEWS. 46& to have conversation with his wife; and because he could not officiate himself on that account, Joseph, the son of Ellen)us, his kins- man, assisted him in that sacred office. But Herod deprived this Matthias of the high- priesthood, and burnt the other Matthias, who had raised the sedition, with his companions, alive. And that very night there was an erliose of the moon.* 5. But now Herod's distemper greatiy increased upon him after a severe manner, and this by God's judgment upon him for his sins: for a fire glowed in him slowly, which did not so much appear to the touch out- wardly, as it augmented his pains inwardly; for it brought upon him a vehement appetite to eating, which he could not avoid to supply with one sort of food or other. His entrails were also exulcerated, and the chief violence of his pain lay on his colon; an aqueous and transparent liquor also had settled itself about his feet, and a like matter afflicted him at the bottom of his belly. Nay, farther, his privy-member was putrified, and produced worms; and when he sat upright he had a difficulty of breathing, which was very loath- some, on account of the stench of his breath, and the quickness of its returns; he had also convulsions in all parts of his body, which in- creased his strength to an insufferable degree. K was said by those who pretended to divine, and who were endued with wisdom to fore- tell such things, that God inflicted this pun- ishment on the king on account of his great impiety; yet was he still in hopes of recover- ing, though his afflictions seemed greater than any one could bear. He also sent for physi- cians, and did not refuse to follow what they prescribed for his assistance; and went beyond the river Jordan, and bathed himself in warm baths that were at Callirrhoe, which, besides their other general virtues, were also fit to drink; which water runs into the lake called Asphaltitis. And when the physicians once thought fit to have him bathed in a vessel full of oil, it was supposed that he was just dying; but, upon the lamentable cries of his domestics, he revived; and having no longer the least hopes of recovering, he gave order that every soldier should be paid fifty drachmae; and he also gave a great deal to their commanders, and to his friends, and came again to Jericho, where he grew so cho- leric, that it brought him to do all things like a madman; and though he were near his death, he contrived the following wicked designs. He commanded that all the principal • This eclipse of the moon (which is the only eclipse of either of the luminaries mentioned by our Josephus in any of his writings) is of the greatest consequence for the determination of the time for the death uf Herod and a n- tipater. and for the birth and entire chronology of Jesus Christ. It happened March 13th, in the year of the Julian period 4710 and the 4th >ear before the Christiaifaira. See its calculation by the rules of astronomy, at the end of tbe Astronomical Lectures, edit Lsit. p. 461. ioi. men of the entire Jewish nation, wheresoever they lived, should be called to him. Accor- dingly, there were a great number that came, because the whole nation was called, and all men heard of this call, and death was the penalty of such as should despise the epistles that were sent to call them. And now the king was in a wild rage against them all, the innocent as well as those that had afforded him ground ror accusations; and when they were come, he ordered them all to be shut up in the hippodrome, t and sent for his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, and spake thus to them: — " I shall die in a little time, so great are my pains; which death ought to be cheerfully borne, and to be welcomed by all men; but what principally troubles me is this, that I shall die without being lamented, and without such mourning as men usually expect at a king's death." For that be was not unacquainted with the temper of the Jews, that his death would be a thing very desirable, and exceedingly acceptable to them; because during his lifetime they were ready to revolt from him, and to abuse the donations he had dedicated to God: that it therefore was their business to resolve to afford him some allevi- ation of his great sorrows on this occasion; for that, if they do not refuse him their con- sent in what he desires, he shall have a great mourning at his funeral, and such as never any king had before him; for then the whole nation would mourn from their very soul, which otherwise would be done in sport and mockery only. He desired therefore that as soon as they see he hath given up the ghost, they shall place soldiers round the hippodrome, while they do not know that he is dead; and that they shall not declare his death to the multitude till this is done, but that they shall give orders to have those that are in custody shot with their darts; and that this slaughter of them all will cause that he shall not miss to rejoice on a double account; that as he is dying, they will make him secure that his will shall be executed in what he charges them to do; and that he shall have the honour*of a memorable mourning at his funeral. So he deplored his condition, with tears in his eyes, and obtested them by the kindness due from them, as of his kindred, and by the faith they owed to God, and begged of them that they would not hinder him of this honourable mourning at his funeral. So they promised him not to transgress his commands. 6. Now any one may easily discover the temper of this man's mind, which not only took pleasure in doing what he had done formerly against his relations, out of the love of life, but by those commands of bis which savoured of no humanity; since he took care, when he was departing out of this life, that the whole nation should be put into momxtiiig, h A place for the horse-races. 470 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK XVII. and indeed made desolate of their dearest I for some of his guards, and commanded them kindred, when he gave order that one out of every family should be slain, although they had done nothing that was unjust, or against him, nor were they accused of any other crimes; while it is usual for those who have any regard to virtue, to lay asicTe their hatred at such a time, even with respect to those they justly esteemed their enemies. CHAPTER VII. HEROD HAS THOUGHTS OF KILLING HIMSELF WITH HIS OWN HAND; AND A LITTLE AF- TLilWAUDS HE OKDEKS ANTIPAT^U TO BE SLAIN. § 1. As he was giving these commands to his relations, there came letters from his ambas- sadors, who had been sent to Rome unto Caesar, which when they were read, their pur- port was this: — That Acme was slain by Ca;- sar, out of his indignation at what hand she bad in Antipater's wicked practices; and that as to Antipater himself, Cmsar left it to He- rod to act as became a tather and a king, and either to banish hiu» or to take away his life, which he pleased. When Herod heard this, he was somewhat better, out of the pleasure he had from the contents of the letters, and was elevated at the death of Acme, and at the power that was given him over his son; but, as his pains were become very great, he was now ready to faint for want of something to eat; so he called for an apple and a knife; for it was his custom formerly. to pare the apple himself, and soon afterwards to cut it, and eat it. When he had got the knife, he looked about, and had a mind to stab himself with it; and he had done it, had not his first cousin, Achiabus, prevented him, and held bis hand, and cried out loudly. Whereupon a woful lamentation echoed through the pa- lace, and a great tumult was made, as if the king.. were dead. Upon which Antipater, who verily believed his father was deceased, grew bold in his discourse, as hoping to be innne- iliately and entirely released from his bonds, and to take the kingdom into his hands, with- out any more ado; so he discoursed with the jailor about letting him go, and in that case promised him great things, both now and hereafter, as if that were the only thing now in question; but the jailor did not only refuse to do what Antipater would have him, but informed the king of his intentions, and bow many solicitations he had had from him [OJ luat nature]. Hereupon Herod, who bad formerly no affection or good -will to- wards bis son to restrain him, when he heard wiiat tlie jailor said, he cried out, and beat hi* head, although he was at (icath's door, and r<iiiied bimtk:lf upon Lii elbow, and sent to kill Antipater without any farther delay, and to do it presently, and to bury him in an ignoble manner at Hyrcania. CHAPTER VIII. CONCERNING HEROD's DEATH, AND TESTA- MENT, AND BURIAL. § 1. And now Herod altered his testament upon the alteration of his mind; for he ap- pointed Antipas, to whom he had before It-ft the kingdom, to be tetrarch of CJahlee and Be- rea, and gi anted the knigdom to Archelaus. He also gave Gaulomiis, and Trachoniiis, a/id Panea.-., to Pliilip, who was his son, but own brother to Archelaus,* by the name of a Tetrarchy; and bequeathed Jamnia, and Ash- dod, aim l*hasaelis, to Salome his sister, with five hundred thousand [drachma;] of silver that was coined. He also made provision for all the rest of his kindred, by giving them sums of money and annual revenues, and so left them all in a wealthy condition. He be- queathed also to Caesar ten millions [of drach- luvt:] of coined money ; besides both vessels of gold and silver, and garments exceeding costly, to Julia, Caesar's wife; and to certain others, five millions. When he had done these things, he died the fifth day after he had caused Antipater to be slain; having reigned, since he had procured Antigonusf to be slain, thirty-four years; but since he had been declared king by the Romans, thirty- seven. — A man he was of great barbarity towards all men equally, and a slave to his passion; but above the consideration o( what was right; yet was he favoured by fortune as much as any man ever was, for from a private man he became a king; and though he were encompassed with ten thousand dangers, ht got clear of them all, and continued his lif« till a very old age; but then, as to the afTairt of his family and children, in which, indeed, according to his own opinion, he was alst very fortunate, because he was able to conquei his enemies; yet, in my opinion, he wai herein very unfortunate. 2. Bi^t then Salome and Alexas, before the • When it is said that Philip the tetrarch. and Arche- laus the king, or ethnarch, were ahX^ci yxrtei, or uetiHUu brothers, if thtise words mean onti bnnhtrs. oi bi)rn oJthe same father and mother, there must be htre some mitttake; because tliey had indeed the same talher, Herod, but dillerent mothers; the former, Cleopatra.— and Archelaus, iMalttmre. They were indeed broujfht lip altoKether at Rome like own brothers; and Phi ip was ArcheluHsS deputy when he went to have his kin«. dom contirmed to him at Koine (eh. ix. sect. 5. and Of the War, b ii. ch. ii. ^ect. 1); which intimacy is perhaps all th^tt Josephus intended by tlie words helore us. + These numbers of years foi Herod's reJKn. 34 and 37 are \\\t very same wiih thosie (Of the War, b. i. ch xxsifi. sect «) and are amonij the (fincipal clronoliinical characters beionuinK to tiie reii;(i or death of Herod. .>m Harm, of the Evan, pa^e 160—150. CHAP. IX. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 471 king's death was made known, dismissed those that were shut up in the hippodrome, and told them that the king ordered them to go away to their own lands, and take care of their own affairs, which was esteemed by the nation a great benefit; and now the king's death was made public, when Salome and Alexas gathered the soldiery together in the amphitheatre at Jericho; and the first thing they did was, they read Herod's letter, writ- ten to the soldiery, thanking them for their fidelity and good-will to him, and exhorting them to afl!brd his son Archelaus, whom he bad appointed for their king, like fidelity and ^oo<l-will. After which Ptolemy, who had the king's seal intrusted to him, read the king's testament, which was to be of force no otherwise than as it should stand when Ciesar had inspected it; so there was presently an acclamation made to Archelaus, as king; and the soldiers came by bands, and their commanders with them, and promised the saa;e good- will to him, and readiness to serve him, which they had exhibited to Herod; and they prayed God to be assistant to him. 3. After this was over, they prepared for his funeral, it being Archelaus's care that the procession to his father's sepulchre should be very sumptuous. Accordingly he brought out all his ornaments to adorn the pomp of the funeraL The body was carried upon a golden bier, embroidered with very precious stones of great variety, and it was covered over with purple, as well as the body itself; he had a diadem upon his head, and above it a crown of gold; he also had a sceptre in his right hand. About the bier were his sons and his numerous relations; next to these was the soldiery distinguished according to their several countries and denominations; and they were put into the following order: — First of all went his guards; then the band of Thracians; and after them the Germans; and next the band of Galatians, every one in their habiliments of war; and behind these marched the whole army in the «ame maniier as they used to go out to war, and as they used to be put in array by their muster- masters and centurions: these were followed by five hundred of his domestics, carrying spices. So they went eight furlongs,* to Herodium; for there, by his own command, he was to be buried; — and thus did Herod end his life. 4. Now Archelaus paid him so much respect, as to continue his mourning till the seventh day; for so many days are appointed for it by the law of our fathers; and when he had given a treat to the multitude, and left off his mourning, he went up into the temple; he had also acclamations and praises • At eight sfar/ia or furlong's a-day. .is hev. Herod'a funeral, conducted to llerodiuin (which lay at the dis- tance from Jerictio. where iie died, of ilJO stadia or fur- «oM||fs, Of the VSai. b. i ch. xxxiii. sect. 9;. must have token up no less tiiaH twenty-live days. given him, which way soever he went, every one striving with the rest who should anpeur to use the loudest acclamations. So be ascended a high elevation made for hing, and took his seat, in a throne made of gold, and spake kindly to the multitude, and declared with what joy he received their acclamations, and the marks of the good-will they showed to him: and returned them thanks that they did not remember the injuries his father had done them, to his^'disad vantage; and promised them. he would endeavour not to be behind hand with them in rewarding their alacrity in his service, after a suitable manner; but that he should abstain at present from the name of King; and that he should have the honour of tha^ dignity, if Caesar should confirm and settle that testament which his father had made; and that it was on this account, that when the army would have put the diadem on him at Jericho, he would not accept of that honour, which is usually so much desired, because it was not yet evident that he who was to be principally concerned in bestowing it, would give it him; although, by his accep- tance of the government, he should not want the ability of rewarding their kindness to him; and that it should be his endeavour, as to all things wherein they were concerned, to prove in every respect better than his father. Whereupon the multitude, as it is usual with them, supposed that the first days of those that enter upon such governments, declare the intentions of those that accept them; and so by how much Archelaus spake the more gently and civilly to them, by so much did they more highly commend him, and made application ^o him for the grant of what they desired. Some made a clamour that he would ease them of some of their annual payments; but others desired him to release those that were put into prison by Herod, who were^ many, and had been put there at several times; others of them reqinred that he would take away those taxes which had been severely laid upon what was publicly sold and bought. So Archelaus contradicted them in nothing, since he pretended to do all things so as to get the good-will of the multitude to him, as look- ing upon that good- will to be a great step towards his preservation of the government. Hereupon he went and offered sacrifice to God, and then betook himself to feast with his friends. CHAPTER IX. HOW THE PEOPLE RAISED A SEDITION A OATNST ARCHELAUS, AND HOW HE SAILED TO EOMK. § 1 . At this time also it was that scne of the Jews got together, out of a desire of innova tion. They lamented ^latthias, and those 472 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVII. that were slain with him by Herod, who had not any respect paid them by a funeral mourn- ing, out of the fear men were in of that man ; they were those who had been condemned for pulling down the golden eagle. The people made a great clamour and lamentation here- upon, and cast eut some reproaches against the king also, as if that tended to alleviate the miseries of the deceased. The people aasenibled together, and desired of Archelaus, that, in way of revenge on their account, he would inflict punishment on those who had been honoured by Herod; and that, in the first and principal place, he would deprive that high -priest whom Herod had made, and would choose one more agreeable to the law, and of greater purity, to officiate «is high- priest. This was granted by Archelaus, although he was mightily offended at their importunity, because he proposed to himself to go to Rome immediately, to look after Caj- sar's determination about him. However, he sent the general of his forces to use persua- sions, and to tell them that the death which was inflicted on their friends, was according to the law; and to represent to them, that their petitions about these things were carried to a great height of injury to him; that the time was not now proper for such petitions, but required their unanimity until such time as he should be established in the govern- ment by the consent of Caesar, and should then be come back to them; for that he would then consult with them in common concern- ing the purport of their petitions; but that - they ought at present to be quiet, lest they should seem seditious persons. 2. So when the king had suggested these things, and instructed his general in what he was to say, he sent him away to the people; but they made a clamour, and would not give , him leave to speak, and put him in danger of his life, and as many more as were desirous to venture upon saying openly any thing which might reduce them to a sober mind, and pre- vent their going on in their present courses, — because they had more concern to have all their own wills performed than to yield obe- dience to their governors; thinking it to be a thing insufferable that, while Herod was alive, they should lose those that were the most dear to them, and that when he was dead, they could not get the actors to be punished. So they went on with their designs after a vio- lent manner, and thought all to be lawful and right which tended to please them, and being unskilful in foreseeing what dangers they in- curred ; and when they had suspicion of such a thing, yet did the present pleasure they took in the punishment of those they deemed their enemies overweigb all such considerations; and although Archelaus sent many to speak to them, yet they treated them not as messen- gers sent by him, but as persons that came of their own accord to mitigate their anger, and would not let one of them speak. The sedition, also, was made by such as were in a great passion; and it was evident that they were proceeding farther in seditious practices, by the multitude running so fast upon them. 3. Now, upon tne approach of th.it feast of unleavened bread, which the law of their fathers had appointed for the Jews at this time, which feast is called the Passover,* and. is a memorial of their deliverance out of Egypt (when they offer sacrifices with great alacrity; and when they are required to slay more sacrifices in number than at any other festival; and when an innumerable multitude came thither out of the country, nay, from l)eyond its limits also, in order to wor>hip Gcd), t>e seditious lamented Judas and Mat- thias, those teachers of the laws, and kept to- gether in the temple, and had plenty of food, because these seditious persoifs were not ashamed to beg it. And as Archelaus was afraid lest some terrible thing should spring up by means of these men's madness, he sent a regiment of armed men, and with them a captain of a thousand, to suppress the violent efforts of the seditious, before the whole mul- titude should be infected with the like mad- ness; and gave them this charge, that if they found any much more openly seditious than others, and more busy in tumultuous prac- tices, they should bring them to him. but those that were seditious oji account of those teachers of the law, irritated the people by the noise and clamours they used to encou- rage the people in their designs; so they Uiade an assault upon the soldiers, and came up to them, and stoned the greatest part of them, although some of them ran away wounded, and their captain among them ; and when they had thus done, they returned to the sacrifices which were already in their hands. Now Archelaus thought there was no way to pre- serve the entire government, but by cutting off those who made this attempt upon it; so he sent out the whole army upon them, and sent the horsemen to prevent those that had their tents without the temple, from assisting those that were within the temple, and to kill such as ran away from the footmen when they thought themselves out of danger; which horsemen slew three thousand men, while the rest went to the neighbouring mountains. Then did Archelaus order proclamation to be made to them all, that they should retire to their own homes ; so they went away and left the festival, out of fear of somewhat worse which would follow, although they had been so bold by reason of their want of instruction. So Archelaus went down to the sea with his mo- ther, and took with him Nicolaus and Ptole- my, and many others of his friends, and left • This paisoTer. when the sedition here mentioned was moved aKitinst ArdielauH, was not onr, but tliiit«;en muatbs after the eclip»e ol the loooo, already mtntiODC^ CHAP. IX. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 473 Philip his brother as governor of all things belonging both to his own family and to the pi'bhc. There went out also with him Salome, Herod's sister, who took with her her children, and many of her kindred were with her; which kindred of hers went, as they pre- tended, to assist Archelaus in gaining the king- dom, but in reality to oppose him, and chiefly to make loud complaints of what he had done in the temple. But Sabinus, Caesar's steward for Syrian affairs, as he was making haste into Judea, to preserve Herod's effects, met with Archelaus at Ciesarea; but Varus (pre- sident of Syria) came at that time, and restrained him from meddling with them, for he was there as sent for by Archelaus, by the means of Ptolemy. And Sabinus, out of regard to Varus, did neither seize upon any of the castles that were among the Jews, nor did he seal up the treasures in them, but per- mitted Archelaus to have them, until Caesar should declare his resolution about them; so that, upon this his promise, he tarried still at Ciesarea. But after Archelaus was sailed for Rouje, and Varus was removed to Antioch, Sabinus went to Jerusalem, and seized on the king's palace. He also sent for the keepers of the garrisons, and for all those that hud the charge of Herod's effects, and declared publicly that he should require them to give au account of what they had: and he disposed of the castles in the manner he pleased: but those who kept them did not neglect what Archelaus had given them in command, but continued, to keep all things in the manner they had been enjoined them ; and their pre- tence, was, that they kept them all for Caesar. 4. At the same time also did Antipas, another of Herod's sons, sail to Rome, in order to gain the government; being buoyed up by Salome with promises that he should take that government; and that he was a much honester and titter man than Archelaus for that authority, since Herod had, in his former testament, deemed him the worthiest to be made king; which ought to be esteemed more valid than his latter testament. Antipas also brought with him his mother, and Ptolemy the brother of Nicolaus, one that had been Herod's most honoured friend, and was now zealous for Antipas: but it was Ireneus the orator, and one who, on account of his repu- tation for sagacity, was intrusted with the affairs of the kingdom, who most of all encouraged him to attempt to gain the king- dom ; by whose means it was that, when some advised him to yield to Archelaus, as to his elder brother, and who had been declared king by their father's last will, he would not submit so to do. And when he was come to Rome, all his relations revolted to him; not out of their good-will to him, but out of their hatred to Archelaus; though indeed they were most of all desirous of gaining their liberty, and to be put under a Roman governor; but, if there were too great an opposition made to that, they thought Antipas preferable to Archelaus, and so joined with him, in order to procure the kingdom for him. Sabinus also, by letters, accused Archelaus to Caesar. 5. Now when Archelaus had sent in his papers to Caesar, wherein he pleaded his right to the kingdom, and his father's testament, with the accounts of Herod's money, and with Ptolemy, who brought Herod's seal, he so expected the event; but when Caesar had read these papers, and Varus's and Sabinus's letters, with the accounts of the money, and what were the annual incomes of the kingdom, and understood that Antipas had also sent letters to lay claim to the kingdom, he summoned his friends together, to know their opinions, and with them Caius, the son of Agrippa, and of Julia his daughter, whom he had adopted, and took him, and made him sit first of all, and desired such as pleased to speak their minds about the affairs now before them. Now, Antipater, Salome's son, a very subtle orator, and a bitter enemy to Archelaus, spake first to this purpose: — That it was ridi- culous in Archelaus to plead now to have the kingdom given him, since he had, in reality, taken already the power over it to himself, before Caesar had granted it to him; and appealed to those bold actions of his, in destroying so many at the Jewish festival ; and, if the men had acted unjustly, it was but fit the punishing of them should have been re- served to those that were outof thecountry,but had the power to punish them, and not been executed by a man that, if he pretended to be a king, he did an injury to Caesar, by usurping that authority before it was determined for him by Caesar; but, if he owned himself to be a private person, his case was much worse, since he who vvas putting in for the kingdom, could by no means expect to have that power granted him, of which he had already deprived Caesar [by taking it to himself]. He also touched sharply upon him, and appealed to his changing the commanders in the army, and his sitting in the royal throne before- hand, and his determination of law-suits; all done as if he were no other than a king. He appealed also to his concessions to those that petitioned him on a public account, and indeed doing such things, than which he could devise no greater if he had been already settled in the kingdom by Caesar. He also ascribed to him the releasing of the prisoners that were in the hippodrome, and many other things, that either had been certainly done by him, or were believed to be done, and easily might be believed to have been done, because they were of such a nature as to be usually done by young men, and by such as, out of a desire of ruling, seize upon the government too soon. He also charged him with hisi neglect of the funeral mournio^ for his father. 474 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK xvn. »nd with having merry meetings the very iiight in which he died; and that it was thence the multitude took the handle of rais- ing a tumult; and if Archelaus could thus requite his dead father, who had bestowed such benefits upon him, and bequeathed such great things to him, by pretending to shed tears for him in the day-time, like an actor on the stage, but every night making mirth for hav- ing gotten the government, he would appear to be the same Archelaus with regard to Cae- sar, if he granted him the kingdom, which he hath been to his father; since he had then dancing and singing, as though an enemy of his were fallen, and not as though a man were carried to his funeral that was so nearly related, and had been so great a benefactor to him. But he said that the greatest crime of all was this, that he came now before Ciesar to obtain the government by his grant, while he had before acted in all things as he could have acted if Caesar himself, who ruled all, had fixed him firmly in the government. And what he most aggravated in his pleading, was the slaughter of those about the temple, and the impiety of it, as done at the festival; and how they were slain like sacrifices themselves, some of whom were foreigners, and others of their own country, till the temple was full of dead bodies: and all this was done, not by an alien, but by one who pretended to the lawful title of a king, that he might complete the wicked tyranny which his nature prompt- ed him to, and which is hated by all men. On which account his father never so much as dreamed of making him his successor in the kingdom, when he was of a sound mind, because he knew his disposition; and, in his former and more authentic testament, he appointed his antagonist Antipas to succeed ; but that Archelaus was called by his father to that dignity, when he was in a dying condi- tion, both of body and mind; while Antipas was called when he was ripest in his judg- ment, and of such strength of body as njude him capable of managing his own affairs : and if his lather had the like notion of him formerly that he hath now shown, yet hath he given a sullicient specimen what a king he is liicely to be when be hath [in elfect] deprived Cajsar of that power of disposing of the king- dom, which he justly hath, and hath not ab- stained from making a terrible slaughter of his fellow-citizens in the temple, while he was but a private person. 6. So when Antipater had made this speech, and had confirmed what he had said by produ- cing many witnesses from among Archelaus's own relations, he made an end of iiis pleading. Upon which Nicolaus arose up to plead for Archelaus, and said, " That what had been done at the temple was rather to be attribute*! to the mind of those that had been kille(i, than to the authority of Archeluu&; /or tliut tboM who wer« the authors of such thing's, are not only wicked in the injuries they do of themselves, but in forcing sober persons to avenge themselves upon them. Now, it is evident that what these did in way of opposi- tion was done under pretence, indeed against Archelaus, but in reality against Cijesar him- self, for they, after an injurious manner, attacked and slew those who were sent by Ar- chelaus, and who came only to put a stop to their dohigs. They had no regard, either to God or to the festival, whom Antipater yet is not ashanied to patronize, whether it be out of his indulgence of an enmity to Archelaus, or out of his hatred of virtue and justice. For as to those who begin such tumults, and first set about such unrighteous actions, they are the men who force those that punish them to betake themselves to arms even against their will. So that Antipater in effect ascribes the rest of what was done to all those who were of counsel to the accusers; for nothing which is here accused of injustice has been done, but what was derived from them as its au- thors; nor are those things evil in themselves, but so represented only, in order to do harm to Archelaus. Such is these men's inclina- tion to do an injury to a man that is of their kindred, their father's benefactor, and familiarly acquainted with them, and that hath ever lived in friendship with them; for that, as to this testament, it was made by the king when he was of a soun^i mind, and so ought to be of more authority than his former testament; and that for this reason, because Cajsar is therein left to be the judge and disposer of all therein contained; and for Caesar, he will not, to be sure, at all imitate the unjust- pro- ceedings of those men, who, during Herod's whole life, had on all occasions been joint- partakers of power with him, and yet do zealously endeavour to injure his determina- tion, while they have not themselves had the same regard to their kinsman [which Arche- laus had]. Caesar will not therefore disannul the testament of a man whom he had entirely supported, of his friend and confederate. a:;d that which is connnitted to him in trust to ratify; nor will Caesar's virtuous and upright disposition, which is known ajid uncontested through all the habitable world, imitate tne \vicke<lness of these men in condemning u king as a madman, and as having lest bis rea- son, while he hath bequeathed the succession to a good son of his, and to one who flies to Caesar's upright determination for refuse. Nor can Herod at any time have been nns- taken in his judgnjent about a successor, while he siiowed so nmch prudence as to sub- mit all to Caesar's determination." 7. Now when Nicolaus had laid these things before Ciesar, he ended his plea; whereupon Cu;sar was so obliging to Arche- laus, that he raised him up when he had cast himself down at his feet, and said, that be well dusttrvud the kingdom; and he soon let CHAP. X. ANTIQUITIES OF TffE JEWS. 475 tLem know that ^e was so far moved in his favour, that he would not act otherwise than his father's testament directed, and than was for the advantage of Archelaus. However, while he gave this encouragement to Arche- laus to depend upon him securely, he made no full determination about him; and, when the assembly was broken up, he considered by himself whether he should confirm the king- dom to Archelaus, or whether he should part it among all Herod's posterity; and this heoause they all stood in need of much assistance to support them. CHAPTER X. A SEDITION OF THE JEWS AcaINST SABINUS; AND HOW VARUS BBOUGHT THE AUTHORS OF IT TO PUNISHMENT. § 1. But before these things could be brought to a settlement, Malthace, Archelaus's mother, fell into a distemper, and died of it; and letters came from Varus the president of Syria, which informed Ctesar of the revolt of the Jews; for after Archelaus was sailed, the M'hole nation was in a tumult. So Varus, since he was there himself, brought the authors of the disturbance to punishment; and when he had restrained them for the most part from this sedition, which was a great one, he took his journey to Antioch, leaving one legion of his army at Jerusalem to keep the Jews quiet, who were now very fond of innovation. Yet did not this at all avail to put an end to that their sedition, for, after Varus was gone away, Sabinus, Cajsar's pro- curator, staid behind, and greatly distressed the Jews, relying on the forces that were left there, that they would by their multitude protect him; for he made use of them, and armed them as his guard*, thereby so oppress- ing the Jews, and giving them so great disturbance, that at length they rebelled; for he used force in seizing the citadels, and zealously pressed on the search after the king's money, in order to seize upon it by foice, on account of his love of gain, and his extraordi- nary covetpusness. 2. But on the approach of Pentecost, which is a festival of ours, so called from the days of our forefathers, a great many ten thousands of men got together; nor did they co(ne only to celebrate the festival, but out of their indignation at the madness of Sabinus, and at the injuries he offered them. A great num- ber there was of Galileans, and Idumeans, and many men from Jericho, and others who had passed over the river Jordan, and iidia- bited those parts. This^ whole multitu<le joined themselves to all the rest, and were uiore zealous than the others in makiiig an assault on Sabinus, in order to be avejiged on him; so they parted themselves into three bands, and encamped themselves in the places following: — some of them seized on the hip- podrome; and of the other two bands, one pitched themselves from the northern part of the temple to the southern, on the east quar- ter; but the third band held the western part of the city, where the king's palace was. Their work tended entirely to besiege the Romans, and to enclose them on all sides. Now Sabinus was afraid of these men's num- ber, and of their resolution, who had little regard to their lives, but were very desirous not to be overcome, while they thought it a point of puissance to overcome their ene- mies; so he sent immediately a letter to Varus, and, as he used to do, was very pressing v\dth him, and entreated him to come quickly to his assistance; because the forces he had left were in imminent danger, and would probably, in no long time, be seized upon, and cut to pieces; while he did himself get up to the highest tower of the fortress Pha- saelus, which had been built in honour of Phasaelus, king Herod's brother, and called so when the Parthians had brought him to his death.* So Sabinus gave thence a signal to the Romans to fall upon the Jews, although he did not himself venture so much as to come down to his friends, and thought he might expect that the others should expose themselves first to die on account of his ava- rice. However, the Romans ventured to make a sally out of the place, and a terrible battle ensued; wherein, though it is true the Romans beat their adversaries, yet were not the Jews daunted in their resolutions, even when they had the sight of that terrible slaughter that was made of them; but they went round about, and got upon those clois- ters which encompassed the outer court of the temple, where a great fight was still continued, and they cast stones at the Romans, partly with their hands, and partly with slings, as being much used to those exercises. All the archers also in array did the Romans a great deal of mischief, because they used their hands dexterously from a place superior to the others, and because the others were at an utter loss what to do; for when they tried to shoot their arrows against the Jews upwards, these arrows could not reach them, insomuch that the Jews were easily too hard for their ene- mies. And this sort of tight lasted a great while, till at last the Romans, who were greatly distressed by what was done, set fire to the cloisters so privately, that those who were gotten u{)on them did not perceive it. This tire,t being fed by a great deal of com- • i'ee Antiq. b. xiv.ch. xiii. sect. 10; and Uf the War, b ii. cli xii. sect 9 + These great devastations maue about the temple here, and Ol the War. b. ii. ca. iit. sect 3, seem not to liave been fully re-editied in the days of Nero; till who>e time there were eiijhteen thousand workri*A coiiUBualiy employed ia rebuilding and repauiuK tb&t 476 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVII. bustible matter, caught hold immediately on the roof of the cloisters; so the wood, which was full of pitch and wax, and whose gold was laid on it with wax, yielded to the flame presently, and those vast works, which were of the highest value and esteem, were de- stroyed utterly, while those that were on the roof unexpectedly perished at the same time; for as the roof tumbled down, some of these men tumbled down with it, and others of them were killed by their enemies who en- compassed them. There was a great number more, who, out of despair of saving their lives, and out of astonishment at the misery that surrounded them, did either cast themselves into the fire, or throw themselves upon their own swords, and so got out of their misery. But as to those that retired behind the same way by which they ascended, and thereby escaped, they were ail killed by the Romans, as being unarmed men, and their courage failing them; their wild fury being now not able to help them, because they were desti- tute of armour, insomuch that of those that went up to the top of the roof, not one es- caped. The Romans also rushed through the fire, where it gave them room so to do, and seized on that treasure where the sacred mo- ney was reposited : a great part of which was stolen by the soldiers; and Sabinus got openly four hundred talents. 3. But this calamity of the Jews' friends, who fell in this battle, grieved them, as did also this plundering of the money dedicated to God in the temple. Accordingly, that body of them which continued best together, and was the most warlike, encompassed the palace, and threatened to set lire to it, and kill all that were in it. Yet still they commanded them to go out presently, and promised that if they would do so, they would not hurt them, nor Sabinus neither; at which time the greatest part of the king's troops deserted to them, while Rufus and Gratus, who had three thousand of the most warlike of Herod's army with them, who were men of active bodies, went over to the Romans. There was also a band of horsemen under the command of Rufus, which itself went over to the Ro- mans also. However, the Jews went on with the siege, and dug mines under the palace- walls, and besought those that were gone over to the otbei side, net to be their hinderance, now they had such a proper opportunity for the recovery of their country's ancient liberty; &nd for Sabinus, truly he was desirous of go- ing away with his soldiers, but was not able to trust himself with the enemy, on account of what mischief he had already done them; and he took this great [pretended] lenity of theirs for an argument why he should not comply with them ; and so, because he ex- tcmpk, as Jogephus informi u^ Antiq. b. xx. ch. ix- Met 7. 8m the nott on that pluc*. pected that Varus was coming, he still bore the siege. 4. Now, at this time there were ten thou- sand other disorders in Judea*, which were like tumults, because a great number put themselves into a warlike posture, either out of hopes of gain to themselves, or out of enmity to the Jews. In particular, two thou- sand of Herod's old soldiers, who had been alr'^ady disbanded, got togethei in Judea itself, and fought against the king's troops, although Achiabus, Herod's first cousin, opposed them ; but as he was driven out of the plains into the mountainous parts by the military skill of those men, he kept himself in the fastnesses that were there, and saved what he could. 5. There was also Judas,* the son of that Ezekias who had been head of the robbers; which Ezekias was a very strong man, and had with great difficulty been caught by He- rod. This Judas having gotten together a multitude of men of a profligate character about Sepphoris in Galilee, made an as- sault upon the palace [there], and seized upon all the weapons that were laid up in it, and with them armed every one of those that were with him, and carried away what money was left there ; and he became terrible to all men, by tearing and rending those that came near him; and ail this in order to raise himself, and out of an ambitious desire of the royal dignity; and he hoped to obtain that as the reward, not of his virtuous skill in war, but of his extravagance in doing injuries. 6. There was also Simon, who had been a slave of Herod the king, but in other respects a comely person, of a tall and robust body; he was one that was much superior to othersof his order, and had had great things committed to his care. This man was elevated at the dis- orderly state of things, and was so bold as to put a diadem on his head, while a certain number of the people stood by him, and by them he was declared to be king, and thought himself more worthy of that dignity than any one else. He burnt down the royal palace at Jericho, and plundered what was left in it. He also set fire to many others of the king's houses in several places of the country, and utterly destroyed them, and permitted those that were with him to take what was left in • Unless this Judas, the son of Ezekias, be the same with that Theiidas, nientioiicd Acts v. 30. Josephus must have omitted hiiu; tor that other Theudas, whom he afterwards mentions under Fadus, the Koinan governor, b. XX. ch. V. sect 1, is n)uch too late to correspond to him that is mentioned in the Acts. The names Theu das, Thaddeus, and Judas dilier but little. !See Aich- bishop Usher's Annals, at a. bi 4001. However, sines Josephus does not pretend to reckon up the hearts of all those ten thousand disorders in Judea, which he tells us were then abroad, see sect. 4 and 8, the Theudas of the Acts might he at tiie hend of one of those seditions, though nut purticulaily named by him. 1 tans he in- forms us heie. sect (J, and of the War, b. il. ch. iv sect. a. that certain o* tli» seditious came and burnt the royal palai e at Ami«thn<«. or Beiliaramphta, upon the river Jordan. Ivrlii»|i.s then leader, who is Dot luuatd bjr Josephus, lutKbt be U.is Tlieudas. CHAP. X. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 477 them for a prey; and he would have done greater things, unless care had been taken to repress him immediately; for Gratus, when he had joined hiuiself to some Roman soldiers, took the forces h* had with him, and met Simon, and after a great and a long fight, no small part of those that catne from Perea, who were a disordered body of men, and fought rather in a bold than in a skilful manner, were destroyed ; and although Simon had saved himself by flying away through a certain valley, yet Gratus overtook him, and cut off his head. The royal palace also, at Amathus, by the river Jordan, was burnt down by a party of men that were got toge- ther, as were those belonging to Simon. And thus did a great and wild fury spread itself over the nation, because they had no king to keep the multitude in good order; and because those foreigners, who came to reduce the seditious to sobriety, did, on the contrary, set them more in a flame, because of the injuries they oflfered them, and the avaricious management of their affairs. 7. But because Athronges, a person nei- ther eminent by the dignity of progenitors, nor for any great wealth he was possessed of, but one that had in all respects been a shepherd only, and was not known by any body; yet because he was a tall man, and excelled others in the strength of his hands, he was so bold as to set up for king. This man thought it so sweet a thing to do more than ordinary injuries to others, that although he should be killed, he did not much care if he lost his life in so great a design. He had also four brethren, who were tall men themselves, and were believed to be superior to others in the strength of their hands, and thereby were encouraged to aim at great things, and thought that strength of theirs would support them in retaining the kingdom. Each of these ruled over a band of men of their own; for those that got together to them were very numerous. They were every one of them also com- manders; but, when they came to fight, they were subordinate to him, and fought for him, while he put a diadem about his head, and assembled a council to debate about what things should be done; and all things were done according to his pleasure. And this man retained his power a great while; he was also called king, and had nothing to hinder him from doing what he pleased. He also, as well as his brethren, slew a great many both of the Romans and of the king's forces, and managed matters with the like hatred to each of them. The king's forces they fell upon, because of the licentious conduct they had been allowed under Herod's government; and they fell upon the Romans, because of the injuries they had so lately received from them. But in process of time they grew more cruel to all sorts of men ; nor could any one escape from one or other of th««e seditions, since they slew some out of the hopes of gain, and others from a mere custom of slay- ing men. They once attacked a company of Romans at Emmaus, who were bringing corn and weapons to the army, and fell upon Arius, the centurion, who commanded the company, and shot forty of the best of his foot- soldiers; but the rest of them were affrighted at their slaughter, and left their dead behind them, but saved themselves by the means of Gratus, who came with the king's troops that were about him to their assistance. Now, these four brethren continued the war a long while by such sort of expeditions, and much grieved the Romans (but did their own nation also a great deal of mischief); yet were they afterwards subdued; one of them in a fight with Gratus, another with Ptolemy; Archelaus also took the eldest of them pri- soner; while the last of them was so dejected at the others' misfortune, and saw so plainly that he had no way now left to save himself, his army being worn away with sickness and continual labours, that he also delivered him- self up to Archelaus, upqj) his promise and oath to God to [preserve his life]. But these things came to pass a good while after- ward. 8. And now Judea was full of robberies; and, as the several companies of the seditious lighted upon any one to head them, he was created a king immediately, in order to do mis- chief to the public. They were in some sniall measure indeed, and in small matters, hurtful to the Romans, but the murders they conmiit- ted upon their own people lasted a long while. 9. As soon as Varus was once informed of the state of Judea by Sabinus's writing to him, he was afraid for the legion he had left there; so he took the two other legions (,for there were three legions in all belonging to Syria), and four troops of horsemen, with the several auxiliary forces which either the kings or certain of the tetrarchs afforded him, and made what haste he could to assist those that were then besieged in Judea. He also gave order, that all that were sent out for this expedition should make haste to Ptoleraais. The citizens of Berytus also gave him fifteen hundred auxiliaries, as he passed through their city. Aretas also, the king of Arabia Tetrea, out of his hatred to Herod, and in order to purchase the favour of the Romans, sent him no small assistance, besides their footmen and horsemen: and, when he had now collected all his forces together, he committed part of them .to his son, and to a friend of his, and sent them upon an expedition into Galilee, which lies in the neighbourhood of Ptolemais; who made an attack upon the enemy, and put them to flight, and took Sepphoris, and made its inhabitants slaves, and burnt the city. But Varus him- self pursued his march to Samaria with his whole army: yet did not he meddle with tha 478 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVII city of tbat name, because it had not at all I'ined with the seditious, but pitched his camp at a certain village that belonged to i'loleniy, whose name was Arus, which the Arabians burnt, out of their hatred to Herod, and out of the enmity they bore to his friends; whence they marched to another village, whose iiame was Sampho, vvhijh the Arabians plun- iered and burnt, although it was a fortified iiid strong place; and all along this march ^luthing escaped them, but all places were full )f tire and of slaughter. Eu)maus was also :»urnt by Varus 's order, after its inhabitants had deserted it, that he might avenge those that had there been destroyed. From thence lie now marched to Jerusalem ; whereupon those Jews whose camp lay there, aiwl who had besieged the Roman legion, not bearing the coming of this army, left the siege im- perfect: but as to the Jerusalem Jews, when Varus reproached them bitterly for what had been done, they cleared themselves of the ac- cusation ; and alleged that the conflux of the people was occasioned by the feast; that the war Wis not made with their approbation, but by the rashness of the strangers; while they were on the side of the Romans, and besieged together with them, rather than having any inequation to besiege them. There also came beforehand to meet Varus, Joseph, the cousin- german of king Herod, as also Gratus and Rufus, who brought their soldiers along with them, together with those Romans who had been besieged: but Sabinus did not come into Varus's presence, but stole out of the city privately, and went to the sea-side. 10. Upon this, Varus sent a part of his army into the country, to seek out those that had been the authors of the revolt; and when they were discovered, he punished some of them that were most guilty, and some he dis- missed: now the number of those that were crucified on this account were two thousand : after which he disbanded his army, which he found nowise useful to him in the affairs he came about; for they behaved themselves very disorderly, and disobeyed his orders, and what Varus desired them to do^ and this out of regard to that gain which they made by the mischief they did. As for himself, .when he was informed that ten thousand Jews had gotten together, he made haste to catah them ; but they did not proceed so far as to fight him, but, by the advice of Achiabus, they came together, and delivered themselves up to him: hereupon Varus forgave the crime of revolting to the multitude, but sent their several commanders to Caesar, many of whoni Cajsar dismissed ; but for the several rela- tions of Herod who had been among these men in this war, they were the only persons whom be punished, who, without the lea&t regard tp justice, fought against tliejr own kindr«4> CHAPTER XI. AN EMBASSAGE OF THE JEWS TO C^SAR ; AND HOW C^SAtt CONFIUMED HEROD's TESTA MENT. § 1. So when Varus had settled these affairs^ and had placed the former legion at Jerusa. lem, he returned back to Antioch; but as for Archelaus, he had new sources of trouble come upon him at Rome, on the occasions following: for an embassage of the Jews was come to Rome, Varus having permitted the nation to send it, that they might petition fo» the liberty of living by their own laws.* Now, the number of the ambassadors that were sent by the authority of the nation was fifty, to which they joined above eight thou- sand of the Jews that were at Rome already. Hereupon Caesar assembled bis friends, and the chief men among the Romans, in the tem- ple of Apollojf which he had built at a vast charge ; whither the ambassadors came, and a multitude of the Jews that were there already came with them, as did also Archelaus and his friends; but as for the several kinsmen which Archelaus had, they would not join them- selves with him, out of their hatred to him; and yet they thought it too gross a thing for them to assist the ambassadors [against him], as supposing it would be a disgrace to them in Caesar's opinion to think of thus acting in opposition to a man of their own kindred: Philip J also was come hither out of Syria, by the persuasion of Varus, with this principal intention to assist his brother [Archelaus]; for Varus was his great friend: but still so, that if there should any change happen in the form of government (which Varus suspected there would), and if any distribution should be made on account of the number that desired the liberty of living by their own laws, that he might not be disappointed, but might have his share in it. 2. Now, upon the liberty that was given to the Jewish ambassadors to speak, they who hoped to obtain a dissolution of kingly government betook themselves to accuse He- rod of his iniquities; and they declared that he was indeed in name a king, but that he had taken to himself that uncontrollable authority which tyrants exercise over their subjects, and had made use of that authority for the destruction of the Jews, and did not abstain from making many innovations among them besides, according to his own inclina- tions; and that whereas there were a great many who perished by that destruction he brought upon them, so many indeed as no other history relates, they that survived were • Sr« Of the W»r. b. i\. oh \i. •f«t a + Srr «hf iiotr. Ul n.r War. h. it «b. tL acot k t U« WM trUarr U aricrwant*. CHAP. XI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 479 fur more miserable than those that suffered under him, not only by the anxiety they were in from his looks and disposition towards .fthem, but from the danger their estates were in of being taken away by him. That he did never leave off adorning the»e cities that lay in their neighbourhood, but were inhabited by foreigners, but so that the cities belong- ing to his own government were ruined, and utterly destroyed: that whereas, when he took the Liagdom, it was in an extraordinary flourisbidg condition, he had tilled the nation with the utmost degree of poverty; and when, upon unjust pretences, he had slain any of the nobility, he took away their estates: and when he permitted any of them to live, he condemned them to the forfeiture of what they possessed. And, besides the anrmal imposi- tions which he laid upon every one of them, they were to make liberal presents to himself, to his domestics and friends, and to such of his slaves as were vouchsafed the favour of being his tax-gatherers; because there was no way of obtaining a freedom from unjust vio- lence, without giving either gold or silver for it. That they would say nothing of the cor- ruption of the chastity of their virgins, and the reproach laid on their wives for inconti- nency, and those things acted after an inso- lent and inhuman manner; .because it was not a smaller pleasure to the sufferers to have such things concealed, than it would have been not to have suffered them. That Herod had put sich abu>es upon them as a wild beast would not have put on them, if he had power given him to rule over us: and that although their nation had passed through many subversions and alterations of govern- ment, their history gave no account of any calamity they had ever been under, that could be compared with this whirh Herod bad brought upon their nation; that it was for this reason that they thought they might justly and gladly salute Archelaus as king, upon this supposition, that whosoever should be set over their kingdom, he would appear more mild to them than Herod had been; and that they had joined with him in the mourning for bis father, in order to gratify him, and were ready to oblige him in other points also, if they could meet with any degree of modera- tion from him; but that he seemed to be afraid lest he should not be deemed Herod's own son; and so, without any delay, he imme- <liately let the nation understand his meaning, aiid this before his dominion was well esta- blished, since the power of disposing of it belonged to Csesar, who could either give it to him or not as he pleased. That he had given a specimen of his future virtue to his subjects, and with what kind of moderation and good administration he would govern them, by that his first action which concerned them, his own citizens, and God himself also, when be made the slaughter of threa thousand of his own countrymen at the temple. How, then, could they avoid the just hatred of him, who, to the rest of his barbarity, hath added this as one of our crimes, that we have opposed and contradicted him in the exercise of his authority? Now. the main thing they desired was thisi. That they might be delivered from kingly and the hke forms of govern- ment,* and might be added to Syria, and be put under the authority of such presidents of theirs as should be sent to them ; for that it would thereby be made evident, whether they be really a seditious people, and generally fond of innovations, or whether they would live in an orderly manner, if they might have governors of any sort of moderation set over them. 3. Now when the Jews had said this, Nico- laus vindicated the kings from those accusa- tions, and said, that as for Herod, since he had never been thus accused f all the time of his life, it was not fit for those that might have accused hira of lesser criiifes than those now mentioned, and might have procured him to be punished during his lifetime, to bring an accusation against him now he is dead. He also attributed the actions of Archelaus to the Jews' injuries to him, who, affecting to govern contrary to the laws, and going about to kill those that .would have hindered them from acting unjustly, when they were by him punished for what they had done, made their complaints again&t him; so he accused them of their attempts for innova- tion, and of the pleasure they took in sedition, by reason of their not having learned to submit to justice and to the laws, but still desiring to be superior in all things. This was the substance of what Nicolaus said. 4. When Ciesarjiad heard these pieadings, he dissolved the assembly; but a few days afterwards he appointed Archelaus, not indted to be the king of the whole country, but ethnarch of one half of that which had been subject to Herod, and promised to give him the royal dignity hereafter, if he governed his part virtuously. But as for the other half, he divided it into two parts, and gave it * If any one compare that divine prediction concern- ing the tyrannical power vvtiich the Jewish kittfis would t-xercise over tliein. il they won d be so loolish as to pre- ter it before their ancient theocracy oi aristocracv (I Sam. viii. I— :i2. Ant. b' vi civ. s. j). he will somi find that it was superuhundanily fu'fiilid in the days of Herud and that to such a degree, thai the nation now at last seemed sore'y to repent of such their ancient choice, inoppositioa to God's belter choice for them, and had much rather be subject to even a pagan Roman government, and their deputies than to be any longer under the 0(>pie.ssion of the tamily of Herod; which request of tiieirs Augustusdid not now grant them, but did it for the one half of that na- tion in a few years afterward, upon fresh complaints made by the Jews against Archelaus, who. under Ibe more humble name of an ethnarch. which Aapftisius would only now allow him. soon took upon him the ios^dence and tyranny of his fattier king Herod, as trie reniainmg part of tl is book will inlbrm us, and particular!) c. xiii. s. i. + This is not true. See Ant b. xiv ch. tx .-ect.3. 4; and ch. xii sect i and ch. xiii.sect. I. V; Vm \> w cX ifi.4ier.t.5f »cideh. X.n^U9.3; At>» l» ^vi -ui^.,. 4:1.4, 480 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVII. to two other of Herod's sons, to Philip and to Antipas, that Antipas who disputed with Archelaus for the whole kingdom. Now, to him it was that Perea and Galilee paid their tribute, which amounted annually to 200 ta- lents,' while Batanea with Trachonitis, as well as Auranitis, with a certain part of what was called the House of Zcnodorus,-\ paid the tri- bute of one hundred talents to Philip; but Idumea, and Judea, and the country of Sa- maria, paid trihute to Archelaus, but had how a fourth part of that tribute taken off by the order of Cuesar, who decreed them that mitigation, because they did not join in this revolt with the rest of the multitude. There were also certain of the cities which paid tribute to Archelaus: — Strato's Tower and Sebaste, with Joppa and Jerusalem; for as to Gaza, Gadara, and Hippos, they were Gre- cian cities, which Caesar separated from his government, and added them to the province of Syria. Now the tribute-money that came to Archelaus every year from his own domi- nions, amounted to six hundred talents. 4. And s'o much came to Herod's sons from their father's inheritance; but Salome, besides what her brother left her by his testa- ment, which were Jamnia, Ashdod, and Pha- saelis, and five hundred thousand [drachmae] • Since Josepbus here informs us that Archelaus had bne-balt of the kingdom of Herod, and presently in- forms us farther, that Archelaus's annual income, after an abatement of one-quarter for the present, was tOO talents, we may therefore gather pretty ne-iily what was Herod the Great's yearly income, I mean about lOOO talents, which, at the known value of IJOOO shekels to a talent, and about 2s iOd. to a shekel, in the days of Josepbus. see the note on Antiq. b. iii. ch viii. sect. 2, amounts to £G80.0(iO sterling per «»jnum/ which in- come, though great in itself, bearing no propprtion to his vast expenses everywhere visible in Josepbus, and to the vast sums he left behind him in his will (ch. viii. sect. 1; and ch. xii. sect. I), the rest must have arisen either from his confiscation of those great men's estates whom he put to death, or made to pay fine for the saving of their lives, or for some other heavy methods ot oppression which such savai;e tyrants usually exercise upon their miserable subjects; or rather from these several methods put together, all which yet seem very much too small for his expenses, being drawn from no larger. a nation than that of the Jews, which was very populous, but without the advantage of trade to bring tbem riclies; so tliat I cannot but strongly suspect that no small part of this bis wealth arose from another source; 1 mean from some vast sums he took out of David's sepulchre, but concealed from the people, ^«ee the note on Antiq. b. viL ch. xv. sect. 3. + Take here a very uselul note of (irotius, on l.uke iii. 1. here quoted by Dr. Hudson: — »• When Josepbus says that some part ol tiie house (or possession) of Ze- nodurus (i.e. Abiene) was allotted to Philip, be thereby declares that the lart^er part of it belonged to another This other was Lysanias, whom Luke mentions, of the poMterity of that Lysanias who was possessed of the same country called Abilene, froiU the city Abila, and by others Chalcidene, from the city oi-Chalcis, when the government ot the east was under Aiitonius. and this alter Ptolemy, tne son of Menutfus; from which Lysanias, this country came to be cum iionly called the Country ol Lysanias > and as, alter the death of the for> Dier Lysanias, it was clled the Tetrarchy of Zenodorus, so aficr the death of Zenodorus, or when the time for Which he hired it was ended, wheu another Lysanias. of the same name with the fornier, was possessed of the same country, it beean to be called the I'etrarchy of Lyxanias." However, since Josepbus elsewhere (Antiq b. XX. rb. vii. sect 1; clearly riisiiiicnishes Ahilfne Irom CkmUident, Grotius must be here ^'> lar uii*taKrn. of coined silver, Caesar made her a present of a royal habitation at Askelon : in all, her revenues amouiited tv) sixty talents by the year, and her dwelling-house was within Ar- j chelaus's government. The rest also of the king's relations received what his testament allotted them. Moreover, Caesar matie a pre- sent to each of Herod's two virgin daughters, besides what their fatner left them, of two hundred and fifty thousand [drachma?] of sil- ver, and married them to Pheroras's sons: he also granted all that was bequeathed to him- self to the king's sons, which was one thou- sand five hundred talents, excepting a few of the Vessels, which he reserved for himself; and they were acceptable to him, not so much for the great value they were of, as because they were memorials of the king to him. CHAPTER XII. CONCERNING A SPURIOUS ALEXANDER. § 1. When these affairs had been thus set- tled by Caesar, a certain young man, by birth a Jew, but brought up by a Roman freedinan in the city Sidon, ingrafted himself into the kindred of Herod, by the resemblance of bis countenance, vyhich those that saw him attested to be that of Alexander, the son of Herod, whom he had slain; and this was an incitement to him to endeavour to obtain the government; so he took to him as an assis- tant, a man of his own country (one that was well acquainted with the affairs of the pa- lace, but, on other accounts, an ill man, and one whose nature made him capable of caus- ing great disturbances to the public, and one that became a teacher of such a mischievous contrivance to the other), and declared liiin- self to be Alexander, and the son of Herod, but stolen away by one of those that werv sent to slay him, who, in reality, slew other men, in order to deceive the spectators, but saved both him and his brother Aristobulus. Thus was this man elated, and able to im- pose on those that came to him; and when he was come to Crete, he made all the Jews that came to discourse with him believe him to be [Alexander]. And when he had gotten much money which had been presented to him there, he passed over to Melos, where he got much more money than he had before, out of the belief they had that he was of the royal family, and their hopes that he would recover his father's principality, and reward his benefactors; so he made haste to Rome, and was conducted thither by those strangers who entertained him. He was also so for- tunate as, upon his landing at Dicearchia, to bring the Jews that were there into the anme (leiur-ion; and not only other people, but a^so all thusc who had bt-en great with Herod, or hiid '• kiudnesii for biin, joined tbeuiselves to CHAP. xni. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 481 this man as to their king. The cause of it was (his, that men were gh^d of his pretences, which were secoiuied l)v the likeness of liis coitntetiance, which made those that had heen acquainted with Alexander strongly to believe that he was no other but the very same per- son, vvhich they also confirmed to others by oath; insomuch that when the report went about him that he was coming to Rome, the whole multitude of the Jews that were there went out to meet him, ascribing it to Divine Providence that he had so unexpectedly escaped, and being very joyful on account of his mother's family. And when he was come, he was carried in a royal litter through the streets; and all the ornaments about him were such as kings are adorned withal; and this was at the expense of those that entertained him. The multitude also flocked about him greatly, and made mighty acclamations to him, and nothing was omitted which could be thought suitable to such as had been so unexpectedly preserved. 2. When this thing was told Caesar, he did not believe it, because Herod was not easily to be imposed upon in such affuirs as were of great concern to him ; yet, having some sus- picion it might be so, he sent one Celadus, a freed-man of his, and one that had conversed with the young men themselves, and bade him bring Alexander into his presence: so he brought him, being no more accurate in judging about him than the rest of the mul- titude. Yet did not he deceive Caesar; for although there was a resemblance between him and Alexander, yet it was not so exact as to impose on such as were prudent in discern- ing; for this spurious Alexander had his hands rough, by the labours he had been put to; and instead of that softness of body which the other had, and this as derived from his deli- cate and generous education, this man, for the contiary reason, had a rugged body. When, therefore, Caesar saw how the master and the scholar agreed in this lying story, and in a bold way of talking, he inquired about Aristobulus, and asked what became of him, who (it seemsj was stolen away together with bim, and for what reason it was that he did not come along with him, and endeavour to recover that dominion which was due to his hi^h birth also. And when he said that he had been left in the Isle of Crete, for fear of the dangers of the sea, that, in case any acci dent should come to himself, the posterity of Mariamne might not utterly perish, but that Aristobulus might survive, and punish those that laid such treacherous designs against them ; and when he persevered in his affirma tions, and the author of the imposture agreed in supporting it, Caesar took the young man by himself, and said to him, " If thou wilt not impose upon me, thou shalt have this for thy reward, that thou shalt escape with thy life; tell me then, who thou art, and who it was that had boldness enough to contrive such a cheat as this. For this contrivance is too considerable a piece of villany to be un('er- taken by one of thy age." Accordingly, be- cause he had no other way to take, he told Caesar the contrivance, and after what man- ner, and by whom it was laid together. So Caesar, upon observing the spurious Alexan der to be a stroiig active man, and fit to work with his hands, that he might not break his promise to him, put him among those that were to row among the mariners, but slew him that induced him to do what he had done; for as for the people of Melos, he thought them sufficiently punished, in having thrown away so much of their money upon this spu- rious Alexander. And such was the igno- minious conclusion of this bold contrivance about the spurious Alexander, CHAPTER XIII. HOW ARCHELAUS, UPON A SECOND ACCUSA- TION WAS BANISHED TO VIENNA. § 1. When Archelaus was entered on his ethnarchy, and was come into Judea, he ac- cused Joazar, the son of Boethus, of assisting the seditious, and took away the high-priest- hood from him, and put Eleazar his brother in his place. He also magnificently rebuilt the royal palace that had been at Jericho, and he diverted half the water with which the vil- lage of Neara used to be watered, and drew off that water into the plain, to water those palm-trees which he had there planted ; he also built a village, and put his own name upon it, and called it Archelais. Moreover, he transgressed the law of our fathers,* and married Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, who had been the wife of his brother Alex- ander, vvhich Alexander had three children by her, while it was a thing detestable among the Jews to marry the brother's wife. Nor did this Eleazar abide long in the high- priesthood, Jesus, the son of Sie, being put in his room while he w^as still living. 2. But in the tenth year of Archelaus's government, both his brethren and the prin- cipal men of Judea and Samaria, not being able to bear his barbarous and tyrannical usage of them, accused him before Caesar, and that especially because they knew he had broken the •ommands of Caesar, which obli- ged him to behave himself with moderation among them. Whereupon Caesar, when he heard it, was very angry, and called for Ar- chelaus's steward, who took care of his affaira at Rome, and whose name was Archelaus * Spanheim seasonably observes here, that it was f-ir. bidden the Jews to marry their brother's wife when dhe had children by her first husband; and that Zenora* (cites, or; interprets the clause before ut accordiDgly. 2H 482 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVII also; and thinking it beneatli bim to write to Archelaus, he hade him sail away as soon as possible, and bring him to Rome; so the man made haste in his voyage, and when he came into Judea he found Archelaus feasting with his friends; so he told him what Caesar had sent him about, and hastened him away. And when he was come [to Rome], Caesar up- on hearing what certain accusers of his had to say, and what repiy he could make, both banished him, and appointed Vienna, a city of gaul, to be the place of his habitation, and took his money away from him. 3. Now, before Archelaus was gone up to Rome upon this message, he related this dream to his friends: That he saw ears of corn, in number ten, full of wheat, perfectly ripe; which ears, as it seemed to him, were devoured by oxen. And when he was awake and gotten up, because the vision appeared to be of great importance to him, he sent for the diviners, whose study was employed about dreams. And while some were of one opi- nion arid some of another (for all their inter- pretations did not agree), Simon, a man of the sect of the Essens, desired leave to speak his mind freely, and said, that the vision denoted a cliange in the affairs of Archelaus. and that not for the better; that oxen, because that animal takes uneasy pains in his labours, de- noted afflictions, and indeed denoted, farther, a change of affairs; because that land which is ploujihed by oxen cannot remain in its for- mer state ; and that the ears of corn being ten, determined the like number of years, because an ear of corn grows in one year; and that the time of Archelaus's government was over. And thus did this man expound the dream. Now, on the fifth day after this dream came first to Archelaus, the other Archelaus, that was sent to Judea by Caesar to call him away, came hither also. 4. The like accident befel Glaphyra his wife, who was the daughter of king Arche- laus, who, as I said before, was married, while she was a virgin, to Alexander, the son of Herod, and brother of Arctielaus; but since it fell out so that Alexander was slam by his father, she was married to Juba, the king of Libya; and when he was dead, and she lived in widowhood in Cappadocia with her father,^ Archelaus divorced his former wife Mariamne, and married her, so great was his affection for her; who, during her marriaf-e to him, saw the following dream: — She thought she saw Alexander standing by her; at which she rejoiced, and embraced him with great affec- tion ; but that he complained of her, and said, " O Glaphyra! thou provest that s^^iiig ic- be true, which assures us that women are not to be trusted. Didst thou not pledge thy faith to me? and wast thou not married to me when thou wast a virgin? and had we not children between us? Yet hast thou forgot- ten the affection I bare to thee, out of desire of a second husband. Nor hast thou been satisfied with that injury thou didst me, but thou hast been so bold as to procure thee a third husband to lie by thee, and in an inde- cent and imprudent manner hast entered into my bouse, and hast been married to Arche- laus, thy husband and my brother. How- ever, I will not Ibrget thy former kind affec- tion for me; but will set thee free from every such reproachful action, and cause thee to be mine again, as thou once wa?t." When she had reliited this to her female companions, in a few days* time she departed this life. 5. Now I did not think these histories im- proper for the present discourse, both because my discourse now is concerning kings, and otherwise also on account of the advantage hence to be drawn, as well for the confirma- tion of the immortality of the soul, as of the providence of God over human affairs, I thought them fit to be set down; but if any tuie does not believe such relations, let him indeed erjoy his own opinion, but let him not hinder another that would thereby encourage hin.self in virtue. Sc A-cbelaus's coimtry was laid to the pro»''nco of Syria; and Cvre- nius, one that had been ."on«ul, was se»'t b» Cwsar to tsko account of people's eflTectv «• Syria, ana tc sell the Aou«e ok AxJlieiaus. 483 BOOK XVIII. CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THIRTT-TWO TBAK& FROM THE BANISHMENT OF ARCHELAUS TO THE DEPARTURE OF THE JEWS FROM BABYLON. CHAPTER I. HOW CYRENIUS WAS SENT BY C^SAR TO MAKE A TAXATION OF STUIA AND JUDEA^ AND HOW COPONIUS WAS SENT TO BE PROCURA- TOR OF JUDEA; concerning JUDAS OF GA- LILEE, AND CONCERNING THE SECTS THAT WERE AMONG THE JEWS. § 1. Now Cyrenius, a Roman senator, and one who had gone through other magistracies, and had passed through them till he had been consul, and one who, on other accounts, was of great dignity, came at this time into Syria, with a few others, being sent by Caesar to be a judge of that nation, and to take an account of their substance: Coponius also, a man of the equestrian order, was sent together with hira, to have the supreme power over the Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself in- to Judea, which was now ad(ied to the pro- vince of Syria, to take an account of their substance, and to dispose of Archelaus's mo- ney: but the Jews, although at the beginning they took the report of a taxation heinously, yet did they leave off any farther opposition to it, by the persuasion of Joazar, who was the son of Boetbus, and high-priest. So they, being over-persuaded by Joazar's words, gave an account of their estates, without any dispute anoutit; yet there was one Ju- das a Gaulonite,* of a city whose name was • Since St Luke once (Acts t. 37), and Josephns our several timfs. onr.e h«re (sect 6; and h. xx. ch. v. ViCX.'i: <)1 the '-^ar. h. ii.ch.viii. sect 1; and chap xvii sect. 8). raUs tins Jndas. who was the pestilent author of that seditions doctnne and temper which brought the Jewish nation to utter destruction, a Galilean; but here (sect I), Josepbus calls him a Gaulonite, of the city of Gainala; it is a great question where this Judas was born, whether in (iaiilee on the west side, or in Gaulo- tjitis 01. the east side of the river Jordan j whi'e. in the place just now cited out of the Antiquities (b. xx. ch. v eect.-2). he is not only called a Galilean, but it is added to his story, •'as I have signified in the lo<tks that ko before these," as if he had still callt-d him i Galilfcan in those Atitiquities before, as well as in tint particular (ilnce, as Dean Aldrich observes. Of the Wat b. ii ch. viii. sect. i. Nor can one well ima^nf why he should herecall him a (>aulonite. when, in tlie tith sect following here, as well as twice < >f the War. he still Ciills him a Gj^- iileiin. As for the city of Gamala. whence this Judas •v»k ^rived, it determines n«»thiug, tinct; there were Gamala, who taking vnth him Sadduc.f a Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty ; as if they could procure them happiness and se- curity for what they possessed, and an assur- ed enjoyment of a still greater good, which was that of the honour and glory they would thereby acquire for magnanimity. They also said that God would not otherwise be assist- ing tothera, than upon their joining with one another in such counsels as might be success- ful, and for their own advantage; and this especially, if they wotfld set about great ex- ploits, and not grow weary in executing the same; so men received what they said vvith pleasure, and this bold attempt proceeded to a great height. All sorts of misfortunes also sprang from these men, and the nation was infected with this doctrine to an incredible degree; one violent war came upon us after another, and we lost our friends, who used to alleviate our pains; there were also very great robberies and murders of our principal men. This was done in pretence indeed for the public welfare, but in reality for the hopes of gain to themselves; whence arose seditions, and from them murders of men. which some, times tell on those of their own peoule ''bv t^e madness of these men towaras one anorner, while their desire was that none of the adverse party might be left), and sometimes on their enemies; a famine also coming upon us reduced us to the last degree of despair, as did also the taking and demolishing of cities ; nay, the two of that nam«, the on« In Ganlonitis, the other in Galilee. See Reland on the city or towr of that name. + It seems not very improbable tomb that this Snd- duc. the Pharisee, was the very same man of whom the Kabhins speak, as the unhappy but undesigning occa- sion of the impiety or infidelity of the Sadducees; nor perhaps had the men this name of Sadducees till tint v«ry time. th<mch they were a distinct »oct long before. See the note on b. xiii.ch. x. sect.5, and Dean Pridraux, as there quoted; nor do we, that 1 know of. find the least footsteps of Euch impiety rr intidel<ty of these Sadducees befure this time, the Recognitions assuring us that they began about tbe days of John the BaptuU b.Lch. liv. 484 ANTIQUITIES OF TPIE JEWS. BOOK XVIII. sedition at last increased so high, that the very temple of God was burnt down by their eneipy's lire. Such were the consequences of this, that the customs of our fathers were altered, and such a change was made, as add- ed a mighty weight toward bringing all to destruction, which these men occasioned by thus conspiring together; for Judas and Sad- due,* who excited a fourth philosophic sect ,1 .'.oug us, and had a great many followers i herein, filled our civil government with tu- mults at present, and laid the foundation of our future miseiies, by this system of philo- t^ophy, which we were before unacquainted withal; concerning which I shall discourse a little, and this the rather, because the infec- tion which spread thence among the younger sort, who were zealous for it, brought the public to destruction* 2. The Jews had for a great while three fcects of philosophy peculiar to themselves ; the sect of the Essens, and the sect of the Sadducees, and the third sort of opinions was that of those called Pharisees; of which sects, although I have already spoken in the second book of the Jewish War, yet will I a little touch upon them now. 3. Now, for the Pharisees, they live mean- ly, and despise delix^acies in diet; and they fol- low the conduct of reason; and what that prescribes to them as good for them, they do; and they think they ought earnestly to strive to observe reason's nictates for practice They also pay a respect to such as are in years; nor are they so bold as to contradict them in any thing which they have intro- duced; and, when they determine that all things are done by fate, they do not take away the freedom from men of acting as they think fit; since their notion is, that it hath pleased God to make a temperament, where- by what he wills is done, but so that the will of men can act virtuously or viciously. They also believe that souls have an immortal vigour in them, and that under the earth there will be rewards or punishments, accord- ing as they have lived virtuously or viciously in this life; and the latter are to be detained ill an everlasting prison, but that the former shall have power to revive and live again; on account of which doctrines they are able great- ly to persuade the body of the people; and whatsoever they do about divine worship, prayers, and sacrifices, they perform them according to their direction; insomuch that the cities gave great attestions to them on account of their entire virtuous conduct, both in the actions of their lives and their discourses also. 4. But the doctrine of the Sadducees is thig: That souls die with the bodies; nor do they regard the observation of any thing be- sides what the law enjoins them; for they • See tbe preyitnit Note. think it an instajice of virtue to dispute with those teachers of philosophy whom they frer quent; but this doctrine is received but by a few, yet by those still of the greatest dignity; but they are able to do almost nothing of themselves; for when they become magis- trates, as they are unwillingly and by force sometimes obliged to be, they addict them- selves to the notions of the Pharisees, be- cause the multitude would not otherwise hear them. 5. The doctrine of the Essens is this: That all things are best ascribed to God. They teach the immortality of souls, and esteem that the rewards of righteousness are to be earnestly striven for ; and when they send what they have dedicated to God into the temple, they do not. offer sacrifices,! becaus* they have more pure lustrations of their own; on which account they are excluded from the common court of the temple, but offer their sacrifices themselves; yet is their course of life better than that of other men ; and they entirely addict themselves to husbandry. It also deserves our admiration, how much they exceed all other men that addict themselves to virtue, and this in righteousness: and indeed to such a degree, that as it hath never appear- ed among any other men, neither Greeks nor barbarians, no, not for a little time, so hath it endured a long while among them. This is demonstrated by that institution of theirs which will not suffer any thing to hinder them from having all things in common; so that a rich man enjoys no more of his own wealth than he who hath nothing at all. There are about four thousand men that live in this way, and neither marry wives, nor are desirous to keep servants; as thinking the latter tempts men to be unjust, and the former gives the handle to domestic quarvels ; but as they live by themselves, they minister one to another. They also appoint certain stewards to receive the incomes of their revenues, and of the fruits of the ground ; such as are good men and priests, who are to get their corn and their food ready for them. They none of them differ from others of the Essens in their way of living, but do the most resemble those Pacae who are called PolistaX [dwellers in cities.] 6. But of the fourth sect of Jewish philo- + It seems by wh:it Josephus says here, and I'hilo himself elsewhere (Op. p.tJ7*»), that these Kssens did not use to go to tlie Jewish feativals at Jenisalem, or to offe*- saciificrs there, which m»y be one great occasion why they are never mentioned in the ordinary btioks of the New Testament; though, in the Apostdliral €onbiitu« tions, they are mentioned es those that obserred the cus- toirts of their forefathers, and that without ajiy such ili character laid npcn them as is there laid upon the othee sects amontc that people. J, \\ ho these Utiwrreti in Josephus.or Kt ni in Strftb<v amon^; tlie P\thaKorio Uarie were, it is not easy to dett r- miie. Scalieer offers no improbable conjecture, that some of these Daca; lired a;oiit^ like monks, in tents or caves; but that otiiirs of fhtin lived ti«<et*'et i» bmll cities, and thence were culled hy turh nuoteb as impU»4 CHAP. II. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 485 Bopby, Judas the Galilean was the author. These men agree in all other things with the Phiiris'Jiic notions; but they have an inviolable attachment to liberty; and say that God is to be their only Ruler and Lord. They also do not value d>ing any kinds of death, nor in- deed do they heed the deaths of their relations and friends, nor can any such fear make them call any man Lord; and since this im- moveable resolution of theirs is well known to a great many, 1 shall speak no farther about that matter; nor am I afraid that any thing 1 have said of them should be disbelieved, but rather fear, that what I have said is be- neath the resolution they show when they un- dergo pain; and it was in Gessius Florus's time that the nation began to gron' mad with this distemper, who was our procurator, and who occasioned the Jews to go wild with it by the abuse of his authority, and to make them revolt from the Romans; and these are the sects of Jewish philosophy. CHAPTER XL HOW HEROD AND PHILIP BUILT SEVERAL CITIES IN HONOUa OF C-SSAR. CONCERN- ING THE SUCCESSION OF PRIESTS AND PRO- CURATORS; AS ALSO WHAT BEFEL PHRA- ATES AND THE PARTHIANS. § 1. When Cyrenius had now disposed of Arcbelaus's niMiey, and when the taxings were come to a cmiclusion, which were made in the thirty-seventh year of Caesar's victory over Antony at Actium, he deprived Joazar of the high-priesthood, which dignity had been con- ferreii on him by the multitude, and be ap- pointed Aiianus, the son of Seth, to be high- priest; while Herod and Philip had each of them received their own tetrarchy, and settled the affairs thereof. Herod also built a wall about Sepphoris (which is the security of all Galilee), and made it the metropolis of the country. He also built a wall round Betha- ramphtha, which was itself a city also, and called it Julias, from the name of the empe- ror's wife. When Philip, also, had built Pa- neas, a city, at the fountains of Jordan, he named it Cesarea. He also advanced the vil- lage Bethsaida, situate at the lake of Gennesa- reth, unto the dignity of a city, both by the number of inhabitants it contained, and its other grandeur, and called it by the name of Julias, the same name with Caesar's daughter. 2. As Coponius, who we told you was sent along with Cyrenius, was exercising his office of procurator, and governing Judea, the fol- lowing accidents happened. As the Jews were celebrating the feast of unleavened bread, which we call the Passover, it was customary for tLe priests tr) open the temple- gates just after midnight. When, therefore, those gates were first opened, some of the Samaritans came privately into Jerusalem, and threw about dead men's bodies in ttie cloisters; on which account the Jews after- ward excluded them out of the temple, which they had not used to do at such festivals; and on other accounts also they watched the tem- ple more carefully than they had formerl done. A little after which accident, Copa' nius returned to Rome, and Marcus Ambi vius came to be his successor in that govern- ment; under whom Salome, the sister of king Herod, died, and left to Julia [Caesar's wife], Jauuiia, all its toparchy, and Pbasaelis in the plain, and Archelais, where is a great planta- tion of palm-trees, and their fruit is excellent in its kind. After him came Annius Rufus, under whom died Caesar, the second emperor of the Romans, the duration of whose reign was fifty-seven years, besides six months and two days (of which time Antonius ruled to- gether with him fourteen years; but the du- ration of his life was seventy-seven years); upon whose death Tiberius Nero, his wife Julia's son, succeeded. He was now the third emperor; and he sent Valerius Gratus to be procurator of Judea, and to succeed Annius Rufus. This man deprived Ananus of the high-priesthood, and appointed Ismael, the son of Phabi, to be high-priest. He also deprived him in a little time, and ordained Eleazar, the son of Ananus, who had been high-priest before, to be high-priest: which office, when he had held for a year, Gratus deprived him of it, and gave the high-priest- hood to Simon, the son of Camithus; and, when he had possessed that dignity no longer than a }ear, Joseph Caiphas was made his successor. When Gratus had done those things, he went back to Rome, after he had tarried in Judea eleven years, when Pontius Pilate came as his successor. 3. And now Herod the tetrarch, who was in great favour with Tiberius, built a city of the same name with him, and called it Tibe- rias. He built it in the best part of Galilee, at the lake of Gennesareth. There are warm baths at a little distance from it, in a village named Emmaus. Strangers came and in- habited this city; a great number of the in habitants were Galileans also; and many were necessitated by Herod to come thither out of the country belonging to him, and'were by force compelled to be its inhabitants; some of them were persons of condition. He also admitted poor people, such as those that were collected from all parts, to dwell in it. Nay, some of them v\'ere not quite freemen; and these he was a benefactor to, and made them free in great numbers; but obliged them not to forsake the city, by building them very good houses at his own expenses, and by giv- ing them land also; for he was sensible, tliat to make this place a habitation was to trans- gress the Jewish ancient laws, because many #486 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK XVIII. Bepulcbres were to be tere taken away, in order to r^ake room for the city Tiberias;* whereas our ^w pronounces, that such inhabitants are unclean for seven days.f 4. About this time died Phraates, king of the Parthians, by the treachery of Phraataces his son, upon the occasion following: — When Phraates bad had legitimate sons of his own, he jad also an Italian maid-servant, whose name was Thermusa, who had been formerly sent to him by Julius Caesar, among other presents. He first made her his concubine; but he being a great admirer of her beauty, in process of time having a son by her, whose name was Phraataces, he made her his legitimate wife, and had a great respect for her. Now, she was able to persuade him to do any thing that she said, and was earnesf in procuring the government of Parthia for her son ; but still she saw that her endeavours would not suc- ceed, unless she could contrive how to remove Phraates's legitimate sons [out of the king- dom]; so she persuaded him to send those his sons as pledges of his fidelity to Rome; and they were sent to Rome accordingly, because it was not easy for him to contradict her com- mands. Now, while Phraataces was alone brought up in order to succeed in the govern- ment, he thought it very tedious to expect that government by his father's donation [as his successor] ; he therefore fornied a treacherous design against bis father, by his mother's as- sistance, with whom, as the report went, be bad criminal conversation also. So he was hated for both these vices, while bis subjects esteemed this [wicked] love of his mother to be no way inferior to bis parricide; and he was by them, in a sedition, expelled out of the country before be grew too great, and died. But, as the best sort of Parthians agreed together, that it was impossible they •ihould be governed without a king, while also it vvastbtir constant practice to choose one of the family of ArsMces [nor did their law allow of an\ otliers; and ibey tbcugbt tl.is king< om had i)een si nicieiitly injured already by the marriiige vvirli an Italian concubine, and by her isMie], iliey sent ambassadors, and called Orodes [lo lake the crown]; for the multitude would not otlfciwise have borne them; and tboutb le was accused of very great cruelty, end \^»s of ap nntractable temper, and prone to wrath. \et still be was one of the family of Aisaces. However, they made a conspiracy against him, and slew bim, and that, as some say, at a festival and among their sacrifices (for it is the universal custom there to carry their swords with them); but, as the more •• We iray here takr notice, as well an in the parallr) parts of the hookii (>l Ihe U ar, h. ii. ch. ix. oert. 4, that •ftf-r Ihe death of Herod the (iieat. and the succei'sion of ArcheluiiH, .loM-phiiii is very lir:ef in his arcounts of Jiiriea. till neai hid t>wii time. I Miiniose the rradon is. that alter the lartie h story ol Nirolaii^ of Damayciis. in- cludinir the life of I erod. and | rohahh tie fiireessioii •nd first aetiiins oi hit sons, tie bad but frV f^iHid histories •f tlMse times hcfore him. ♦ Num. xix. 11— 14. general report is, they slew him when they had drawn him out a-hunting. So they sent ambassadors to Rome.-and desired they would send one of tbgse that were there as pledges, to be their kir.g. Accordingly, Vonones was preferred before the rest, and sent to them (for he seemed capable of such great fortune, which two of the greatest kingdoms under the sun now offered him, his own and a foreign one). However, the barbarians soon changed their minds, they being naturally of a mutable disposition, upon the supposal that this man was not worthy to be their governor; for they could not think of obeying the com- mands of one that bad been a slave (for so they called those that bad been hostages), nor could they bear the ignominy of that name; and this was the more intolerable, because then the Parthians must have such a king set over them, not by right of war, but in time of peace. So they presently invited Artaba- nus, king of Media, to be their king, he be- ing also of the race of Arsaces. Artabanus complied with the offer that was made bim, and came to them with an army. So Vonones met him; and at first the multitude of the Parthians stood on his side, and he put his army in array; but Artabanus was beaten, and fled to the mountains of Media. Yet did he a little after gather a great army to- gether, and fought with Vonones, and beat bim; whereupon Vonones fled away on horse- back, with a few of bis attendants about bim, toSeleucia[upon Tigris]. So when Artaba- nus had slain a great numbii', and this after he had gotten the victory by reason of the very great dismay the barbarians were in, he retired to Ctesipbon with a great number of his people; and so be now reigned over the Parthians. But Vonones fled away to Ar- menia; and as soon as be came thither, he had an inclination to have the government of the country given bim, and sent ambassadors to Rome [for that purpose]. But because Tiberius refused it him, and because be wanted courage, and because the Parthian king threatened bim, and sent ambassadors to bim to denounce war against bim if be proceeded, and because be bad no wa\ to take to regain any other kingdom (for the people of authority among the Armenians about Niphates joined themselves to Artabanus), he delivered up himself to Silanus, the president of .Syria, who, out of regard to his education at Rome, kept bim in Syria, while Artabanus gave Armenia to Orodes, one of his own sons. 5. At this time died Antiochus, the king or Commagene; wereupon the multitude con- tended with the n( bility, and both sent am- bassadors [to Rome]; for the men of power were desirous that their form of go\ernment might be changed into that of a [Roman] province; as were the multitude desirous to be under kingn, as their fathers bad been. So the senate made a decree, that Germanicus CHAP. Ill, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 487 should be sent to settle the affairs of the east, fortune hereby taking a proper opportunity for depriving bim of his life; for when he had been in the east, and settled all affairs there, bis lite was taken away by the poison which Piso gave hiai, as hath beea related else- where.* CHAPTER HL •EDITION OF THE JEWS AGAINST PONTIUS PILATE; CONCERNING CHRIST, AND WHAT BEFEL PAULINA AND THE JEWS AT ROME. § 1. But now Pilate, the procurator of Ju- dea, removed the army from Cesarea to Jeru- salem, to take their winter-quarters there, in order to abolish the Jewish laws. So he in- troduced Caesar's effigies, which were upon the ensigns, and brought them into the city; whereas our law forbids us the very making of images ; on which account the former pro- curators were wont to make their entry into the city with such ensigns as had not those ornaments. Pilate was the first who brought those images to Jerusalem, and set them up there; which was done without the knowledge of the people, because it was done in the night-time; but as soon as they knew it, they come in multitudes to Cesarea, and inter- ceded with Pilate many days, that he would remove the images; and when he would not grant their requests, because it would tend to the injury of C^sar, while yet they persevered in their request, on the sixth day he ordered his soldiers to have their weapons privately, while he came and sat upon his judgment- seat, w-^ich seat was so prepared in the open place of the city, that it concealed the army that lay ready to oppress them; and when the iews petitioned him again, he gave a signal to the soldiers to encompass them round, and threatened that their punishment should be no less than immediate death, unless they would leave off disturbing him, and go their ways home. But they threw themselves upon the ground, and laid their necks bare, and said they would take their death very will- ingly, rather than the wisdom of their law« should be transgressed; upon which Pilate was deeply affected with their firm resolution to keep their laws inviolable, and presently I commanded the images to be carried back from Jerusalem to Cesarea. 2. But Pilate undertook to bring a current of water to Jerusalem, and did it with the sacred money, and derived the origin of the stream from the distance of two hundred fur- longs. However, the Jews f were not pleased • This citation is now wantini?. + These Jews, a» they are here ralletl, whose blood rilate shed on this occasjion, may very well be those very Galilean Jews. '• n h6se blood' Pilate had mingled •ith their sacrificef" (Luke xiii. 1, 2)t lbe«e tumults with what had been done about this water; and many ten thousands of the people got together, and made a claxiiour against bun, and insisted that he should leave off that dc sign. Some of them also used reproa<*lies. atid abused the man, as crowds of such peo- ple usually do. So he habited a great num- ber of his soldiers in their habit, who carriru daggers under their garments, and sent thtm to a place where they might surround them. So he bade the Jews himself go auavi but they boldly casting reproaches upon him. ht- gave the soldiers that signal which had lieep beforehand agreed on: who laid upon them much greater blows than Pilate had com- manded them, and equally punished those that were tumultuous, and those that were not, nor did they spare them in the least; and since the people were unarmed, and were caught by men prepared for what they were about, there were a great number of them slain by this means, and others of them nui away wounded; and thus an €iid was put tu this sedition. 3. Now, there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man, for he was a doer of wonderful works, — a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both «)anv of the Jews, and ntiany of the Gentiles, fie was [the] Christ; and when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men amongst ns, had condemned him to the cross.J those that loved him at the first did not forsake faiin, for he appeared to them alive again the third day. |; as the divine prophets h-dtl foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concern ing him; and the tribe of Christians, so nameci from him, are not extinct at this day. 4. About the &ame time also another sad ca- lamity put the Jews into disorder; and certain shameful practices happened about the tem- ple of Isis that was at Rome. I will no\\ first take notice of the wicked attempt about the temple of Isis, and will then give an ac- count of the Jewish affairs. There was at being usually excited at some of the Jews' great frsti- vals. when they slew ahundance of sacrifices, a' d the Galileans being commonly much more busy in such tu- mults than those of Judea and Jerusalem, as we learn from the History of Archelaus (Antiq. b. xvii. cli. ix sect 3; and ch. x. sect. 2, 9); though, indeed, Jtsc- phus's present copies say not one word of "those eich. teen upon whom the tower in Siloam fell, and slew them." which the 4th verse of the same 13th chapter •>' St. Luke informs us of: but since our Gospel teaches us (Luke xxiii. 6, 7), that " when Pilate heard of Ga- lilee, he asked whether Jesus were a Galilean ;* And as soon as be knew that he beUmged to Herod's inrisdic- lion, he sent him to Herod ;" and (ver. 12) ** the same day Pilate and Herod were made friends together; foi before they had b«'en at enmity between themselves ;" take the very probable key of ihis matter in the words o._ the learned Noldius. de Herod, No 2-19. " 1 he cause of the enmity between Herod and Pilate (says he) seems to have been this, that Pilate had intermeddled with the fetrarch's jurisdiction, and had slain some of his Gali- lean subjects (Luke xiii. 1); and, as he was willing t» correct that error, he sent Christ to Uerod at thii time.'* + A. I). 33, April 3. U April & 488 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVIIL Kcme a woman whose name was Paulina; one who, on account of the dignity of her an- cestors, and by the regular conduct of a vir- tuous life, had a great reputation: she was also very rich; and although she was of a beautiful countenance, and in that flower of her age wherein women are the most gay, yet did she lead a life of great modesty. She was married to Saturninus, one that was every way answerable to her in an excellent charac- ter. Decius Mundus fell in love with this woman, who was a man very high in the equestrian order; and as she was of too great dignity to be caught by presents, and had al- ready rejected them, though they had been sent in great abundance, he was still more in- flamed with love to her, insomuch that he promised to give her two hundred thousand Attic drachma for one night's lodging; and when this would not prevail upon her, and he was not able to bear this misfortune in his amours, he thought it the best way to famish himself to death for want of food, on account of Paulina's sad refusal; and he determined with himself to dia after such a manner, and he went on with his purpose accordingly. Now, Mundus had a freed- woman, who had been made free by his father, whose name was Ide, one skilful in all sorts of mischief. This woman was very much grieved at the young man's resolution to kill himself (for he did not conceal his intentions to destroy himself from others), and came to him, and encouraged him by her discourse, and made him to hope, by some promises she gave him, that he might obtain a night's lodging with Paulina; and when he joyfully hearkened to her entreaty, she said she wanted no more •than fifty thousand drachmae for the entrap- ping of the woman. So when she had en- couraged the young man, and gotten as much money as she required, she did not take the same methods as had been taken before, be- cause she perceived that the woman was by no means to be tempted by money; but as she knew that she was very much given to the worship of the goddess Isis, she devised the following stratagem: — She went to some of Isis's priests, and upon the strongest assu- rances [of concealment], she persuaded them by words, but chiefly by the oflTer of money, of twenty-five thousand drachmae in hand, and as much more when the thing had taken effect; and told them the passion of the young man, and persuaded them to use all means possible to beguile the woman. So they were drawn in to promise so to do, by that large sum of gold they were to have. According- ly, the oldest of them went immediately to Paulina; and upon his admittance, he desired to speak with her by herself. When that was granted him, be told her that he was sent by the god Anubis, who was fallen in love with her, and enjoined her to come to hin). Upon tbif she took the message very kindly, and valued herself greatly upon this condescen- sion of Anubis; and told her husband that she had a message sent her, and was to sup and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her ac- ceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with the chastity of his wife. Accordingly, she went to the temple; and after she had supped there, and it was the hour to go to sleep, the priest shut the doors of the temple; when, iu the holy part of it, the lights were also put out. Then did Mundus leap out (for he was hidden therein) and did not fail of enjoying her, who was at his service all the night long, as supposing he was the god; and when he was gone away, which was before those priests who knew nothing of this stratagem were stir- ring, Paulina came early to her husband, and told him how the god Anubis had appeared to her. Among her friends also she declared how great a value she put upon this favour, who partly disbelieved the thing, when they reflected on its nature, and partly were amazed at it, as having no pretence for not believing it, when they considered the modesty and the dignity of the person ; but now, on the third day after what had been done, Mundus met Patilina, and said, " Nay, Paulina, thou hast saved me two hundred thousand drachma-, which sum thou mightest have added to thy own family; yet hast thou not failed to be at my service in the manner I invited thee. As for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mun- dus, I value not the business of names; but I rejoice in the pleasure 1 reaped by w hat I did, while I took to myself the name of Anubis." When he bad said this, he went his May; but now she began to come to the sense of the grossness of what she hud (ione, and rent her garments, and told her husbiind of the horrid natureof this wicked contrivance, and pra\ed him not to neglect to assist her in this case. So he discovered the fact to the emperor; whereupon Tiberius inquired into the matter thoroughly, by examining the priests about it. and ordered them to he crucified, as well ag Ide, who was the occasion of their peidi- tion, and who had contrived the whole matter, which was so injurious to the woman. He also demolished the temple of Isis, and pave order that her statue should be thrown into the river Tiber; while he only banished l^lun- dus, but did no more to him, because he sup- posed that what crime he bad committed whs done out of the passion of love; and these were the circumstances which concerned the temple of Isis, and the injuries occasioned by her priests I now return to the relation of what happened about this time to the Jews at Rome, as 1 formerly told you 1 would. 5. There was a man who was u Jew, but had been driven away from his own country by an accusation laid against him for trans- gressing their laws, and by the fear he was under of punishment i'ur lite same; but in ail rusp«ct» a vvicktd man: — he then living at CHAP. IV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 489 Rome, professed to instruct men in the wis- dom of the laws of Moses, He procured also three other men, entirely of the same character with himself, to be his partners. These men persuaded Fulvia, a woman of great dignity, and one that had embraced the Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to the temple at Jerusalem; and, when they had gotten them, they employed them for their own uses, and spent the money them- selves; on which account it was that they at first required it of her. Whereupon Ti- berius, who had been informed of the thing by Saturnius, the husband of Fulvia, who desired inquiry might be made about it, or- dered all the Jews to be banished out of Rome; at which time the consuls listed four thousand men out of them, and sent them to the island Sardinia; but punished a greater number of them, who were unwilling to be- come soldiers on account of keeping the laws of their forefathers.* Thus were these Jews banished out of the city by the wickedness of four men. CHAPTER IV. HOW THE SAMARITANS MADE A TUMULT, AND PILATE DESTROYED MANY OF THEM; HOW PILATE WAS ACCUSED, AND WHAT THINGS WERE DONE BY VITELLIUS BELATIKG TO THE JEWS AND THE PARTHIANS. § 1. But the nation of the Samaritans did not escape without tumults. The man who excited tbem to it, was one who thought lying a thing of little consequence, and who contrived every thing so that the multitude might be pleased; so he bade them get to- gether upon Mount Gerizzim, which is by tbem looked upon as the most holy of all mountains, and assured them that, when they were come thither, be would show them those sacred vessels which were laid under that place, because Moses put them there. "f So • Of the banishment of theie four thousand Jews into Sardinia by Tiberius see Suetonius in Tiber, sect 36w But as for Sir- Keland's note here, which supposes that Jews could not, consistently with their laws, be soldiers, it is contradicted by one branch of the history bt fore us, and contrary to innumerable instances of thrir fiehfin^. and proTin? excellent soldiers in war; and indeed many of the btstof them, and even under heathen kings them- selves, dd SO; those, 1 mean, who allowed them their rest on the Sabbath-flay, and other solemn festivals, and let them live accordinif to their own laws, as AlrxanHer the Great and the I'toieniies of Egvpl did. It is true, they could not always oht<«in those privileKes and ti>en they eot excused as well as they could, or sometimes ab- •olntelv refused to fight, which seems to have been the ease here, as to the mujor part of the Jews now banished, but nothing more. See several of the Roman decrees in their favour as to such matters, b. xiv. ch. x. ■f Since Moses never c. me himself beyond Jordaa, nor particularly to IMoui t Gerizzim. and sirce these Sa- mantans have a tradition amoni; them, related here by Dr Hudson, frcm • eland, who was very skilful in Je\»- iflh and ^~am!lri!aIl iearnini:. that in the days of I'zzi <»r 0718 the hifh-prifsi (1 ( hrop. vi 6). the ark and oth-j •acned vesaels were, by Uod's commanH. laid up or they came thither armed, and thought the di»* course of the man probable; and as they abode at a certain village, which was called Tirathaba, they got the rest together to them, and desired to go up the mountain in a great multitude together. But Pilate prevented their going up, by seizing upon the roads with a great band of horsemen and footmen, who fell upon those that were gotten to- gether in the village; and when they came to an action, some of them they slew, and others of them they put to flight, and took a great many alive, the principal of whom, and also the most potent of those that fled away, Pi- late ordered to be slain. 2. But when this tumult was appeased, the Samaritan senate sent an embassy to Vitellius, a man that had been consul, and who was now president of Syria, and accu&ed Pilate of the murder of those that were killed ; for that they did not go to Tirathaba in order to revolt from the Romans, but to escape the violence of Pilate. So Vitellius sent Marcel- lus, a friend of his, to take care of the affairs of Judea, and ordered Pilate to go to Rome, to answer before the emperor to the accusation of the Jews. So Pilate, when he had tarried ten years in Judea, made haste to Rome, and this in obedience to the orders of Vitellius, which he durst not contradict; but before he could get to Rome, Tiberius was dead. 3. But Vitellius came into Judea, and went up to Jerusalem; it was at the time of that festival which is called the Passover. Vitellius was there magnificently received, and released the inhabitants of Jerusalem from all the taxes upon the fruits that were bought and sold, and gave them leave to have the care of the high-priest's vestments, with all their ornaments, and to have them under the custody of the priests in the temple; which power they used to have formerly, although at this time they were laid up in the tower of Antonia, the citadel so called, and that on the occasion following: — There was one of the [high] priests, named Hyrcanus, and as there were many of that name, he was the first of them ; this man built a tower near the temple, and when he had so done, he generally dwelt in it, and bad these vestments with him ; because it was lawful for him alone to pu^them on, and he had tbem there reposited when he went down into the city, and took his ordinary garments ; the same things were continued to be done by his sons, and by their ?oiis after them; but when He- rod came to be king, he rebuilt this tower, which was very conveniently situated, in a magnificent manner; and because he was a friend to Antonius, he called it by the ntcae hidden in Monnt Gerizzim, it Is highly probable *'j^t tills was the f(M)lish foundation the pre^ent Samaritans . went upon, in the sedition here de^ciibrd, and that jm \ shoiild read here Q'ia«, instead of Mt4»ettn, in (be text of Jiwephua. 490 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK xviir of Antonia; and as he found these vestments lyiiij? there, he retained them in the same place, as believing that, while he had them in bis custody, the people would make no innova- tions against him. The like to what Herod did was done by his son Arihelaus, who was made king after him; after whom the Ro- mans, when they entered on the government, took po-session of thes^e vestments of the high- priest, and had them rep«)sited in a stone- chamber, uiidtr the seal of the priests, and of the keepers of the temple, the captain of the guard lighting n lamp there every day; and seven days before a festival* they were de- livered to them by the captain of the guard, when the high-priest having purified them, and made use of them, la>d them up again in the same chamber where they had been laid up before, and this the very next day after the feast was over. This was the practice at the three yearly festivals, and on the fast-day; but Vitellius put those garments into our own power, as in the days of our forefathers, and ordered the captain of the guard not to trouble himself to inquire where they were laid, or when they were to be used; and this he did as an act of kindness, to oblige the nation to him. Besides which, he also deprived Joseph, who was called Caiphas, of the high-priesthood, and appointed Jonathan, the son of Ananus, the former high-priest, to succeed him. After which he took his journey back to Antioch. 4. Moreover, Tiberius sent a letter to Vi- tellius, and commanded him to make a league of friendship with Artabanus, the king of Parthia; for, while he was his enemy he ter- rified him, because he had taken Armenia away from him, lest he should proceed farther, and told him he should no otherwise trust him than upon his giving him hostages, and especially his son Artabanus. Upon Tibe- rius's writing thus to Vitellius, by the oflfer of great presents of money, he persuaded both the king of Iberia and the king of Albania to make no delay, but to fight against Artaba- nus; and although they would not do it them- selves, yet did they give the Scythians a pas- sage through their country, and opened the Caspian gates to them, and brought them upon Artabanus. So Armenia was again taken from the Parthians, and the country of Parthia was filled with war, and ?he principal of their men were slain, and all things were in disorder among them; the king's son also himself fell in these wars, together with many ten thousands of bis army. Vitellius had also sent such great sums of money to Arta- • This mention ofthf hiRh-priMt'8«Bcrpd garments re- eeivrd seven days br for* a festival, and purified in 1ho<<e days against a festival, as having bfen polluted by heine in the custody of heathens, in Josepbus, agrees with the traditions of the TaUnndis<s, as Reland here observes. Nor is there any question but the three feaxts here men- tioned, were the Passover. Pentecost, and Feast ol Ta- bernacles,- and the Fast, so called by way of distinction fas Acts axvii. 9), was the great day of expiation. banus's father's kinsmen and friends, that he had almost proctired hiu> to be slain by the means of those bribes which they bad taken. And when Artabanus perceived that the plotf laid against him was not to be avoided, be- cause it was laid by the principal men, and those a great many in number, and that if would certainly take effect, — when he bad estimated the number of those that were truly faithful to him, as also of those who were already corrupted, but were deceitful in the « kindness they professed to him, and were likely, upon trial, to go over to his enemies, he made his escape to the upper provinces, where he afterwards raised a great army out of the Dahae and Sacae, and fought with his enemies, and retained his principality. 5. When Tiberius had heard of these things, he desired to haveti league of friendship made between him and Artabanus; and when, upon this invitation, he received the proposal kindly, Artabanus and Vitellius went to Eu- phrates, and as a bridge was laid over the river, they each of them came with their guards about them, and met one another on the midst of the bridge. And when they had agreed upon the terms of peace, Herod the tetrarch erected a rich tent on the midst of the passage, and made them a feast there. Artabanus also, not long afterwards, sent his son Darius as an hostage, with many presents, among which there was a man seven cubits tall, a Jew he was by birth, and his name was Eleazar, who, for his tallness, was called a giant. After which Vitellius went to An- tioch, and Artabanus to Babylon; but Herod [the tetrarch], being desirous to give Cjesar the first information that they had obtained hostages, sent posts with letters, wherein he had accurately described all the particulars, and had left nothing for the consular Vitellius to inform him of. But w hen Vitellius's letters were sent, and Caesar bad let him know thiit he was acquainted with theaflfairsalready, because Herod had given him an account of them be- fore, Vitellius was very much troubled at it; and supposing that he had been thereby a greater suflferer than he really was, he kept up a secret anger upon this occasion, till he could be revenged on him; which he wa? after Caius had taken the government. 6. About this time it was that Philip, He- rod's brother, departed this life, in the twen- tieth year of the reign of Tiberiu8,f after he had been tetrarch of Trachonitis, and Gau- lonitis, and of the nation of the Batanean* + This calculation, from all Josephus's Greek copies, is exactly right; for since Herod died about Septem- ber, in the fourth year before the Christian sera, and I'iberius began, as is well known, Aug. 19. a. d. 14, it is evident that the 37th year of Philip, reckoned from his father's death, was the iOth of Tiberius, or near the end of A.D. 33 (the very year if onr ^aviour's death also), or, however, in the beginning of the next year, a.d. 34. Ihis Philip the tetrarch seems to buve been the best oif all the posterity of Herod, for bis lovr vf peace, and hi* lore of justice. Tohn the Uaptist.— Page 41)1. CHAP. V. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, 491 also, thirty-seven years. He had shown him- self a person of moderation and quietness in the conduct of bis life and government; he constantly lived in that country which was subject to him;* he used to make his pro- gress with a few chosen friends; his tribunal also, on which he sat in judgment, followed him in his progress; and when any one met Mm who wanted his assistance, he made no delay, but had his tribunal set down imme- diately, wheresoever he happened to be, and sat down upon it, and heard his complaint: he there ordered the guilty that were convicted to be punished, and absolved those that had been accused unjustly. He died at Julias; and when he was carried to that monument which he had already erected for himself be- forehand, he was buried with great pomp. His principality Tiberius took (for he left no sons behind him) and added it to the province of Syria, but gave order that the tributes which arose from it should be collected, and laid up in his tetrarchy. CHAPTER V. HEROD THE TETARCH MAKES WAR WITH ARETAS, THE KINO OF ARABIA, AND IS BEATEN BY HIM; AS ALSO CONCERNING THE DEATH OF JOHN THE BAPTIST. HOW VITELLIDS WENT UP TO JERUSALEM ; 'TO- GETHER WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF AGRlPPA, AND OF THE POSTERITY OF HEROD THE GREAT. § 1. About this time Aretas (the king of Arabia Petrea) and Herod had a quarrel, on the account following: Herod the tetrarch had married the daughter of Aretas, and had lived with her a great while; but when he was once at Rome, he lodged with Herod, f who was his brother indeed, but not by the same mother; for this Herod was the son of the high-priest Simon's daughter. However, he fell in love with Herodias, this last He- rod's wife, who was the daughter of Aristo- bulus their brother, and the sister of Agrippa the Great. This man ventured to talk to her about a marriage between them; which address when she admitted, an agreement was • A" excellent example this. + This Herod seems to have had the additional name of Philip, as Antipas was named Herod-Antipas: and as Antipas and Antipater seem to be in a manner the very ■ame name, yet were the names of two sous of Herod the Great; so might Philip the tetrarch and this Herod- Philip be two different sons of the same father; all which Grotius observes on Matt. xiv. 3. Nor was it. as I aijree with Giotiiis and others of the learned. Philip the tetrarch, but this Herod-Ptiilip. whose wife Herod the tetrarch had married, and that in her first husband's life-time, and when her first husband had issue by her; for >■ hich adulterous and incestuous marriase. .lolin the baptist justly reproved Herod the tetrarch; and for which reproof Salome, the daughter of Henxl as h> her first husband Henid-Philip. who was sUil alive, occa- ■ioned him to be unjustly beheaded. made for her to change her h^bi'tation, and cou^e to him as soon us he should return from Rome; one article of this nmrriage also was this, that he should divorce Aretas's daughter. So Antipas, when he hatl made this agreement, sailed to Rome; but when he had done there the business he went about, and was returned again, his wife having dis- covered the agreement he had made with He. rodias, and having learned it before he had notice of her knowledge of the whole design, she desired him to send her to Macherus, which is a place on the borders of the domi- nions of Aretas and Herod, without inform- ing him of any of her intentions. Accordnigly Herod sent her tbitber, as thinking his wife hiid not perceived any thing; now she had sent a good while before to Macherus, whicK was subject to her father, and so all things necessary for her journey were made ready for her by the general of Aretas's^trmy, and by that means she soon came into Arabia, under the conduct of the several generals, who car- ried her from one to another successively; and she soon came to her father, and told him of Herod's intentions. So Aretas made this the first occasion of bis enmity between him and Herod, who had also some quarrel with him about their limits at the country of Gamaiitis. So they raised armies on both sides, and pre- pared for war, and sent their generals to fight instead of themselves; and, when they had joined battle, all Herod's army was destroyed by the treachery of some fugitives, who, though they were of the tetrarchy of Philip, joined with Aretas's army. So Herod wrote about these affairs to Tiberius; who, being very angry at the attempt made by Aretas, wrote to Vitellius, to make war upon him, and either to take him alive, and bring him to him in bonds, or to kill him, and send him his head. This was the charge that Tiberius gave to the president of Syria. 2. Now, some of the Jews thought that the destruction of Herod's army came from God, and that very justly, as a punishment of what he did against John, that was called the Baptist; for Herod slew him, who was a good man, and commanded the Jews to exercise virtue, both as to righteousness towards one another, and piety towards God, and so to come to baptism; for that the washing [with water] would be acceptable to him, if they made use of it, not in order to the putting away [or the remission] of some sins [otd\], but for the purification of the body; suppos- ing still that the soul was thoroughly purified beforehand by righteousness. Now, when [many] others came in crowds about him, for they were greatly moved [or pleased] by hear- ing his words, Herod, who feared leSt the great influence John had over the people might put it into his power and inclination to raise a rebellion (for they seemed ready to do any thinj; he should advise), thought it best, bv 492 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVIII putting him to death, to prevent any mis- chiei he nnaht cause, and not bring himself into difliculties, by sparing a nian who might make him repent of it when it should be too late. Accordingly he was sent a prisoner, out of Herod's suspicious temper, to Mache- rus, the castle I before mentioned, and was there put to death. Now the Jews had an Dpinion that the destruction of this army was ient as a punishment upon Herod, and a jiark of God's displeasure against him. 3. So Vitellius prepared to make war with Aretas, having with him two legions of armed men ; he also took with him all those of light irmatnre, and of the horsemen which belonged to them, and were drawn out of those king- doms which were under the Romans, and made haste for Petra, and came to Ptolemais. But as he was marching very busily, and leading his army through Judea, the princi- pal men met him, and desired that he would Dot thus march through their land; for that ilie laws of their country would not perciit thenj to overlook those images which were brought into it, of which there were a great uany in their ensigns; so he was persuaded oy what they said ; and changed that resolu- ;ion of his, which he had before taken in this natter. Whereupon he ordered the army to i.arch along the Great Plain, while he him- self, with Herod the tetrarch, and his friends, iv'ent up to Jerusalem to offer sacrifice to jod, an ancient festival of the Jews being ,hen just approaching; and when he had been .here, and been honourably entertained by the multitude of the Jews, he made a stay there for three days, within which time he deprived Jonathan of the high-priesthood, and gave it to his brother Theophilus; but when on the Fourth day letters came to him, which inform- ed him of the death of Tiberius, he obliged the multitude to take an oath of fidelity to Caius; he also recalled his army, and made them every one go home, and take their win- der-quarters there, since, upon the devolution jf the empire upon Caius, he had not the like iuthority of making this war which he had before. It was also reported, that when Are- »8 heard of the coming of Vitellius to fight }im, he said, upon his consulting the diviners, ;hat it was impossible that this army of Vitel- ius's couM enter Petra; for that one of the •u\er8 would die, either he that gave orders 'or the war, or be that was marching at the M'oer's desire, in order to be subservient to □18 will, or else he against whom this army is •)repared. So Vitellius truly retired to An- tiocb; but Aprippa, the son of Aristobulys, »vent up to Rome, a year before the death of rruenus, in order to treat of some affairs with the emperor, if he mipht be permitted so to lo. I have now a mind to describe Herod «rd his family, how it fared with them, partly because it its suitable to this historv to speak of that matter^and partly because this thing is a demonstration of the interposition of Pro- vidence; how a multitude of children is of no advantage, no more than any other strength that mankind set their hearts upon, besides those acts of piety which are done towards God; for it happened, that within the revolu- tion of a hundred years, the posterity ol Herod, who were a great many in number, were, ex- cepting a few, utterly destroyed.* One may well apply this for the instruction of mankind, and learn thence how unhappy they were: it will also show us the history of Agrippa, who, as he was a person most worthy of admiration, so was he from a private man, beyond all the expectation of those that knew him, advanced to great power and authority. I have said something of them formerly; but 1 shall now also speak accurately about them. 4. Herod the Great had two daughters by Mariamne, the [grand] daughter of Hyr canus; the one was Salampsio, who was married to Phasaelus, her first cousin, v\lio was himself the son of Phasaelus, Herod's brqther, her father making the match: the other was Cypros, who was herself married also to her first cousin Antipater, the son of Salome, Herod's sister. Pha^aeleus bad five children by Salampsio; Antipater, Herod, aisd Alexander, and two daughters, Alexandra and Cypros; which last, Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus, married; and Timius of Cyprus married Alexandra; he was a man of note, but had by her no children. Aprippa had by Cypros two sons and three daughters, v\bich daughters were named Bernice, Mariamne. and Drusilla; but the names of the sons were Agrippa and Drusus, of which Drusus died before he came to the years of puberty; hut their father, Agrippa, was brought up with his other brethren, Herod and Aristobulus, for these were also the sons of the son of He- rod the Great, by Bernice; but Bernice was the daughter of Gostobarus and of Salome, who was Herod's sister. Aristobulus left these infants when he was slain by his father, together with his brother Alexander, as we have already related; but when they were ar- rived at the years of puberty, this Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married Mariamne, the daughter of Olympias, who was the daughter of Herod the king, and of Joseph the son of Joseph, who was brother to Herod the king, and had by her a son, Aristobulus; but Aris- tobulus, the third brother of Agrippa, married Jotape, the daughter of Sampsigeramiis, king of Emesa;t they had a daughter who was • M'hether this sudden extinction of almoxt thr entire lineage of Herod the Great, whicli «a» v«ry niinieri.««, as we are both here anrt in the next section infoinifd, was not in part as a punisiiment for the gross Initxfr they were frequently giiiltv o(. in marrvini: their own nephews and nieces, wt II dest-rves to be considerid. See I evi*. xviii. 6, 7j xxi. 10; and Noldius, De tierod. ^o. 2i,y. -^70. + There ore coins still extanl of this Emesa, as Sjmui. beini infcm.s us. CHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 493 (leaf, whose name also was Jotape; and these hitherto were the children of the male line; but Hero.'ias, their sister, was married to Herod [Philip], the son of Herod the Great, who was born of Marianine, the daughter of Simon the high-priest, who had a daughter, Salome; after whose birth Herodiastook upon her to confound the laws of our country, and divorce herself from her husband while he was alive, and was married to Herod [Anti- pas], her husband's brother by the father's "side; he was tetrarch of Galilee; but her daughter Salome was married to Philip, the son of Herod, and tetrarch of Trachonitis; and, as he died childlessi, Aristgbulus, the son of Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married her; they had three sons, Herod, Agrippa, and Aristobulus; and this was the posterity of Phasaelusand Salampsio; but the daughter of Antipater by Cypros, was Cypros, whom Alexas Selcias, the son of Ale^cas, married; they had a daughter, Cypros; but Herod and Alexander, who, as we told you, were the brothers of Antipater, died childless. As to Alexander, the son of Herod the king, who was slain by his father, he had two sons, Alex- ander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Arche- laus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who was king of Armenia, was accused at Rome, and died childless; Alexander had a son of the same name with his brother Tigranes, and was sent to take possession of the kingdom of Armenia by Nero; he had a son, Alexander, who married Jotape,* the daughter of An- tiochus, the king of Commagona; Vespasian made him king of an island in Cilicia. But these descendants of Alexander, soon after their birth, deserted the Jewish religion, and went over to that of the Greeks; but for the rest of the daughters of Herod the king, it happened that they died childless: and as these descendants of Herod, whom we have enumerated, were in being at the same time that Agrippa the Great took the kingdom, and I have now given an account of them, it now remains that I relate the several hard fortunes which befel Agrippa, and how he got clear of them, and was advanced to the greatest height of dignity and power. CHAPTER VI. or THE 'NAVIGATION OF KING AGRIPPA TO ROME, TO TIBERIUS Ci«SAR; AND HOW, UPON HIS BEING ACCUSED BY HIS OWN FREED-MAN, HE WAS BOUND; HOW ALSO HE WAS SET AT LIBERTY BY CAIUS, AFTER TIBERIUS'S DEATH, AND WAS MADE KING OF THE TETRARCHY OF PHILIP. § 1. A LITTLE before the death of Herod the king, Agrippa lived at Rome, and was gene- • Spanheim also infonns us of a coin still extant of this Jotape, dAUgbter of the kiug of Commagena. rally brought up and conversed with Drusus the emperor Tiberius's son, and contracted a friendship with Antonia, the wife of Drusus the Great, who had his mother Bernice in great esteem, and was very desirous of ad- vancing her son. Now, as Agrippa was by nature magnanimous and generous in the presents he made while his mother was alive, this inclination of his mind did not appear, that he might be able to avoid her anger for such his extravagance; but when Bernice was dead, and he was left to his oan conduct, he spent a great deal extravagantly in his daily way of living, and a great deal in the immo- derate presents he made, and those chiefly among Caesar's freed-men, in order to gain their assistance, insomuch that he was in a little time reduced to poverty, and could not live at Rome any longer. Tiberius also for- bade the friends of his deceased son to come into his sight, because on seeing them he should be put in mind of his son, and his^ grief would thereby be re\nved. 2. For these reasons he went away from Rome, and sailed to Judea, but in evil cir- cumstances, being dejected with the loss of that money which he once had, and because he had not wherewithal to pay his creditors, who were many in number, and such as gave no room for esc<iping them. Wliereupon he knew not what to do; so for shame of his present condition, he retired to a certain tow er at Malatha, in Idumea, and had thoughts of killing himself; but his wife Cypros per- ceived his intentions, and tried all sorts of methods to divert him from his taking such a course: so she sent a letter to his sister He- rodias, who was now the wife of Herod the tetrarch, and let her know Agrippa's present design, and what necessity it was which drove him thereto, and desired her as a kinswoman of his, to give him her help, and to engage he." husband to do the same, since she saw hovv she alleviated these her husband's troubles all she could, although she had not the like wealth to do it withal. So they sent for him, and allotted him Tiberias for his habita- tion, and appointed him some income of money for his maintenance, and made him a mjigistrate of that city, by way of honour to him. Yet did not Herod long continue in that resolution of supporting him, though even that support was not sufficient for him; for, as once they were at a feast at Tyre, and in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon one another, Agrippa thought that was not to be borne, while Herod hit him in the teeth with his poverty, and with his owing his ne- cessary food to him. So he went to Flaccjs, one that had been consul, and had been a very great friend to him at Rome formerly, and was now president of Syria. 3. Hereupon Flaccus received him kindly, and he lived with him. Flaccus had also with him there Aristobulus, who was indeed 494 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVIII. Agrippa's brother, but was at variance with him; yet did not their enmity to one another hinder the friendship of Flaccus to them both; but still they were honourably treated by him. However, Aristobulus did not abate of his ill-will to Agrippa, till at length he brought him into ill terms with Flaccus; the occasion of bringing on which estrangement was this: —The Damascens were at difference with the Sidonians about their limits, and when Flac- cus was about to hear the cause between them, they understood that Agrippa had a mij^hty influence upon him; so they desired that he would be of their side, and for that favour promised him a great deal of money; so he was zealous in assisting the Damascens as far as he was able. Now, Aristobulus had gotten intelligence of this promise of money to him, and accused him to Flaccus of the same; and when, upon a thorough examina- tion of the matter, it appeared plainly so to be, he rejected Agrippa out of the number of his friends. So he was reduced to the ut- most necessity, and came to Ptolemais; and because he knew not where else to get a live- lihood, he thought to sail to Italy; but as he was restrained from so doing by want of mo- ney, he desired Marsyas, who was his freed- man, to find some method for procuring him 80 much as he wanted for that purpose, by borrowing such a sum of some person or other. So Marsyas desired of Peter, who was the freed-man of Bernice, Agrippa's mother, and by the right of her testament was be- queathed to Antonia, to lend so much upon Agrii)pa'8 own bond and security : but he accused Agrippa of having defrauded him of certain sums of money, and so obliged Mar- syas, when he made the bond of twenty -thou- sand Attic drachnije, to accept of twenty-five hundred drachmae* less than what he desired; which the other allowed of, because he could rot help it. Upon the receipt of this money, Agrippa came to Anthedon, and took ship- ping, and was going to set sail; but Herennius Capito, who was the procurator of .lamnia, sent a band of soldiers to demand of him three hun- dred thousand drachma* of silver, which were by him owning to Caesar's treasury while he was at Rome, and so forced him to stay. He then pretended that he would do as he bade him; but when night came on, he cut his cables, and went off, and sailed to Alexan- dria, where he desired Alexander the ala- bar<h f to lend him two hundred thousand druchmae; but he said he would not lend it to him, but would not refuse it to Cjii)ro8, as greatly astonished at her affection to her hus- band, and at the other instHuces of her vir- tue; 80 she undertook to repay it. Accord- • Spanhfim ohitrrven. that we have here an inntanre of thf Attic qnantit) of iiw-monry. which \vii«< tlie eichth part nf theorivinni sum. or lU^ yrr cent- for such b Ibf pr<>|N>rtion o! 'iiA/0 (•> -.0.< 00. ♦ The fovemcir of the Jewa thers. ingly, Alexander paid them five talents at Alexandria, and promised to pay them rhe rest of that sum at Dicearchia [Puteouj; and this he did out of the fear he was in that Agrippa would soon spend it. So this Cy- pros set her husband free, and dismissed him to go on with his navigation to Italy, while she and her children departed for Judea. 4. And now Agrippa was come to Puteoli, whence he wrote a letter to Tiberius Caesar, who then lived at Capreae, and told him that, he was come so far, in order to wait on him, and to "pay him a visit; and desired that he would give him leave to come oyer to Capreae: so Tiberius made no difficulty, but wrote to him in an obliging way in other respects; and withal told him he was glad of his safe re- turn, and desired him to come to Capreae; and, when he was come, he did not fail to treat him as kindly as he had promised him in his letter to do. But the next day came a letter to Caesar from Herennius Capito, to in- form him that Agrippa had borrowed three hundred thousand drachmae, and not paid iti at the time appointed; but, when it was de- manded of him, he ran away like a fugitive, out of the places under his government, and put it out of his power to get the money of him. When Caesar had read this letter, he was much troubled at it, and gave order that Agrippa should be excluded from his presence until he had paid that debt: upon which he was no way daunted at Caesar's anger, but entreated Antonia, the mother of Germanicus and of Claudius, who was afterwards Cae.>-ar himself, to lend him those three hundred thousand drachmae, that he might not be de- prived of Tiberius's friendship; so, out of re- gard to the memory of Bernice his mother (for those two women were very familiar with one another), and out of regard of his and Claudius's education together, she Unt him the money; and, upon the payment of this debt, there was nothing to hinder Tiberius's friendship to him. After this, Tiberius Ca'sar recommended to him his grandson,* and or- dered that he should alwajs accompany him when he went abroad. But, upon Agrippa's kind reception by Antonia, he betook him to pay his respects to Caius, who was her grand- son, and in very high reputation by reason of the good- will they bare his father.f Now there was one Thallus, a freed-man of (^oesar, of whom he borrowed a million of dracl n;aD, and thence repaid Antonia the debt he owed her; and by sending the over|»lus in pacing his court to Caius, because a person of great authority with him. 5. Now. 88 the friendship which Agrippa hiid for Caius was come to a great height, there happened >ome words to pass bet ween uiem, US tliev once were in a chariot together, con cerniiig Tiberius; Agrippa praying [to GodJ 1 iberiiu. junior. 4' GermaiucQii CHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 495 f'CoT they two sat by themselves) thafr Tiberius m'eht soon go off the stage, and leave the go- vernment to Caius, who was in every respect more worthy of it. Now, Eutychus, who was Agrippa's freed-man, and drove his cha- riot, heard these words, and at that time said nothing of them; but when Agrippa accused him of stealing some garments of his (which was certainly true), he ran away from him; but when he was caught, and brought before Piso, who was governor of the city, and the man was asVed why he ran away, he replied, that he had somewhat to say to Caesar, that tended to his security and preservation : so Piso bound him, and sent him to Capreae. But Tiberius, according to his usual custom, kept him still in bonds, being a delayer of affairs, if ever there was any other king or tyrant that was so; for he did not admit amnassadors quickly, and no successors were dispatched away to governors or procurators of the provinces that had been formerly sent, unless they were dead; whence it was that he was so negligent in hearing the causes of pri- soners; insomuch that when he was asked by his friends what was the reason of his delay in such cases, he said that he delayed to hear ambassadors, lest, upon their quick dismission, other ambassadors should be appointed, and return upon him ; and so he should bring trouble upon himself in their public reception and dismission: that he permitted those go- vernors who had been sent once to their governments [to stay there a great while], out of regard to the subjects that were under thecn; for that all governors are naturally dis- posed to get as much as they can ; and that those who are not to fix there, but to stay a short time, and that at an uncertainty when they shall be turned out, do the more severely hurry themselves on to fleece the people; but that, if their government be long continued to them, they are at last satiated with the spoils, as having gotten a vast deal, and so become at length less sharp in their pillaging; but that, if successors are sent quickly, the p -or subjects, who are exposed to them as a prey, will not be able to bear the new ones,' while they shall not have the same time allow- ! ed them wherein their predecessors had filled themselves, and so grow more unconcerned about getting more, arid this because they are removed before they have had time [for their oppressions]. He gave them an exam- pie to show his meaning: — " A great number of flies came about the sore places of a man that had been wouruled; upoti which one of the statiders-by pitied the man's misfortune, and thinking he was not able to drive away those flies himself, was going to drive them awHv for him; b'lt he praved him to let them alone ; the other, by way of reply, asked him th(' reason of such a preposterous proceeding, in preventing relief from his present misery; to which h'^ nnswered, ' If thou drivcst these flies away, thou wilt hurt me worse ; tor as these are already full of ray blood, they do not crowd about me, nor pain me so much as before, but are sometimes more remiss, while the fresh ones that come, almost fa- mished, and find me quite tired down already, will be my destruction.' For this cause, there- fore, it is that I am myself careful not to send such new governors perpetually to those my subjects, who are already sufficiently harassed by many oppressions, as may, like these flies, farther distress them ; and so, besides their natural desire of gain, may have this addi- tional incitement to it, that they expect to be suddenly deprived of that pleasure which they take in it." And, as a farther attestation to what I say of the dilatory nature of Tiberius, I appeal to this his practice itself; for although he was emperor twenty-two years, he sent in all but two procurators to govern the nation of the Jews, — Gratus, and his successor in the government, Pilate. Nor was he in one way of acting with respect to the Jews, and in another with respect to tue rest of his sub- jects. He further informed them, that even in the hearing of the causes of prisoners, he made such delays, because immediate death to those that must be condemned to die, would be an alleviation of their present mi- series, while those wicked wretches have not deserved any favour; "but I do it, that by being harassed with the present calamity, the/ may undergo greater misery." 6. On this account it was that Eutychus could not obtain a hearing, but was kept still in prison. However, some time afterward, Tiberius came from Capreae to Tusculanum which is about a hundred furloTigs from Rome. Agrippa then desired of Antonia that she would procure a hearing for Eutychus, let the matter whereof he accused him prove what it would. Now, Antonia-was greatly esteemed by Tiberius on all accounts, from the dignity of her relation to him, who had been his bro- ther Drusus's wife, and from her eminent chastity ;* for though she was still a young • This hi(Th commendation of Antonia for marrying but once, given here, and supported elsewhere. Antiq. b. xvii.ch. xiii. secL4; and this, notwithstanding the stron:;- est temptations, shows how honourable single marriages were b ith among the Jews and Komans, in the days ot Josephus and of the apostles, and takes away much ol that surprise which the modern Protestants have at those laws of the apostles, where no widows, but those who l>ad been the wives of one husband only, are taken into the church list; and no bishops, priests, or deacons, are allowed to marry more than once, without leaving off tn ofticiate as clergymen any longer. Si^e l.uke ii. '60; 1 'lira. V. II. 12; iii'i. lii; Tit. i. 10; Constitiit Apost b. ii sect. 1.2; b. vi.sect. 17; Can.b. xvii.; Grot, in Luc. ii.36; and Respons.ad Consult. Cassand. p.44. and Co. telet. in Constit b. vi. sect. 17. A nd note, that Tertu'lian owns thii* law ai'ainst second marriages of the clergy, had Deen once at least ext cured in his lime; and heavily com- plains elsewhere, that the breach thereof had not been always punished by the Catholics, as It ouLht to have been. Jerome, speaking of the ill reputation of marrying twice, says, thai no such person could be chosen into the clerg7 in his days; which Augustine testifies also; anc* for Kpi|)hanius. rather earlier, he is c'ear and full to the i>ame purpose, and says, that low ohtainvd orer the Vibnle 496 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVIII. woman, sbe continued in her widowhood, and refused all other matches, although Augustus had enjoined her to be married to somebody else ; yet did she all along preserve her repu- tation free from reproach. She had also been the greatest benefactress to Tiberius, when there w* a very dangerous plot laid against him by Sejanus, a man who had been her hus- band's friend, and who had the greatest au- thority, because he was general of the army, and when many members of the senate, and many of the freed-men, joined with him, and the soldiery was corrupted, and the plot was come to a great height. Now Sejanus had certainly gained his point, had not Antonia's boldness been more wisely conducted than Se- janus's malice ; for, when she had discovered his designs against Tiberius, she wrote him an exact account of the whole, and give the letter to Pallas, the most faithful of her ser- vants, and sent him to Capreae to Tiberius, who, when he understood it, slew Sejanus and his confederates; so that Tiberius, who had her in great esteem before, now looked upon her with still greater respect, and depended upon her in all things. So, when Tiberius was desired by this Antonia to examine Eu- tychus, he answered, "If indeed Eutychus hath falsely accused Agrippa in what he hath said of him,- he hath had sufficient punish- ment by what I have done to him already ; but if, upon examination, the accusation ap- pears to be true, let Agrippa have a care, lest, out of desire of punishing his freed-man, he do not rather bring a punishment upon him- self." Now, when Antonia told Agrippa of this, he was still much more pressing that the matter might be examined into ; so Antonia, upon Agrippa's lying hard at her continually to beg this favour, took the following oppor- tunity: — As Tiberius, lay once at his ease upon his sedan, and was carried about, and Caius, her grandson, and Agrippa, were be- fore him after dinner, she walked by the se- dan, and desired him to call Eutychus, and have him examined; to which he replied, "O Antonia! the gods are my witnesses that I am induced ^o do what I am going to do, not by iny own inclination, but because I am forced to it by thy prayers." When he had said this, he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus, to bring Eutychus to him; accordingly, without any delay, he was brought. Then Tiberius asked him what he had to say against a man who had given him his liberty. Upon which he said, *' O my lord ! this Caius, and Agrip- pa with him, were once riding in a chariot, when I sat at their feet, and, among other discourses that passed, Agrippa said to Caius, O that the day would once come when this old fellow will die, and name thee for the governor of the habitable earth! for then this Tiberius, his grandson, would be no hinder- Catholic church in his days,— m Ihe place* in the fore- citrd 3.oUiort Lafotm ua. ance, buj; would be taken off by thee, and th*. earth would be happy, and I happy also." Now, Tiberius took these to be truly Agrip- pa's words, and bearing a grudge withal at Agrippa, because, when he had commanded him to pay his respects to Tiberius, his grand- son, and the son of Dvusus, Agrippa had not paid him that respect, but had disobeyed his commands, and transferred all his regard to Caius; he said to Macro, "Bind this man." But Macro, not distinctly knowing which of them it was whom he bade him bind, and not expecting that he would have any such thing done to Agrippa, he forebore, and came to ask more distinctly what it was that he said. But when Caesar had gone round the hippodrome, he found Agrippa standing: — "For certain," said he, *' Macro, this is the man I meant to have bound;" and when he still asked which of these is to be bound? he said, Agrippa. Upon which Agrippa betook himself to make supplication for himself, putting him in mind of his son, with whom he was brought up, and of Tiberius [his grandson] whom he had educated, but all to no purpose, for they led him about bound even in his purple garments. It was also very hot weather, and they had but little wine to their meal, so that he was very thirsty ; he was also in a sort of agony, and took this treatment of him heinously : as he therefore saw one of Caius's slaves, w hose name was Thaumastus, carrying some water in a vessel, he desired that he would let him drink ; so the servant gave him some water to drink; and he drank heartily, and said, *'0 thou boy ! this service of thine to me will be for thy advantage; for, if I once get clear of these my bonds, I will soon procure thee thy freedom from Caius, who has not been want- ing to minister to me now I am in bonds, in the same manner as when I was in my former state and dignity." Nor did he deceive him in what he promised him, but made hira amends for what he had now done; for, when afterward Agrippa was come to the kingdom, he took particular care of Thaumastus, and got him his liberty from Caius, and made him the steward over his own estate; and when he died, he left him to Agrippa his son, and to Bernice his daughter, to minister to them in the same capacity. The man also grew old in that honourable post, and therein died. ♦ But all this happened a good while later. 7. Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before the royal palace, and leaned on a certain tree for grief, with many others, who were in bonds also ; and as a certain bird sat upon the tree on which Agrippa leaned (the Romans called this bird bubo), [an owl], one of those that were bound, a German by nation, saw him, and asked a soldier who that man in purple was ; and when he was informed that his name was Agrippa, and th»t he was by nation a Jew, and one of the principal men of that nation, he asked leave of the soldier CHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS. 497 to whom he was bound,* to let him come near to him, to speak with him ; for that he bad a mind to inquire of him about some things relating to his country; which liberty when he had obtained, as he stood near him he said thus to him by an interpreter, — " This sudden change of thy condition, O young man! is grievous to thee, as bringing on thee a manifold and very great adversity; nor wilt thou believe me, when I foretel how thou wilt get clear of tbis misery which thou art now under, and how Divine Providence will provide for thee. Know therefore (and I appeal to my own country gods, as well as to the gods of tbis place, who have awarded these bonds to us), that all 1 am going to say about thy concerns, shall neither be said for favour nor bribery, nor out of an endeavour to make thee cheerful without cause; for such predictions, when they come to fail, make the grief at last, and in earnest, more bitter than if the party had never heard of any such thing. However, though I run the ha- zard of my own self, I think it fit to declare to thee the prediction of the gods. It can- not be that thou shouldst long continue in these bonds; but thou wilt soon be delivered from them, and wilt be promoted to the high- est dignity and power, and thou wilt be envied by all those who now pity thy hard fortune; and thou wilt be happy till thy death, and wilt leave thine happiness to the children whom thou shalt have. But, do thou remem- ber, when thou seest this bird again, that thou wilt then live but five days longer. This event will be brought to pass by that God who hath sent this bird hither to be a sign unto thee. And I cannot but think it unjust to conceal from thee what I foreknow concerning thee, that, by thy knowing beforehand what happi- ness is coming upon thee, thou mayest not regard thy present misfortunes. But, when this happiness shall actually befal thee, do not forget what misery I am in myself, but endeavour to deliver me." So when the German had said this, he made Agrippa laugh at him as much as he afterwards appeared worthy of admiration. But now Antonia took Agrippa's misfortune to heart: however, to speak to Tiberius on his behalf, she took to be a very difficult thing, and indeed quite impracticable, as to any hope of success; yet did she procure of Macro, that the soldiers that kept him should be of a gentle nature, and that the centurion who was over them, and was to diet with him, should be of the jame disposition, and that he might have leave to bathe himself every day, and that his freed- men and friends might come to him, and that other things that tended to ease him might be indulged him. So his friend Silas came in • Dr. Hudson here takes notice, out of Seneca, Epis- tle ▼. that this was thr custom of Tiberius, to conv>le the prisoner and thts soldier that guarded him togelber in the saio* chaia to him, and two of his freed-men, Marsyaa and Stechus, brought him such sorts of food as he was fond of, and indeed took great care of him; they also brought him garments, un- der pretence of selling them, and when night came on, they laid them under him; and the soldiers assisted them, as Macro had given them order to do beforehand. And this was Agrippa's condition for six months' .time ; and in this case were his aflfairs. 8. But as for Tiberius, upon his return to Capreae, he fell sick. At first his distemper was but gentle; but as that distemper in- creased upon him, he had small or no hopes of recovery. Hereupon he bade Euodus, who was the freed-man whom he most of all respected, to bring the children f to him, for that he wanted to talk to them before he died* Now he had at present no sons of his own ahve; for Drusus, who was his only son, was dead; but Drusus's son Tiberius was still living, whose additional name was Gemellus; there was also living Caius, the son of Ger- manicus, who was the son J of his brother [Drusus]. He was now grown up, and had had a liberal education, and was well improved by it, and was in esteem and favour with the people, on account of the excellent character of his father Germanicus, who had attained the highest honour among the multitude, by the firmness of his virtuous behaviour, by the easiness and agreeableness of his conversing with the multitude, and because the dignity he was in did not hinder his familiarity with them all, as if they were his equals; by which behaviour he was not only greatly esteemed by the people and the senate, but by every one of those nations that were subject to the Romans; some of whom were affected when they came to him, with the gracefulness of their reception by him; and others were af- fected in the same manner by the report of the others that had been with him: and, upon his death, there was a lamentation made by all men; not such a one as was to be made in way of flattery to their rulers, while they did but counterfeit sorrow, but such as was real; while every body grieved at his death, as if they had lost one that was near to them. And truly such had been his easy conversation with men, that it turned greatly to the advantage of his son among all : and, among others, the soldiery were so peculiarly affected to hira, that they reckoned it an eligible thing, if need were, to die themselves, if he might but at tain to the government. 9. But when Tiberius had given order to Euodus to bring the children to him the next day in the morning, he prayed to his country gods to show him a manifest signal, which of those children should come to the govern- + Tiberius his own grandson, and Caias his hruthfct Drusus's graiidion. ' i Sq I correct Josephus's copy, which calls G«mianl» cus his brother, who was his brother's mtn. )il 498 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVIII, ment; being very desirous to leave it to his son's son, but still depending upon what God would foreshow ooncerning them, more than upon his own opinion and inclination; so be made this to be the omen, that the govern- ment should be left to him who should come to hin\ first the next day. When he had thus resolved within himself, he sent to his grand- son's tutor, and ordered him to bring the child to him early in the morning, as suppos- ing that God would permit him to be made emperor. But God proved opposite to his designation; for, while Tiberius was thus contriving matters, and as soon as it was at all day, he bid Euodus to call in that child which should be there ready. So he went out, and found Caius before the door, for Ti- berius was not yet come, but staid waiting Tor his breakfast; for Euodus knew nothing of what his lord intended ; so he said to Caius, *' Thy father calls thee," and then brought him in. As soon as Tiberius saw Caius, and not before, he reflected on the power of God, and how the ability of bestowing the govern- ment on whom he would was entirely taken from him; and thence he vvas not able to establish what he had intended. So he greatly lamented that his power of establishing what he had before contrived was taken from him, and that. his grandson Tiberius was not only to lose the Roman empire by bis fatality, but his own safety also; because his preser- vation would now depend upon such as would be more potent than himself, who would think it a thing not to be borne, that a kinsman should live with them, and so bis relation would not be able to protect him : but he would be feared and hated by him who had the supreme authority, partly on account of his being next to the empire, and partly on account of his perpetually contriv- ing to get the government, both in order to preserve himself, and to be at the head of atiairs also. Now Tiberius had been very much given to astrology,* and the calcula- tion of nativities; and had spent his life in the esteem of what predictions had proved true, more than those whose profession it was. Accordingly, when he once saw Galba coming in to him, he said to his n)Ost inti- mate friends, that there came in a man that would one day have the dignity of the Ro- man empire. So that this Tiberius vvas more addicted to all such sorts of diviners than any other of the Roman emperors, because he had found them to have told the truth in his own affairs; and indeed he was now in great distress upon this accident that had befallen bim, a*»d was very n)uch grieved at the de- struction of his son's son, which he foresaw, and complained of himself, tliat he should Vave D)ade use uf such a method of divina- • ThU it • known tliinc ainon^- the Roman hiato. rinra and pocla. that f iberiut was greatly given to aa> ovluinr aoJ divination. tion beforehand, while it was in his power to y have died without ^rief by this knowledge of futurity; whereas he was now tormented by his foreknowledge of the misfortune of such as were dearest to him, and must die under that torment. Now, although he was disor- dered at this unexpected revolution of the go- vernment to those for whom he did not in- tend it, he spake thus to Caius, though un- willingly and against his own inclination: — " O child, although Tiberius be nearer re- lated to me than thou art, 1 by my own de- termination, and the conspiring suffrage of the gods, do give, and put into thy hancJ, the Roman empire; and I desire thee never to be unmindful when thou comest to it, either of my kindness to thee, who set thee in so high a dignity, or of thy relation to Tiberius; but as thou knowest that I am, together v\ith and after the gods, the procurer of so great happiness to thee, so I desire that thou w ilt make me a return for my readiness to assist thee, and wilt take care of Tiberius because of his near relation to thee. Besides which, thou art to know, that while Tiberius is alive, he will be a security to thee, both as to empire and as to thy own preservation; but, if he die, that will be but a prelude to thy own misfortunes; for to be alone under the weight of such vast affairs, is very dangerous; nor will the gods suffer those actions \vhich am unjustly done, contrary to that law which directs men to do otherwise, to go off unpun- ished." This was the speech which Tibe- rius made; which did not persuade Caius to act accordingly, although he promised so to do; but, when be was settled in the govern- ment, he took off this Tiberius, as was pre- dicted by the other Tiberius; as he was also himself, in no long time afterward, slain by a secret plot laid against him. 10. So when Tiberius had at this time ap- pointed Caius to be his successor, he outlived but a few days, and then (iied, after he had held the government twenty-two years five months and three days. Now Caius was the fourth emperor: but when the Romans un- derstood that Tiberius was dead, they rejoiced at the good news, but had not coumge to be- lieve it; not because they were unwilling it should be true, for they would have given laige sums of money that it might be so, but because they were afraid that, if they had shown their joy when the news proved false, their joy shoiild be openly known, and they should be accused for it, a'nd be thereby un- done; for this Tiberius had brought a vast number of miseries on the best families of the Romans, since he was easily inflamed with passion in all cases, and was of such a temper as rendered his anger irrevocable, till he had executed the same, although he had taken a hatred against men without reason; for he WHS by nature fierce in nil the sentences he gave, and made death the penalty for the CHAP. vri. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 499 slightest offences; insomuch that when the Romans heard the rumour about his death gladly, they were restrained troui the enjo>- nieiit of that pleasure by the dread of such miseries as they foresaw would follow, if their hopes proved ill-grounded. Now Marsyas. Agrippa's fret'd-man, as soon as he heard of Til)erius's death, came running to tell Agrippa the news; and tiuriing him going out to the bath, he gave him a nod, and said, in the Hebrew tongue, " The lion * is dead;" who, understanding his meaning, and being over- joyed at the news, " Nay," said he, " but all sorts of thanks and happiness attend thee for this news of thine; only I wish that what thou sayest may prove true." Now the cen- turion who was set to keep Agrippa, when he saw with what haste Marsyas came, and what joy Agrippa had from what he said, he had a suspicion that his words implied some great innovation of affairs, and he asked them about what was said. They at first diverted the discourse; but upon his farther pre^sing, Agrippa, without more ado, told him, for he was already become his friend; so he joined with him in that pleasure which this news oc- casioned, because it would be fortunate to Agrippa, and made him a supper: but, a< they %vere feastirg, and the cups went about, there came one who siiid, that Tiberius was still alive, and would return to the city in a still in custody, yet it was now with ease to his own affairs. Now, as soon as Caius was come to Rome, and had brought Tiberius's dead body with him, and had n)ade a sumptu- ous funeral for him,\iccordiiig to the laws of his country, he was niuch disposed to set Agrippa at liberty that very day ; but Anto- riia hindered hint, not out of au) ill-will lo the prisoner, but out of regard to <iecency Caius, lest that should make men believe ^ be received the death of Tiberius with plea- sure, when he loo?ed one whom he had bound iaunediately. However, there did not many da_\s pass ere he sent for him to his house, and had hiiu shaved, and made him change his raiment; after wbicii he put a diadem upon his head, and appoiitted him to be king of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysiiiiias.f and changed bis iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. He also sent MaruUus to be procurator of Judea. 11. Now, in the second year of the reign of Caius Caesar, Agrippa desired leave to be given him to sail home, and settle the affairs of his government; and he promised to re- turn again when he had put the rest in order, as it ought to be put. So, upon the empe- ror's permission, he came into his own coun- try, and appeared to them all unexpectedly as a king, and thereby demonstrated to the men few days. At which news the centurion was j that saw hino, the power of fortune, when they exceedingly troubled, because he had done ' compared his former poverty with his present what might cost him his life, to have treated ^^ ^ ^' "* ^•'- - ' so joyfully a prisoner, and this upon the news of the death of Ciesar; so he thrust Agrippa from the couch whereon he lay, and said '* Dost thou think to cheat me by a lie about the emperor without punishment? and shalt not thou pay for this thy malicious report at the price of thine head?" When he had so said, he ordered Agrippa to be bound again (for he had loosed him before), and kept a severer guard over him than formerly, and in that evil condition was Agrippa that night; but the next day the rumour increased in the city, and confirmed the news that Tiberius was certainly dead ; insomuch that men durst now openly and freely talk about it; nay, some offered sacrifices on that account. Se- veral letters also came from Caius; one of them to the senate, which informed them of the death of Tiberius, and of his own entrance on the government; another to Piso, the go- vernor of the city, which told him the same thing. He also gave order that Agrippa should be removed out of the camp, and go to that house were he lived before he was put in prison; so that he was now out of fear as to his own affairs; for, although he was • The name of a lion is often given to tyrants, espe*. cially by the Jews, such as Agnppa. and prohably his frcH'd-man Mars-.as, in etfect were. Krek. xix. I. 9; Ksih. iT. 13; -i Tim iv. 17 They are al*o sometimes c«rn pared to. or repre«ented by. wild beasts, of which Ihc lutn ie Uitr prinripat. l>an. v'ii. 3« Hi Ap<ie. xiii. 1.2. happy affluence; so some called him a happy man; and others could not well believe that things were so much changed with him for the better. CHAPTER VII. HOW HEEOD THE TETRARCH WAS BANISHEr- § 1. But Herodias, Agrippa's sister, wbc now lived as wife to that Herod who was te- trarch of Galilee and Perea, took this autho- rity of her brother in an envious manner, par- ticularly when she saw that he had a greater dignity bestowed on him tha.i her husband had ; since, 'when he ran away, he was not able to pay hi? debts; and now he was come back, it was because he was in a way of dig- nity and of great fortune. She was therefore grieved and much displeased at so great a mutation of his affairs; and chiefly when she saw him marching among the multitude with the usual ensigns of royal authority, she was not able to conceal how miserable she was, by reason of the envy she had towards him; but she excited her husband, and desired him that he would sail to Rome, to court honours 4 Although Caius now promised to give Agrippa the tetrarchy of Lysai.ias, yet was it not actually conferrea upon hiro till the reign of Claudius, a« we learn, Antiq b. xix. chap. v. sect. L 600 ANtrQlTltiES OF THE JEWS, BOOK xvrii. equal to his J for she said, that she could not bear to live any longer, while Agrippa, the son of that Aristobulus who was condemned to die by his father, one that came to her hus- band in such extreme poverty, that the neces- saries of life were forced to he entirely sup- plied him day by day; and when he fled away from his creditors by sea, he now returned a king: while he was himself the son of a king, and while the near relation he bare to royal authority, called upon him to gain the like dignity, he sat still, and was contented with a privater life. "But then, Herod, although thou wast formerly not concerned to be in a lower condition than thy father, from whom thou wast derived, had been, yet do thou now seek after the dignity which thy kinsman hath attained to: and do not thou bear this con- tempt, that a man who admired thy riches should be in greater honour than thyself, nor suffer his poverty to show itself able to purchase greater things than our abun- dance; nor do thou esteem it other than a shameful thing to be inferior to one who, the other day, lived upon thy charity. But let us go to Rome, and let us spare no pains nor expenses, either of silver or gold, since they cannot be kept for any better use than for the obtaining of a kingdom." 2. But for Herod, be opposed her request at this time, out of the love of ease, and hav- ing a suspicion of the trouble he should have at Rome; so he tried to instruct her better. But the more she saw him draw back, the more she pressed him to it, and des-ired him to leave no stone unturned in order to be king: and at last she left not off till she en- gaged him, whether he would or not, to be of her sentiments, because he could no other- wise avoid her importunity. So he got all things ready, after as sumptuous a manner as he was able, and spared for nothing, and went up to Rome, and took Herodias along with him. But Agrippa, when he was made sensible of their intentions and preparations, he also prepared to go thither; and as soon as he heard they set sail, he sent Fortunatus, one of his freed-men, to Rome, to carry pre- sents to the emperor, and letters against He- rod, and to give Caius a particular account of those matters, if he should have any op- portunity. This man followed Herod so quick, and had so prosperous a vojage, and came so little after Herod, that while Herod was with Caius, he came himself, and deli- vered his letters; for they both sailed to Di- cearchia, and found Caius at Baise, which is itself a little city of Campania, at the distance of about five furlongs from Dicearchia. There are in that place royal palaces, with sump- tuous apartments, every emperor still endea- vouring to outdo his predecessor's magnifi- eenccv: the place also affords warm baths, that spring out of the ground of their own •tfcvrd, which are of advantage for the reco- very of the health of those that make use of them; and, besides, they minister to men's luxury also. Now Caius saluted Herod, for he first met with him, and then looked upon the letters which Agrippa had sent him, and which were written in order to accuse He- rod; wherein he accused him, that he had been in confederacy with Scjanus, against Tiberius's government, and that he was now confederate with Artabanus, the king of Par- thia, in opposition to the government of Caius; as a demonstration of which, he al- leged that he had armour sufficient for seventy thousand men ready in his armoury. Caius was moved at this information, and asked Herod, whether what was said shout the ar- mour was true; and when he confessed there was such armour there, for he could not deny the same, the truth of it being too notorious, Caius took that to be a sufficient proof of the accusation, that he intended to revolt. So he took away from him his tetrarchy, and gave it by way of addition to Agrippa's king- dom; he also gave Herod's money to Agrippa, and, by way of punishment, awarded him a perpetual banishment, and appointed Lyons, a city of Gaul, to be his place of habitation. But when he was informed that Herodias was Agrippa's sister, he made her a present of what money was her own, and told her that it was her brother who prevented her being put under the same calamity with her hus- band. But she made this reply: — "Thou, indeed, O emperor! actest after a magnifi- cent manner, and as becomes thyself, in uhat thou offerest me; but the kindness ^hich 1 have for my husband hinders me from par- taking of the favour of thy gift: for it is ntft just that I, \\ho have been made a partner in his prosperity, should forsake him in his mis- fortunes." Hereupon Caius was angry at her, and sent her with Herod into banish- ment, and gave her estate to Agrippa. And thus did God punish Herodias for her envy at her brother, and Herod also for giving ear to the vain discourses of a woman. Now, Caius managed public affairs with great mag- nanimity during the first and second year of his reign, and behaved himself with such mo- deration, that he pained the good- will of the Romans themselves, and of his other subjects. But, in process of time, he went beyond tlie bounds of human nature in his conceit of himself, and, by reason of the vastness of his dominions, mude himself a god, and took upon himself to act in all things to the re» proach of the Deity itself. CHAP. VIII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 501 CHAPTER VIII. CONCERNING THE EMBASSAGE OF THE JEWS TO CAIUS ;* AND HOW CAIUS SENT PETRO- NIUS INTO SYRIA, TO MAKE WAR AGAINST THE JEWS, UNLESS THEY WOULD RECEIVE HIS STATUE. § 1. There was now a tumult arisen at Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants and the Greeks ; and three anibassadorsf were chosen out of each party that were at variance, who came to Caius. Now one of these ambassadors from the people of Alex- andria was Apion, who uttered many blasphe- mies against the Jews ; and, among other things, that he said he charged them with ne- glecting the honours that belonged to Caesar; for that while all who were subject to the Roman empire, built altars and temples to Caius, and in other regards universally re- ceived him as they received the gods, these Jews alone thought it a dishonourfible thing for them to erect statues in honour of him, as well as to swear by his name. Many of these severe things were said by Apion, by which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at the Jews, as he was likely to be. But Philo, the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexan- der the alabarchjj and one not unskilful in philosophy, was ready to betake himself to make his defence against those accusations; but Caius prohibited him, and bade him be- gone: he was also in such a rage, that it open- ly appeared he was about to do them some very great mischief. So Philo, being thus affronted, went out, and said to those Jews who were about him, that they should be of good courage, since Caius's words indeed showed anger at them, but in reality bad al- ready set God against himself. 2. Hereupon Caius, taking it very hein- • This is a most remarkable chapter, as containing finch instances of the interposition of Pmvidence, as have been always very rare among the other idolatrous nations, but of old very many among the posterity of Abraham, the worshippers of the true God; nor do these seem much inferior to those in the Old Testament, which are the more remarkable, because, among all their otlier follies and vices, the Jews were not at this time idolaters; and the deliverances here mentioned were done in order-to prevent their relapse into that idolatry. + Josephus here assures us, that the ambassadors from Alexandria to Caius were on each part no more than three in number, for the Jews, and for the Gentiles, which are but six in all: whereas Philo, who was the principal ambassador from tt>e Jews, as Josephus here confesses (as was Apion for the Gentilesl. says, the Jews' ambassadors were themselves no fewer than five, towards the end of his legation to Caius j which, if there be no mistake in the copies, must be supposed the truth; nor, in that case, would Josephus have contradicted so au- thentic a witness, had he seen that account of Philo's; which, that he ever did does not appear. I This Alexander, the alabarch, or governor of the JewB. at Alexandria, and brothei to Philo, is supposed, by Bishop Pearson, in Act. A post. p. 41,42, to be the same with that Alexander who is mentioned by St. l.ukti, M a( tt)e kindrvd of tin- higU-priestt, Acts iv. & ously that he should be thus despised by the Jews alone, sent Petronius to be president of Syria, and successor in the government to Vitellius, and gave him order to make an in- vasion into Judea, with a great body of troops, and, if they would admit of his statue wil- lingly, to erect it in the temple of God; but, if they were obstinate, to conquer them by war, and then to do it. Accordingly, Petro- nius took the government of Syria, and made haste to obey Caesar's epistle. He got to- gether as great a number of auxiliaries as he possibly could, and took with him two legions of the Roman army, and came to Ptolemais, and there wintered, as intending to set about the war in the spring. He also wrote word to Cains what he had resolved to do; who commended him for his alacrity, and ordered him to go on, and to make war with them, in case they would not obey his commands. But there came many ten thousands of the Jews to Petronius, to Ptolemais, to offer their pe- titions to him, that he would not compel them to transgress and violate the law of their fore- fathers; "but if," said they, "thou art en- tirely resolved to bring this statue, and erect it, do thou first kill us, and then do what thou hast resolved on, for, while we are alive, we cannot permit such things as are forbidden us to be done by the authority of our legislator, and by our forefathers* determination that such prohibitions are instances of virtue." But Petronius was angry at them, and said, " If indeed I were myself emperor, and were at liberty to follow my own inclination, and then had designed to act thus, these your words would be justly spoken to me; but now Caesar hath sent to me, I am under the ne- cessity of being subservient to his decrees, because a disobedience to them will bring upon me inevitable destruction." Then the Jews replied, "Since, therefore, thou art so, disposed, O Petronius ! that thou wilt not disobey Caius's epistles, neither will we trans- gress the commands of our law ; and as we depend upon the excellency of our laws, and, by the labours of our ancestors, have con- tinued hitherto without suffering them to be transgressed, we dare not by any means suf- fer ourselves to be so timorous as to transgress those lafv's out of the fear of death, which God hath determined are for our advantage and, if we fall into misfortunes, we will bear them, in order to preserve our laws, as know- ing that those who expose themselves to dan- gers, have good hope of escaping them; be- cause God will stand on our side, when, out of regard to him, we undergo afflictions, and sustain the uncertain turns of fortune. But, if we should submit to thee, we should be greatly reproached for our cowardice, as thereby showing ourselves ready to transgress our law; and vv hould incur the great anger of God also, A , even thyself being judge, it 8U{>ari«T to ' aius.** 502 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOjv XVIIU 3. When Petronius saw by their words that their determination was hard to be removed, and that, without a war, he should not be able to be subservient to Caius in the dedication of his statue, and that there must be a great deal of bloodshed, he took his friends, and the servants that were about him, and hasted to Tiberias, as wanting to know in what pos- ture the affairs of the Jews were; and many ten thousands of the Jews met Petronius Hgain, when he was come to Tiberias. These thought they must run a mighty hazard if they should have a war with the Romans, but iudged that the transgression of the law was of much greater consequence, and made sup- plication to him, that he would by no means reduce them to such distresses, nor defile their city with the dedication of the statue. Then Petronius said to them, •' Will you then make war with Caesar, without considering his great preparations for war, and your own weak- ness?" They replied, " We will not by any means make war with him ; but still we will die before we see our laws transgressed." So they threw themselves down upon their faces, and stretched out their throats, and said they were ready to be slain; and this they did for forty days together, and in the mean time left off the tilling of their ground, and that while the season of the year required them to sow it.* Thus they continued firm in their reso- lution, and proposed to themselves to die wil- lingly, rather than to see the dedication of the statue. 4. When matters were in this state, Aristo- bulus, king Agrippa's brother, and Helcias the Great, and the other principal men of that family with them, went in unto Petronius, and besought him, that, since he saw the re- solution of the multitude, he would not make any alteration, and thereby drive them to de- spair; but would write to Caius, that the Jews had an insuperable aversion to the reception of the statue, and how they continued with him, and left off the tillage of their ground: that they were not willing to go to war with him, because they were not able to do it, but were ready to die with pleasure, rather than Buffer their laws to be transgressed: and how, upon the land's continuing unsown, robberies would grow up, on the inability they would be under of paying their tributes; and that perhaps Caius might be thereby moved to pity, and not order any barbarous action to bo done to them, nor think of destroying the nation: that if he continues inflexible in his former opinion to bring a war upon them, he may then set about it himself. And thus did Aristobulus, and the rest with him, suppli- • What Josepbns here, and sect. 6, relates an done by th« Jews before seed-time, is, in Philo. " not far off tlie t'aof! when the corn was ripe," who, as Le Clerc notes, diMer here one from the other. I'his ts anotlier indica- tion that Jo8«phu8, when he wrote tluH account, had not •een Philo's l^gat. ad Caiura, oih«rwiiie he would hardly bav« bwwiaililUMd tem bin cate Petronius. So Petronius, f partly on account of the pressing instances whi4» Aris- tobulus and the rest with him made, and because of the great consequence of what they desired, and the earnestness wherewith they made their supplication, — partly on account of the firmness of the opposition made by the Jews, which he saw, while he thought it » horrible thing for him to be such a slave to the madness of Caius, as to slay so many ten thousand men, only because of their religious disposition towards God, and after that to pass his life in expectation of punishment; Petronius, I say, thought it much better to send to Caius, and to let him know how intole- rable it was to him to bear the anger he might have against him for not serving him sooner, in obedience to his epistle, for that perhaps he might persuade him ; and that if this mad resolution continued, he might then begin the war against them; nay, that in ease be should turn his hatred against himself, it was fit for virtuous persons even to die for the sake of such vast multitudes of men. Accordingly he determined to hearken to the petitions in this matter. 5. He then called the Jews together to Tiberias, who came many ten thousands in number; he also placed that army he now had with him opposite to them ; but did not discover his own meaning, but the commaiiCiS of the emperor, and told them that his wrath wotdd, without delay, be executed on such a» had the courage to disobey what he had com- manded, and this immediately; and that it was fit for him who had received so great a dignity by his grant, not to contradict him in any thing: — "yet (said he) I do not think it just to have such a regard to my own safety and honour, as to refuse to sacrifice them for your preservation, who are so many in num- ber, and endeavour to preserve the regard that is due to your lawj which as it hath come down to you from your forefathers, so do you esteem it worthy of your utmost contention to preserve it: nor, with the supreme assist- ance and power of God, will 1 be so hardy as to sufl^er your temple to fall into conten)pt by the means of the imperial authority. I will, therefore, send to Caius, and let him know what your resolutions are, and wall assist your suit as far as I am able, that you may not be exposed to suffer on account of the honest designs you have proposed to your- selves; and may God be your assistant, for his authority is beyond all the contrivance and power of men; and may he procure you the + This Publiiis Petroniuit was nfter this still president of Syiia. under Claudius, and, at the desire o^A^rippa, published a severe decrt-e a^ainxt the itiliaintHtits of Dora, who, in a sort of imitation of Caius, had set up a statue of Claudius in a Jewish s>na>fogue there. Thia decree is extant b.xix. ch. vi. sect. 3; and K^eatly cun« firms the prrsent ncronnlH o( .los.-phiiM. as do the othel decrees of C'l:ni(iui>. m la'ini: to rt'- .liM\i.sli .iflairK.h. xix eta. t. srct. V.3, (o .'-iiali t rilcr ;iu iuqiiisuiTe roader. CHAP. vni. Al^TIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 603 preservation of your ancient laws, and may not he be deprived, though v\ithout your con- sent, of bis accustonied honours. But if Caius be irritated, and turn the violence of his rage upon me, I will rather undergo all thiit daiigas- and that affliction that may come either on my \md\ or my soul, than see so many of you perish, while \ou are acting in so excellent a manner. Do you, therefore, every one of you, go your way about your own occupations, and fnll to the cultivation of your ground; I will myself send to Rome, and will not refuse to serve you in all things, hoth bv myself and by my friends." G. When Petronius had said this, and had dismissed the assembly of the Jews, he de- t.iri'd the principal of them to take care of l!u-ir husbandry, and to speak kindly to the petiple; and encourage them to have good hope «f their affairs. Thus did he readily bring the ti.iiltitude to be cheerful again. And now ^ id (iod show his presence* to Petronius, and siu'iiifv to him, that he would afford him his iis<i-ta:ice in his whole design; for he had no srtiier finished the speech that he made to the .J>vvs, but God sent down great showers of rni\, contrary to human expectation; for that day was a clear day, and gave no sign, by the }ip[>e!«rance of the sky, of any rain; nay, the \' hole year had been subject to a great drought, and made men despair of any water from above, even when at any time they saw the heinens overcast with clouds; insomuch, that w iie/i such a great quantity of rain came, and tiiat in an unusual manner and without any «>;her expectation of it, the Jews hoped that IV'troiiius would by no means fail in his pe- tuioii for them. But as to Petronius, he was n.ightiiy surprised when he perceived that <i«id evidently took care of the Jews, and grtve very plain signs of his appearance, f and this to such a degree, that those that were in <;,ii nest much inclined to the contrary, had III) power left to contradict it. This was also among those other particulars which he wrote to Caius, which all tended to dissuade him, Hud by all means to entreat him not to make ?o many ten thousands of these men go dis- tracted; whom, if he should slay (for without war they would by no means suffer the laws of their worship to be set aside) he would lose the revenue they paid him, and would be publicly cursed by them for all future ages. Moreover, that God who was their governor, had shown his power most evidently on their account, and that such a power of his as left ♦ Josephus here uses the solemn New Testament words, rmt^r^^ia- and iwif<ifUa. the presence and appear, ance uf God. for the extraordinary manifestation of his power and providence to Petronius, by sending rain in a time of distress, immed ately upon the resolution he had i taken to preserve Ibe temple an polluted, at the hazard ; of his own lite, without any other miraculous appearance 1 lit all in that case: whicli well drst-rves to be taken no- . lirf of here, and fre-tly illustrates seveial texts, both in U>^ <^>!d and Nt-w 'IVytanient. f eice »lie pr*x*-dii-.(; note. no room for doubt about it; — and this was the business that Petronius was now engaged in. 7. But king Agrippa, who now lived at Rome, was more and more in the favour of Caius; and when he had once made him a supper, and was careful to exceed all others, both in expenses and in such preparatioiss as might contribute most to his pleasure; nay, it was so far from the ability of others, that Caius himself could never equal, much less exceed it (such care had he taken before- hand tu exceed all men, and particularlv to make all agreeable to Ciesar); hereupon Caius admired his understanditig and magnificence, that he should force himself to do all to please him, even beyond such expenses as he could bear, and was desirous not to be behind Agrippa in that generosity which he exerted, in order to please him. So Caius, when he bad drank wine plentifully, and was merrier than ordinary, said thus during the feast, when Agrippa had drank to him: — " I knew before now J how great a respect thou hast had for me, and how great kindness thou hast shown me, though with those hazards to thyself, which thou underwentest under Tiberius on that account; nor hast thou omitted any thing to show thy good-will towards us, even be- yond thy ability; whence it would be a base thing for me to be conquered by thy affection. 1 am therefore desirous to make thee amends for every thing in which I have been formerly deficient; for all that I have bestowed on thee, that may be called my gifts, is but little. Every thing that may contribute to th} hap- piness shall be at thy service, and that cheer- fully, and so far as my ability will reach;" — and this was what Caius said to Agrippa, thinking he would ask for some large coun- try, or the revenues of certain cities; but, although he had prepared beforehand what he would ask, yet had he not discovered his intentions, but made this answer to Caius im- mediately, that it was not out of any expecta- tion of gain that he formerly paid his respects to him, contrary to the commands of Tibe- rius, nor did he now do any thing relating to him out of regard to his ov^ii advantage, and in order to receive any thing from him: that the gifts he had already bestowed upon him were great, and beyond the hopes of even a craving man; for although they may be beneath thy power [who art the donor], yet are they greater than my inclination and dig- nity, who am the receiver; — and, as Caius was astonished at Agrippa's inclinations, and still the more pressed him to make his request for somewhat which he might gratify him with, Agrippa replied, " Since thou, O my Lord, declarest such is thy readiness to grant, that I am worthy of tby gifts, I will ask no- % This behavionr of Cains to Agrippa, is rery \Vte that of Herod Antipa.n. his uncle, to Herodias. Agrippa's sis* t£r, about Jolin the Baptist, Matt. xit. ^-IL 604 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVIII. thing relating to my own felicity; for what thou hast already bestowed on me has made me excel therein; but I desire somewhat vhich may make thee glorious for piety, and render the Divinity assistant to thy designs, and may be for an honour to me among those that inquire about it, as showing that I never once fail of obtaining vvhat Idesire of thee: for my petition is this, that thou wilt no longer think of the dedication of that statue which thou hast ordered to be set up in the Jewish temple by Petronius." 8. And thus did Agrippa venture to cast the die upon this occasion, so great was the affair in his opinion, and in reality, though he knew how dangerous a thing it was so to speak; for, had not Caius approved it, it had tended to no less than the loss of his life. So Caius, who was mightily taken with Agrippa's obliging behaviour, and on other accounts thinking it a dishonourable thing to be guilty of falsehood before so many wit- nesses, in points wherein he had witli such alacrity forced Agrippa to become a petitioner, and that it would look as if he had already repented of vvhat he had said, and because he greatly admired Agrippa's virtue, in not de- siring him at all to augment his own domi- nions, either with larger revenues, or other authority, but took care of the public tranquil- lity, of the laws, and of the Divinity itself; he granted him what he requested. He also wrote thus to Petronius, commending him for his issembling his army, and then consulting him about these affairs. " If, therefore,'' said he, " thou hast already erected my statue, let it stand ; but if thou hast not yet dedicated it, do not trouble thyself farther about it, but dismiss thy army, go back, and take care of those affairs which I sent thee about at first, for I have now no occasion for the erection of that statue. This I have granted as a favour to Agrippa, a man whom I honour so very greatly, that I am not able to contradict what he would have, or what he desired me to do for him." And this was what Caius wrote to Petronius, which was before he received his letter, informing him that the Jews were very ready to revolt about this statue, and that they seemed resolved to threaten war against the Romans, and nothing else. "When there- fore Caius was much displeased that any at- tempt should be made against his government, as he was a slave to base and vicions actions on all occasions, and had no regard to what was virtuous and honourable, and against whomsoever he resolved to show his anger. Mid that for any cause whatsoever, he suffered not himself to be restrained by any admoni- tion, but thought the indulging his anger to bt a real pleasure, he wrote thus to Petronius: — " Seeing thou esteemest the presents made thee by the Jews to be of greater value than "Py commands, and art grown insolent enough o be subsvrvicnt to their pleasure, I chargw thee to become thy own judge, and to consider what thou art to do, now thou art under my displeasure: for I will make thee an example to the present and to all future ages, that they may not dare to contradict the commands of their emperor." 9. This was the epistle which Caius wrote to Petronius; but Petr'onius did not receivs it while Caius was alive, that ship which car- ried it sailed so slow, that other letters came to Petronius before this, by which he understood that Caius was dead; for God would not forget the dangers Petronius had undertaken on account of the Jews, and of his own honour. But when he had taken Caius away, out of his indignation of vvhat he had so in- solently attempted, in assuming to himself divine worship, both Rome and all that do- minion conspired with Petronius, especially those that were of the senatorian order, to give Caius his due reward, because he li;i<l been unmercifully severe to them; for he died not long after he had written to Petronius that epistle which threatened him with deaih. But as for the occasion of his death, and the nature of the plot against him, I shall relate them in the progress of this narration. Now, that epistle which informed Petronius of Caius's death came first; and a little after- ward came that which commanded him to kill himself with his own hands. Whereupon he rejoiced at. this coincidence as to the death of Caius, and admired God's providence, who, without the least delay, and immediately, gave him a reward for the regard he had to the temple, and the assistance he afforded the Jew s for avoiding the dangers they were in. And by this means Petronius escaped that danger of death which he could not foresee. CHAPTER IX. WHAT BEFEL THE JEWS THAT WEBE IN BA- BYLON ON OCCASION OF ASINEUS AND ANl- LEUS, TWO BRETHREN. § 1. A VERY sad calamity now befel the Jews that were in Mesopotamia, and especially those that dwelt in -Babylonia. Inferior it was to none of the calamities which had ^one before, and came together with a great slauf:h- ter of them, and that greater than any iifton record before; concerning all which I shall speak more accurately, and shall explain the occasions whence these miseries came upon them. There was a city of BabyloniH called Neerda; not only a very, populous one, but one that had a good and large territory about it; and, besides its other advantages, full ot men also. It was, besides, not easily to he assaulted by enemies, from the river Euphrutea enronipassiiig it all round, and from the vvtiUa that vvcrv built ubuut it. There v\as al9<> i!t« CHAP. IX. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 605 city Nisibis, situate on the same current of the river. For which reason the Jews, depending on the natural strength of these places, de- posited in them that half shekel which every one, by the cusjtom of our country, offers unto God, as well as they did other things devoted to him ; for they made use of these cities as a treasury, whence, at a proper time, they were transmitted to Jerusalem; and many t^n thousand men undertook the carriage of those donations, out of fear of the ravages of the Parthians, to whom the Babylonians were then subject. Novf, there were two men, Asineus and Anileus, of the city Neerda by birth, and brethren to one another. They were destitute of a father; and their mother put them to learn the art of weaving curtains, it not being esteemed a disgrace among them for men to be weavers of cloth. Now, he that taught them that art, and was set ovej them, complained that they came too late to their work, and punished them with stripes; but they took this just punishment as an affront, and carried off all the weapons which were kept in that bouse, which were not a few, and went into a certain place where was a partition of the rivers, and was a place na- turally very fit for the feeding of cattle, and for preserving such fruits as were usually laid up against winter. The poorest sort of the young men also resorted to them, whom they armed with the weapons they had gotten, and became their captains; and nothing hindered them from being their leaders into mischief; for, as soon as they were become invincible, and had built them a citadel, they sent to such as fed cattle, and ordered them to pay them so much tribute out of them as might be sufficient for their maintenance, proposing also that they would be their friends, if they would submit to them, and that they would defend them from all their other enemies on every side; but that they would kilUhe cattle of those that refused to obey them. So they hearkened to their proposals (for they could do nothing else), and sent them as many sheep as were required of them; whereby their forces grew greater, and they became lords over all they pleased, because they marched suddenly, and did them a mischief, insomuch that every body who had to do with them chose to pay them respect; and they became formidable to such as came to assault them, till the report about them came to the ears of the king of Parthia himself. 2. But when the governor of Babylonia understood this, and had a mind to put a stop to them before they grew greater, and before greater mischiefs should arise from them, he got together as great an army as he could, both of Parthians and Babylonians, and march- ed against them, thinking to attack then* and destroy them before any one should carry them the news that he had got an army together. He then encanaptd at a 'ak-. and lay still; but on the next day (it was the Sabbath, which is among the Jews a day of rest from all sorts of work) he supposed that the enemy would not dare to fight him thereon, but that he would take them and carry them away prison- ers, without fighting. He therefore proceeded gradually, and thought to fall upon them on the sudden. Now Asineus was sitting with the rest, and their weapons lay by them ; upon which he said, " Sirs, 1 hear a neighing of horses; not of such as are feeding, but such as have men on their backs; 1 also hear such a noise of their bridles, that I am afraid that some enemies are coming upon us to en- compass us round. However, let somebody go to look about, and make * report of what reality there is in the present state of things; and may what I have said prove a false alarm!" And when he had said this, some of them went out to spy out what was the matter; and they came again immediately, and said to him, that *' neither hast thou been mistaken in telling us what our enemies were doing, nor will those enemies permit us to be injurious to people any longer. We are caught by their intrigues like brute beasts, and there is a large body of cavalry marching upon us, while we are destitute of hands to defend ourselves withal, because we are re- strained from doing it by the prohibition of our law, which obliges us to rest [on this day]." But Asineus did not by any means agree with the opinion of his spy as to what was to be done, but thought it more agreeable to the law to pluck up their spirits in this ne- cessity they were fallen into, and break their law by avenging themselves, although they should die in the action, than by doing no- thing to please their enemies in submitting to be slain by them. Accordingly, he took up his weapons, and infused courage into those that were with him to act as courageously as himself. So they fell upon their enemies, and slew a great many of them, because they despised them, and came as to a certain vie- tory, and put the rest to flight. 3. But when the news of this fight came to the king of Parthia, he was surprised at the boldness of these brethren, and was desi- rous to see them and speak with them. He therefore sent the most trusty of all his guards to say thus to them: — " That king Artaba- nus, although he had been unjustly treated by you, who have made an attempt against his government, yet hath he more regard to your courageous behaviour than to the anger he bears to you, and hath sent me to give you his right handf and security; and • 'Enrmmera/t is here, and in very many other places uf Josephus, " inimediately at band." and is to be so expounde<U 2 Tbess. ii. 2, when some falsely pretended that St. Paul liad said, either by word of mouth or by an epistle, or by both. '• that the day of Christ was im- mediately at hand;" for still St Paul did taen plainly think that day not very many years future. + The joining of the right hands was esteemed among tiie Persians fand Parthians] in particalar. a most iavio. 606 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVIH. he permits you to come to him safely, and without any violence upon the road, and he wants to have you address yourselves to him as jriends, without n)eaning any guile or de- ceit to you. He also promises to make you presents, and to pay you those respects which will make an addition of his power to your courage, and therehy be of advantage to you." Yet did Asineus himself put off his journey thither, but sent his brother Anileus with all such presents as he could procure. So he went, and was admitted t-o the kings pre- sence, and when Artabazjus saw Anileus com- ing alone, be inquired into the reason why Asineus avoided to oome along with him ; and when he understood that he was afraid, and staid by the lake, he took an oath, by the gods of bis country, that he would do them no barm, if they came to him upon the assu- rances be gave them, and gave him his right hand.* This^ is of the greatest force there with all these barbarians, and affords a firm security to those who converse with them ; for none of them will deceive you when once they have given you their right hands, nor will any one doubt their fidelity, when that is once given, even though they were before suspected of injustice. When Artabanus had done this, be sent away Anileus to persuade bis brother to come to him. Now this the king did, be- cause be wanted to curb his own governors of provinces by the courage of these Jewish brethren, lest they should make a league with them ; for they were ready for a revolt, and were disposed to rebel, bad they been sent on an expedition against them. He was also afraid, lest when be was engaged in a war, in order to subdue those governors of provinces that had revolted, the party of Asineus and those in Babylonia should be augmented, and either make war upon him when they should hear of that revolt, or, if they should be dis- appointed in that case, they would not fail of doing farther mischief to him. 4. When the king bad these intentions, he sent away Anileus; and Anileus prevailed on bis brother [to come to the king], when he bad related to him the king's good- will, and the oath that be had taken. Accordingly, they made baste to go to Artabanus, who received them, when they were come, with pleasure, and admired Asineus's courage in the actions be bad done, and this becau^e he was a little man to see to, and at first sight appeared con- temptible also, and such as one might deem a person of no value at all. He also said to bis friends, bow, upon the comparison, he showed his soul to le, in all respects, superior to bis body; and wlen, as they were drinking together, be once showed Asineus to Abdaga- Uble oblifmtion to fidelity, as Dr. Hndson here observes, and refers to the commentary on Justin, b. xi. rli. xv. for its ronftrniation. Me often meet with the like use of it in Ju«e|)hu*. • Sea the above note. ses, one of the generals of his army, and told him his name, a?id described the great cou- rage be was of in war, and Abriagases bad de- sired leave to kill him, and thereby to inflict upon him a punishment for those injuries he had done to the Parthian government, the king replied, ''I will never give thee leave to kill a man who hath depended on my faith, especially not after 1 have sent him my right hand, and endeavoured to gain his belief by oaths made by the gods. But, if thou beest a truly warlike roan, thou standest not in need of my perjury. Go thou then, and avenge the Parthian government; attack this man, when be is returned back, and conquer him by the forces that are under thy command, without my privity." Hereupon the king called for Asineus, and said to him, " It is time for thee, O thou young manl to return tome, and not provoke the indignation of my generals in this place any farther, lest they attempt to murder thee, and that without my approbation. I commit to thee the country of Babylonia in trust, that it may, by thy care, be preserved free from robbers, and from other mischiefs. I have kept my faith inxio- lable to thee, and that not in trifling affairs, but in those that concerned thy safety, and do therefore deserve thou shouldst be kind to me." When be had said this, and given Asineus some presents, he sent him away immediately; vvho, when he was come home, built fortresses, and became great in a little time, and managed things with such courage and success, as no other person, that had no higher a beginning, ever did before him. Those Parthian governors also, who were sent that way, paid him great respect; and the honour that was paid him by the Babylonians seemed to them too small, and beneath his deserts, although be were in no small dignity and power there: nay, indeed, all the affairs of Mesopotamia depended upon him; and be more and more flourished in this happy con- dition of his for fifteen years. 5. But as their affairs were in so flourish- ing a state, there sprang up a calamity among them on the follov\ing occasion. When once they had deviated from that course of virtue whereby they had gained so great power, they affronted and transgressed the laws of their forefathers, and fell under the domi- nion of their lusts and pleasures. A ceitain Parthian, who came as general of an army into those parts, had a wife following him, who had a vast reputation for other accom- plishmints, and particularly was admired above all other women for her beauty. Ani- leus, the brother of Asineus, either heard of that her beauty from others, or perhaf)* saw her himself also, and so became at once her .love* and her enemy; partly, becaufie he could not hope to enjoy this woman but by obtain, ing power over her as a captive, and partly because he thought he cculd not conauer bis CHAP. IX. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 507 inclinations for her. As soon, therefore, as har husband had been declared an enemy to them, and was fallen in the battle, the widow of the deceased was married to this her lover. However, this woman did not come into their house without producing great misfor- tunes, both to Anileus himself, and to Asi- neus also; but brought great mischiefs upon them on the occasion following. Since she was led away captive, on the death of her husband, she concealed the images of those ^ods which were their country gods, common to her husband and to herself: now it is the custom* of that country for all to have the idols they worship in their own houses, and to carry them along with them when they go into a foreign land; agreeably to which cus- tom of theirs she carried her idols with her. Now, at first she performed her worship to them privately, bat when she was become Anileus's married wife, she worshipped them in her accustomed manner, and with the same appointed ceremonies which she used in her former husband's days ; upon which their most esteemed friends blamed him at first, that he did not act after the manner of the Hebrews, nor perform what was agreeable to their laws, in marrying a foreign wife, and one tlic^ • transgressed the accurate appoint- ments of their sacrifices and religious cere- monies; that he ought to consider, kst by allowing himself in many pleasures of the body, he might lose his principality on ac- count of the beauty of a wife, and that high authority which, hy God's blessing, he had arrived at. But v\'iien they prevailed not at all upon him, he slew one of them for whom he had the greatest respect, because of the liberty he took with him; who, when he was dying, out of regard to the laws, imprecated a punishment upon his murderer Anileus, and upon Asineus also, and that all their com- panions might come to a like end from their enemies; upon the two first as the principal actors of this wickedness, and upon the rest as those that would not assist hira when he suffered in the defence of their laws. Now these latter were sorely grieved, yet did they tolerate these doings, because they remem- bered that they had arrived at their present happy state by no other means than their fortitude. But when they also heard of the worship of those gods whom the Parthians adore, they thought the injury that Anileus oflfered to their laws was to be borne no longer; and a greater number of them came to Afeineus, and loudly complained of Anileus, and told hira, that it had been well that he had of himself ^en what was advantageous • This cusfora of the M^sopotamians to carry their tonseliold-ijofl.saion^with them wherever they travelled, t5 as oW as the days of Jacob, when Rachel his wife did the s^anae (Oen. xxxl 19. 30— .35); nor is it to pa»8 here anobserved, what ^reat miseries came on these Jews, because they suffered one of tlieir leaders to marry an idolatrous wife, contrary to the law of Moses. Of which Matter see the note on b xjcch. v. sect. i. to them ; but that, however, it was now high time to correct what had been done amiss, before the crime that had been committed proved the ruin of himself and all the rest of them. They added, that the marriage of this woman was made without their consent, and without a regard to their old laws; and that the worship which this woman paid [to her gods] was a reproach to the God whom they worshipped. Now Asineus was sensible of his brother's offence, that it had been already the cause of great mischiefs, and would be so for the time to come; yet did he tolerate the same from the good-will he had to so near a relation, and forgiving it to hira, on account that his brother was quite overborne by his wicked inclinations. But as more and more still came about him every day, and the cla- mours about it became greater, he at length spake to Anileus about these clamours, re- proving him for his former actions, and de- siring him for the future to leave them off, and send the woman back to her relations. But nothing was gained by these reproofs ; for, as the woman perceived what a tumult was made among the people on her account, and was afraid for Anileus, lest he should come to any harm for his love to her, she in- fused poison into Asineus's food, and thereby took him off, and wa? now secure of prevail- ing when her lover was to be judge of what should be done about her. 6. So Anileus took the government upon himself alone, and led his army against the villages^ of Mithridates, who was a man of principal authority in Parthia, and had mar- ried king Artabanus's daughter; he also plim- dered them, and among that prey was found much money, and many slaves, as also a great number of sheep, and many other things, which, when gained, make men's condition happy. Now, when Mithridates, who was there at this time, heard that his villages were taken, he was very much displeased to find that Anileus had first begun to injure hira, and to affront hira in his present dignity, vvhen he had not oflFered any injury to him beforehand: and he got together the greatest body of horsemen he was able, and those out of that number which were of an age fit for war, and came to fight Anileus : and when he was arrived at a certain village of his own, he lay still there, as intending to fight him on the day following, because it was the Sabbath, the day on which the Jews rest. And when Anileus was informed of this by a Syrian stranger of another village, who not only gave hira an exact account of other circumstances, but told him where Mithridates would have a feast, he took his supper at a proper time, and marched by night, with an intent of falling upon the 'Parthians while they were unap- prised what they should do; so he fell upon them about the fourth watch 'of the night and some of them he slew while they weir 608 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XVIU. asleep, and others he put to flight, and toolc Mithridiites alive, and set him naked upon an ass,* which, among the Parthians, is esteemed the greatest reproach possible. And when he had brought him into a wood with such a resolution, and his friends desired him to kill Mithridates, he soon told them his own mind to the contrary, and said, that it was not right to kill a man who was of one of the principal families among the Parthians, and greatly ho- noured with matching into the royal family ; that so far as they had hither,to gone was tolerable ; for although they had injured Mi- thridates, yet if they preserved his life, this benefit would be .remembered by him to the advantage of those that gave it him ; but that if he were once put to death, the king would not be at rest till he had made a great slaugh- ter of the Jews that dwelt at Babylon; "to whose safety we ought to have a regard, both on account of our relation to them, and be- cause, if any misfortune befal us, we have no other place to retire to, since he hath gotten the flower of their youth under him." By this thought, and this speech of his made in council, he persuaded them to act according- ly ; so Mithridates was let go. But, when he was got away, his wife reproached him, that although he was son-in-law to the king, he neglected to avenge himself on those that had injured him, while he took no care about it, but was contented to have been made a captive by the Jews, and to Jiave escaped them ; and she bade him either to go back like a man of courage, or else, she sware by the gods of their royal family, that she would certainly dissolve her marriage with him. Upon whieh, partly because he could not bear the daily trouble of her taunts, and part- ly because he was afraid of her insolence, lest she should in earnest dissolve their marriage, he unwillingly, and against his inclinations, got together again as great an army as he could, and marched along with them, as him- self thinking it a thing not to be borne any longer, that he, a Parthian should owe his preservation to the Jews, when they had been too hard for him in the war. 7. But as soon as Anileus understood that Mithridates was marching with a great army against him, he thought it too ignominious a thing to tarry about the lakes, and not to take the first opportunity of meeting his enemies, and he hoped to have the same success, and to beat their enemies as they did before ; as also be.ventured boldly upon the like attempts. Accordingly he led out his army; and a great many more joined themselves to that army, in order to betake themselves to plun- der the people, and in order to terrify the • Thi» custom in 8>ria and Menopotamia, of »ettinR mpn upon an ass, by way of disgrace, U still kept up at Damascus in Syria; wliere, in order to show tiieir de- ■pile a«cainst the Christians, the Turks will not suffer tiiem to hire horses, but asses only, when tliey go abrohd to Me the ••untrv. as Mr. MavDdrel assures us, p. 1:28. enemy again by their numbers. But wher» they had marched ninety furlongs, while the road had been through dry [and saudy] places, and about the midst of the day, they were be- come very thirsty: and Mithridates appeared, and fell upon them, as they were in distress for want of water, on which account, and oi> account of the time of the day, they were not able to bear their weapons. So Anileus and his men were put to an ignominious rout, while men in despair were to attack those that were fresh, and in good plight; so a great slaughter was made, and many ten thousand men fell. Now Anileus, and all that stoo(i firm about him, ran away, as fast as they were able, into a wood, and afforded Mithridates the pleasure of having gained a great victory over them. But there now oame in to Ani- leus a conflux of bad men, who regarded their own lives very little, if they might but gaiu some present ease, insomuch that they, by thus coming to him, compensated the multi- tude of those that perished in the fight. Yet were not these men like to those that fell, because they were rash, arfd unexercised in war: however, with these he came upon the vill^es of the Babylonians, and a mighty de- vastation of all things was made there by the injimes that Anileus did them. So the Ba- bylonians, and those that had already been in the war, sent to Neerda to the Jews there, and demanded Anileus. But, although they did not agree to their demands (for if they had been willing to deliver him up it was not in their power so to do) ; yet did they de- sire to make peace with them. To which the other replied, that they also wanted to settle conditions of peace with them, arid sent men together with the Babylonians, who discoursed with Anileus about them. But the Babylo- nians, upon taking a view of his situation, and having learned where Anileus and his men lay, fell secretly upon tbem as they were drunk and fallen asleep, and slew all that they caught of them without any fear, and killed Anileus himself also. 8. The Babylonians were now freed from Anileus's heavy incursions, which had been a great restraint to the effects of that hatred they bore to the Jews: for they were almost always at variance, by reason of the contra- riety of their laws; and which party soever grew boldest before the other, they assaulted the other: and at this time in particular it was, that upon the ruin of Anileus's party, the Babylonians attacked the Jews, which made those Jews so vehemently to resent the inju- ries they received from the Babylonians, that, being neither able to fight tnem, nor bearing to live with them, they went to Seleucia. the principal city of those parts, which was built by Seleucus Nicator. It was inhabitetl by many of the Macedonians, but by more of the Grecians; not a few (»f the Syrians also dwelt there ; and thither did the Jews Ay. an^ CHAP. I. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 509 lived there five years without any misfortunes. But, on the sixth year, a pestilence came upon these at Babylon which occasioned new re- movals of men's habitations out of that city; and because they came to Seleucia, it hap- pened that a still heavier calamity came upon them on that account, — which I am going to relate immediately. 9. Now the way of living of the people of Seleucia, who were Greeks and Syrians, was commonly quarrelsome, and full of discords, though the Greeks were too hard for the Sy- rians. When, therefore, the Jews were come thither, and dwelt among them, there arose a sedition ; and the Syrians were too hard for the other, by the assistance of the Jews, who are men that despised dangers, and very ready to fight upon any occasion. Now, when the Greeks had the worst in this sedition, and saw that they had but one way of recovering their former authority, and that was, if they could prevent the agreement between the Jews and the Syrians, they every one discours- ed with such of the Syrians as were formerly their acquaintance, and promised they would be at peace and friendship with them. Accord- ingly* they gladly agreed so to do; and when this was done by the principal men of both nations, they soon agreed to a reconciliation ; and when they were so agreed, they bot/j knew that the great design of such theik* union, would be their common hatred to the Jews. Accordingly they fell upon them, and slew about fifty thousand of them ; nay, the Jews were all destroyed excepting a few who escaped, either by the compassion which their friends or neighbours afforded them in order to let them fly away. These retired to Cte- siphon, a Grecian city, and situated near to Seleucia, where the king [of Parthia] lives in winter every year, and where the greatest part of his riches are deposited; but the Jews had here no certain settlement, those of Se- leucia having little concern for the king's ho- nour. Now the whole nation of the Jews were in fear both of the Babylonians and of the Seleucians, because all the Syrians that live in those places agreed with the Seleucians in the war against the Jews ; so the most of them gathered themselves together, and went to Neerda and Nisibis, and obtained security there by the strength of those cities; besides which, their inhabitants, who were a great many, were all warlike men. And this was the state of the Jews at this time in Baby- lonia. BOOK XIX. CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THREk TEARS AND A HALF. FROM THE JEWS' DEPARTURE OUT OF BABYLON TO FADUS THE ROMAN PROCURATOR. CHAPTER I. HOW CAIUS WAS SLAIN BY CHEREA* § 1. Now this Caiusf did not demonstrate his mfadness in offering injuries only to the Jews at Jerusalem, or to those that dwelt in the neighbourhood, but suffered it to extend • In this and the next three chapters we have. I think. ' a lareer and more distinct accoiint of the slaughter of i Caius, and the succession of Claudius, than we have of I any such ancient facts whatsoever elsewhere. Some of ! the occasions of which probably were, Josephus's bitter hatred against tyranny; and the pleasure he took in \ giving the history of the slaughter of such a barbarous tyrant as was this Caius Caligula, as also the deliverance his own nation had by that slaughter, of which he speaks, sect. 2. together with the great intimacy he had with Agrippa. Junior, whose father was deeply concerned in the advancement of Claudius, upon the dea'h of Caiusj ' from which Agrippa. junior, Josephus might be fully | infonned of this hjstory. ■ f Called Caliaula by the Romans. 1 itself through all the earth and sea, so tar as was in subjection to the Romans, and filled it with ten thousand mischiefs; so many indeed in number as no former history relates. But Rome itself felt the most dismal effects ot what he did, while he deemed that not to be any way more honourable than the rest of the cities ; but he pulled and hauled its other citizens, but especially the senate, and parti- cularly the nobility, and such as had been dig- nified by illustrious ancestors; he also had ten thousand devices against such of the equestrian order, as it was styled, who were esteemed by the citizens equal in dignity and wealth with the senators, because out of them the senators were themselves chosen; these he treated after an ignominious man- ner, and removed them out of his way while they were at once slain, and their wealth 610 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIX. plundered; because he slew men generally, in order to seize on their riches. He also asserted his own divinity, and insisted on greater honours to be paid him by bis sub- jects than are due to mankind. He also fre- quented that temple of Jupiter which they style the Capitol, which is with them the most holy of all temples, and had boldness enough to call himself the brother of Jupiter. And other pranks he did like a madman ; as when he laid a bridge from the city Dicearchia. which belongs to Campania, to Misenum, another city upon the sea-side, from one pro- montory to another, of the length of thirty furlongs as measured over the sea. And this was done because he esteemed it to be a most tedious thing to row over in a small ship, and thought withal that it became him to make that bridge, as he was lord of the sea, and might oblige it to give marks of obe- dience as well as the earth ; so he enclosed the whole bay within his bridge, and drove his chariot over it; and thought that as he vvas a god, it was fit for him to travel over such roads as this was. . Nor did he abstain from the plunder of any of the Grecian temples, and gave order that all the engravings and sculptures, and the rest of the ornaments of the statues and donations therein dedicated, should be brought to him, saying, that the best things ought to be set nowhere but in the best place, and that the city of Rome was that best place. He also adorned his own house and his gardens with the curiosities brought from those temples, together with the houses he lay at when he travelled all over Italy : whence he did not scruple to give a command that the statue of Jupiter Olympius, so called because he was honoured at the Olympian games by the Greeks, which was the work of Phidias the Athenian, should be brought to Rome. Yet did not he compass his end, be- cause the architects told Memmius Regulus, who was commanded to remove that statue of Jupiter, that the workmanship was such as would be spoiled and would not bear the re- moval. It was also reported that Memmius, both on that account, and on account of some such mighty prodigies as-are of an incredible nature, put off the taking it down, and wrote to Cains those accounts, as his apology for not having done what his epistle required of him; and that when he was thence in danger of perishing, he was saved by Cains being dead himself, before he had put him to death. 2. Nay, Caius's madness came to this height, that when he had a daughter born, he carried her into the capitol, and put her upon the knees of the statue, and said that the child was common to him and to Jupiter, and de- termined that she had two fathers, — but which of these fathers were the greatest, he left undetermined ; and yet mankind bore him in •ucb his pranks. He also ga\ e leave to slaves to accuse tho'ir masters of any crimes whatso- ever they pleased; for all such accusations were terrible, because they were in great part made to please him, and at his suggestion, insomuch that Pollux, Claudius's slave, had the boldness to lay an accusation against Claudius himself; and Caius was not ashamed to be present at his trial of life and death, to hear that trial of his own uncle, in hopes of being able to take him off, although be did not succeed to his mind : but when he had filled the whole habitable world which he governed, with false accusations and miseries, and had occasioned the greatest insults of slaves against their masters, who indeed, in a great measure ruled them, there were many secret plots now laid against him ; some in anger, and in order for men to revenge them- selves, on account of the miseries they had already undergone from him ; and others made attempts upon him, in order to take him off before they should fall into such great miseries, while his death came very fortunately for the preservation of the laws of all men, and had a great influence upon the public welfare : •and this happened most happily for our nation in particular, which had almost utterly perish- ed if he had not been suddenly slain ; and I confess I have a mind to give a full account of this matter particularly, because it will af- ford great assurance of the power of God, and great comfort to those that are under aflflic- tions, and wise caution to those who think their happiness will never end, nor bring them at length to the most lasting miseries, if they do not conduct their lives by the principles of virtue. 3. Now there were three several conspiracif • made, in order to take off Caius, and each « these three were conducted by excellent per sons. Emilius Regulus, born at Corduba ii Spain, got some men together, and was de- sirous to take Caius off, either by them or by himself. Another conspiracy there was laid by them, under the conduct of Cherea Cassius, the tribune [of the pretorian band] ; Minuci- anus Annius was also one of great conse- quence among those that were prepared to oppose his tyranny. Now the several occasions of these men's several hatred and conspiracy against Caius were these : — Regulus had in- dignation and hatred against all injustice, for he had a mind naturally angry, and bold, and free, which made him not conceal his counsels; so he communicated them to many of his friends, and to others who seemed to him persons of activity and vigour: Minuci- anus entered into this conspiracy, because of the injustice done to Lepidus his particular friend, and one of the best character of all the citizens, whom Caius had slain, as also be. cause he was afraid of himself, since Caius's wrath tended to the slaughter of all alike : and for Cherea, he came in, because he thought it a (feed worthy of a free ingenuous man to kill Caius. and was ashamed of th« CHAP. I, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 511 reproaches he lay under from Caius, as though he were a coward; as also because he was himself in danger every day from his friend- ship with him, and the observance he paid him. These men proposed this attempt to all the rest that were concerned, who saw the injuries that were offered them, and were desirous that Caius's slaughter might succeed by their mutual assistance of one another, that they might themselves escape being killed by the taking off Caius; that perhaps they should gain their point, and that it would be a happy thing if they should gain it, to ap- prove themselves to so many excellent per- sons as earnestly wished to be partakers with them in their design, for the delivery of the city and of the government, even at the ha- isard of their own lives; but still Cherea was the most zealous of them all, both out of a desire of getting himself the greatest name, and also by reason of his access to Caius's presence with less danger, because he was tribune, and could therefore the more easily kill him. 4. Now, at this time came on the horse- races [Circensian games]; the view of which games was eagerly desired by the people of Rome, for they come with great alacrity into the hippodrome £circus] at such times, and petition their emperors, in great multitudes, for what they stand in need of; who usually did not think fit to deny them thek requests, but readily and gratefully granted them. Ac- cordingly, they most importunately desired that Caius would now ease them in their tri- butes, and abate somewhat of the rigour of the taxes imposed upon them; but he would not hear their petition; and, when their cla- mours increased, he sent soldiers, some one way and some another, and gave order that they should lay hold on those that made the clamours, and, without any more ado, bring them out and put them to death. These were Caius's commands, and those who were com- manded executed the same; and the number of those who were slain on this occasion was very great. Now the people saw this, and bore it so far, that they left off clamouring, because they saw with their own eyes, that <his petition to be relieved, as to the payment >f their nwney, brought immediate death ipon them. These tiings made Cherea more ♦esolute to go on with his plot, in order to lut an end to this barbarity of Caius against «en. He then, at several times, thought to fall upon Caius as he was feasting, yet did he restrain himself by some considerations; "ot that he had any doubt on him about kill- ing him, but as watching for a proper season, that the attempt might not be frustrated, but that he might give the blow so as might cer- tainly gain his purpose, 5. Cherea bad been in the army a long t^me, yet was he not pleased with conversing •o much with Caius: but Caius had set him to require the tributes, and other dues, which, when not paid in due time, were forfeited to Caesar's treasury; and he had made some de- lays in requiring them, because those burdens had been doubled; and had rather indulged his own mild disposition than performed Caius's command; nay, indeed, he provoked Caius to anger by his sparing men, and pitying the hard fortunes of those from whom he de- manded the taxes; and Caius upbraided him with his sloth and effeminacy in being so loni: about collecting the taxes ; and indeed he di<i not only affront him in other respects, but when he gave him the watch-word of the das . to whom it was to be given by his place, be gave him feminine words, and those of a na- ture very reproachful; and these watch-word.- he gave out, as having been initiated in tht- secrets of certain mysteries, which he had been himself the author of. Now, although he had sometimes put on women's clothes, and had been wrapt in some embroidered garments to them belonging, and done a great many other things in order to make the cou)- pany mistake him for a woman; yet did he. by way of reproach, object the like womanish behaviour to Cherea. But wben Cherea received the watch-w^ord from him, he had indignation at it, but had greater indigna- tion at the delivery of it to others, as being laughed at by those that received it; insomuch that his fellow-tribunes made him the subject of their drollery; for they would foretel that he would bring them some of his usual watch- words when he was about to take the watch- word from Caesar, and would thereby make him ridiculous; on which account he took the courage of assuming certain partners to him, as having just reasons for his indigna- tion against Caius. Now there was one Pom- pedius, a senator, and one who had gone through almost all posts in the government, but otherwise an Epicurean, and for that reason loved to lead an inactive life. Now Timidius, an enemy of his, had informed Caius that he had used indecent reproaches against him, and he made use of Quintilia for a witness to them: a woman she was much beloved by many that frequented the theatre, and particularly by Pompedius, on account of her great beauty. Now this woman thought it a horrible thing to attest to an accusation that touched the life of her lover, which was also a lie. Timidius, however, wanted to have her brought to the torture. Caius was irritated at this reproach upon him, and commanded Cherea, without any delay, to torture Quintilia, as he used to em- ploy Cherea in such bloody matters, and those that required the torture, because he thought he would do it the more barbarously, in order to avoid that imputation of effeminacy which he had laid upon him. But Quintilia, wher she was brought to the rack, trod upon th« foot of one of her associates, and let hiu* 512 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK XIX. know that he might be of good courage, and not be afraid of the consequence of her tor- tures, for that she would bear them with magnanimity. Cherea tortured this woman after a cruel manner; unwillingly indeed, but because he could not help it. He then brought her, without being in the least moved at what she had suflFered, into the presence of Caius, and that in such a state as was sad to behold; and Caius, being somewhat affected with the sight of Quintilia, who had her body miserably disordered by the pains she had undergone, freed both her and Pompedius of the crime laid to their charge. He also gave her money to make her an honourable amends, and comfort her for that mwming of her body, which she had suffered, and for her glorious patience under such unsufferable torments, 6. This matter sorely grieved Cherea, as having been the cause, as far as he could, or the instrument of those miseries to men, which seemed worthy of consolation to Caius himself; on which account he said to Clement and to Papinius (of whom Clement was gene- ral of the army, and Papinius was a tribune): •* To be sure, O Clement, we have no way failed in our guarding the emperor; for as to those that have made conspiracies against his go- vernment, some have been slain by our care and pains, and some have been by us tortured, and this to such a degree, that he hath him- self pitied them. How great then is onr virtue in submitting to conduct his armies!" Clement held bis peace, but showed the shame be was under in obeying Caius's orders, both by his eyes and his blushing countenance, while he thought it by no means right to accuse the emperor in express words, lest their own safety should be endangered thereby. Upon which Cherea took courage, and spake to him without fear of the dangers that were before bim, and discoursed largely of the sore ca- lamities under which the city and the govern- ment then laboured, and said, " We may indeed pretend in words, that Caius is the person unto whom the cause of such miseries ought to be imputed; but, in the opinion of such as are able to judge uprightly, it is I, O Clement 1 and this Papinius, and before us thou thyself, who bring these tortures upon the Romans, and upon all mankind. It is not done by our being subservient to the commands of Caius, but it is done by our own consent ; for whereas it is in our power to put an end to the life of this man, who bath 80 terribly injured the citizens and his subjects, we are his guard in mischief and his executioners, instead of his soldiers, and are the instruments of his cruelty. We bear these weapons, not for our liberty, not for the Roman government, but only for his preser- Tation, who hath enslaved both their bodies and their minds; and we are every day pol- luted with the blood that we shed, and the torments we inflict upon others; and this we do, till somebody becomes Caius's instrument in bringing the like miseries upon ourselves. Nor does he thus employ us, because he hath a kindness for us, but rather because he hath a suspicion of us, as also because, when abun- dance more have been killed (for Caius will set no bounds to his wrath, since he aims to do all, not out of regard to justice, but to his own pleasure), we shall also ourselves be exposed to his cruelty; whereas we ought to be the means of confirming the security and liberty of all, and at the same time to resolve to free ourselves from dangers." 7. Hereupon Clement openly commended Cherea's intentions, but bade him hold his tongue ; for in that case his words should get out among many, and such things should be spread abroad as were fit to be concealed, the plot would come to be discovered before it was executed, and they should be brought to punishment; but that they should leave all to futurity, and the hope which thence arose, that some fortunate event would come to their assistance: that, as for himself, his age would not permit him to make any attempt in that case. "However, although perhaps I could suggest what may be safer than what then, Cherea, hast contrived and said, yet how is it possible for any one to suggest what is more for thy reputation?" So Clement M'ent his way home, with deep reflections on what he had heard, and what he had himself said. Cherea also was under a concern, and went quickly to Cornelius Sabinus, who was him- self one of the tribunes, and whom he other- wise knew to be a worthy man, and a lover of liberty, and on that account very uneasy at the present management of public affairs, he being desirous to come immediately to the execution of what bad been determined, and thinking it right for him to propose it to the other, and afraid lest Clement should discovei them, and besides looking upon delays and puttings-off to be the next to desisting from the enterprize. 8. But as all was agreeable to Sabinus, who had himself, equally with Cherea, thfl same design, but had been silent for want ol a person to whom he could safely communi- cate that design ; so having now met with one, who not only promised to conceal what bo heard, but who had already opened his mind to him, he was much more encouraged, and desired of Cherea that no delay might be niacie therein. Accordingly they went to Minuci- anus, who was as virtuous a man, and as zeal- ous to do glorious actions as themselves, and suspected by Caiii8,>on occasion of the slaijgh- ter of Lepidus; for Minucianiis and Lepidus were intimate friends, and both in fear of the dangers that tl.oy were under; fur Caius was terrible to all the great men, as appearing ready to act a mad part towards each of them in particuliir, and towards all of them in general; and these mcu.wcre afraid of on« CHAP. I. ANTIQUITIES OF THf. JEWS, 513 another, while they were yet uneasy at the posture of affairs, but avoided to declare their mind and their hatred against Caius to one another, out of fear of the dangers they might j be in thereby, although theyperceived by other | means their mutual hatred against Caius, and j on that account were not averse to a mutual | kindness one towards another. j 9. When Minucianus and Cherea had met together, and saluted one another (as theyj had been used in former conversations to give i the upper hand to Mnucianus, both on ac- j count of his eminent dignity, for he was the noblest of all the citizens, and highly com- mended by all men, especially when he made speeches to them), Minucianus began first, | and asked Cherea, What was the watch-word ' he had received that day from Caius? for the j affront which was offered Cherea in giving the watch- words, was famous over the city, j But Cherea made no delay so long as to reply to that question, out of the joy he had that Minucianus would have such confidence in him as to discourse with him. " But do thou," said he, *'give me the watch- word of liberty. And I return thee my thanks, that thou hast so greatly encouraged me to exert tnyself after an extraordinary manner ; nor do 1 stand in need of many words to encou- rage me, since both thou and I are of the same mind, and partakers of the same resolu- tions, and this before we have conferred to- gether. I have indeed but one sword girt on, but this one will serve us both. Come on, therefore, let us set about the work. Do thou go first, if thou hast a mind, and bid me fol- low thee ; or else I will go first, and thou shalt assist me, and we will assist one ano- ther, and trust one another. Nor is there a necessity for even one sword to such as have a mind disposed to such works, by which mind the sv/ord uses to be successful. I am zealous about this action, nor am I solicitous what I may myself undergo ; for I am not a* leisure to consider the danger that may come upon myself, so deeply am I troubled at the slavery our once free country is now under, and at the contempt cast upon our excellent laws, and at the destruction which hangs over all men by the means of Caius. I wish that I may be judged by thee, and that thou mayest esteem me worthy of credit in these matters, seeing we are both of the same opinion, and there is herein no difference between us." 10. When Minucianus saw the vehemency with which Cherea delivered himself, he glad- ly embraced him, and encoi^ged him in bis bold attempt, commending him, and en^ra- cing him ; so he let him go with his good wishes; and some affirm, that he thereby con- firmed Minucianus in the prosecution of what had been agreed among them ; for, as Cherea entered into the court, the report runs, that a voice came from among the iuultitude to encourage him, which bade hira finish what he was about, and take the opportunity that Providence offered ; and that Cherea at first suspected that some one of the conspirators had betrayed him, and he was caught; but at length perceived that it was by way of exhor- tation. Whether somebody* that was co^i- scious of what he was about gave a signal for his encouragement, or whether it was God himself, who looks upon the actions of men, that encouraged him to go on boldly in his design, is uncertain. The plot was now com- municated to a great many, and they were all in their armour; some of the conspirators being senators, and some of the equestrian order, and as many of the soldiery as were made acquainted with it ; for there was not one of them who would not reckon it a part of his happiness to kill Caius ; and on that account they were all very zealous in the affair, by what means soever any one could come at it, that he might not be behindhand in these vir- tuous designs, but might be ready with all hii alacrity or power, both by words and actions, to complete this slaughter of a tyrant. And besides these, Callistus also, who was a freed- man of Caius, and was the only man that had arrived at the gheatest degree of power under him, — such a power, indeed, as was in a mtin- ner equal to the power of the tyrant himself by the dread that all men had of him, and by the great riches he had acquired ; for he took bribes most plenteously, and committed inju- ries without bounds; and was more extrava- gant in the use of his power in unjust pro- ceedings than any other. He also knew the disposition of Caius to be implacable, and never to be turned from what he had resolved on. He had withal many other reasons why he thought himself in danger, and the vast- ness of bis wealth was not one of the least of them: on which account he privately ingra- tiated himself with Claudius, and transferred his courtship to him, out of this hope, that in case, upon the removal of Caius, the govern- ment shojld come to him, his interest in such changes should lay a foundation for his pre- serving h-s dignity under him, since he laid in beforehand a stock of merit, and did Clau- dius good offices in his promotion. He also had the boldness to pretend, that he had been persuaded to make away with Claudius, by poisoning him . but had still invented ten thousand excuses for delaying to do it. But it seems prot)ab e to me that Callistus only counterfeited this, in order to ingratiate him- self with Claudius; for if Caius had been in earnest resolved to take off Claudius, he would not have admitted of Callistus's ex- cuses, nor would Callistus, if he bad been enjoined to do such an act as was desired by • Just such a Toice as this is related to be, came, and from an unknown oriyinal also, to the famo'is Polycarp, 4s he was goini? to maitvrriom, bidding hi/".i "play the man;" a!» the chi\rch ot Smyrna assures lu in their ac- count of tliat his martyrdom, sect 9 2 H 614 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIX. Caius, have put it off, nor, if he had disobeyed those injunctions of his master had he escaped Inimediate punishment; while Claudius was prescribed from the madness of Caius by a certain divine providence, and Callistus pre- tended to such a piece of merit as he no way deserved. 11. However, the execution of Cberea's designs was put off from day to day, by the sloth of many therein concerned; for as to Cherea himself, he would not willingly make any delay in that execution, thinking every time a fit time for it, for frequent opportuni- ties offered themselves; as when Caius went up to the capitol to sacrifice for his daughter, or when he stood upon his royal palace, and threw gold and silver pieces of money among the people, he might be pushed down head- long, because the top of the palace, that looks tovvard the market-place, was very high; and also when he celebrated the mysteries, which he had appointed at that time; for he was then no way secluded from the people, but solicitous to do every thing carefully and decently; and was free from all suspicion that he should be then assaulted by any body; and although the gods should afford him no divine assistance to enable him to take away his life, yet had he strength himself sufficient to dispatch Caius, even without a sword. Thus was Cherea angry at his fellow-conspirators, for fear they should suffer a proper opportu- nity to pass by; and they were themselves sensible that he had just cause to be angry at them, and that his eagerness was for their advantage; yet did they desire he would have a little longer patience, lest, upon any disap- pointment they might meet with, they should put the city into disorder, and an inquisition should be made after the conspiracy, and should render the courage of those that were to attack Caius without success, while he would then secure himself more carefully than ever against them; that it would there- fore be the best to set about the work when the shows were exhibited in the palace. These shows were acted in honour of that Caesar* who first of all changed the popular govern- ment, and transferred it to himself; galleries being fixed before the palace, where the Ro- mans that were patricians became spectators, together with their children and their wives, and Cjesar himself was to be also a spectator; and they reckoned among those many ten thou- sands who would there be crowded into a narrow compass, they should have a favourable opportunity to make their attempt upon him as he came in ; because his guards that should protect him, if any one of them should have a mind to do it, would not here be able to give him any assistance. • Here Josephui supposes that It was Aiiffustus, and not Julius CiEsar. who first cAmngeA the Roman com- monwealth into a monarchy; for these shows w«Te in honour of Augustus, as we ihail leurn in the next section bat CO*. 12. Cherea consented to this delay; and when the shows were exhibited it was resolved to do the work the first day. But fortune, which allowed a farther delay to his slaugh- ter, was too hard for their foregoing resolution: and, as three days of the regular time for these shows were now over, they had much ado to get the business done on the last day. Then Cherea called the conspirators together, and spake thus to them: — "So much time passed away without effect is a reproach to us, as delaying to go through such a virtuous design as we are engaged in; but more fatal will this delay prove if we be discovered, and the design be frustrated; — for Caius will then become more cruel in his unjust proceedings. Do not we see how long we deprive all our friends of their liberty, and give Caius leave still to tyrannize over them? while we ought to have procured them security for the future, and, by laying a foundation for the happiness of others, gain to ourselves great admira- tion and honour for all time to come." — , Now, while the conspirators had nothing tolerable to say by way of contradiction, and yet did not quite relish what they were doing, but stood silent and astonished, he said further, " O, my brave comrades I why do we make such delays? Do not you see that this is the last day of these shows, and that Caius is about to go to sea ? for he is preparing to sail to Alexandria, in order to see Egypt. Is it therefore for your honour to let a man go out of your hands who is a reproach to mankind, and to permit him to go after a pompous manner, triumphing both at land and sea? shall not we be justly ashamed of ourselves if we give leave to some Egyptian or other, who shall think his injuries insufferable to free-men to kill him? As for myself, I will no longer bear your slow proceedings, but will expose myself to the dangers of the enterprise this very day, and bear cheerfully whatsoever shall be thb consequence of the attempt; nor, let thevt be ever so great, will I put them off an^ longer: for, to a wise and courageous man what can be more miserable than that, while I am alive, any one else should kill Caius, and deprive me of the honour of so virtuous an action ?" 13. When Cherea had spoken thus, he zealously set about the work, and inspired courage into the rest to go on wiih it ; and they were all eager to fall to it without farther delay. So he was at the palace in the morning, with his equestrian sword girt on him ; for it was the custom^hat the tribunes should ask for the watch-word with their swords on, and this was the day on which Cherea was by cus- tom to receive the watch-word; and the mul- titude were already come to the palace, to be soiin enough for seeing the shows, and that in great crowds, an<i one tuinultuously crushing another, while Caius was delij^bted with this CHAP. I. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 615 eagerness of the multitude ; for which reason there was no order observed in the seating men, nor was any peculiar place appointed for the senators, or for the equestrian order; but they sat at random, men and women together, and freemen were mixed with the sla\es. So Caius came out in a solemn manner, and offered sacrifice to Augustus Caesar, in whose honour indeed these shows were celebrated. Now it happened, upon the fall of a certain priest, that the garment of Asprenas, a sena- tor. Nvas filled with blood, which made Caius laugh, although this w;is an evident omen to Asprenas, for he was slain at the same time with Caius. It is also related, that Caius was that day, contrary to his usual custom, so very alf.ihle and good-natured in his conversation, that every one of those that vere [)resent were astonirhed at it. After the sacrifice was over, Caius betook himself to see the shows, and sat down for that purpose, as did also the principal of his friends sit near him. Now the parts of the theatre were so fastened together, as it used to be every year, in the manner following: — It had two doors; the one door led to the open air, the other was for going into, or going out of, the cloisters, that those within the theatre might not be thereby disturbed ; but out of one gallery there went an inward passage, parted into partitions also, which led into another gallery, to give room to the combatants, and to the musicians, to go out as occasion served. When the multitude were set down, and Cherea, with the other tribunes were set down also, and the right corner of the theatre was allotted to Caesar, one Vatinius, a sena- tor, commander of the Pretorian band, asked of Cluvius, one that sat by him, and was of consular dignity also, — Whether he had heard any thing of the news or not? — but took care that nobody should hear what he said; and when Cluvius replied, that he had heard no news, — '* Know then (said Vatinius) that the game of the slaughter of tyrants is to be played this day." But Cluvius replied, " O brave comrade! hold thy peace, lest some other of the Achaians hear thy tale." And as there was abundance of autumnal fruit thrown among the spectators, and a great number of birds, that were of great value to such as possessed them, on account of their rareness, Caius was pleased with the birds fighting for the fruits, and with the violence wherewith the spectators seized upon thenv^ and here he perceived two prodigies that hap- pened there; for an actor was introductid, by whom a leader of robbers was crucified, and the pantomime brought in a play called Ciny- ras, wherein he himself was to be slain, as well as his daughter Myrrha, and wherein a great deal of fictitious blood was shed, both about him that was crucified, and also about Ciny- ras. It is aUo confessed, that this was the «arae day wherein Pausanias, a friend of Philip, the son of AmyntaS, who was king of Macedonia, slew him as he was entering into the theatre. And now Caius was in doubt whether he should tarry to the end of the shows, because it was the last day, or whether he should not go first to the bath, and to din- ner, and then return and sit down as before. Hereupon Minucianus, who sat over Caius, and was afraid that the opportunity should fail them, got up, because he saw Cherea was already gone out, and made haste out, to confirm him in his resolution ; but Caius took hold of his garment in an obliging way, and said to him, — "() brave man? whither art thou going?" Whereupon, out of reve- rence to C*sar, as it seemed, he sat down again; but his fear prevailed over him, and in a little time he got up again, and then Caius did no way oppose his going out, as thinking that he went out to perform some necessities of nature. And Asprenas, who was one of the confederates, persuaded Caius to go out to the bath, and to dinner, and then to conie in again ; as desirous that what had been re- solved on might be brought to a conclusion immediately. 14. So Cherea's associates placed them- selves in order, as the time would permit them, and they were obliged to labour hard, that the place which was appointed them should not be left by them ; but they had an indignation at the tediousness of the delays, and that what they were about should be put off any longer, for it was already about the ninth* hour of the day; and Cherea, upon Caius's tarrying so long, had a great mind to go in, and fall upon him in his seat, although he foresaw that this could not be done v\'ith. out much bloodshed, both of the senators and of those of. the equestrian order that were present; and although he knew this must happen, yet had he a great mind to do so, as thinking it a right thing to procure security and freedom to all, at the expense of such as might perish at the same time. And as they were just going back into the entrance tc the theatre, word was brought them that Caius was arisen, whereby a tumult was made; hereupon the conspirators thrust away the crowd, under pretence as if Caius wa* angry at them, but in reality as desirous to have a quiet place, that should have none in it to defend him, while they set about Caius's slaughter. Now Claudius, his uncle, was gone out before, and Marcus Vinicius, his sister's husband, as also Valerius of Asia; whom, though they had had such a mind to put out of their places, the reverence to their dig- nity hindered them so to do; then followed Caius, with Paulus Arruntius: and because Caius was now gotten within the palace, he left the direct road, along which those his • Suetonius says Cains was slain about the seTe'nth hour of the Hay. Josephus about the ninth. The series of the narration favours Josephus. 516 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIX. servants stood that were in waiting, and by whicb road Claudius had gone out before, Caius turned aside into a private narrow pas- sage, in order to go to the place for bathing, as also in order to take a view of the boys that came out of Asia, who were sent thence partly to sing hymns in these mysteries which were now celebrated, and partly to dance in the Pyrrhic way of dancing upon the theatres. So Cherea met him, and asked him for the watch- word ; upon Caius's giving him one of hi« ridiculous words, he immediately reproached him, and drew his sword and gave him a terrible stroke with it, yet was not this stroke mortal. And although there be those that say it was so contrived on purpose by Cherea that Caius should not be killed at one blow, but should be punished more severely by a mul- titude of wounds, yet does this story appear to be incredible; because the fear men are under in such actions does not allow them to use their reason. And if Cherea was of that mind, I esteem him the greatest of all fools, in pleasing himself in his spite against Caius, rather than immediately procuring safety to himself and to his confederates from the dan- gers they were in; because there might many things still happen for helping Caius's escape, if he had not already given up the ghost; for certainly Cherea would have regard, not so much to the punishment of Caius, as to the affliction himself and his friends were in, while it was in bis power, after such success, to keep silent, and to escape the wrath of Caius's defenders, and not leave it to uncertainty whether he should gain the end he aimed at or not; and after an unreasonable manner to act as if he had a mind to ruin himself, and lose the opportunity that lay before him. But every body may guess as he pleases about this matter. However, Caius was staggered with the pain that the blow gave him; for the stroke of the sword falling in the middle, between the shoulder and the neck, was hin- dered by the first bone of the breast from proceeding any farther. Nor did he either cry fut (in such astonishment was he), nor did he call out for any of his friends; whether it were that he had no confidence in them, or that his mind was otherwise disordered, but he groaned under the pain he endured, and presently went forward and fled, — when Cor- nelius Sabinus, who was already prepared in mind so to do, thrust him down upon bis knee, where many of them stood round about him, and struck him with their swords, and they cried out, and encouraged one another all at once to strike him again ; but all agree that Aquila gave him the finishing stroke, which directly killed him. But one may justly ascribe this act to Cherea; for although many concurred in the act itself, yet was he the first contriver of it, and began long be- fore all the rest to prepare for it ; and whs the first man that boldly spake of it to the rest; and upon their admission of what he said about it, he got the dispersed conspirators together; he prepared every thing after a pru- dent manner, and by suggestiiig good advice, showed himself far superior to the rest, and made obliging speeches to them, insomuch that he even compelled them all to go on, who otherwise had not courage enough for that purpose; and when opportunity served to use his sword in hand, he appeared first of all ready so to do, and gave the first blow in this virtuous slaughter; he also brought Caius easily into the power of the rest, and almost killed him himself, insomuch that it is but just to ascribe all that the rest did to the advice, and bravery, and labours of the hands of Cherea. 15. Thus did Caius come to his end, and lay dead, by the many wounds which had been given him. Now Cherea and his asso- ciates, upon Caius's slaughter, saw that it was impossible for them to save themselves, if they should all go the same way, partly on account of the astonishment they were under; for it was no small danger they bad incurred by killing an emperor, who was honoured and loved by the madness of the people, especially when the soldiers were likely to make a bloody inquiry after his murderers. The passages also were narrow wherein the work was done, which were also crowded with a great multitude of Caius's attendants, and of such of the soldiers as were of the emperor's guard that day; whence it was that they went by other ways, and came to the house of Germanicus, the father of Caius, whom they had now killed (which house adjoined to the palace; for while the edifice was one, it was built in its several parts by those particular persons who had been emperors, and those I parts bear the names of those that built them, I or the name of him who had begun to build rany of its parts). So they got away from the insults of the multitude, and then were for ! the present out of danger, that is, so long as the misfortune which had overtaken the emperor was not known. The Germans were the first who perceived that Caius was slain. I These Germans were Caius's guard, and I carried the name of the country whence they I were chosen, and composed the Celtic .egion. j The men of that country are naturally pas- I sionate, which is commonly the temper of some other of the barbarous nations also, as I being not used to consider much about what 1 they do; they are of robust bodies, and fall upon their enemies as soon as ever they are attacked by them; and which way soever they go, they perform great exploits. When, therefore, these cSerman guards understood that Caius was slain, they were very sorry for it, because they did not use their reason )n judging about public affairs, but measured all by the advantages themselves received, Cams being beloved by them, because of the money // CHAP. I. ANTigiiiriKS OF rilK JEWS, 617 he gave them, by wJiich he had purchased their kindness to him: so they drew their swords, and Sabinus led them on. He was one of the tribunes, not by the means of the virtuous actions of his progenitors, for he had been a gladiator, but he had obtained that post in the army by his having a robust body. So these Germans marched along the houses in quest of Ciesar's murderers, and cut Asprenas to pieces, because he was the tirst man they fell upon, and whose garment it was that the blood of the sacrifices stained, as I have said already, and which foretold that this his meeting the soldiers would not be for his good. Then did Norbanus meet them, who was one of the principal nobility of the city, and could show many generals of armies among his ancestors; but they paid no regard to his dignity: yet was he of such great strength, that he wrested the sword of the first of those that assaulted him out of his hands, and appeared plainly not to be willing to die without a struggle for his life, until he was surrounded by a great number of assail- ants, and died by the multitude of the wounds »vhich they gave him. The third man was Anteius, a senator, and a few others with him. He did not meet with these Germans by chance, as the rest did before, but came to show his hatred to Caius, and because he loved to see Caius lie dead with his own eyes, and took a pleasure in that sight; for Caius had banished Anteius's father, who was of the same name with himself, and, being not satisfied with that, he sent out his soldiers, and slew him; so he was come to rejoice at the sight of him, now he was dead. But as the house was now all in a tumult, when he was aiming to hide himself, he could not escape that accurate search which the Germans made, while they barbarously slew those that were guilty and those that were not guilty, and this equally also. And thus were these [three] persons slain. 16. But when the rumour that Caius was slain reached the theatre, they were astonished at it, and could not believe it: even some that entertained his destruction with great plea- sure, and were more desirous of its happening than almost any other satisfaction that could come to them, were under such a fear, that they could not believe it. There were also those who greatly distrusted it, because they were unwilling that any such thing should come to Caius, nor could believe it, though it were ever so true, because they thought no man could possibly have so much power as to kill Caius. These were the women, and the children, and the slaves, and some of the soldiery. This last sort had taken his pay, and in a manner tyrannized with him, and had abused the best of the citizens, in being subservient to his unjust commands, in order to gain honours and advantages to themselves; but for the women and the youth, they had been inveigled with shows, and the fightings of the gladiators, and certain distributions of tiesh-meat an)ong them, which things in pre- tence were designed for the pleasing of the multitude, but in reality to satiate the barba- rous cruelty and madness of Caius. The slaves also were sorry, because they were by Caius allowed to accuse and to despise their masters, and they could have recourse to his assistance when they had unjustly atfrojittd them; for he was very easy in believing them against their masters, even when they accused them falsely; and, if they would discover what, money their masters had, they might soon obtain both riches and liberty, as the rewards of their accusations, because the reward of these informers was the eighth* part of the crimi- nal's substance. As to the nobles, although the report appeared credible to some of them, either because they knew of the plot before- hand, or because they wished it might be true; however, they concealed not only the joy they had at the relation of it, but that they had heard any thing at all about it. These last acted so, out of the fear they had that if the report proved false, they should be pun- ished, for having so soon let men know theii minds. But those that knew Caius was dead, because they were partners with the conspira- tors, they concealed all still more cautiously, as not knowing one another's minds; and fearing lest they should speak of it to some of those to whom the continuance of tyranny was advantageous; and, if Caius should prove to be alive, they might be informed against, and punished. And another report went about, that although Caius had been wounded indeed, yet was not he dead, but alive still, and under the physician's hands. Nor was any one looked upon by another as faithful enough to be trusted, and to whom any one would open his mind; for he was either a friend to Caius, and therefore suspected to favour his tyranny, or he was one that hated him, who therefore might be suspected to deserve the less credit, because of his ill-will to him. Nay, it was said by some (and this indeed it was that deprived the nobility of their hopes, and made them sad) that Caius was in a condition to despise the dangers he had been in, and took no care of healing his wounds, but was gotten away into the market- place, and, bloody as he was, was making an harangue to the people. And these were the conjectural reports of those that were so unreasonable as to endeavour to raise tumults, which they turned different ways, according to the opinions of the hearers. Yet did they not leave their seats, for fear of being accused, if they should go out before the rest; for they should not be sentenced according * This reward proposed by the Roman laws to iu« formers, was sometimes an ci^hth part of the criminals goods, us hert^; and sometimbs a lourth p£rt,as Spaa« beim assures us. from Suetoaius and TacUua. 618 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIX. to the real intention with which they went out, but according to the supposals of the accusers, and of i lie judges. 17. But now a multitude of Germans had surrounded the theatre with their swords drawn; all the spectators looked for nothing but death ; and at every one's coming in, a fear seized upon them, as if they were to be cut in pieces innnediately; and in great dis- tress they were, as neither having courai;;e enough to go out of the theatre, nor believing theujselves safe from dangers if they tarried there. And when the Germans came upon them, the cry was so great, that the theatre rang again with the entreaties of the spectators to the soldiers, pleadirig that they were entirely ignorant of every thing that related to such seditious contrivances, and if there were any sedition raised, they knew nothing of it; they therefore begged that they would spare them, and not punish those that had not the least hand in such bold crimes as belonged to other persons, while they neglected to search after such as had really done whatsoever it be that hath been done. Thus did these people ap- peal to God, and deplore their infeUcity with shedding of tears and beating their faces, and said every thing that the most imminent danger, and the utmost concern for their lives, could dictate to them. This brake the fury of the soldiers, and made them repent of what they minded to do to the spectators, which would have been the greatest instance of cruelty. And so it appeared to even these savages, when they had once tixed the heads of those that were slain with Asprenas upon ilie altar; at which sight the spectators were sorely afflicted, both upon the consideration of the dignity of the persons, and out of a commiseration of their sufferings; nay, indeed, they were almost in as great disorder at the prospect of the danger themselves were in, seeing it was still uncertain whether they should entirely escape the like calamity. Whence it was, that such as thoroughly and justly hated Caius, could yet no way enjoy the pleasure of his death, because they were themselves in jeopardy of perishing together with him; nor had they hitherto any firm assurance of surviving. 18. There was at this time, one Euaristus Arruntius, a public crier in the market, and therefore of a strong and audible voice, who vied in wealth with the richest of the Romans, ant^was able to do what he pleased in the city, both then and afterward. This man put himself into the most mournful habit be could, although he had a greater hatred agaiiint I Caius than any one else; hi< fear and his wise ' contrivance to gain hi» sali-t\ tnii^iht him so ■ to <1(), and prevailed ov» r l:is pn-M-nt |ili'«.>iire; I •*o he put on ^udl a ntonrwan MVi>:- tt> in- \»^.)uUi have done huit ii«' io^t (ti> iifiiro; frirmls in the wnrhl, t.'.j- urn. .mimi- mio i.'i. Uic-MUv, unti n»ii,iu»^u LiiiMi oi iitc ueuiu ol Caius, and by this means put an end to that state of ignorance the men had been in. Ar- runtius also went round about the pillars, and called out to the Germans, as did the tribunes with him, bidding them put up their swords, and telling them that Caius was dead; and this proclamation it was plainly which saved those that were collected together in the theatre, and all the rest who any way met the Germans; for while they had hopes that Caius had still any breath in him, they abstainetd from no sort of mischief; and such an abun- dant kindness they &till had for Caius, that they would willingly have prevented the plot against him, and piocured his escape from so sad a ujisfortune, at the expense of their own Hves; but they now left off the warm zeal they had to punish his enemies, now they were fully satistied that Caius was dead, be- cause it was now in vain for them to show their zeal and kindness to him, when he who should reward them was perished. They were also afraid that they should be punished by the senate, if they should go on in doing such injuries, that is, in case the authority I of the supreme governor should revert to them; and thus at length a stop was put, though not without difficulty, to that rage which possessed the Germans on account of Caius's death. 19. But Cherea was so much afraid for Alinucianus, lest he should light upon the Germans, now they were in their fury, that he went and spake to every one of the sol- diers, and prayed them to take care of his preservation, and made himself great inquiry about him, lest he should have been slain; and for Clement, he let Minucianus go when he was brought to him, and, with many other of the senators, aflinneu lie action was right, and commended the virtue of those that con- trived it, and had eouiaf<c enough to execute it; and said, that " tyrants do indeed please themselves and look big for a while, upon having the power to act unjustly; but do not, however, go happily out of the world, because they are hated by the virtuous; and that Caius, together with all his unhappiness, was become a conspirator against himself, before these other men who attacked him did so; and by becoming intolerable, in setting aside the wise provision the laws had made, taught his dearest friends to treat him as an enemj ; insomuch, that although in common dis- course these conspirators were those that slew Caius, yet that, in reality, he lies now dead as perishing by his own s<ilf." 20. Mow by /his time the people in tbp theatre were aristri from their seats, and those th.it were therein made a very great disturn- ance; the cause of which was this, that the .>pfCtators were too hasty in getting away, iiicre was hUo one Alcyon, a physician, who ii.irne<l away, as if to cure tliose that w—/} vtuniided; auti, ujider that pretence, he sent iiipPIRPpPiiliPPIPW CHAP. 11. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 519 those that were with him to fetch what things wer -• necessary for the healing of those wounded persons, but in r ality to get them clear of the present dangers they were in. Now the senate, during this interval, had met, and the people also assembled together in the accus- tomed form, and were both employed in searching after the murderers of Caius. The people did it very zealously, but the senate in appearance only; for there was present Vale- rius of Asia, one that bad been consul; this man went to the people, as they were in dis- order, and very uneasy that they could not yet discover who they were that had murdered the emperor; he was then earnestly asked by them all, who it was that had done it? He replied, " I wish I had been the man." The consuls* also published an edict, wherein they accused Caius, and gave order to the people then got together, and to the soldiers, to go home, and gave the people hopes of the abatement of the oppressions they lay under; and promised the soldiers, if they lay quiet as they used to do, and would not go abroad to do mischief unjustly, that they would bestow rewards upon them; for there was repson to fear lest the city might suffer harm by their wild and ungovernable beha- viour, if they should once betake themselves to spoil the citizens, or plunder the temples. And now the whole multitude of the senators were assembled together, and especially those that had conspired to take away the life of Caius, who put on at this time an air of great assurance, and appeared with great magnani- mity, as if the administration of public affairs were already devolved upon them. CHAPTER II. HOWTHE SENATORS DETERMINED TO RESTORE THE DEMOCRACY; BUT THE SOLDIERS WERE FOR PRESERVING THE MONARCHY. CON- CERNING THE SLAUGHTER OF CAIUS's WIFE AND DAUGHTER. A CHARACTER OF CAIUS's MORALS. § 1. When the public affairs were in this posture, Claudius was on the sudden hurried »way out of his house; for the soldiers had meeting together; and when they had debated about what was to be done, they saw that a democracy was incapable of managing such a vast weight of public affairs; and that if it should be set up, it would not be for tbeir advantage; and in case any one of those already in the government should obtain the supreme power, it would in all respects be to their grief, if they were not assisting to him • These ronsuU are named in the War of the Jews (h.ii ch. xi secl. 1). S«-ntius "'aturninns and Pvjmponius Secuiidus. as SpMilicim notes here The speccli i)f the K>n>i«r (f *ticm is sel tluwu in the iioxt chapter, aect 'i. in this advancement: that it would therefore be right for them, while the public affairs were unsettled, to choose Claudius emperor, who was uncle to the deceased Caius, and of a superior dignity and worth to every one of those who were assembled together in the senate, both on account of the virtues of his ancestors, and of the learning he had acquired in his education; and who, if once settled in the empire, would reward them according to their deserts, and bestow largesses upon them. These were their consultations, and they executed the same immediately. Clau- dius was therefore seized upon suddeidy by the soldiery. But Cneus Sentius Saturni- nus, although he understood that Claudius was seized, and that he intended to claim the government, unwillingly indeed in appear- ance, but in reality by his own free consent, stood up in the senate, and, without being dismayed, made an exhortatory oration to them, and such a one indeed as was tit for men of freedom and generosity, and spake thus: — 2. " Although it be a thing incredible, O Romans! because of the great length of time, that so unexpected an event hath happened, yet are we now in possession of liberty. How long indeed this will last is uncertain, and lies at the disposal of the gods, whose grant it is; yet such it is as is sufficient to make us rejoice, and be happy for the present, although we may soon be deprived of it; for one hour is sufficient to those that are exercised in vir- tue, wherein we may live with a mind account- able only to ourselves, in our own country, now free, and governed by such laws as this coun- try once flourished under. As for myself, i cannot remember our former time of liberty, as being born after it was gone; but I am beyond measure filled with joy at the thoughts of our present freedom. I also esteem those that were born and brought up in that our former liberty happy men, and that those men are worthy of no less esteem than the gods themselves, who have given us a taste of it in this age; and I heartily wish that this quiet enjoyment of it, which we have at present, might continue to all ages. However, this single day may suffice for our youth, as well as for us that are in years. It will seem an age to our old men, if they might die during its happy duration: it may also be for the instruction of the younger sort, what kind of virtue those men, from whose loins we are derived, were exercised in. As for ourselves, our business is, during the space of time, to live virtuously, — than which nothing can be more to our advantage; which course of virtue it is alone that can preserve our liberty; for, as to our ancient state, I have heard of it by the relations of others; bat as to our later state, during n)y lifetime, I have known it by experience, and learned thereby what mischiet tyrannies have brought upon this commou- 520 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIX wealth, discouraging all virtue, and depriving persons of magnanimity of their liberty, and proving the tearhers of flattery and slavish fear, because it leaves the public administra- tion not to be governed by wise laws, but by the humour of those that govern. For since Julius Caesar took it into his head to dissolve our democracy, and, by overbearing the regu- lar system of our laws, to bring disorders into our administration, and to get above right and justice, and to be a slave to his OTVn in- clinations, there is no kind of misery but what hath tended to the subversion of this city; while ail those that have succeeded him have striven one with another to overthrow the ancient laws of their country, and have left it destitute of such citizens as were of generous principles; because they thought it tended to their safety to have vicious men to converse withal, and not only to break the spirits of those that were best esteemed for their virtue, but to resolve upon their utter destruction. Of all which emperors, who have been many in number, and who laid upon us insufferable hardships during the times of their govern- ment, this Caius, who hath been slain to-day, hath brought more terrible calamities upon us than did all the rest, not only by exercising his ungoverned rage upon his fellow- citizens, but also upon his kindred and friends, and alike upon all others, and by inflicting still greater miseries upon them, as punishments, which they never deserved, he being equally furious against men and against the gods; for tyrants are not content to gain their sweet pleasure, and this by acting injuriously, and in the vexation they bring both upon men's estates and their wives, — but they look upon that to be their principal advantage, when they can utterly overthrow the entire families of their enemies ; while all lovers of liberty are the enemies of tyranny. Nor can those that patiently endure what miseries they bring on them gain their friendship; for as they are conscious of the abundant mischiefs they have brought on these men, and how magnanimously they have borne their hard fortunes, they cannot but be sensible what evils they have done, and thence only depend on security from what they are suspicious of, if it may be in their power to take them quite out of the world. Since, then, we are now gotten clear of such great misfortunes, and are only accountable to one another (which form of governiiicnt affords us the best assurance of our present concord, and promises us the best security from all evil designs, and will be most for our own glory in settling the city in good order j, you ought, every one of you in parti- cular, to make provision for his own, and in general for the public utility; or, on the con- trary, they may declare their dissent to such things as have been proposed, and this with- out any hazard of danger to come upon them, —because they have now no lord «et over them, who, without fear of punishment, could do mischief to the city, and had an uncon- trollable power to take off those that freely declared their opinions. Nor has any thing so much contributed to this increase of tyranny of late as sloth, and a timorous for- bearance of contradicting the emperor's will ; while men had an over-great inclination to the sweetness of peace, and had learned to live like slaves, and as many of us as either heard of intolerable calamities that happened at a distance from us, or saw the miseries that were near us, out of the dread of dying virtuously, endured a death joined with the utmost infamy. We ought, then, in the first place, to decree the greatest honours we are able to those that have taken off the tyrant, especially to Cherea Cassius; for this one man, with the assistance of the gods, hath, by his counsel and by his actions, been the pro- curer of our liberty. Nor ought we to forget him now we have recovered our liberty, who, under the foregoing tyranny, took counsel beforehand, and beforehand hazarded himself for our liberties; but ought to decree him proper honours, and thereby freely declare, that he, from the b.eginning, acted with our approbation. And certainly it is a very ex- cellent thing, and what becomes freemen, to requite their benefactors, as this man hath been a benefactor to us all, though not at all ike Cassius and Brutus, who slew Caius Julius [Caesar] ; for those men laid the foun- dations of sedition and civil wars in our city; — but this man, together with his slaughter of the tyrant, hath set our city free from all those sad miseries which arose from the tyranny."* 3. Arjd this was the purport of Sentius's oration, "which was received with pleasure by the senators, and by as many of the equestrian order as were present. And now one Tre- bellius Maximus rose up hastily, and took from Sentius's finger a ring, which had a stone, with the image of Caius engraven upon it, and which, in his zeal in speaking, and his earnestness in doing what he was about, as it was supposed, he had forgotten to take off himself. This sculpture was broken imme- diately. But as it was now far in the night, Cherea demanded of the consuls the watch- word, who gave him this word. Liberty These facts were the subjects of admiration to themselves, and almost incredible; for it was a hundred years f since the democracy • In this oration of Sentius Saturninus, we may see the great value virtuous men put upon publin liberty, and the sad misery they underwent while they were tyrannized over by such emperors as Caius. See Jose- phus's own short but pithy reflection at the end of llie chapter: '* So diflicult," says he, " it is for those to ob- tain the virtue that is necessary to a wise man, who have the absolute power to do what they please without control." ■f Hence we learn that, in the opinion of Haturninas, the sovereign authority of the consuls and senate bad been taken away just one hundred years belore the death ot Caiui, A. D. 41; or in th* (JUtb year before tlw Cbri*« CHAP. II. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 621 had been laid aside, when this giving the watch- word returned to the consuls; for, before the city was subject to tyrants, they were the commanders of the soldiers. But when Cherea had received that watch- word, he delivered it to those who were on the senate's side, which were four regiments, who esteemed the government without emperors to be preferable to tyranny. So these went away with their tribunes. The people also now departed very joyful, full of hope and of courage, as having recovered their former democracy, and no longer under an emperor: and Cherea was in very great esteem with them. 4. And now Cherea was very uneasy that Caius's daughter and wife were still alive, and that all his family did not perish with him, since whosoever was left of them must be left for the ruin of the city and of the laws. Moreover, in order to finish this matter with the utmost zeal, and in order to satisfy his hatred of Caius, he sent Julius Lupus, one of the tribunes, to kill Caius's wife and daughter. They proposed this office to Lupus as to a kinsman of Clement, that he might be so far a partaker of this murder of the tyrant, and might rejoice in the virtue of having assisted his fellow-citizens, and that he might appear to have been a partaker M-ith those that were first in their designs against him; yet did this action appear to some of j the conspirators to be too cruel, as to this using such severity to a woman, because Caius did more indulge his own ill-nature than use her advice in all that he did; from which ill-nature it w^ that the city was in BO desperate a condition with the miseries that were brought on it, and the flower of the city was destroyed; but others accused her of giving her consent to these things; nayj they ascribed all that Caius had done to her as the cause of it, and said she had given a potion to Caius, which had made him obnoxious to her, and had tied him down to love her by such evil methods; insomuch that she, having ren- dered him distracted, was become the author of all the mischiefs that had befallen the Romans, and that habitable world which was subject to them. So that at length it was determined that she must die; nor could those of the contrary opinion at all prevail to have her saved; and Lupus was sent accord- ingly. Nor was there any delay made in executing what he went about, but he was subservient to those who sent him on the first opportunity, as desirous to be no way blame- able in what might be done for the advantage of the people. So, when he was come into the palace, he found Cesonia, who was Caius's wife, lying by her husband's dead body, which also lay down on the ground, and destitute of all such things as the law allows to tian Kra, when the first triumT irate lie^an under CaeHar, Toaipey, and CraAsus. the dead, and all over herself besmeared with the blood of her husband's wounds, and bewailing the great affliction she was under, her daughter lying by her also; and nothing else was heard in these her circumstances but her complaint of Caius, as if he had not regarded what she had often told him of beforehand; which words of hers were taken in a different sense even at that time, and are now esteemed equally ambiguous by those that hear of them, and are still interpreted accord- ing to the different inclinations of people. Now some said that the words denoted, that she had advised him to leave off his mad behaviour and his barbarous cruelty to the citizens, and to govern the public with mode- ration and virtue, lest he should perish by the same way,\ipon their using him as he had used them. But some said, that as certain words had passed concerning the conspirators, she desired Caius to make no delay, but imme- diately to put them all to death; and this whether they were guilty or not, and that thereby he would be out of the fear of any danger; and that this was what she reproached him for when she advised him so to do, but he was too slow and tender in the matter. And this was what Cesonia said; and what the opinions of men were about it. But when she saw Lupus approach, she showed him Caius's dead body, and persuaded him to come nearer, with lamentation and t>eavs; and as she perceived that Lupus was in disorder, and approached her in order to exe- cute some design disagreeable to himself, she was well aware for what purpose he came, and stretched out her naked throat, and that very cheerfully to him, bewailing her case, like one utterly despairing of her life, and bidding him not to boggle at finishing the tragedy they had resolved upon relating to her. So she boldly received her death's wound at the hand of Lupus, as did the daughter after her. So Lupus made haste to inform Cherea of what he iad done. 5. This was the end of C^ius, after he had reigned four years, within four months. He was, even before he came to be emperor, ill-natured, and one that had arrived at tHe utmost pitch of wickedness; a slave to bis pleasures, and a lover of calumny; greatly affected by every terrible accident, and on that account of a very murderous disposition where he durst show it. He enjoyed his exorbitant power to this only purpose, to injure those who least deserved it, with unreasonable inso- lence, and got his wealth by murder and injustice. He laboured to appear above regard- ing eith-er what was divine or agreeable to the laws, but was a slave to the commendations of the populace; and whatsoever the laws determined to be shameful, and punished, that he esteemed more ho:iourable than what was virtuous. He was unmindful of his friends, Jiow intimate soever, and though they were 623 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XLX. persons of the highest character; and, if he was once angry at any of them, he would inflict punishment upon them on the smallest occasions; and esteemed every man that endeavoured to lead a virtuous life his enemy! And whatsoever he commanded, he would not admit of any contradiction to his inclina- tions; whence it whs that he had criminal conversation with his own sister;* from which occasion chiefly it was also that a bitter hatred first sprang up against him among the citi- zens, that sort of incest not having been known of a long time ; and so this provoked men to distrust him, and to hate him that was guilty of it. And for any great or royal work that he ever did, which might be for the present and for future ages, nobody can name any such, but only the haven that He made about Rhegium and Sicily, for the reception of the ships that brought corn from Egypt; which was indeed a work without dispute very great in itself, and of very great advantage to the navigation. Yet was not this work brought to perfection by him, but was the one half of it left imperfect, by reason of his want of application to it; the cause of which was this, that he employed his studies about useless matters, and that by spending his money upon such pleasures as concerned no one's benefit but his owji, he could not exert his liberality m things that were undeniably of great con- sequence. Otherwise he was an excellent orator, and thoroughly acquainted with the Greek tongue, as well as with his own country or Roman language. He was also able, off- hand and readily, to give answers to composi- tions made by others, of considerable length and accuracy. He was also more skilful in persuading others to very great things than any one else, and this from a natural affability of temper, which had been improved by much exercise and pains-taking: for aa he was the grandson f of the brother of Tiberius, whose successor he was, this was a strong inducement to his acquiring of learning, because Tiberius aspired after the highest pitch of that sort of re- putation : and Cams aspired after the like glory for eloquence, being induced thereto by the letters of his kinsman and his emperor. He was aUo among the first rank of his own citizens. Hut the advantages he received from his learn- ing (lid not countervail the mischief he brought upon himself in the exercise of his authority ; 'so difficult it is for those to obtain th<^ virtue that is necessary for a wise man, who have the absolute power to do what they please • Spanheim here notes from Suetonius, that the name of Caius's sister, with whom he was guilty of°in> cest, was Urusilla; and that >uet(iuius adds, he was guilty uf the same crime with all his sisters also Il« notes farther, that Suetonius omits the mention of the haven (or ships, which uur author esteems the only public work for the good of the present and nuure ages which Caius left behind him, though in au imperiect condition. f This Caius was the son of that excellent person Oemi.inicus, who was the tun of Drusui, the brother o/ Tiberius the emperor. without control. At the first he.got himself such friends as were in all respects the most worthy, and was greatly beloved by them, while he imitated their zealous application to the learning, and to the glorious actions of the best men ; but when he became insolent to- wards them, they laid aside the kindness they had for him, and began to hate him; horn which hatred came that plot which they raised against him, and wherein he perished. CHAPTER III. HOW CLAUDIUS WAS SEIZED UPON, AND BROUGHT OUT OF HIS HOUSE, AND BROUGHT TO THE CAMP; AND HOW THE SENATE SENT AN EMBASSAGE TO HIM. § 1. Now Claudius, as I said before, went out of that way along which Caius was gone; and as the family was in a mighty disorder upon the sad accident of the murder of Caius, he was in great distress how to save himself, and was found to have hidden himself in a certain narrow place, { though he had no other occasion for suspicion of any dangers, besides the dignity of his birth; for while he was a private man, he behaved himself with moderation, and was contented with his pre- sent fortune, applying himself to learjiing, and especially to that of the Greeks, and keeping himself entirely clear from every thing that might bring on any disturbance. But at this time the multitude were under a consternation, and the whole palace Was full of the soldiers' madness, and the very empe- ror's guards seemed under the like fear and disorder with private persons, the band called pretvrian, which was the purest part of the army, was in consultation what A'as to be done at this juncture. Kow all those that were at this consultation, bad litt'e regard to the punishment Caius had suffered, because he justly deserved such his fortune; but they were rather considering their own circum- stances, how they might take the best care of themselves, especially while the Germans were busy in punishing the murderers of Caius; which yet was rather done to gratify their own savage temper, than for the good of the public; all which things disturbed Claudius, who was afraid of his own safety, and this particularly because he saw the heads of As- prenas and his partners carried about. Ui.s station had been on a certain elevated place, whither a few steps led him, and whether he had retired in the dai k by himself. But when Gratus, who was one of the soldiers that be- longed to the palace, saw him, but did not well know by his countenance who he was, X The first place Cfaudius came to was inhibited, and called lleriurniii, u.^ .^panheiiu here inlbrms US fruHi >uvtuniii», iu Claud, c x. CHAP. III. ANTIQUITIES i)F THE JEWS. 523 because it was dark, though he could well iudge that it was a man who was privately there on some design, he came nearer to him; and when Claudius desired that he would retire, he discovered who he was, and owned aim to be Claudius. So he said to his fol- lowers, "This is a Germanicus;* come on, let us choose him for our emperor." But when Claudius saw they were making prepa- rations for taking him away by force, and was afraid they would kill him, as they had killed Caius, he besought them to spare him, putting them in mind how quietly he had demeaned himself, and that he was unacquainted with what had been done. Hereupon Gratus smiled upon him, and took him by the right hand, and aaid, " Leave off. Sir, these low thoughts of saving yourself, while you ought to have greater thoughts, even of obtaiiiing the empire, which the gods, out of their concern for the habitable world, by taking Caius out of the way, commit to thy virtuous conduct. Go to, therefore, and accept of the throne of thy ancestors." So they took him up and carried him, because he was not then able to go on foot, such was his dread and his joy at what was told him. 2. Now there was already gathered toge- ther about Gratus, a great number of the guards; and when they saw Claudius carried off, they looked with a sad countenance, as supposing that he was carried to execution for the mischiefs that had been lately done; while yet they thought him a man who never meddled with public affairs all his life long, and one that had met with no contemptible dangers under the reign of Caius; and some of them thought it reasonable that the consuls should take cognizance of these matters; and, as still more and more of the soldiery got together, the crowd about him ran away, and Claudius could hardly go on, his body was then so weak; and those who carried his sedan, upon an inquiry that was made about his being carried off, ran away and saved themselves, as despairing of their lord's pre- servation. But, when they were come into the large court of the palace (which, as the report goes about it, was inhabited first of all the parts of the city of Rome), and had just reached the public treasury, many njore sol- diers came about him, as glad to see Claudius's face, and thought it exceeding right to make him emperor on account of their kindness for Germanicus, who was his brother, and had left behind him a vast reputation among all that were acquainted with him. They ledected also on the col'etous temper of the leading men of the senate, and what great errors they had been guilty of when the senate had the + How Claudius, another son of Orusus, which l)ra- •us was the father of Germanicus, could be here himself called Germanicus, Suetonius informs us, when he assures us that, by a decree of the st-nate, the surname of Germanicus was bestowe i u^^on Driiius, and his poste- rity also.— In Claud, c L government formerly; they also considered the impossibility of such an undertaking, as also what dangers they should be in, if the government should come to a single person, and that such a one shouli possess it as they had no hand in advancing, and not to Clau- dius, who would take it as their grant, and as gained by their good-will to him, and would remember the favours they had done him, and would make them a sufficient recompense for the same. 3. These were the discourses the soldiers had one with another by themselves, and they communicated them to all such as came in to them. Now those that inquired about this matter, willingly embraced the invitation that was made them to join with the rest: so they carried Claudius into the camp, crowding about him as his guard, and encompassing him about, one chairman still succeeding another, that their vehement endeavours might not be hindered. But as to the populace and sena- tors, they disagreed in their opyiions. The latter were very desirous to recover their for- mer dignity, and were zealous to get clear of the slavery that had been brought on them by the injurious treatment of the tyrants, which the present opportunity afforded them; but for the people, who were envious against them, and knew that the emperors were capable of curbing their covetous temper, and were a refuge from them, they were very glad that Claudius had been seized upon, and brought to them, and thought, that if Clau- dius were made emperor, he would prevent a civil war, such as there was in the days of Pompey. But when the senate knew that Claudius was brought into the camp by the soldiers, they sent to him those of their body which had the best character for their virtues, that they might inform him that he ought tc do nothing by violence, in order to gain the government; that he who was a single person, one either already, or hereafter to be a mem- ber of their body, ought to yield to the senate, which consisted of so great a number; that he ought to let the law take place in the dis- posal of all that related to the public order, and to remember how greatly the former tyrants had afflicted their city, and what dangers both he and they had escaped under Caius; and that he ought not to hate the heavy bur- den of tyranny, when the injury is done by others, while he did himself wilfully treat his country after a mad arid insolent manner; that if he would comply with them, and demonstrate that his firm resolution was to live quietly and virtuously, he would have the greatest honours decreed to him that a free people could bestow; and by subjecting him- self to the law, would obtain this branch of commendation, that he acted like a man of virtue, both as a ruler and a subject; but that if he would act foolishly, and learn no wis- dom by Caius's death, they would not permit 624 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIX. him to go on ; that a great part of the army was got together for them, with plenty of weapons, and a great number of slaves, which they could make use of: that good hope was a great matter in such cases, as was also good fortune; and that the gods would never assist any others but those that undertook to act with virtue and goodness, who can be no other than such as fight for the liberty of their country. 4. Now the ambassadors, Veranius and Brocchus, who were both of them tribunes of the people, made this speech to Claudius; and, falling down upon their knees, they begged of him ' that he wouM not throw the city into wars and misfortunes; but when they saw what a multitude of soldiers encom- passed and guarded Claudius, and that the forces that were with the consuls were, in comparison of them, perfectly inconsiderable, they added, that if he did desire the govern- ment, he should accept of it as given by the senate; that he would prosper better, and be happier if he came to it, not by the injustice, but by the good- will of those that would bestow it upon him. CHAPTER IV. WHAT THINGS KING AGRIPPA DID FOR CLAU- DirJS; AND HOW CLAUDIUS, WHEN HE HAD TAKEN THE GOVERNMENT, COMMANDED THE MURDERERS OP CAIUS TO BE SLAIN. § 1. Now Claudius, though he was sensible after what an insolent manner the senate had sent to him, yet did he, according to their advice, behave himself for the present with moderation; but not so far that he could not recover himself out of his fright; so he was encouraged [to claim the government] partly by the boldness of the soldiers, and partly by the persuasion of king Agrippa, who exhorted him not to let such a dominion slip out of his bands, when it came thus to him of its own accord. Now this Agrippa, with relation to Caius, did what became one that had been so much honoured by him ; for he embraced Caius 's body after he was dead, and laid it upon a bed, and covered it as well as he could, and went out to the guards, and told them that Caius was still alive; but he said that they should call for physicians, since he was very ill of his wounds. But when he had learned that Claudius was carried away vio- lently by the soldiers, he rushed through the crowd to him, and when he found that he was in disorder, and ready to resign up the government to the senate, he encouraged him, and desired him to keep the government; but when he had said this to Claudius, he retired home. And, upon the senate's sending for hToi, be anointed his head with ointment, as if he had lately accompanied with his wife, and had dismissed her, and then came to them: he also asked of the senators what Claudius did; who told him the present state of affairs, and then asked his opinion about the settlement of the public. He told them in words, that he was ready to lose his life for the honour of the senate, but desired them to consider what was for their advantage, without any regard to what was most agree- able to them; for that those who grasp at government, will stand in need of weapons and soldiers to guard them, unless they will set up without any preparation for it, and so fail into danger. And when the senate replied, that they would bring in weapons in abun- dance, and money, and that as to an army, a part of it was already collected together for them, and they would raise a larger one by giving the slaves their liberty, — Agrippa made answer, "0 senators! may you be able to compass what you have a mind to; yet will I immediately tell you my thoughts, because they tend to your preservation. Take notice, then, that the army which will fight for Clau- dius hath been long exercised in w^arlike affairs; but our army will be no better than a rude multitude of raw men, and those such as have been unexpectedly made free from slavery, and ungovernable ; we must then fight against those that are skilful in war, with men who know not so much as how to draw their swords. So that my opinion is, I that we should send some persons to Clau- ! dius, to persuade him to lay down the govern- I ment; and I am ready to be one of your ; ambassadors." I 2. Upon this speech of Agrippa, the senate I complied with him, and he was sent among I others, and privately informed Claudius of the I disorder the senate was in, and gave him 1 instructions to answer them in a somewhat I commanding strain, and as one invested with j dignity and authority. Accordingly, Clau'Jius ' said to the ambassadors, that he did not wonder I the senate had no nund to have an emperor over them, because they had been harassed by the baTbarity of those that had formerly been at the head of their affairs; but that they should taste of an equitable government under him, ai>d moderate times, while he should only be their ruler in name, but the authority should be equally common to them all; and since he had passed through many and various scenes of life before their eyes, it would be good for them not to distrust him. So the ambassadors, upon their hearing ibis hia answer, were dismissed. But Claudius dis- coursed with the army which was there ga- thered together, who took oaths that they would persist in their fidelity to him; upon which he gave the guards every man five thoiifand* • This nunil)er of draolitnai to be distributed to each private soldier, liv<- tlioiisiiitd diuciuiia). eqtiui to twenty I tbouittiid motctct*. ur one Ijuiidrcd kud •)xty«one CHAPr I\, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 525 drachmae a-piece, ana a proportionable quan- tity to their captains, and promised to give the same to the rest of the armies whereso- ever they were. 3. Ajid now the cons«ls called the senate together, into the temple of Jupiter the Con- queror, while it was still night; but some of ttiose senators concealed themselves in the city, he'uig uncertain what to do, upon the hearing of this summons; and some of them went out of the city to their own farms, as foreseeing whither the public affairs were going, and despairing of liberty; nay, these supposed it much better for them to be slaves without danger to themselves, and to live a lazy and inactive life, than by claiming the dignity of their forefathers, to run the hazard of their own safety. However, a hundred, and no more, were gotten together; and as they were in consultation about the present posture of affairs, a sudden clamour was made by the soldiers that were on their side, desiring that the senate would choose them sin emperor, and not bring the government into ruin by setting up a multitude ofj rulers. So they fully declared themselves to | be for the giving the government not to all, but to one; but they gave the senate! leave to look out for a person worthy to be set over them, insomuch, that now the affairs of the senate were much worse than before; because they had not only failed in the reco- very of their liberty, which they boasted them- selves of, but were in dread of Claudius also. Yet there were those that hankered after the government, both on account of the dignity of their families, and that accruing to them by their marriages; for Marcus Minucianus was illustrious, both by his own nobility and by his having naarried Julia, the sister of Caius, who accordingly was very ready to claim the government, although the consuls discouraged him, and made one delay after another in proposing it: that Minucianus also, who was one of Caius's murderers, restrained Valerius of Asia from thinking of such things; and a prodigious slaughter there had been, if leave had been given to these men to set up for themselves, and oppose Claudius. There were also a considerable number of gladiators besides, and of those soldiers who kept watch by night in the city, and rowers of ships, who ill ran into the camp; insomuch, that of those who put in for the government, some left off their pretensions, in order to spare the city, and others out of fear for their own persons. 4. But as soon as ever it was day, Cherea, and those that were with him, came into the senate, and attempted to make speeches to the ponnds sterlinsr, seems much too large, and diredly con- tradicts Suetonius, ch. x. who makes them in all but fif- teen sesterces, or two shillings and fourpence. Yet might Jvispphus have this numl)er from Aijrippa. junior, though I doubt tlie thousands, nr at least ttie hundreds, have been added by the transcribers; of which w« hav« had ■everal examples already iu Jusephus. soldiers. However, the multitude of tliose soldiers, when they saw that they were makii.j^ signals for silence with their hands, a.iJ were ready to begin to speak to them, grew tumultuous, and would not let them speak at all, because they were all zealous to be under a monarchy; and they demanded of the senate one for their ruler, as not enduring an) longer delays. But the senate hesitated about either their own governing, or how they should themselVes be governed, while the soldiers would not admit them to govern; and the murderers of Caius would not permit the sol- diers to dictate to them. When they were in these circumstances, Cherea was not able to contain the anger he had, and promised, that if they de^red an emperor, he would give them one, if any one would bring him the watch-word from Eutychus. Now, this Euty- chus was charioteer of the green-band faction, styled Prasine, and a great friend of Caius, I who used to harass the soldiery with building ; stables for the horses, and spent his time ^ in ignominious labours, which occasioned j Cherea to reproach them with him, and to 1 abuse them with much other scurrilous lan- guage; and told them he would bring them ! the head of Claudius; and that it was an amazing thing that, after their former mad- ness, they should commit their government to ' a fool. Yet were not they moved with his j words, but drew their swords, and took up their ensigns, and went to Claudius, to join ! in taking the oath of fidelity to him. So the I senate were left without any body to defend them; and the very consuls differed nothing from private persons. They were also under consternation and sorrow, men not knowing what would become of them, because Clau- dius was very angry at them; so they fell a reproaching one another, and repented of what they had done. At which juncture Sabinus, one of Caius's tnurderers, threatened that he would sooner come into the midst of them and kill himself, than consent to make Claudius emperor, and see slavery returning upon them; he also abused Cherea for loving his life too well, while he who was the first in his contempt of Caius, could think it a good thing to live, when, even by all that they had done for the recovery of their liberty, they had found it impossible to do it. But Cherea said he had no manner of doubt upon I him about killing himself; yet he would first sound the intentions of Claudius before he did it. 5. These were the debates [about the senate]; but in the camp every body was crowding on all sides to pay their court to Claudius; and the other consul, Quintus Pomponius, was reproached by the soldiery as having rather exhorted the senate to recover their liberty ; whereupon they drew their swords, and were going to assault him, and they had done it if Claudius had not hindered tbem^ 526 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIX. who sratclied the consul out of the danger he was in, and set him by him. But he did not receive that part of the senate which was with Quintus in the like honourable manner; nay, some of them received blows, and were thrust away as they came to salute Claudius; nay, Aponius went away wounded, and they were all in danger. However, king Agrippa went up to Claudius, and desired he would treat the senators more gently; for if any mischief should come to the senate, he would have no others over whom to rule. Claudius com- plied with him, and called the senate together into the palace, and was carried thither himself through the city, while the soldiery conducted him, though this was to the great vexation of the multitude; for Cherea and Sabinus, two of Caius's murderers, went in the fore-front of them, in an open maimer, while Pollio, whom Claudius a little before, had made captain of his guards, had sent them an epistolary edict, to forbid them to appear in public. Then did Claudius, upon his com- ing to the palace, get his friends together, and desired their suffrages about Cherea. They said that the work he had done was a glorious one; but they accused him that he did it of perfidiousness, and thought it just to inflict the punishment [of death] upon him, to discountenance such actions for the time to come. So Cherea was led to his execu- tion, and Lupus and many other Romans with him. Now it is reported that Cherea bore his calamity courageously; and this not only by the firmness of his own behaviour under it, but by the reproaches he laid upon Lupus, who fell into tears ; for when Lupus had laid his garment aside, and complained of the cold,* he said, that cold was never hurtful to Lupus [i. e. a wolf]. And as a great many men went along with them to see the sight, when Cherea came to the place, he asked the soldier who was to be their execu- tioner, whether this office was what he was used to, or whether this was the first time of his using his sword in that manner; and desired him to bring him that very sword with which he himself slew Caius. So he was happily killed at one stroke. But Lupus did not meet with sudi good fortune in going out of the world, since he was timorous, and had many blows levelled ^at his neck, because he did not stretch it out boldly [as he ougiit to have done]. b. Now a few days after this, as the Paren- tal Solemnities were just at hand, the Roman multitude made their usual oblations to their several ghosts, and put portions into the fire in honour of Cherea, and besought him to be merciful to them, and not continue his • Th{§ ptercinf; cold here complained of by Lupus, •gTw well to the time of the year when Clau<liu8 be^an hii reiguj it bein^ for certain about the months ol Novenib«»r, Dectmber, or January, and most probubly a" few days after January the twenty-fourth, and a few 4ayt \»»i»n tb« Komaa Pareatalia. anger against them for their ingratitude. And this was the end of the fife that Cherea came to. But for Sabinus, although Claudius not only set him at liberty, but gave him leave to retain his former couimaiid in the army, yet did he think it would be unjust in him to fail of performing his obligations to his tellow- confederates; so he fell upon his sword, anil killed himself, the wound reaching up to the very hilt of the sword.| CHAPTER V. how claudius restored to agrippa his grandfather's kingdoms, augmented his dominions; and how he published an edict in behalf of the jews. § 1. Now, when Claudius had taken out of the way all those soldiers whom he suspected^ which he did immediately, he published an edict, and therein confirmed that kingdom to Agrippa, which Caius had given him, and therein commended the king highly. He also made an addition to it of all that country over which Herod, who was his grandfather, had reigned, that is, Judea and Samaria; and this he restored to him as due to his family. But for Abila| of Lysauias, and all that lay at Mount Libanus, he bestowed them upon him, as out of his own territories. He also + It is both here and elsewhere very remarkable, that the murderers of the vilest tyrants, wbo'yel hi^'hly de- served to die, when the murderers were under oailis, or other tlie like obligations of fidelity lo them, were usu- ally revenged, and the murderers v.rere cut otf them- selves, and that after a reuiarkabie manner; and this sometimes, as in the present case, by those very person* who were not sorry for such murders, but aol kingdoms by them. 'I'he examples are very numerous, both in sacred and prufajie histories, and seem generally ind, ca- tions of divine vengeance on s»»cii iiiurdert-rs. hm is it unworthy of remark, that such murderers of t>rani» do it usually on such ill principles, in such a cruei man- ner, and as read) to involve tlie innocent with IDe gnilly, which was the case here (chap. i. Sect. I4,and chap. ii. aect. 4). as jnsil> deserved tbe divine vengeance upoa them. VV hieh seems to have been the ca.se ot Jehu also, when, besides the house of A hub, for whose slaughter he hud a commission from God, without any such commi.ssion, any justice or coinroiseration, he killtd Allah's great nien, and acquaintance, and priests, and fiirly-two ol the Kindred of Ahaziah, U Kings x. il — 14. ^ee Hos, i, 4 I do not mean here to condmiu I' hud or .hidiih, or the like executioners of God's ven- geance on those wicked tyrants who had unjustly op- pre.ssed God's own people under their theocracy; who as tht-y appear still to have had no seltish designs not iuteutions to slay the innocent, so had they still a divine commission, or a divine impulse, which was theik curuuiission, for what they did. Judges iii. 16, if), UOt Judith ix. U; Test. Levi, sect S, in Authent. Rec. p. 3ii. See also page 432. I Here St. laike is in some measure conflrmed, when he informs us, ch. iiL 1, that Lysanias was some time before tetrarch of Abilene, whose capital was Ahila; as he is farther contirmed by I'tolemy, the great geograjj.hcr, which Spanheim here observes, when Ite calls that city ^bila of Lysanias See the note on b. xvii ch. xl sett. 4; and I'rid. at the years thirty-six and twenty -two^ 1 esteem this priiieiptrtit> lo have tielonged to the lai.vl of Canaan on inally. to have been the liurying-place of Abel, ttnd reieii«<l to as such, iMaii. xxiii Sui Lull* si. 61- tt«« AuitieuL Keo. part u. p. OKI— ottft. CHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 527 made a league with this Agrippa, confirmed by oaths, in the middle of the forum, in the city of Rome: he also took away from Antio- chu3 that kingdom which he was possessed of, but gave him a certain part of Cilicia and Commagena: he also set Alexander Lysima- chuiv the alaharch, at liberty, who had been his old friend, and steward to his mother Antonia, but had been imprisoned by Caius, whose son [Marcus] married Bernice, the daughter of Agrippa. But when Marcus, Alexander's son, was dead, who had married her when she was a virgin, Agrippa gave her in marriage to his brother Herod, and begged for him of Claudius the kingdom of Chalcis, 2. Now, about this time there was a sedi- tion between the Jews* and the Greeks, at the city of Alexandria; for, when Caius was dead, the nation of the Jews, which had been very much mortified under the reign of Caius, and reduced to very great distress by the people of Alexandria, recovered itself, and immediately took up their arms to fight for themselves. So Claudius sent an order to the president of Egypt, to quiet that tumult; he also sent an edict, at the request of king Agrippa and king Herod, both to Alexandria and to Syria, whose contents were as follows: " Tiberius Claudius Ciesar Augustus Ger- niHiiicus, high-priest, and tribune of the peo- ple, ordains thus: — Since 1 am assured that the Jews of Alexandria, called Alexandrians, ha ve been joint inhabitants in the «»arIieot times with the Alexandrians, and huve obtained from their kings equril privileges with them, as is evident by the public records that are in their possession, and the edicts themselves; and that after Alexandria had been subjected t«) our empire by Augustus, their rights and privileges have been preserved by those presi- dents who have at divers times been sent thither; and that no dispute had been raised about thqpe rights and privileges, even when Aquila was governor of Alexandria; and that when the Jewish ethnarch was dead, Aui^ustus did not prohibit the making such ethnarchs, as willing that all men should be so subject [to the Romans] as to continue in the observation of their own customs, and not be forced to transgress the ancient rules of their own country religion; but that, in the time of Caius, the Alexandrians became insolent toward the Jews that were among theui, which Caius, out of his great madness, ana want of understanding, reduced the nation of the Jews very low, because they would not transgress the religious worship of their country, and call him a god : I will, therefore, that the nation of the Jews be not deprived of •their rij^hts and privileges, on account of the uijulness of Caius; but that those rights and privileges, which they formerly enjoyed, be presiTved tx) them, and that they may continue in meir own customs. And I charge both parties to tako very great cart? that no troubles may arise after the promulgation of this edict." 3. And such were the contents of this edict on behalf of the Jews, that was sent to Alexan- dria. But the edict that was sent into the other parts of the habitable earth was this which fol- lows: — "Tiberius Claudius Ciesar Augustus Germanicus, high-priest, tribune of the people, chosen consul the second time, ordains thus: — Upon the petition of kinpf Agrippa and king Herod, who are persons very dear to me, that I would grant the same rights and privileges should be preserved to the Jews which are in all the Roman empire, which I have granted to those of Alexandria, I very willingly comply therewith ; and this grant I make not only for the sake of the petitioners, but as judging those Jews for whom I have been petitioned worthy of such a favour, on account of their fidelity and friendship to the Romans. I think it also very just that no Grecian city should be deprived of such rights and privileges, since they were preserved to them under the great Augustus. It will therefore be fit to permit the Jews, who are in all the world under us, to keep their ancient customs without being hindered so to do. And I do charge them also to use this my kindness to them with modera- tion, and not to show a contempt of the superstitious observances of other nations, but to keep their own laws only. And 1 will that this decree of mine be engraven on tables by the magistrates of the cities and coloiiies, and municipal places, both th<»se within Italy and those without it, both kings ami guvera- ors, by the means of the ambussatiors, ami to have them exposed to the public for fuli ihii t} days, in such a place, whence it may j/laii.ly be read from the ground."* . CHAPTER VI. WHAT THINGS WERE DONE BY AOUU'i'A AT JERUSALEM WHEN HE WAS KEiXKMD BACK INTO JUDEA; AND WHAT IT VV AS THAT PETKONIUS WROTE TO THK INHABIT- ANTS OF DORIS, IN BEHALF UF THE JEWS § 1. Now Claudius Ciesar, by these decrees of his which were sent to Alexandria and to all the habitable earth, made kuown what opinion he had of the Jews. So he soon sent Agrippa away to take his kingdom, now he was advanced to a more illustrious dignity than before, and sent letters to the presidents and procurators of the provinces, that they should treat him very kindly. Accordii'gly he returned in haste, as was likely he would, • This form was so known and frequent among the Romans, as i>r. Hu<ison here tells ui trom the great SeU ilen. that it used to be thus represented at ti:e liXtom of their edicts by the initial letters omw, U 1) P. R. L.H, Uiide l>e Piano Rede Le^e t'ussit: ^ Wbeuct; it luay ^ plainly read trum the ^ruuu<} " 528 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIX. tow he returned in much greater prosperity [ than he had before. He also came to Jeru- J salem, and offered all the sacrifices that be- longed to him, and omitted nothing which the law required ;* on which account he ordained that many of the Nazarites should have their heads shorn. And for the golden chain which had been given him by Caius, of equal weight with that iron chain wherewith his royal hands had been bound, he hung it up within the limits of the temple, over the treasury,! that it might be a memorial of the severe fate he had lain under, and a testimony of his change for the better; that it might be a demonstration how the greatest prosperity may have a fall, and that God sometimes raises what is fallen down: for this chain thus dedicated, afforded a document to all men, that king Agrippa had been- once bound in a chain for a small cause, but recovered his former dignity again; and a little whi.le afterwards got out of his bonds, and was ad- vanced to be a more illustrious king than he was before. Whence men may understand, that all that partake of human nature, how great soever they are, may fall; and that those that fall may gain their former illustrious dignity again. 2. And when Agrippa had entirely fin- ished all the duties of the divine worship, he removed Theophilus, the son of Ananus, from the high-priesthood, and bestowed that honour of his on Simon the son of Boethus, ; whose name was also Cantheras, whose daugh- 1 ter king Herod had married, as I have related above. Simon, therefore, had the [high]- 1 priesthood with his brethren, and with his fa- ther, in like manner as the sons of Simon, the son of Onias, who were three, had it for- merly under the government of the Macedo- nians, as we have related in a former book. 3. When the king had settled the high- priesthood after this manner, he returned the kindness which the inhabitants of Jerusalem had shown him; for he released them from the tax upon houses, every one of whom paid It before, thinking it a good thing to requite the tender affection of those that loved him. He also made Silas the general of his forces, as a man who had partaken with him in many of his troubles. But after a very little while the young men of Doris, preferring a rash at- tempt before piety, and being naturally bold ♦ Josephus shows, both here and ch. vii. sect 3, that he hod a much greater opinion of kin^ Agrippa I. than Simon the learned rubbi, than the people of Cesarea and Sebaste, ch. vii. sect. 4, and chap. ix. sect. 1 ; and indeed than his double-dealing between the senate and Claudius, chap. iv. sect 2, than his slaughter of James, tlie brother of John, and his imprisonment of Peter, or his vainglorious behaviour before he died, both in Acts xii. 1,2,3; and here, chap. iv. sect. 1, will justify or allow. Jo8ephus*8 character was probably taken from his son Agrip)ia, junior. + This treasury'Chamher seems to have been th? very •ame in which our Saviour taurht. and whe-re the peo- ple oflered tlieir charity motiey. for the repairs or othel OSes of the teinplr. Mark xii -iJ, Oie..( i.uke xxii. 1{ and insolent, carried a statue of C<Esar into a synagogue of the Jews, and erected it there This procedure of theirs greatly provoked Agrippa; for it plainly tended to the dissolu- tion of the laws of his country. So he came without delay to Publius Petronius, who was ' then president of Syria, and accused the peo- ple of Doris. Nor did he less resent what was done than did Agrippa; for he judged it a piece of impiety to transgress the laws that regulate the actions of men. So he wrote the following letter to the people of Doris in an angry strain : — " Publius Petroniu-s, the president under Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, to the magistrates ol Doris, ordains as follows: since some of you have had the boldnefs, or madness rather, after the edict of Claudius Cwsar Augustus Germanicus was published, for permitting the Jews to observe the laws of their country, not to obey the same, but have acted in entire opposition thereto,- as forbidding the Jews to assemble together in the synagogue, by removing Ciesar's statue, and setting it up therein, and thereby have offended not only the Jews, but the emperor himself, whose statue is more commodiously placed in his own temple than in a foreign one, where is the place of assembling together; while it is but a part of natural justice, that every one should have the power over the place belong- ing peculiarly to themselves, according to the determination of Caesar, — to say nothing of my own determination, which it would be •■'diculous to mention after the emperor's edict, which gives the Jews leave to make use of their own customs, as also gives order that they enjoy equally the rights of citizens with the Greeks themselves, — I therefore ordain, that Proculus Vitellius, the centurion, bring those men to me, who, contrary to Au- gustus's edict, have been so insolent as to do this thing, at which those very^men wiio appear to be of principal reputation anioiig them, have an indignation also, and allege for themselves, that it was not done with their consent, but by the violence of the mul- titude, that they may give an account of what hath been done. I also exhort the principal magistrates among them, uidess they have a mind to have this action esteemed to be done with their consent, to inform the centurion of those that were guilty of it, and take care that i no handle be hence taken for raising a sedi- | tion or quarrel among them; which those | seem to me to hunt after, who encourage i such doings; while both 1 myself, and kintr Agrippa, for whom I have the highest htv nour, have nothing more under our care than that the nation of the Jews may have no oc-- casion given them of getting together, undei the pretence of avenging themselves, and be- come tinniiltuods. And that it may be more publicly known wlifii Augustus hath resolved J Vibout this whole niMtttr. I have su'ojuii'pd | CHAP. VII. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 529 those edicts which he hath lately caused to be published at Alexandria, and which, although they may be well known to all, yet did king Agrippa, for whom I have the highest honour, rjad them at that time before my tribunal, and pleaded that the Jews ought not to be deprived of those rights which Augustus hath granted them. I therefore charge you, that you do not, for the time to come, seek for any occasion of sedition or disturbance, but' that every one be allowed to follow their own religious customs." 4. Thus did Petronius take care of this matter, that such a breach of the law might be corrected, and that no such thing might be attempted afterwards against the Jews. And now king Agrippa took the [high] priesthood away from Simon Cantheras, and put Jonathan, the son of Ananus, into it again, and owmed that he was more worthy of that dignity than the other. But this was not a thing acceptable to him, to recover that his former dignity. So he refused it, and said, " O king! I rejoice in the honour that thou hast for me, and take it kindly that thou wouldst give me such a dignity of thy own inclinations, although God hath judged that I am not at all worthy of the high-priesthood. I am satisfied with having once put on the sacred garments; for I then put them on after a more holy manner than I should now receive them again. But, if thou desirest that a person more worthy than myself should have this honourable employment, give me leave to name thee such a one. I have a brother that is pure from all sin against God, and of all offences against thyself; I recom- mend him to thee, as one that is fit for this dignity." So the king was pleased with these words of his, and passed by Jonathan, and, according to his brother's desire, bestowed the high-priesthood upon INIatthias. Nor was it long before Marcus succeeded Petronius, as president of Syria. CHAPTER VIL CONCERNING SILAS, — AND ON WHAT ACCOUNT IT WAS IHAT KING AGRIPPA WAS ANGRY AT HIM. HOW AGRIPPA BEGAN TO ENCOM- PASS JERUSALEM WITH A WALL; AND WHAT BENEFITS HE BESTOWED ON THE INHABITANTS OF BEBYTUS. § 1. Now Silas, the general of the king's horse, because he had been faithful to him under all his misfortunes, and had never refused to be a partaker with him in any of his dan- gers, but had oftentimes undergone the most hazardous dangers for him, was full of assu- rance, and thought he might expect a sort of equality with the king, on account of the firm- ness of the friendship he had shown to him. Accordingly, he wt>uld nowhere let the king sit as his superior, and took the like liberty in speaking to him upon all occasions, till he became troublesome to the king, when ih'^y were merry together, extolling himself btyond measure, and oft putting the king in mini of the severity of fortune he had undergone, that he might, by way of ostentation, demon- strate what zeal he had shown in his service; and was continually harping upon this string, what pains he had taken for him, and much enlarged still upon that subject. The repe- tition of this so frequently seemed to reproach the king, insomuch that he took this ungo- vernable liberty of talking very ill at his hands. For the commemoration of times, when men have been under ignominy, is by no means agreeable to them; and he is a very silly man, who is perpetually relating to a person what kindness he had done him. At last, therefore, Silas had so tho- roughly provoked the king's indignation, that he acted rather out of passion than good consideration, and did not only turn Silas out of his place, as general of his horse, but sent him in bonds into his own country. But the edge of his anger wore off by length of time, and made room for more just rea- sonings as to his judgment about this man; and he considered how many labours he had undergone for his sake. So when Agrippa was solemnizing his biwh-day, and he gave festival entertainments to all his subjects, he sent for Silas on the sudden to be his guest. But, as he was a very frank man, he thought he had now a just handle given him to be angry; which he could not conceal from those that came for him, but said to them, " What honour is this the king invites me to, which I conclude \rill soon be over? For the king hath not let me keep those oji- ginal marks of the good-will I bore him, which I once had from him; but he hath plundered me, and that unjustly also. Does he think that I can leave off that liberty of speech, which, upon the consciousness of my deserts, I shall use more loudly than before, and shall relate how many misfortunes I have delivered him from? how many labours I have undergone for him, whereby I procured him deliverance and respect? as a reward for which I have borne the hardships of bonds and a dark prison! I shall never forget this usage. Nay, perhaps, my very soul, when it is departed out of the body, will not forget the glorious actions I did on his account." This was the clamour he made; and he ordered the messengers to tell it to the king. So he perceived that Silas was incurable in his folly, and still suffered him to lie in prison. 2. As for the walls of Jerusalem, that were adjoining to the new city [Bezetha], he repaired them at the expense of the public, and built them wider in breadth and higher in *4L 630 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK XIX. altitude; and he had madei^hem too strong for all human power to demolish, unless Marcus, the then president of Syria, had by letter informed Claudius Caesar of what he was doing. And when Claudius had some suspi- cion of attempts for innovation, he sent to Agrippa to leave off the building of those walls presently. So he obeyed, as not think- ing it proper to contradict Claudius. 3. Now, this king was by nature very beneficent, and liberal in his gifts, and very ambitious to oblige people with such large do- nations; and he made himself very illustrious by the many chargeable presents he made them. He took delight in giving, and re- joiced in living with good reputation. He was not at all like that Herod who reigned before him; for that Herod was ill-natured, and severe in his punishments, and had no mercy on them that he hated; and every one perceived that he was more friendly to the Greeks than to the Jews; for he adorned foreign cities with large presents in money; with building them baths and theatres besides; nay, in some of those places, he erected tem- ples, and porticoes in others; but he did not vouchsafe to raise one of the least edifices in any Jewish city, or make them any donation that was worth mentioning. But Agrippa's temper was mild, and equally liberal to all men. He was humane to foreigners, and made them sensible^" his liberality. He was in like manner rather of a gentie and compas- sionate temper. Accordingly, he loved to live continually at Jerusalem, and was exactly careful in the observance of the laws of his country. He therefore kept himself en- tirely pure: nor did any day pass over his head without its appointed sacrifice. 4. However, there was a certain man of the Jewish nation at Jerusalem, who appeared to be very accurate in the knowledge of the law. His name was Simon. This man got together an assembly, while the king was absent at Cesarea, and had the insolence to accuse him as not living holily, and that he might justly be excluded out of the temple, since it belonged only to native Jews. But the general of Agrippa's army informed him, that Simon had made such a speech to the people. So the king sent for him ; and, as he was then sitting in the theatre, he bade him sit down by him, and said to him with a low and gentle voice, — " What is there done in this place that is contrary to the law?" But he had nothing to say for himself, but begged his pardon. So the king was more easily reconciled to him than one could have ima- gined, as esteeming mildness a better quality in a king than anger; and knowing that mode- /ation is more becoming in great men than passion. So he made Simon a small present, and dismissed him. A. Now, as Agrippa was a great builder in many places, he paid a peculiar regard to the people of Berytus : for he erected a theatre for them, superior to many others of that sort, both in sumptuousness and elegance, as also an amphitheatre, built at vast expenses; and besides these, he built them baths and porti- coes, and spared for ao costs in any of his edifices, to render them both handsome and large. He also spent a great deal upon their dedication, and exhibited shows upon them, and brought thither musicians of all sorts, and such as made the most delightful music of the greatest variety. He also showed his magnificence upon the theatre, in bis great number of gladiators; and there it was that he exhibited the several antagonists, in order to please the spectators; no fewer indeed than seven hundred men to fight with seven hun- dred other men ;* and allotted all the male- factors he had for this exercise, that both the malefactors might receive their punishment, and that this operation of war might be a recreation in peace. And thus were these criminals all destroyed at once^^ CHAPTER VIII. WHAT OTHER ACTS WERE DONE BY AGRIPPA UNTIL HIS DEATH; AND AFTER WHAT MANNER HE DIED. § 1. When Agrippa had finished what I have above related at Berytus, he removed to Ti- berias, a city of Galilee. Now he was in great esteem among other kings. Accordingly, there came to him Antiochus, king of Coai- magena, Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa, and Cotys, who was king of the Lesser Armenia, and Polemo, who was king of Pontus, as also Herod his brother, who was king of Chalcis. All these he treated with agreeable entertainments, and after an obliging manner, and so as to exhibit the greatness of his mind, — and so as to appear worthy of those respects which the kings paid to him, by coming thus to see him. However, while these kings staid with him, Marcus, the president of Syria, came thither. So the king, in order to pre- serve the respect that was due to the Romans, went out of the city to meet him, as far as seven furlongs. But this proved to be the beginning of a difference between him and Marcus; for he took with him in his chariot those other kings as his assessors. But Mar- cus had a suspicion what the meaning could be of so great a friendship of these kings one with another, and did not think so close an agreement of so many potentates to be for the interest of the Romans. He therefore sent some of his domestics to every one of them, and enjoined them to go their ways home t • A Ktranf^p number of coudc^miied criminals to bfl under ttciiteiice ol deatb at ooce; no fewer, it Kietnt lliuii 1-UK). CHAP. VIII, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 531 without further delay. THis was very ill taken by Agrippa, who after that became his enemy. And now he took the high-priest- bood away from Matthias, and made Elio- Beus, the son of Cantheras, high-priest in his stead. 2. Now, when Agrippa had reigned three years over ail Judea, he came to the city Cesarea, which was formerly called Strato's Tower; and there he exhibited shows in honour of Cassar, upon his being informed that there was a certain festival celebrated to make vows for his safety. At which festival, a great multitude was gotten tc^ether of the prin- cipal persons, and such as were of dignity through his province. On the second day of which shows he put on a garment made wholly of silver, and of a contexture truly wonderful, and came into the theatre early in the morning; at which time the silver of his garment being illuminated by the fresh reflec- tion of the sun's raya upon it, shone out after a surprising manner, and was so resplendent as to spread a horror over those that looked intently upon him: and presently his flatterers cried out, one from one place, and another from another (though not for his good), that he was a god: and they added, "Be thou merciful to us; for although we have hitherto reverenced thee only as a man, yet shall we henceforth own thee as superior to mortal nature." Upon this the king did neither rebuke them, nor rgect their impious flattery. But, as he presently afterwards looked up, he saw an owl* sitting on a certain rope over his head, and immediately understood that this • We have a mighty cry made here by some critics, as if the pfreat Eusebius had on purpose fialsified this account of Josephus, so as to make it agree with tlie parallel account in the Acts of the Apostles; because the present copies of his citation of it, Hist. Eccles. b. ii. ch. x. omit the words fitpSSvm — in fxoitiw riwat^ i.e. an owl — on a certain riype, which Josephus's present copies retain, and only have the explicatory word ityytKo», or angel i as if he meant that augel of the Lord which St Luke men- tions as smiting Herod, Acts xii. 23, and not tliat owl which Josephus called an angel or miissesiQer,/ortneriy of ^o'd. but noTV of bad news to Agrippa. 'Ihis accusation Is a somewhat strani^e one iu the case of the great Euse- bius. who is known to have so accurately and faithtully firodwced a vast numberofotlwr ancient records, particu- arly not a few out of our Josephus also, without suspi- cion of prevarication. Now, not to allege how uncertain we are whether Josephus's and Eusebiys's copies of the f.>urth century were just like the present in this clause, which we have no distinct evidence of, the following words, preserved still in Eusebius, will not admit of any euch exposition: "This [bird] (says Eusebius) Aurippa presently perceived to be the cause ot ill fortune, as it was once of good foitune. to him;" which can only belong to that bird, the ottU. which as it had formerly foreboded his liappy deliverance from imprisonment. Ant. b.xviii.c.vi. 6 7. so was it thf n foretold to prove afterward the unhappy forerunner of his death in five days' time. If the impro- per words signifying cause, be changed for Josephus's proper word cyy.kDv, amjel or messenger, &i\A tl)e Jore- goiiig words. ^oSiitm — i<r< ^x"'*"*^ r/»«f, be inserted, F.nsehius's text will truly represent that in Josephus Had this iniperfection been in some heathen author that was in good esteem with our modern critics, they would h.ive readily corrected these as barely errorsin the copies; > but being in an ancient Christian writer, not so well re- ii«hed by many of those critics, nothing will .«erve but the ttt'^rouDded sui)po8ai ol tvtljul conupliun and prevari- bird was the messenger of ill tidings, as it had once been the messenger of good tidings to him; and fell into the deepest sorrow. A severe pain also arose in his belly, and began in a most violent manner. He therefore looked upon his friends, and said, " I, whom you call a god, am commanded presently to depart this Ufe; while Providence thus reproves the lying words you just now said to me; and I, who was by you called immortal, am immediately to be hurried away by death. But I am boun«l to accept of what Providence allots, as it pleases God; for we have by no means lived ill, but i:i a splendid and happy manner." When he said this, his pain was become violent. Accor- dingly he was carried into the palace; and the rumour went abroad everywhere, that he would certainly die in a little time. But the multitude presently sat in sackcloth, with their wives and children, after the law of their country, and besought God for the king's recovery. All places were also full of mourn- ing and lamentation. Now the king rested in a high chamber, and as he saw them below- lying prostrate on the ground, he could not himself forbear weeping. And when he had been quite worn out by the pain in his belly for five days, he departed this life, being in the fifty-fourth year of his age, and in the seventh year of his reign; for he reigned four years under Caius Caesar, three of them were over Philip's tetrarchy only, and on the fourth he had that of Herod added to it; and he reigned, besides those, three years under the reign of Claudius Csesar: in which time he reigned over the forementioned countries, and also had Judea added to them, as also Samaria and Cesarea. The revenues that he received out of them were very great, no less than twelve millions of drachmae.f Yet did he bor- row great sums from others; for he was so very liberal, that his expenses exceeded his incomes; and his generosity was boundless. J 3. But before the multitude were made acquainted with Agrippa's being expired, Herod the king of Chalds, and Helcias the master of his horse, and the king's friend, sent Aristo, one of the king's most faithful servants, and slew Silas, who had been their enemy, as if it had been done by the king's own command. + This sum of twelve millions of drachmas, which is equal to three millions of shekels, t.e. at 2s. lOd a shekel, equal to tour liundred and tweoty-flve thousand pounds sterling, was Agrippa the Great's yearly income, or about three quarters of bis grandfather Herod's income, he having abated the tax upon bouses at Jerusalem, cb. vi. sect. 3; and was not so tyrannical as Herod bad been to the Jews See the note on Antiq.b.xvii.ch. xi. sect4 A large sum this '. but uot, it seems, sufficient for bis ex» travagant expenses. i Keiafld takes notice here, not iioproperly. that Jose- phus omits the reconciliation of this Herod Agrippa, to the I'yrians and Sidonians, by the means of Blastus, the king's chamberlain, mentioned Acts xM. 20. Nor U there any history in the world so complete, as lo omi nothing that other historians take notice of. unless th one be taken out of the other, and accommodated to it. 533 ANTIQU/TIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XIX, CHAPTER IX. T< :f AT THINGS WERE DONE AFTER THE DEATH or agrippa; and how claudlus, on ACCOUNT OF THE YOUTH AND UNSKILFUL:- NESS OF AGRIPPA, JUNIOR, SENT CUSPIUS FADUS to BE PROCURATOR OF JUDEA, AND OF THE ENTIRE KINGDOM. § 1. And thus did king Agrippa depart this I 2. Now Agrippa, the son of the deceased, I was at Rome, and brought up with Glaudiud ' Caesar. And when Caesar was informed that Agrippa was dead, and that the inhabitants of Sebaste and Cesarea had abused him, he was sorry for the first news, and was dis- ; pleased with the ingratitude of those cities. He was therefore disposed to send Agrippa, junior, away presently to succeed his father in. the kingdom, and was willing to confirm hinv in it by his oath. But those freemen and life. But he left behind him a son, Agrippa I fi-iends of his who had the greatest authority by name, a youth in the seventeenth year of' with him, dissuaded him from it, and said his age, and three daughters, one of whom, Bernice, was married to Herod, his tkther's brother, and was sixteen years old; the other two, Mariamne and Drusilla, were still virgins; the former was ten years old, and Drusilla six. Now these his daughters were thus espoused by their father; Mariamne to Julius Archelaus Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus, the ;son of Chelcias; and Drusilla to the king of Commagena. But when it was known that Agrippa was departed this life, tlie inhabitants of Cesarea and of Sebaste for- got the kindnesses he had bestowed on them, and acted the part of the bitterest enemies; that it was a dangerous experiment to permit so large a kingdom to come under the go- vernment of so very young a man, and one hardly yet arrived at the years of discretion, who would not be able to take suflicient care of its administration; while the weight of a kingdom is heavy enough to a grown man. So Caesar thought what they said to be rea- sonable. — Accordingly, he sent Cuspiiis Fadu» to be procurator of Judea, and of the entire kingdom, and paid that respect to the de- ceased as not to introduce Marcus, who harT been at variance with him, into his kingdoni. But he determined, in the first place, to send for they cast such reproaches upon the de- orders to Fadus, that he should chastise the ceased as are not fit to be spoken of: and so inhabitants of Cesarea and Sebaste for those many of them as were then soldiers, which | abusA they had offered to him that was de- were a great number, went to his house, and j ceased, and their madness towards his daugh- hastily carried off the statues* of this king's i ters that were still alive; and that he should daughters, and all at once carried them into -remove that body of soldiers that were at Ce- the brothel-houses, and when they had set sarea and Sebaste, with the five regiments, thenj on the tops of those houses, they abused I into Pontus, that they might do their military them to the utmost of their power, and did [ duty there, and that he should choose an equaf such things to them as are too indecent to be ^ number of soldiers out of the Roman legions related. They also laid themselves down in public places, and celebrated general feast- ings, with garlands on their heads, and with ointments and libations to Charon, and drink- ing to one another for joy that the king was expired. Nay, they were not only un- minciful of Agrippa, who had extended his liberality to them in abundance, but of his grandfather Herod also, who had himself re- built their cities, and had raised them havens and temples at vast expenses. « Pbotius, who made an extract out of this section, says, tliey were not the jtatues or images, but the ladies th')mM>lves w^o were thus basely abused by the toUuin. < \ OOTVITili. that were in Syria, to supply their place. Yet were not those that had such orders actually removed; for by sending ambassadors to Claudius, they mollified him, and got leave to abide in Judea still; and these were the very men that became the source of very great calamities to the Jews in after-times, and sowed the seeds of that war which begau under Florus; whence it was that, when Ves- pasian had subdued the country, he removed them out of his province, as we shall relate hereafter.f f This hlttorv is now wantiof^ 533 BOOK XX. CONTAININa THE INTERVAL OP TWENTY-TWO YEARS. FROM FADUS THE PROCURATOR TO FLORUS. CHAPTER I. h XTWri^a OF THE PHILADELPHIANS AGAINST viiE jews; and also concerning the ^UiilMENTS OF THE HIGH-PRIEST. § 1. Upon the death of king Agrippa, whicli we have related in the foregoing book, Clau- dius Cifisar sent Cassius Longinus as succes- sor to Alircus, out of regard to the memory of king Agrippa, who had often desired of him by letters, while he was alive, that he would not suffer Marcus to be any longer president of Syria. But Fadus, as soon as he was come procurator into Judea, found quarrelsome doings between the Jews that dwelt in Perea and the people of Philadel- phia, about their borders, at a village called Mia, that was filled with men of a warlike temper; for the Jews of Perea had taken up arms without the consent of their principal men, and had destroyed many of the Phila- delphians. When Fadus was informed of this procedure, it provoked hia\ very much that they had not left the determination of the matter to him, if they thought that the Philadelphians had done them any wrong, but had rashly taken uj) arms against them. So he seized upon throo of their principal men, who were also the cause of tliis sedi- tion, and ordered them io be bound, and afterward had one of theno dain, whose nam.e was Hannibal; and he btwnshed the other two, Amram and Eleazar; Tholomy also, the arch robber, was, after some tirae, brought to him bound, and slain, but not till he had done a world of mischief to Idumea and the Arabians. And indeed, from that time, Judea was cleared of robberies by the care and providence of Fadus. He also at this time sent for the high-priests and the principal citizens of Jerusalem, and this at the com- mand of the emperor, and admonished them, j that they should lay up the long garment and the sacred vestment, which it is customary for nobody but the high-priest to wear, in the tower of Antonia, that it might be under the power of the Romans, as it had been formerly. Now the Jews durst cot contradict what he had said, but desired Fadus, however, and Longinus (which last was come to Jeru- salem, and had brought a great army with him, out of a fear that the [rigid] injunctions of Fadus should force the Jews to rebel), that they might, in the first place, have leave to send ambassadors to Ceesar, to petition him that they might have the holy vestments under their own power; and that, in the next place, they would tarry till they knew what answer Claudius would give to that their request. So they replied, that they would give them leave to send their ambassadors, provided they would give them their sons as pledges [for their peaceable behaviour]. And when they had agreed so to do, and had given them the pledges they desired, the ambassadors were sent accordingly. But when, upon their com- ing to Rome, Agrippa, junior, the son of the deceased, understood the reason why they came (for he dwelt with Claudius Caesar, as we said before), he besought Csesar to grant the Jews their request about the holy vestments, and to send a message to Fadus accordingly. 2. Hereupon Claudius called for the ambas- sadors, and told them that he granted their request; and bade them to return their thanks to Agrippa for this favour, which had been bestowed on them upon his entreaty. And, besides these answers of his, he sent the fol- lowing letter by them: "Claudius Cajsar, Germanicus, tribune of the people the fifth time, and designed consul the fourth time, and imperator the tenth time, the father ot his country, to the magistrates, senate, and people, and the whole nation of the Jews, sendeth greeting. Upon the presentation of your ambassadors to me by Agrippa my friend, whom I have brought up, and have now with me, and who is a person of very great piety, who are come to give me thanks for the care I have taken of your nation, and to entreat me, in an earnest and obliging manner, that they may have the holy vestments, with the crown belonging to them, under their power, — I grant their request, as that excellent per- son Vitellius, who is very dear to me, had done before me. And I have complied with your desire, in the first place, out of regard 534 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XX, to that piety which I profess, and because I would have every one worship God according to the laws of their own country; and this I do also, because I shall hereby highly gratify king Herod and Agrippa, junior, whose sacred regards to me, and earnest good-will to you, I am well acquainted with, and with whom I have the greatest friendship, and whom I highly esteem, and look on as persons of the best character. Now I have written about these affairs to Cuspius Fadus, my procura- tor. The names of those that brought me your letter are Cornelius, the son of Cero, Trypho, the son of Theudio, Dorotheus, the son of Nathaniel, and John, the son of John. This is dated before the fourth of the calends of July, when Rufus and Pompeius Sylvanus are consuls." 3. Herod also, the brother of the deceased Agrippa, who was then possessed of the royal Buthority over Chalcis, petitioned Claudius Csesar for the authority over the temple, and the money of the sacred treasure, and the choice of the high-priests, and obtained all that he petitioned for. So that after that time this authority continued among all his de- scendants till the end of the war.* Accord- ingly, Herod removed the last high -priest, called Cantheras, and bestowed that dignity on his successor Joseph, the son of Camus. CHAPTER II. HOW HELENA, THE QUEEN OF ADIABENE, AND HKtt SON, IZATES, EMBRACED THE JEWISH RELIGION; AND HOW HELENA SUPPLIED THE POOR WITH CORN, WHEN THERE WAS A GREAT FAMINE AT JERUSALEM. § 1. About this time it was that Helena, queen of Adiabene, and her son Izates, changed their course of life, and embraced the Jewish customs, and this on the occasion fol- lowing: — Monobazus, the king of Adiabene, who had also the name of Bazeus, fell in love with bis sister Helena, and took her to be his wife, and begat her with child. But as he was in bed with her one night, he laid his hand upon his wife's belly, and fell asleep, and seemed to hear a voice, which bade him take his hand off his wife's belly, and not to hurt the infant that was therein, which, by God's providence, would be safely born, and have a happy end. This voice put him into disorder; so he awaked immediately, and told the story to his wife; and when his son was born, he called him Izates. He had indeed • Here is uome error in the copier*, or inixtakes in Jo- ■eplius; fur the power uf appointing hii;h-prie8ts. after Herod, king uf Chaiciit, was dea<l. and A;{rippa, junior, was made king uf Chalcis in his room, heh)nKed to him; and he exercised the same all ulonx till J«iu8alein was destroyed, as Jo^eplms elnewliere Lifonos us, cb. viii. •ect a, Hi cb. ix. sect. I, 4, (i. 7- Monobazus, his elder brother, by Helena also, as he had other sons by other wives besides. Yet did hg openly place all his affections on this his only-begotteiif son Izates, which was the origin of that envy which his other bre- thren, by the same father, bore to him ; while, on this account, they hated him more and more, and were all under great affliction that their father should prefer Izates before them all. Now although their father was very sen- sible of these their passions, yet did he forgive them, as not indulging those passions out ol an ill disposition, but out of a desire each of them had to be beloved by their father. How- ever, he sent Izates, with many presents, to Abennerig, the king of Charax-Spasini, and that out of the great dread he was in about him, lest he should come to some misfortune by the hatred his brethren bore hiqj^ and he committed his son's preservation -to him. Upon which, Abennerig gladly received the young man, and had a great affection for him, and married him to his own daughter, whose name was Samacha : he also bestowed a country upon him, from which he received large revenues. 2. But when Monobazus was grown old, and saw that he had but a little time to live he had a mind to come to the sight of his son before he died. So he sent for him, and em- braced him after the most affectionate man- ner, and bestowed on him the country called Carrae; it was a soil that bare amomum in great plenty: there are also in it the remains of that ark, wherein it is related that Noah escaped the deluge, and where they are still shown to such as are desirous to see them. J Accordingly, Izates abode in that country until his father's death. But the very* day that Monobazus died, queen Helena sent for all the grandees and governors of the king- dom, and for those that had the armies com- mitted to their command; and when they were come, she made the following speech to them: — "I believe you are not unacquainted that my husband was desirous Izates should suc- ceed him in the government, and thought him worthy so to do. However, I wait your de- termination; for happy is he who receives a kingdom, not from a single person only, but from the willing suffrages of a great many." This she said, in order to try those that were invited, and to discover their sentiments. Upon the hearing of which, they first of all paid their homage to the queen, as their custt)m was, and then they said that they con- firmed the king's determination, and would , submit to i£; and they rejoiced that Izates's + Josephus here uses the word ,uit0yt*¥i, an only- bei^otten son, for no other than one best-l>eloved, as doi»« both the Old and New Testament; I mean where there were one or more sons besides. <ien. xxii. ii; Heb. xi. I? S«'e the note on b i ch. xiii. sect I. J It is here very remarkable, that the remains uf No.ih'n ark were helieveil to he still in heitw in tin- days ul Jwsephus. See the note un b. i. clt. :i, sect. 6 CHAP. II. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 635 father hsid preferred him before the rest of his brethren, as being agreeable to all their \%4shes: but that they were desirous first of all to day bis brethren and kinsmen, that so the govern- ment might come securely to Izates; because Jf they were once destroyed, all that fear iTOuId be over which might arise from their l«nl7iKi and envy to hira. Helena replied to thia, that she returned them her thanks for tbes*" kindness to herself and to leates; but desi'-'ed that they would however defer the exe- CHtiin of this slaughter of Izates's brethren tiCl "le should be there himself, and give hi« app obation to it. So since these men had not prevailed with her when they advised her to jay them, they exhorted her at least to kee;i them in bonds till he should come, and tha'v for their own security; they also gave her counsel to set up some one whom she cou^'d put the greatest trust in, as governor of the kingdom in the mean time. So queen Helena complied with this counsel of theirs, and set up Monobazus, the eldest son, to be kiaj, and put the diadem upon his head, and gav< hits his father's ring, with its signet; as rIsc the ornament which they called Sampser, and exhorted him to administer the aflfairs of the kingdom till his brother should come; who came suddenly upon hearing that his father was dead, and succeeded his brother Monobaxus, who resigned up the government to him. 3. Now, during the time Izates abode at Charax-Spasini, a certaii^Jewish merchant, whose name was Ananias, got among the women that belonged to the king, and taught them to worship God according to the Jewish religion. He, moreover, by thdr n>eans became known to Izates; and persuaded him, in like mauner, to embrace that religion; he also, at the earnest entreaty of Izates, accom- panied him when he was sent for by his father to come to Adiabene; it also happened that Helena, about the same time, was instructed by a certain other Jew, and went over to them. But, when Izates had taken the kingdom, and was come to Adiabene, and <here saw his brethren and other kinsmen in 6Qnds, he was displeased at it; and as he thought it an instance of impiety either .to slay or imprison them, but still thought it a liazardous thing for to let them have their liberty, with the remembrance of the injuries that had been offered them, he sent some of them and their children for hostages to Rome, to Claudius Cajsar, and sent the others to Artabanus, the king of Parthia, with the like intentions. 4. And when he perceived that his mother was highly pleased with the Jewish customs, he made haste to change, and to embrace them entirely; and as he supposed that he could not be. thoroughly a Jew unless he were cir- ciUDcised, he was ready to have it done. But H'hen his mother understood what he was about, she endeavoured to hinder him from doing it, and said to him that this thing would bring him into danger; and that as he was a king, he would thereby bring himself into great odium among his subjects, when they should understand that he was so fond of rites that were to them strange and foreign; ant: that they would never bear to be ruK ; over by a Jew. This it was that she said !■. hijn, and for the present persuaded him t forbear. And when he had related w a. she had said to Ananias, he continued v h-^ his mother had said; and when be had al- threatened to leave him, unless he coumiIu with him, he went away from him; aiid s^r that he was afraid lest such an action tt» i once become public to all, he should him . be in danger of punishment for having h. > the occasion of it, and having been the Kih^ instructor in actions that were of ill reputatiui and he said, that he might worship) God wii out being circumcised, even though he *. resolve to followthe Jewish lawentirely; v. bi( worship of God was of a superior nature -■ circumcision. He added, that God wo'.. forgive him, though he did not perfortn operation, while it was omitted out of lu i sity, and for fear of his subjects. So the ki at that time complied with these persuasii. of Ananias. But afterwards, as he had m quite left off his desire of d<Hng this thing, certain other Jew that came out of Galiiet whose name was Eleazer, and who wa esteemed very skilful in the learning of hi> country, persuaded him to do *the thing; to; as he entered into his palace to caiute hii. and found him reading the law of Moses, L. said to him, " Thou dost not consider, O kiiij. ! that thou unjustly breakest the principal oi those laws, and art injurious to God him^ell. [by omitting to be circumeise<i] ; for thot. oughtest not only to read them, but chieflv u practise what they enjoin thee. How loi.t wilt thou continue uncircumcised? but. thou hast not yet read the law about circu:. cision, and dost not know how great in»pii; thou art guilty of by neglecting it, rea(i i now." When the king had heard what ti said, he delayed the thing no longer, ho retired to another room, and sent for a surge and did what he was commanded to do. then sent for his mother, and Ananias . tutor, and informed them that he had doi the thing; upon which they were presenil, struck with astonishment and fear, and thai to a great degree, lest the thing should In openly discovered and censured, and the km; should hazard the loss of his kingdom, wU.U his subjects would not bear to be governed !>•, a man who was so zealous in another relignui; and lest they should themselves run some hazard, because they would be supposed the occasion of his so doing. But it was God himself who hindered what they feared from taking effect; for he preserved both Izaies 536 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XX, himself and his sons when they fell into many dangers, and procured their deliverance when it seemed to be impossible, and demonstrated thereby, that the fruit of piety does not perish as to those that have regard to him, and fix their faith upon him only :* — but these events we shall relate hereafter. 5. But as to Helena, the king's mother, when she saw that the affairs of Izates's king- dom were in peace, and that her son was a happy man, and admired among all men, and even among foreigners, by the means of God's providence over him, she had a mind to go to the city of Jerusalem, in order to worship at that temple of God which was so very famous among all men, and to offer her thank- offerings there. So she desired her son to give her leave to go thither; upon which he t^dve his consent to what she desired very wil- lingly, and made great preparations for her dismission, and gave her a great deal of money, and she went down to the city Jerusalem, her son conducting her on her journey a great way. Now her coming was of very great advantage to the people of Jerusalem; for whereas a famine did oppress them at that time, and many people died for want of what was necessary to procure food withal, queen Helena sent some of her servants to Alexan- dria with money to buy a great quantity of corn, and others of them to Cyprus, to bring a cargo of dried figs; and as soon as they were come back, and had brought those pro- visions, which was done very quickly, she dis- tributed food £o those that were in want of it, and left a most excellent memorial behind her of this benefaction, which she bestowed on our whole nation; and when her son Izates was informed of this famine, he sent great suras of money to the principal men in Jeru- salem. However, what favours this queen and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem, shall be farther related hereafter.f • Josepbos is very full and express in these three chapters (iiuiv.and v.) in observing how carefully Divine Providence preserved this Izates, king of Adiabene, and his sons, while he did what he thought was his bounden diity, notwithstanding^ the strongest political motives to thf» contrary. + This farther account of the benefactions of Izates and Helena to the Jerusalem Jews which Josepbus here promises, is, [ think, nowhere performed by him in his present works; butof this terrible famine itself in J udea, take Dr. Hudson's note here: — "This (says he) is that vaiHine foretold by Agabus, Acts xi.28; which liappened when Claudius was consul the fourth time; and not that other which happened when Claudius was consul the second time, and Caesina was his colleague, as Scaliger says upon Eusebius, p. 174." Now, when Josepbus had said a little afterward (c.v.scct.'i ) that "Tiberius Alex- ander succeeded Cuspius Fadus as procurator," he imme- diately subjoins, that "under these procurators there happened a great famine in Judea." Whence it is plain that this famine continued for many years, on account of its duration under those two procurators. Now Fadus was not sent into Judea till after the death of king Ai;rippa, i.e. towaras the latter end of the 4tli year ul Claudius: so that this famine foretold by Agabus. hap- pened upon the 5th, Gth, and 7th years of Claudius, as says Valesius on Fuseb. ii. 12. Of this famine also, and quv.n Helena's su^^tplies, and lier monnroent. see IMoses Cborenensis, p Ifi. Uo; where it is observed in the DotM, that Pauiiaaiai ueutioDS that ber munumvut also. CHAPTER m. HOW ARTABANUS, THE KING OF PARTHIA, OUT OP FEAR OP THE SECRET CONTRI- VANCES OP HIS SUBJECTS AGAINST HIM, WENT TO IZATES, AND WAS BY HIM RE- INSTATED IN HIS government; AS ALSO HOW BARDANES, HIS SON, DENOUNCED WAR AGAINST IZATES. § 1. But now Artabanus, king of the Par- thians, perceiving that the governors of the provinces had framed a plot against him, did not think it safe for him to continue among them ; but resolved to go to Izates, in hopes of finding some way for his preservation by his means, and, if possible, for his return to ms own domimons. So he came to Izates, and brought a thousand cf his kindred and servants with him, and met him upon the road, while he well knew Izates^ but Izates did not know him. When Artabanus stood near him, and in the first place, worshipped nim according to the custom, he then said to nim, "O kingl do not thou overlook nie thy servant, nor do thou proudly reject the suit I make thee; for as I am reduced to a low- estate, by the change of fortune, and of a king am become a private man, I stand in need of thy assistance. Have regard, therefore, unto the uncertainty of fortune, and esteem the care thou shalt take of me to be taken of thy- self also; for if I be neglected, and my sub- jects go off unpunished, many other subjects will become the more insolent towards other kings also." And this speech Artabanus made with tears in his eyes, and with a dejected coun- tenance. Now, as soon as Izates heard Artaba- nus's name, and saw him stand as a supplicant before him, he leaped down from his horse immediately, and said to him, " Take courage, O kingl nor be disturbed at thy present cala- mity, as if it were incurable; for the change of thy sad condition shall be sudden; for thou shalt find me to be more thy friend and thy assistant than thy hopes can promise thee; for I will either re-establish thee in the king- dom of Parthia, or lose my own." 2. When he had said this, he set Artaba- nus upon his horse, and followed him on foot, in honour of a king whom he owned as greater than himself; — which when Artaba- nus saw, he was very uneasy at it, and swure by his present fortune and honour, that he would get down from his horse, unless Izutes would get upon his horse again and go before him. So he complied with his desire, and leaped upon his horse; and, when h(; had brought him to his royal palace, he showed him all sorts of respect when they sat toge- ther, — and be uave him the upptr place at festivals also, as re^aruitig not his present for- tune, but hi> lormt r tlij;uity; and that UMon this ctMtaidttauoii al»o. that the changes of CHAP. IV. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 537 fortune are common to all men. He qlao wrote to the Parthians, to persuade them to receive Artabanus again; and gave them his right hand and his faith, that he should for- get what was past and done, and that he would undertake for this as a mediator be- tween them. Now the Parthians did not themselves refuse to receive him again, but pleaded that it was not now in their power so to do, because they had committed the govern- ment to another person, who had accepted of it, and whose name was Cinnamus; and that they were afraid lest a civil war should arise on this account. When Cinna- mus understood their intentions, he wrote to Artabanus himself, for he had been brought up by him, and was of a nature good and gentle also, and desired him to put confidence in him, and to come and take his own domi- nions again. Accordingly, Artabanus trusted him, and returned home; when Cinnamus met him, w6rshipped him, and saluted him as a king, and took the diadem off his own head, and put it on the head of Artabanus. 3. And thus was Artabanus* restored to his kingdom again by the means of Izates, when ne had lost it by the means of the grandees of the kingdom. Nor was he unmindful of tb« benefits he had conferred upon him, but re- warded him with such honours as were of the greatest esteem among them ; for he gave him leave to wear his tiara upright,* and to sleep upon a golden bed, which are privileges and marks of honour peculiar to the kings of Partbia. He also cut off a large and fruitful country from the kingof Armenia, and bestowed it upon him. The name of the country is Nisibis, wherein the Macedonians had formerly built that city which they called Antioch of Mygodonia. And these were the honours that were paid Izates by the king of the Parthians. 4. But in no long time Artabanus died, and left his kingdom to his sou Bardanes. Now this Bardanes came to Izates, and would have persuaded him to join him with his army, and to assist him in the war he was preparing to make with the Romans; but he could not prevail with him. For Izates so well knew the strength and good fortune of the Romans, that he took Bardanes to attempt what was impossible to be done; and having besides sent his sons, five in number, and they but young also, to learn accurately the language of our nation, together with our learning, as well as he had sent bis mother to worship at our temple, as 1 have said already, aas the more back ward to a compliance; and restrained Bardanes, telling him perpetually of the great armies and famous actions of the Ro- mans, and thought thereby to terrify him, and desired thereby to hinder him from that expe- • This privjieee of wearing the tii*r:i upright, or with the lip ol the cone erect, is kiowii to tiAve Inen <•' old peculiar to ^re^it kini;*. from XcnOjii)on and otii r 8 as Dr. Uudsuii ui>MrTe8 here. * Jition. But the Paithian king was provoked at this his behaviour, and denounced war immediately against Izates. Yet did he gain no advantage by this war, because God cut off all his hopes therein ; for the Parthians, perceiving Bardanes's intention, and how he had determined to make war with the Romans, slew him, and gave his kingdom to his brother Gotarzes. He also, in no long time, perished by a plot made against him, and Vologases, his brother, succeeded him, who committed two of his provinces to two of his brothers by the same father; — that of the Medes to the elder, Pacorus; and Armenia to the younger, Tiridates. CHAPTER IV. HOW IZATES WAS BETRAYED BY HIS OWlf SUBJECTS, AND FOUGHT AGAINST BY TEH ARABIANS; AND HOW IZATES, BY THE PRO- VIDENCE OF GOD, WAS DELIVERED OUT OB' THEIR HANDS. § 1. Now when the king's brother, Monaba- zus, and his other kindred, saw how Izates, by his piety to God, was become greatly bsteemed by all men, they also had a desire to leave the regions of their country, and to embrace the customs of the Jews; but that act of theirs was discovered by Izates's sub- jects. Whereupon the grandees were much displeased, and could not contain their anger at them, but had an intention, when they should find a proper opportunity, to inflict a punishment upon them. Accordingly, they wrote to Abia, king of the Arabians, and pro- mised him great sums of money, if he would make an expedition against their king: and they farther promised him, that, on the first onset, they would desert their king, because they were desirous to punish him, by reason of the hatred he had to their religious worship ; then they obliged themselves, by oaths, to be faithful to each other, and desired that he would make haste in this design. The king of Arabia complied with their desires, and brought a great army into the field, and marched against Izates; and, in the beginning of the first onset, and before they came to a close fight, those grandees, as if they had a panic terror upon them, all deserted Izates, as they had agreed to do, and, turning their backs upon their enemies, ran away. Yet was not Izates dismayed at this; but when he under- stood that the grandees had betrayed him, he also retired into his camp, and made inquiry into the matter; and as soon as he knew who they were that had made this conspiracy with the king of Arabia, he cut off those that were found guilty; and renewinr; the fight on the- next day, he slew the greatest part of his ene- mies, and forced all the rest ko betake them- 038 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XX. selves to flight. He also pursued their king, and drove him into a fortress called Arsamus, and, following on the siege vigorously, he took that fortress. And, when he had plun- dered it of all the prey that was in it, which was not small, he returned to Adiabene; yet did not he take Abia alive; because, when he found himself encompassed upon every side, he slew himself. 2. But although the grandees of Adiabene had failed in their first attempt, as being delivered up by God into their king's hands, yet would they not even then be quiet, but wrote again to Vologases, who was then king of Parthia, and desired that he would kill Izates, and set over them some other potentate, who should be of a Parthian family; for they said that they hated their own king for abro- gating the laws of their forefathers, and embracing foreign customs. When the king of Parthia heard this, he boldly made war upon Izates; and, as he had no just pretence for this war, he sent to him, and demanded back those honourable privileges which had beea be?to\ved on him by his father, and threatened, on his refusal, to make war upon him. Upon hearing of this, Izates was under no small trouble of mind, as thinking it would be a reproach upon him to appear to resign those privileges that had been bestowed upon him out of cowardice; yet, because he knew, that though the king of Parthia should receive back those honours, yet would he not be quiet, he resolved to commit himself to God, his protector, in the present danger he was in of his life; and as he esteemed him to be his principal assistant, he intrusted his children and his wives to a very strong fortress, and laid up his corn in his citadels, and set the hay and the grass on fire. And when he had thus put things in order, as well as he could, he awaited the coming of the enemy. And when the king of Parthia was come, with a great army of footmen and horsemen, which he did sooner than was expected (for he marched in great haste), and had cast up a bank at the river that parted Adiabene from Media, — Izates also pitched his camp not far off, having with him six thousand horsemen. But there came a messenger to Izates, sent by the king of Parthia, who told him how large his dominions were, as reaching from the river Euphrates to Bactria, and enume- rated that king's subjects: he also threatened bim that he should be punished, as a person ungrateful to his lords; and said that the God whom he worshipped could not deliver him out of the king's bands. When the messenger had delivered this his message, Izates replied, that he knew the king of Par- thia'8 power was much greater than his own; but that he knew also that God was much more powerful than all men. And when be had returned bim this answer, he betook him- »elf to make «upplic}ition to God, and threw hiniself on the ground, and put ashes upon his head, in testimony of his confusion, and fasted, together with his wives and children.* Then he called upon God, and said, " O Lord and Governor, if I have not in vain committed myself to thy goodness, but have justly determined that thou only art the Lord and principal of all beings, come now to my assistance, and defend me from my enemies, not only on my own account, but on account of their insolent behaviour with regard to thy power, while they have not feared to lift up their proud and arrogant tongue against thee." Thus did he lament and bemoan himself, with tears in his eyes; whereupon God heard his prayer. And immediately that very night Vologases received letters, the contents ol which were these, that a great band of Daha; and Sacae, despising him, now he was gone so long a journey from home, had made an expedition, and laid Parthia waste ; so that he [was forced to] retiie back, without doing any thing. And thus it was that Izates escaped the threatenings of the Parthians, by I the providence of God. I 3. It was not long ere Izates died, when he had completed fifty-five years of his lite, I and had ruled his kingdom twenty-four years. He left behind him twenty-four sons and twenty-four daughters. However, he gave order that his brother Monobazus should succeed in the government, thereby requiting him, because, while he was himself absent, after their father's death, he had faithfully preserved the government for him. But when Helena, his mother, heard of her son's death, she was in great heaviness, as was but natural, upon her loss of such a most dutilul son; yet was it a comfort to her that she heard the succession came to her eldest son. Accordingly she went to him in haste; and when she was come into Adiabene, she did not long outlive her son Izates. But Mono- bazus sent her bones, as well as those of Izates, his brother, to Jerusalem, and gave order that they should be buried at the pyra- mids f which their mother had erected; they were three in number, and distant no more than three furlongs from the city of Jerusa- lem. But for the actions of Monobazus the king, which he did during the rest of his life, we will relate them hereafter. J • This monminc;. and fastinp, and prayinpr, asfd by Izates, with prostration of his body, and ashes upon his head, are plain sijjns that he was become either a Jew, or an Ehionite Christian, who indeed dillered not much from proper Jews. See chap, vi sect. 1. However, his supplications wert heard, and he was providentially delivered from that imminent danger he was in. + These pyramids or pillars, erected by Helena, queen of Adiabene, near Jerusalem, three in number, are mentioned by Eusebius, in hisliccl. Hist b. a, ch, l!i, for which Dr. Hudson rrfers us to Valesius's notes upon that place. — They are also mentioned by Pausanias. as hath been already noted, chap ii. sect. 6. Kebnd finesses that that now called Absalom's i'ili •> may be one of them. I This account is now wanUng. CHAP. V. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 639 CHAPTER V CONCERNING THEUDAS AND THE SONS OF JUUAS THE GALILEAN; AS ALSO WHAT CALAMITY FELL UPON THE JEWS ON THE DAY OF THE PASSOVER. § 1. Now it came to pass, while Fadus was procurator of Judea, that a certain magician, whose name was Theudas,* persuaded a great part of the people to t^ke their effects with them, and follow him to the river Jordan; for he told them he was a prophet, and that he would, by his own command, divide the river, and afford them an easy passage over it; and many were deluded by his words. However, Fadus did not permit them to make any advantage of his wild attempt, but sent a troop of horsemen out against them; who, falling upon them unexpectedly, slew many of them, and took many of them alive. They also took Theudas alive, and cut off his head, and carried it to Jerusalem. This was what befel the Jews in the time of Cuspius Fadus's government. 2. Then came Tiberius Alexander as succes- sor to Fadus; he was the son of Alexand«r the alabarch of Alexandria; which Alexander was a principal person among all his contem- poraries, both for his family and wealth: he was also more eminent for his piety than this his son Alexander, for he did not continue in the religion of his country. Under these pro- curators that great famine happened in Judea, in which queen Helena bought corn in Egypt at a great expense, and distributed it to those that were in want, as I have related already; and besides this, the sons of Judas of Galilee were now slain; I mean of that Judas who caused the people to revolt, when Cy renins came to take an account of the estates of the Jews, as we have shown in a foregoing book. The names of those sons were James and Simon, whom Alexander commanded to be crucified; but now Herod, king of Chalcis, removed Joseph, the son of Camydus, from the high- priesthood, and made Ananias, the son of Nebedeus, his successor ; and now it was that Cumanus came as successor to Tiberius Alexander; as also that Herod, brother of Agrippa the great king, departed this life, in the eighth year of the reign of Claudius Ciesar. He left behind him three sons, Aristobulus, whom he had by his first wife, with Bernici- anus and Hyrcanus, both whom he had by Bernice his brother's daughter; but Claudius Caesar bestowed his dominions on Agrippa, junior. 3. Now, while the Jewish affairs were • This Theudas. who arose under Fadus the pr^cura- tor, about a D. id or 46. could ni;t be that Theudas who arose in the days of tiie taxuii;. under Cyrejiins; oi about A. D 7. Acts V. 3 ). 37. Who that earlier Theudas was. se? th*; note ua ^ xvii cb. x sect o. under the administration of Cumanus, ^;here happened a great tumult at the city of Jeru- salem, and many of the Jews perished therein ; but I shall first explain the occasion whence it was derived. When that feast which is called the Passover was at hand, at which time our custom is to use unleavened bread, and a great multitude was gathered together from all parts to that feast, Cumanii'* was afraid lest some attempt of innovation should then be made by them ; so he ordered that one regiment of the army should take their arms, and stand in the temple cloisters, to repress any attempts of innovation, if per- chance any such should begin; and this was no more than what tbe former procurators of Judea did at such festivals; but on the fourth day of the feast, a certain soldier let down his breeches, and exposed his privy members to the multitude, which put those that saw him into a furious rage, and made them cry out that this impious action was not done to reproach them, but God himself; nay, some of them reproached Cumanus, and pretended that the soldier was set on by him; which when Cumanus heard, he was also himself not a little provoked at such reproaches laid upon him; yet did he exhort them to leave off such seditious attempts, and not to raise a tumult at the festival; but when he could not induce them to be quiet, for they still went on in their reproaches to him, he gave order that the whole army should take their entire armour, and come to Antonia, which was a fortress, as we have said already, which over- looked the temple; but when the multitude saw the soldiers there, they were affrighted at them, and ran away hastily; but as the pas- sages out were but narrow, and as they thought their enemies followed them, they were crowded together in their flight, and a great number were pressed to death in those narrow passages; nor indeed was the number fewer than twenty thousand that perished in this tumult. So, instead of a festival they had at last a mournful dav of it and they all of them forgot thcT" prayers and sacrifices, and betook themselves to lamentation and weeping; so great an affliction did the impu- dent obsceneness of a single soldier bring upon thera.t 4. Now before this their first mourning was over, another mischief befel them also; for some of those that raised the foregoing tumult, when they were travelling along the public road, about a hundred furlongs from the city, robbed Stephanus, a servant of Caesar, as he was journeying, and plundered him of all that he had with him ; which things + This and many more tumults and seditions, which aro"!e at the Jewish festivals, in Josephus, illustrate th« cautious procedure of the Jewisli governors, when they s.\id. Matt xxvi.o. '• Let us not take Jt-sus on the least- day. lest there be an upm.-ir amonu the people:" a» Re and well observes on this place. Josephns also takes notice of the same thing. Of the War, B. L cli iv. sect 3. 540 ANTIQUITIES 3F THE JEWS. when Cumanus heard of, he sent soldiers im- mediately, and ordered them to plunder the neighbouring villages, and to bring the most eminent persons among them in bonds to him. Now, as this devastation was making, one of the soldiers seized the Laws of Moses, that lay in one of those villages, and brought them out before the eyes of all present, and tore them to pieces ; and this was done with reproachful language, and much scurrility ; which things, when the Jews heard of, they ran together, and that in great numbers, and came down to Cesarea, where Cumanus then was, and besought him that he would avenge, not themselves, but God himself, whose laws had been affronted ; for that they could not bear to live any longer, if the laws of their forefathers must be affronted after this manner. Accordingly, Cumanus, out of fear lest the multitude should go into sedition, and by the advice of his friends also, took care that the soldier who had offered the affront to the laws should be beheaded ; and thereby put a stop to the sedition 'which was ready to be kindled a second time. CHAPTER VI. HOW THERE HAPPENED A QUARREL BETWEEN THE JEWS AND THE SAMARITANS; AND HOW CLAUDIUS PUT AN END TO THEIR DIF- FERENCES. § 1. Now there arose a quarrel between the Samaritans and the Jews on the occasion fol- lowing : — It was the custom of the Galileans, when they came to the holy city at the festi- vals, to take their journeys through the country of the Samaritans ;* and at this time there lay, in the road they took, a village that was called Ginea, which was situated in the limits of Samaria and the great plain, where certain persons thereto belonging fought with the Galileans, and killed a great many of them ; but when the principal of the Galileans were informed of what had been done, they came to Cumanus, and desired him to avenge the murder of those that were killed ; but he was induced by the Samaritans, with money, to do nothing in the matter; upon which the Galileans were much displeased, and per- suaded the multitude of the Jews to betake themselves to arms, and to regain their liberty, saying, that slavery was in itself a bitter thing, but that, when it was joined with direct injuries, it was perfectly intolerable. And when their principal men endeavoured ♦ This constant pansape of the Galilcanfl through the country of Samaria, as they went to Judea and JeruFa- lem, illustrates several passages in the Clospols to the same purpose, as Dr. Hudson rightly ohserres. See Lnke XTil.; John iv. 4. ?ro also .lose) hus in his own Life (sect. 62), when that journey is determined to three iaya. to pacify them, and promised to endeavour to persuade Cumanus to avenge those that were killed, they would not hearken to them, but took their weapons, and entreated the assistance of Eleazar, the son of Dineus, a robber, who had many years made his abode in the mountains, with which assistance they plundered many villages of the Samaritans. When Cumanus heard of this actions of theirs, he took the band of Sebaste, with four regi- ments of footmen, and armed the Samaritans, and marched out against the Jews, and caught them, and slew many of them, and took a great number of them alive ; whereupon those that were the most eminent persons at Jeru- salem, and that both in regard to the respect that was paid them, and the families they were of, as soon as they saw to what a height things were gone, put on sackcloth, and heaped ashes upon their heads, and by all possible means besought the seditious, and persuaded them that they would set before their eyes the utter subversion of their country, the con- flagration of their temple, and the slavery of themselves, their wives, and children,f which would be the consequences of what they were doing, and would alter their minds, would cast away their weapons, and for the future iJe quiet, and return to their own homes. These persuasions of theirs prevailed upon them. So the people dispersed themselves, and the robbers went away again to their places of strength; and after this time all Judea was overrun with robberies. 2; But the principal of the Samaritans went to Ummidius Quadratus, the president of Syria, who at that time was at Tyre, and accused the Jews of setting their villages on fire, and plundering them; and said withal, that they were not so much displeased at whut they had suffered, as they were at the con- tempt thereby shown to the Romans; while. if they had received any injury, they ought to have made them the judges of what had been done, and not presently to make such devasta- tion, as if they had not the Romans for their governors; on which account they came to him, in order to obtain that vengeance they wanted. This was the accusation which the Samaritans brought against the Jews. But the Jews affirmed, that the Samaritans werfe the authors of this tumult and fighting, and that, in the first place, Cumanus had been corrupted by their gifts, and passed over the murder of those that were slain in silence; — which allegations when Quadratus heard, he put off the hearing of the cause, and promised that he would give sentence when he should come into Judea, and should have a more * Our Saviour had foretold that the Jews' rejection of his Gospel would bring upon them, among other miseries these three, which they thrmiu'lves here show they ex- pected would be tlii" consequences of.theirpres«-nt tumults and seditions; the tiiter »ubver^ion of thi-ir country, ilie conflagration of tlirir temple, and the sluvery of iheni' ■elves, then wives, and children. .See I-uke xxi. 6 — av. CHAP. VIT. ANTIQUITIES OF THR JEWS. ^41 exact knowledge of the truth of that matter. So these men went away without success. Yet was it not long ere Quadratus came to Samaria; where, upon hearing the cause, he supposed that the Samaritans were the authors of that disturbance. But when he was informed that certain of the Jews were making innovations, he ordered those to be crucified whom Cumanus had taken captives. From whence he came to a certain village called Lydda, which was not less than a city in largeness, and there heard the Samaritan cause a second time before his tribunal, and there learned from a certain Samaritan, that one of the chief of the Jews, whose name was Cortus, and some other innovaters with him, four in number, persuaded the multitude to a revolt from the Romans; whom Quadratus ordered to be put to death: but still he sent away Ananias the high-priest, and Ananus the commander [of the temple], in bonds to Rome, to give an account of what they had done to Claudias Caesar. He also ordered the principal men, both of the Samaritans and of the Jews, as also Cumanus the procurator, and Celer the tribune, to go to Italy to the emperor, that he might hear their cause, and determine their differences one with another. But he came again to the city of Jerusalem, out of his fear that the multitude of the Jews should attempt some innovations; but he found the city in a peaceable state, and cele- brating one of the usual festivals of their country to God. So he believed that they would not attempt any innovations, and left them at the celebration of the festival, and returned to Antioch. 3. Now Cumanus and the principal of the Samaritans, who were sent to Rome, had a day appointed them by the emperor, whereon they were to have pleaded their cause about the quarrels they had one with another. But now C;esar's freedraen and his friends were very zealous on the behalf of Cumanus and the Samaritans; and they had prevailed over the .Jews, unless Agrippa, junior, who was then at Rome, had seen the principal of the Jews hard set, and had earnestly entreated Agrippina, the emperor's wife, to persuade her husband to hear the cause, so as was agreeable to his justice, and to condemn those to be punished who were really the authors of this revolt from the Roman government: — whereupon Clau<lius was so well disposed beforehand, that when he had heard the cause, and found that the Samaritans had been the ringleaders in those mischievous doings, he gave order that those who came up to him should be slain, and that Cumanus should be banished. He also gave order that Celer the tribune should be carried back to Jerusalem, and should be drawn through the city in the sight of all the people, and then should be ilaia. CHAPTER VII. FELIX IS MADE PROCURATOtt OF .TUHKa? A^ ALSO CONCERNINO AGRIPPA, JUNIOR, AVO HIS SISTERS. § 1. So Claudius sent Felix, the brother vf Pallans, to take care of the affairs of Judi»y ; and, when he had already completed the twelfth year of his reign, he bestowed upon Agrippa the tetrarchy of Philip, and Batanea, and added thereto Trachonitis, with Ab'la; which last had been the tetrarchy of Lysa- nius; but he took from him.Chalcis, when he had been governor thereof four years. And when Agrippa had received these countries as the gift of Caesar, he gave his sister Drusilla in marriap-e to Azizus, king of Emesa, upon his coni^ent to be circumcised; for Epiphanes, the sov of king Antiochus, had refused to marry >v«r, because, after he had promised her father tormerly to come over to the Jewish religion, he would not now perform that pro- mise. He also gave Mariamne in marriage to Archelaus the son of Helcias, to whom she had formerly been betrothed by Agrippa her father; from which marriage was derived a daughter, whose name was Bernice. 2. But for the marriage of DrusiUa with Azizus, it was in no long time afterward dis- solved, upon the following occasion: — While Felix was procurator of Judea, he saw this Drusilla, and fell in love with her; for she did indeed exceed all other women in beauty; and he sent to her a person whose name was Simon,* one of his friends; a Jew he was, * This Simon, a friend of Felix, a Jew, horn in Cyprus, though he pretended to be a magician, and seems to have been wicked enough, could hardly be that famous Simon the magician, in the Acts of the Apostles (viii.9,Scc.";, as some are ready to suppose. The Simon mentioned in the Acts was not properly a Jew. but a Samaritan, of the town of Gittje, in the country of Samaria, as the Aposto- lical C'oiistituiions, vi.7, the Recognitions of Clement, ri. G, and Justin Martyr, himself born in the country of Samaria, Apology, i. 34, inform us. He was also the author, not of any ancient Jewish, but of the first Gentile heresies, as the furementioned authors assure us. So I suppose him a different person from the other. I mean this only upon the In'pothesis that Josephus was not mis- informed as to his being a Cypriot Jew; for otherwise the time, the name, the profession, and the wickec'ness jf them both, would strongly incline one to believe them tlie very same. As to that Drusilla, the sister of Agrippa, junior, as .losephiis informs us here, and a Jewess, as St Luke informs us,Acts xxiv. 2i,whom this Simon men- tioned by Josephus persuaded to leave her former hus- band, Azizus, king of Emesa, a proselyte of justice, and to marry I'elix, the heathen procurator of Judea, Taci- tus (Hist V, 9) suppo.ses her to be a heathen, and the grand-daughter of Anionius and Cleopatra, contrary both to St. Luke and Josephus. Now Taciins lived some- what too remote, botn as to time and place, to be com- pared with either of those Jewish writers, in a matter concerning the Jews in Judea in their own days, and con- cerning a si.ster of Agrippa, junior, with which Agrippa Josephus was himself so well acquainted. It is probable that Tacitus may Siiy true, when he informs us that this Felix (who had m all three wives, or queens, as Sueto- nius in Claudius. 8.^8, assures u.s) did once marry such a grandchild of A ntonius and Cleopatra; and, finding the name of one .>f rl>em to have been Drusilla, he mistook her tor that oth»r w ife, whose name he did not know. 642 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XX. end by birth a Oypriot, and one who pre- teiuie<l to be a magu-ian; and endeavoured to persua<te her to forsake her present husband, and uiarry him ; and promised, that if she v\<>uld not refuse him, he would make her a happy woman. Accordingly, she acted ill, uiui bcTituse she was desirous to avoid her si-ti-r iiernice's envy, for she was very ill i . ,ire(i by her on account of her beauty, was J 1. vailed upon to transgress the laws of her t.-reiatiiers, and to marry Felix; and when hi- nad had a son by her, he named him A>jrippa. iiut after what manner that young uiaii, with his wife, perished at the conflagration \ vt the mountain Vesuvius,* in the days of Thus (Jiesar, shall be related hereafter.f «i.. lint is for Bernice, she lived a widow a loii;^ vvldle after the death of Herod [king of 1 I'.iicisj, who was both her husband and her uncle. But, when the report went that she li.iii criminal conversation with her brother I Airnppa. junior], she persuaded Polemo, who wi,-, king of Cilicia, to be circumcised, and to unity Her, as supposing that, by this means, stie sliouUl prove those calumnies upon her to t»e false; and Polemo was prevailed upon, and tnat chiefly on account of her riches. Yet (iid not this matrimony endure long; but Bernice left Polemo, and, as was said, with im()ure intentions. So he forsook at once this matrimony, and the Jewish religion: and, at the same time, Mariamne put away Arche- laus, and was married to Demetrius, the prin- cipal man among the Alexandrian Jews, both for his family and his wealth; and indeed he was then their alabarch. So she named her son whom she had by him Agrippinus. But of all these particulars we shall hereafter treat more exactly.:}: CHAPTER VIII. AFTER WHAT MANNER, UPON THE DEATH OF CLAUDIUS, NERO SUCCEEDED IN THE GOVERNMENT; AS ALSO WHAT BARBAROUS THINGS HE DID. CONCERNING THE ROB- BERS, MURDERERS, AND IMPOSTORS, THAT AROSE WHILE FELIX AND FESTUS WERE PROCURATORS OF JTUDEA. § 1. Now Claudius Cjesar died when he bad reigned thirteen years, eight months, and • This eruption of Vesuvius was one of the greatest we have ia history 8ee liyanchini's curious and im- portant ob<«ervatiuns on tliis Vesuvius, and Jts iwvfh several f(rcat eruptions, with their rnnains vitrilied, aii<l still existing, in so many dilterc til >trnta under ^romtd. till the di^k-ers came tu the aiitideluvian walrrs. wiiti Ineir proportionable ittlerstiees. iuii'lyiiii; tht- lii'lii'.'«- t> have been above two tli»ii»aii i live liuiidrtil v'-ur^ liol'ore the Christian era, acfoidinj,' to out exiVi.sii Ot>roiioioKy. 4 Tins is now wnnltn);. t litis aisu u nuw Mauling twenty days;§ and a report went about that he was poisoned by his wife Agrippina. Her father was Germanicus, the brother of Csesar. Her husband was Domitius ^nobarbus, one of the most illustrious persons that was in the city of Rome; after whose death, and her long continuance in widowhood, Claudius took her to wife. She brought along with her a son, Domitius, of the same name with his father. He had before this slain his wife, Messalina, out of jealousy, by whom he had his children, Britannicus and Octavia; their eldest sister was Antonia, whom he had by Pelina his first wife. He also married Octavia to Nero; for that was the name that Cffisar gave him afterward, upon his adopting him for his son. 2. But now Agrippina was afraid, lest, when Britannicus should come to man's estate, he should succeed his father in the govern- ment, and desired to seize upon the principa- lity beforehand for her own son [Nero] ; upon which the report went that she thence com- passed the death of Claudius. Accordingly, she sent Burrhus, the general of the army, immediately, and with him the tribunes, and such also of the freedmen as were of the greatest authority, to bring Nero away into the camp, and to salute' him emperor. And when Nero had thus obtained the government, he got Britannicus to be so poisoned, that the multitude should not perceive it; although he publicly put his own mother to death not long afterward, making her this requital, not only for being born of her, but for bringing it so about by her contrivances, that he ob- tained the Roman empire. He also slew Octavia his own wife, and many other illus- trious persons, under this pretence, that they plotted against him. 3. But I omit any farther discourse' about these affairs; for there have been a great many who have composed the history of Nero; some of whom have departed from the truth of facts, out of "favour, as having received benefits from him ; while others, out of hatred to him, and the great ill-will which they bare him, have so impudently raved against hin. with their lies, that they justly deserved to bt condemned. Nor do 1 wonder at such ai have told lies of Nero, since they have not in their writings preserved the truth of history as to those facts that were earlier than his time, even when the actors could have no way incurred their hatred, since those writers Mved a long time after them; but as to those that have no regard to truth, they may write as they please, — for in that they take delight; but as to ourselves, who hare made truth our direct aim, we shall briefly touch upon what only beltJiigs remotely to this undertaking, i This (lur;iti<iii uf tlie r<-itrn of Claudius aureei« witti |)io. as l>r IliidMin li«-re rentar-s; as he aUu le.uarliS I i.«t Nero's iiuirie. which w^iv ut lir^tt I, Dotiiitiiis Ano. Iciriiiix. alter Cluud'us nad adopted him, was Nero C'Uu- cJtus Cicvir DiUMiS Uerii-aiiiciis. CHAP. VIII, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 643 but shall relate what hath happened to us Jews with great accuracy, and shall not grudge our pains in giving an account both of the calamities we have suffered and of the crimes we have been guilty of. — I will now there- fore return to the relation of our own affairs. 4. For in the first year of the reign of Nero, upon the death of Azizus, king of Eraesa, Soemus,* his brother, succeeded in his king- dom, and Aristobulus, the son of Herod, king of Chalcis, was intrusted by Nero with the government of the Lesser Armenia. Caesar also Bfestowed on Agrippa a certain part of Galilee, Tiberias and Taricheae,t and ordered them to submit to his jurisdiction. He gave him also Julias, a city of Perea, with fourteen villages that lay about it. 5. Now, as for the affairs of the Jews, they grew worse and worse continually; for the country was again filled with robbers and impostors, who deluded the multitude. Yet did Felix catch and put to death many of those impostors every day, together with the rob- bers. He also caught Eleazar, the son of Dineus, who had gotten together a company of robbers; and this he did by treachery; for he gave him assurance that he should suffer no harm, and thereby persuaded him to come to him; but when he came, he bound him and sent him to Rome. Felix also bore an ill-will to Jonathan, the high-priest, because he frequently gave him admonitions about governing the Jewish affairs better than be did, lest he should himself have complaints made of hira by the multitude, since he it was who had desired Caesar to send him as procurator of Judea. So Felix contrived a method whereby he might get rid of him, now he was become so continually trouble- some to him; for such continual admonitions are grievous to those who are disposed to act unjustly. Wherefore Felix persuaded one of Jonathan's most faithful friends, a citizen of Jerusalem, whose name was Doras, to bring the robbers upon Jonathan, in order to kill him; and this he did by promising to give liiin a great deal of money for so doing. Doras complied with the proposal, and con- trived matters so, that the robbers might murder him after the following manner: — Certain of those robbers went up to the city, as if they were going to worship God, while they had daggers under their garments; and, by thus mingling themselves among the multi- tude, they slew Jonathan; j; and as this murder » This Soemus is elsewhere mentioned [by Josephus, in his own Life, sect. 11. as also] by Uio Cassius and Taritus, as l)r Hudson informs us + This agrees with Josephus's frequent accounts else- where in his own Life, that Tiberias, and Taricheae, and Gamala. were under this Agrippa, junior, till Justus, the son of Pistus, seized upon theai for tlie Jews, upon the breaking! out of tiie w ir. } This treacherous and barharous murder of the good hisjhyriesl Jonathan, by the contrivance of this wicked |'ii;ruiatiir I'eiix, was the immediate i>C(tasion of the et suing raiirders bv ttie twirii or ruffians, and one ifreat cause ui tue I'uilawin: lUiritU ciuelties and tniti«rics of was never avenged, the robbers went up with the greatest security at the festivals after this time; and having weapons concealed in like manner as before, and mingling themselves among the multitude, they slew certain of their own enemies, and weresubservienttoother men for money; and slew others not only in remote parts of the city, but in the temple itself also ; for they had the boldness to murder men there, without thinking of the impiety of which they were guilty. And this seems to me to have been the reason why God, out of his hatred to these men's wickedness, rejected our city; and as for the temple, he no longer esteemed it sufficiently pure for him to inhabit therein, but brought the Romans upon us, and threw a fire upon the city to purge it; and brought upon us, our wives, and children, slavery, — as desi- rous to make us wiser by our calamities. 6. These works, that were done by the rob- bers, filled the city with all sorts of impiety. And now these impostors and deceivers j] persuaded the multitude to follow them into the wilderness, and pretended that they would exhibit manifest wonders and signs, that should be performed by the providence of God. And many that were prevailed on by them suffered the punishments of their the Jewish nation, as Josephus here supposes; whose excellent reflection on the gross wickedness of that nation, as the direct cause of their terrible destruction, is well worthy the attention of every Jewish and Christian reader. And, since we are soon coming to the cata- logue of Jewish high-priests, it may not be amiss, with Reiand, to insert this Jonathan among them; and to transcribe his particular catalogue of the last twenty- eight high-priests, taken out of Josephus, and begin with Ananelus, who was made by Herod the Great Sc« Antiq. b. xv. ch. IL sect 4, and the note there. 1. Ananelus. 2. Aristobulus. 3. Jesus, the son of Fahus. 4. Simon, the son of Boethns. 6. Matthias, the son of I'heophilus. 6. Joazar, the son of Boethus. 7. Eleazar, the son of Boethus. H. Jesus, the son of Sie. 9. [Annas, or] Ananus, the son of Seth. 10. Ismael, the son of Fahus. 11. Kleazar, the son of Ananus. I'i. Simon, the son of Camitlms. 13. Josephus Caiaphas, the son-in-law to Ananus. 14. Jonathan, the son of Ananus. 1.5. Theophilus, his brother, and son of Ananus. 16. ^>imon, the son of Boethus. 17. Matthias, the brother of Jonathan, and son of Ananus. 18. Aljoneus. 19. Josephus, the son of Camydus. -^0. Ananias, the son of Mebedsus. 21. Junatiias. ■2-2. Ismael. the son of Fabi. 23. Joseph Cabi, tl)e son of Simon. 24. Ananus, the son of Ananus. 2->. Jesus, the son of Damneus. 26. Jesus, the son of (Gamaliel. 27. Matthias, the son of Ttieophilus. 28. Phannias. the son of Samuel, As for Ananus and Joseph Caiaphas, here mentioned about the middle of this catalogue, they are no other than those Annas and Caiaphas so otten mentioned in the Four Gospels; and that .Ananias, the son of Nebedeus, was that high-priast before whom St. Paul pleaded his owo cause. Actit xxiv. II «)f these Jewish impostors and false prophets, with many other ci:cumstances and miseries of the Jews, till their utter destruction, foretold by our Saviour, set lit. Accompl. of Prupb. p. .i5 — 7o. 544 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XX. folly; for Felix brought them back, and then punished them. Moreover, there came out of Egypt * about this time to Jerusalem, one that said he was a prophet, and advised the iiiuititude of ttie common people to go along with him to the» Mount of Olives, as it was called, which lay over against the city, and at the distance of five furlongs. He said far- ther, that he would show them from hence, how, at his command, the walls of Jerusalem would fall dowTi; and he promised them that be would procure them an entrance into the city through those walls, when they were fallen down. Now when Felix was informed of these things, he ordered his soldiers to take their weapons, and came against them with a great number of horsemen and footmen, from Jerusalem, and attacked the Egyptian and the people that were with him. He also slew four hundred of them, and took two hundred alive. But the Egyptian himself escaped out of the fight, but did not appear any more. And again the robbers stirred up the people to make war with the Romans, and said they ought not to obey them at all; and when any persons would not comply with them, they set fire to their villages, and plundered them. 7. And now it was that a great sedition arose between the Jews that inhabited Cesarea, and the Syrians who dwelt there also, con- cerning their equal right to the privileges bo- longing to citizens; for the Jews claimed the pre-eminence, because Herod their king was the builder of Cesarea, and because he was by birth a. Jew. Now the Syrians did not deny what was alleged about Herod; but they said that Cesarea was formerly called Strato's Tower, and that then there was not one Jewish inhabitant. When the presidents of that country heard of these disorders, they caught the authors of them on both sides, and. tormented them with stripes, and by that means put a stop to the disturbance for a time. But the Jewish citizens depending on their wealth, and on that account despising the Syrians, re- proached them again, and hoped to provoke them by such reproaches. However, the Syri- ans, though they were inferior in wealth, yet valuing themselves highly on this account, that the greatest part of the Roman soldiers that were there, were either of Cesarea or Sebaste, they also for some time used reproachful lan- guage to the Jews also; and thus it was, till at length they came to throwing stones at one another; and several were wounded, and fell on both sides, though still the Jews were the conquerors. But when Felix saw that this quarrel was become a kind of war, he came upon them on the sudden, and desired the Jews to desist; and when they refused so to do, he armed his soldiers, and sent them out upon them, and slew many of them, and took more of them alive, and permitted his soldiers • Of tbis Hiffyptian impostor, and the number of bis foHowwa^ in Josephus, see Acts xxi. Jd. to plunder some of the houses of the citizens, which were full of riches. Now those Jews that were more moderate, and of principal dignity among them, were afraid of them- selves, and desired of Felix that he would sound a retreat to his soldiers, and spare them for the future, and afford them room for re- pentance for what they had done; and Felix was prevailed upon to do so. 8. About this time king Agrippa gave the high-priesthood to Ismael, who was the son of Fabi. And now arose a sedition between the high-priests and the principal men*of the multitude of Jerusalem ; each of whom got them a company of the boldest sort of men, and of those that loved innovations, about them, and became leaders to them; and when they struggled together, they did it by casting reproachful words against one another, and by throwing stones also. And there was nobody to reprove them; but these disorders were done after a licentious manner in the city, as if it had no government over it. And such was the impudence f and boldness that had seized on the high-priests, that they had the hardiness to send their servants into the thrashing-floors, to take away those tithes that were due to the priests, insomuch that it so fell out that the poorer sort of the priests died for want. To this degree did the violence of the seditious prevail over all right and justice. 9. Now, when Porcius Festus was sent as I successor to Felix by Nero, the principal of I the Jewish inhabitants of Cesarea went up to I Rome to accuse Felix; and he had certainly been brought to punishment, unless Nero had yielded to the importunate solicitations of his brother Pallas, who was at that time had in the greatest honour by him. Two of the principal Syrians in Cesarea persuaded Burr- hus, who was Nero's tutor, and secretary for his Greek epistles, by giving him a great sum of money, to disannul that equality of the Jewish privileges of citizens which they hither- to enjoyed. So Burrhus, by his solicitations, obtained leave of the emperor, that an epistle should be written to that purpose. This epistle became the occasion of the following miseries that befel our nation ; for, when the Jews of Cesarea were informed of the contents of this epistle to the Syrians, they were more disorderly than before, till a war was kindled: 10. Upon Festus's coming into Judea, it happened that Judea was afflicted by the rob- bers, while all the villages were set on fire, and plundered by them. And then it was that the sicariiy as they were called, who were rt)bbers, grew numerous. They made use of suiall swords, not much different in length from the Persian acinaca, but somewhat + The wickedness here was very peculiar and extra- ordinary, that the hi^h- priests should so oppress their brethren the priests, as to starve the poorest of them to (leatli, See the like presently, ch ix. sect. i. iSucb fatal crimes ate rovetoiisness and tyranny m the oler^ as well as in the laity, in al' agei. J I CHAP. IX. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 545 crookgd, and like the Roman siccB [or sickles], as they were called; and from these weapons these robbers got their denomination; and with these weapons they slew a great many; for they mingled themselves among the multi- tude at their festivals, when they were come up in crowds from all parts to the city to worship God, as we said before, and easily slew those that they had a mind to slay. They also came frequently upon the villages belonging to their enemies, with their weapons, and plundered them, syid set them on fire. So Festus sent forces, both horsemen and footmen, to fall upon those that had been seduced by a ceftain impostor, who promised them deliverance and freedom from the miseries they were under, if they would but follow him as far as the wilderness. Accordingly, those forces that were sent destroyed both him that had deluded them, and those that were his followers also. 11. About the same time king Agrippa built himself a very large dining-room in the royal palace at Jerusalem, near to the portico. Now this palace had been erected of old by the children of Asamoneus, and was situate upon an elevation, and afforded a most de- lightful prospect to those that had a mind to take a view of the city, which prospect was desired by the king; and there he could lie down, and eat, and thence observed what was done in the temple: which thing, when the chief men of Jerusalem saw, they were very much displeased at it; for it was not agree- able to the institutions of our country or law that what was done in the temple should be viewed by others, especially what belonged to the sacrifices. They therefore erected a wall upon the uppermost building which belonged to the inner court of the temple towards the west ; which wall, when it was built, did not only intercept the prospect of the dining-room in the palace, but also of the western cloisters that belonged to the outer court of the tem- ple also, where it was that the Romans kept guards for the temple at the festivals. At these doings, both king Agrippa, and princi- pally Festus the procurator, were much dis- pleased; and Festus ordered them to pull the wall down again : but the Jews petitioned him to give them leave to send an embassage about this matter to Nero; for they said they could not endure to live if any part of the temple should be demolished; and when Fes- tus had given them leave so to do, they sent ten of their principal men to Nero, as also Ismael the high-priest, and Helcias, the keeper of the sacred treasure. And when Nero had heard what they had to say, he not only for- gave * them what they had already done, but ♦ We have !iere one eminent example of Nero's inildne,ss and goodness in bis j^overnment towards the JcK» aiiring the first five years of his reii^n, so tamoiis ;n antiquity; we have perhaps another in Josephiis's own Life, sect 3; and a third, though of a very ditfe- rtnt nature, heie in sect 9, just bftonf. However, bo>h tbe generous acts of kindness were obtained of Nero by also gave them leave to let the wall they had built stand. This was granted them in order to gratify Poppea, Nero's wife, who was a religious woman and had requested thes'- favours of Nero, and who gave order to the. ten ambassadors to go their way home; but retained Helcias and Ismael as hostages with herself. As soon as the king heard this news, he gave the high-priesthood to Joseph, who was called Cabi, the son of Simon, formerly high-priest. CHAPTER IX. CONCERNING ALBINUS, UNDER WHOSE PRO- CURATORSHIP JAMES WAS SLAIN; AS ALSO WHAT EDIFICES WERE BUILT BY AGRIPPA. § 1. And now Caesar, upon hearing tbe d.eath of Festus, sent Albinus into Judea, as procu- rator; but the king deprived Joseph of the- high-priesthood, and bestowed the succession to that dignity on the son of Ananus, who was also himself called Ananus. Now the report goes, that this elder Ananus proved a most fortunate man; for he had five sons who had all performed the office of a high -priest to God, and he had himself enjoyed that dig- -lity a long time formerly, which had never happened to any other of our high-priests, but this younger Ananus, who, as we have told you already, took the high-priesthood, was a bold man in his temper, and very inso- lent; he was also of the sect of the Sad- ducees,f vr^o are very rigid in judging offenders, above all the rest of the Jews, as we have already observed; when, therefore, Ananus was of this disposition, he thought he had now a proper opportunity [to exercise his authority]. Festus was now dead, and Albinus was but upon the road; so he assem- bled the sanhedrim of judges, and brought before them the brother of Jesus,^^who was called Christ," whose name was James, and some others [or some of his companions]; and when he had formed an accusation against them as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned: but as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and. such as were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done; they also sent to the king [Agrippa], desiring him to send to Ananus that he should act so no more, for that what he had already done was not to be justified: nay, some of them went his queen Poppea, who was a religious lady, and per- haps privately a Jewish proselyte, and so" were nol owinn entirely to Nero's own goodness. + It hence evidently appears that Sadducees might bo hii{h-priests in the days of Josephus, and that these Sad- ducees were usually very severe and inexorable judges, while the Pharisees were -nuch milder, and more mer- ciful, as appears by Keland's instances in his note ou this place, and on Josephus's Life, sect. 34, and thos3 taken from the New Testament, from Josephus himselC and iroin the .rabbins; nor do we meet with any Sad- ducet.'» later than this hii;h-priest in all Josephus 2M 546 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOOK XX., also to meet Albinus, as he was upon his journey from Alexandria, and informed him that it was not lawful for Ananus to assemble a sanhedrim without his consent:* — where- upon Albinus complied with what they said, and wrote in anger to AnanuSj^anfl threatened that he would bring him to punishment for what he had done; on which king Agrippa took the high-priesthood from ^im, when he had ruled but three months, and made Jesus, the son of Damneus, high-priest. 2. Now, as soon as Albinus was come to the city of Jerusalem, he used all his endea- vours and care that the country might be kept in peace, and this by destroying many of the sicarii; but as for the high-priest Ana- nias,! ^e increased in glory every day, and this to a grpat degree, and had obtained the favour and esteem of the citizens in a signal manner; for he was a great hoarder up of money: he therefore cultivated the friendship of Albinus, and of the high-priest [Jesus], by making them presents; he also had servants who were very wicked, who joined themselves to the boldest sort of the people, and went to the thrashing-floors, and took away the tithes that belonged to the priests by violence, and did not refrain from beating such as would not give these tithes to them. So the other high-priests acted in the like manner, as did those his servants, without any one being able to prohibit them; so that [some of the] priests, that of old were wont to be supported with those tithes, died for want of food. 3. But now the sicarii went into the city by night, just before the festival, which was now at hand, and took the scribe belonging to the governor of the temple, whose name was Eleazar, who was the son of Ananus (Ananias) the high-priest, and bound him, and carried him away with them; after which they sent to Ananias, and said that they would send the scribe to him, if he would persuade Albinus to release ten of those prisoners which he had * Of this condemnation of James the Just, and its causes, as also that he did not die till lun^ afterwards, see Prim. Christ. Revived, vol. iii. eh. 43 — 46- 'J he san- hedrioi condemned our Saviour, but could not put him to death without the approbation of the Roman procura- tor: nor could therefore Ananas and his sanhedrim do more here, since they never had Albiuus's approbation fur the putting this James to death. ■f i'liis Ananias was not the son of Nebedeus. as I take it, but he who was called Annas or Atinanus the KIder, the 9th in the catalo};ue, and who had been esteemed high- f)rie8t for a long time; and besides, Caiaphas hisson-in- aw had tive of his own sons hi^h-prilsts alter him, who were those of numbers II, 14, lo, 17, Ui. in the foregoii))^ :;aialo);ue. Nor ought we to pass slightly over what Ju»e|)hu8 here says of this Annas or Anai.ias, that he was high-priest a long time before his children were so; he was the sun of ^elh, and is set down first for iiiKh- priest in the forritoing catalogue under number 9. He was made by Uuirinus, aud continued till lamael, the loth in number, for about twenty-three years; which luntf duration of his hiKh-prifSlhoud, joined to the sue- crsnioiis of bis suu-in-law, and live children of hii own. made bim a sort of perpetual higli-pneht, a4id was pei- Iktiis ihc occasion ibat lurnier hitili-prieiiiB kept tlieii lilies ever aUerwanls; for I believe it is hardly met witii bttton huu. caught of their party; so Ananias was plainly forced to persuade Albintis, and gained his request of him. This was the beginning of greater calamities; for the robbers perpetually contrived to catch some of Ananias's servants; and when they had taken them alive, they would not let them go till they thereby reco- vered some of their own sicoru; and as they were again become no small number, they grew bold, and were a great affliction to the whole country. 4. About this time it was that Agrippa built Cesarea Philippi larger than it was before, and, in honour of Nero, named it Neronias; and when he had built a theatre at Berytus with vast expenses, he bestowed on them shows, to be exhibited every year, and spent therein many ten thousand [drachmae] ; he also gave the people a largess of corn, and distri- buted oil among them, and adorned the entire city with statues of his own donation, and with original images made by ancient hands; nay, he almost transferred all that was most ornamental in his own kingdom thither. This made him more than ordinarily hated by his subjects; because he took those things away that belonged to them, to adorn a foreign city ; and now Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, became the successor of Jesus, the son of Damneus, in the high-priesthood, which the king had taken from the other; on which account a sedition arose between the high-priests, with regard to one another; for they got together bodies of the boldest sort of the people, and frequently came, from reproaches, to throwing of stones at each other; but Ananias was too hard for the rest, by his riches, — which ena- bled him to gain those that were most rea(iy to receive. Costobarus also, and Saulus, did themselves get together a multitude of wicked wretches, and^this because they were of the royal family; and so they obtained favour among them, because of their kindred to Agrippa: but still they used violence with the people,and were very ready to plunder those that were weaker than themselves. And from lliat time it principally came to pass, that our city was greatly disordered, and that all things grew worse and worse among us. 5. But when Albiims heard that Gessius Florus was coming to succeed him, he was desirous to appear to do somewhat that might be grateful to the people of Jerusalem; so he brought out all those prisoners who seemed to him to be the most plainly worthy of death, and ordered them to be put to death accord- ingly. But as to those who had been put into prison on some trifling occasion, he took money of them, and dismissed them; by which means the prisons were indeed emptied, but the country was filled with robbers. 6. Now, as many of the Lovites,* which is a tribe of ours, as were singers of bymJis, • this iiiS)'fi t pe-tition ol H*»me ol the Invites, to Mvai Ide .^acftduiat ^ariufiitn When iiii) sung h>mii^ li CHAP.rfC. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 647 persuaded the king to assemble a sanhedrim, and to give them leave to wear linen garujents, as well as the priests; for they said that this would be a work worthy the times ol his gove'iimeiit, that he might have a memorial of siu'h a novelty, as being his doing. Nor did >.hey fail of obtaining their desire; for the king, with the suffrages of those that came into the sanhedrim, granted the singers of hymns this privilege, that they might lay uside their former garments, and wear such a linen one as they desired; and as a part of this tribe ministered in the temple, he also permitted them to learn those hymns as they had besought him for. Now all this was contrary to the laws of our country, which, whenever they have been transgressed, we have never been able to avoid the punishment of such transgressions. 7. And now it was that the temple was finished.* So, when the people saw that the workmen were unemployed, who were above eighteen thousand, and that they, receiving no wages, were in want, because they had earned their bread by their labours about the temple ; and while they were unwilling to keep them by their treasuries that were there deposited, out of fear of [their being carried awiiy by] the Romans; and while they had a regard to the making provision for the workmen, they had a mind to expend those treasures upon them; for if any one of them did but labour for a single hour, he received his pay immediately; so they persuaded him to rebuild the eastern cloisters. These clois- ters belonged to the outer court, and were situated in a deep valley, and had walls that reached four hundred cubits [in lengtli], and were built of srjuare and very white^ stones, the length of each of which stones was twenty cubits, and their height six cubits. This was the work of king Solomon, f who first of all built the entire temple. But king Agrippa, who had the care of the temple committed to him by Claudius Caesar, considering that it is easy to demolish any building, but hard to build it up again, and that it was particularly hard to do it to those cloisters, which would require a considerable time, and great sums of money, he denied the petitioners their request about that matter; but he did not obstruct them when they desired the city might be paved with white stone. He also deprived Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, of the high-priest- hood, and gave it to Mattnias, the son of Theopbilus, under whom the Jews' war with the Iloraans took its beginning. God in the temple, was very probably owin^ to the great ilepressiun aad contempt tlie haughty hi^b-priests liart now brought their brethren the priests into; of which see cb. viii sect. 8; and cti. ix. sect i * Of this iinishint;. not ui the N'aa;, <»r holy hmtse. but of the it^of, or courts about it, called in ijeneral the temple, see t le note on b. xvii. en. x. sect. i. + '(f these <l .i>ters ot Solomon, st-e the dertcriptioii ol the tenipie. ch. xiL— I'hey ^4eem. by Jw>epiiuVs words. to hav« ueen built iruni toe hutimu ol the vn Vy. CHAPTER X. AN ENUMERATION OF THE HIGH-PRIESTS. § 1. And now I think it proper, and agree- able to this history, to give an account of our high-priests; how they began, who those are which are capable of that dignity, and how many of them there had been at the end of the war. In the first place, therefore, history informs us that Aaron, the brother of Moses, orticiated to iGod as a high- priest; and that, after his death, his sons succeeded him imme- diately; and that this dignity hath been con- tinued down from them all to their posterity. Whence it is a custom of our country, that no one should take the high -priesthood of God, but he who is of the blood of Aaron, while every one that is of another stock, though he were a king, can never obtain that high-priesthood. Accordingly, the number of all the high-priests from Aaron, of whom we have spoken already as of the first of them, until Phanas, who was made high-priest during the war by the seditious, was eighty - three ; of whom thirteen officiated as high-priests in the wilderness, from the days of Moses, while the tabernacle was standing, until the people came into Judea, when king Solomon erected the temple of God; for at first they held the high-priesthood till the end of their life, although afterward they had successors while they were alive. Now these thirteen, who were the descendants of two of the sons of Aaron, received this dignity by succession, one after another; for their form of govern- ment was an aristocracy, and after that a mon- archy, and, in the third place, the government was regal. Now, the number of years during the rule of these thirteen, from the day when our fathers departed out of Egypt, under Moses their leader, until the building of that temple which king Solomon erected at Jerusalem, were six hundred and twelve. After those thirteen high -priests, eighteen took the high-priesthood at Jerusalem, one in succession to another, from the days of king Solomon until Nebuchadnezzar, king of Baby- lon, made an expedition against that ciry, and burnt the temple, and removed our nation into Babylon, and then took Josadek, the high-priest, captive; the times of these high- priests were four hundred and sixty-six years, six months, and ten days, while the Jews were still under the refal government. But after the term of seventy years' captivity under the Babylonians, Cyrus, king of Persia, sent the Jews from Babylon to their own land again, and gave them leave to rebuild their temple; at which time Jesus, the son of Josadek, took the high-priesthood over the captives when they were returned home. Now he and his posterity, who were in all fifteen, unto king 648 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK XX. Antiochus Eupator, were under a democratical government for four hundred and fourteen years; and then the forementioned Antiochus and Lysias the general of his army, deprived Onius, who was also called Menelaus, of the high-priesthood, and slew him at Berea; and, driving away the son [of Onias the third], put Jacimus into the high-priest's place, one that was indeed of the stock of Aaron, but not of the family of Onias. On which account Onias, who was the nephew of Onias that was dead, and bore the same name with his father, came into Egypt, and got into the friendship of Ptolemy Philometor, and Cleopatra his wife, and persuaded them to make him the high- priest of that temple which he built to God in the prefecture of Heliopolis, and this in imitation of that at Jerusalem; but as for that temple which was built in Egypt, we have spoken of it frequently already. Now, when Jacimus had retained the priesthood three years, he died, and there was no one that succeeded him, but the city contiimed seven years without a high-priest. But then the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus, who had the government of the nation conferred upon them, when they had beaten the Mace- donians in war, appointed Jonathan to be their high-priest, who ruled over them seven years. And when he had been slain by the ' treacherous contrivance of Trypho, as we ' have related somewhere, Simon his brother • took the high-priesthood; and when he was destroyed at a feast by the treachery of his son-in-law, his own son, whose name was Hyr- canus, succeeded him, after he had held the high-priesthood one year longer than his bro- ther. This Hyrcanus enjoyed that dignity thirty years, and died an old man, leaving the succession to Judas, who was also called Aris- tobulus, whose brother Alexander was his beir; which Judas died of a sore distemper, after he had kept the priesthood, together with the royal authority; for this Judas was the first that put on his head a diadem, for one year. And when Alexander had been both king and high-priest twenty-seven years, he departed this life, and permitted his wife Alexandra to appoint him that should be high-priest; so she gave the high-priesthood to Hyrcanus, but retained the kingdom her- self nine years, and then departed this life. The like duration [and no longer] did her son Hyrcanus enjoy the high-priesthood; for after her death his brother Aristobulus fought against him, and beat him, and deprived him of his principality; and he-did himself both reign and perform the office of high-priest to God. But when he had reigned three years, and as many months, Pompey came upon him, and not only took the city of Jerusalem by force, but put him and his children in oonds, and sent them to Rome. He also restored the high-priesthood to Hyrcanus, and made him governor of thv nation, but forbade hita to wear a diadem. This Hyrcanus ruled, besides his first nine years, twenty-four years more, when Barzapharnes and Pacorusy the generals of the Parthians, passed over Euphrates, and fought with Hyrcanus, and took him alive, and made Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, king; and when he had reigned three years and three months, Sosius and Herod besieged him, and took him, when Antony had him brought to Antioch, and slain there. Herod was then made king by the i Romans, but did no longer appoint high- I priests out of the family of Asamoneus; but made certain men to be so that were of no eminent families, but barely of those that were priests, excepting that be gave that dig- nity to Aristobulus; for when he had made thia Aristobulus, the grandson of that Hyrcanus who was then taken by the Parthians, and had taken his sister Mariamne to wife, he thereby aimed to win the good-will of the people, who had a kind remembrance of Hyrcanus [his grandfather]. Yet did he afterward, out of his fear lest they should all bend their inclina- tions to Aristobulus, put him to death, and that by contriving how to have him suffocated, as he was swimming at Jericho, as w-e have already related that matter; but after this man, he never intrusted the high-priesthood J to the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus. I Archelaus also, Herod's son, did like his father in the appointment of the high-priests, as did the Romans also, who took the govern- . ment over the Jews into their hands afterward. ; Accordingly the number of the high-priests, ' from the days of Herod until the day when Titus took the temple and the city, and burnt them, were in all twenty-eight; the time also that belonged to them was a hundred and seven years. Some of these were the politi- cal governors of the people under the reign of Herod, and under the reign of Archelaus his son, although, after their death, the govern- ment became an aristocracy, and the high- priests were intrusted with a dominion over the nation. And thus much may suffice to be! j said concerning our high-priests. , CHAPTER XL CONCERNING FLORUS THE PROCURATOR, WHO , NECESSITATED THE JEWS TO TAKE UP ARMS AGAINST THE ROMANS. THE CONCLUSION. § 1. Now Gessius Florus, who was sent as successor to Albinus by Nero, filled Judea with abundance of miseries. He was by birth of the city of Clazomenjc, and brought along with him his wife Cleopatra (by whose friend- ship with Pop|)ea, Nero's wife, he obtained this governiuent), who was no way different from him in wicki'diu'ss. This Florus \v»h so wicked, ami &u violent in ihe use of his CHAP. XI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 549 authority, that the Jews took Albinns to have ieen [comparatively] their benefactor; so excessive were the mischiefs that he brought upon them. For Albinus concealed his wickedness, and was careful that it might not be discovered to all men ; but Gessius Florus, as though he had been sent on purpose to show his crimes to every body, made a pompous ostentation of them to our nation, as never omitting any sort of violence, nor any unjust sort of punishment; for he was not to be moved by pity, and never was satisfied with any degree of gain that came in his way ; nor had he any more regard to great than to small acquisitions, but became a partner with the robbers themselves; for a great many fell then into that practice without fear, as having him for their security, and depending on him, that he would save them harmless in their particular robberies; so that there were no bounds set to the nation's miseries; but the unhappy Jews, when they were not able to bear the devastations which the robbers made among them, were all under a neces- sity of leaving their own habitations, and of flying away, as hoping to dwell more easily anywhere else in the world among foreigners [than in their own country]. And what need I say any more upon this head? since it was this Florus who necessitated us to take up arms against the Romans, while we thought it better to be destroyed at once than by little and little. Now this war began in the second year of the government of Florus, and the twelfth year of the reign of Nero. But then what actions we were forced to do, or what miseries we were enabled to suffer, may be accurately known by such as will peruse those books which I have written about the Jewish war. 2. I shall now, therefore, make an end here of my Antiquities; after the conclusion of which events, I began to write that account of the war; and these Antiquities contain what hath been delivered down to us from the original creation of man, until the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, as to what hath befallen the Jews, as well in Egypt as in Syria, and in Palestine, and what we have suffered from the Assyrians and Babylonians, and what afflictions the Persians and Mace- donians, and after them the Romans, have ftrbught upon us ; for I think I may say that I have composed this history with sufficient accuracy in all things. I have attempted to eiJumerate those high-priests that we have had during the interval of two thousand years; I have also carried down the succession of our kings, and related their actions, and poli- tical administration, without [considerable] errors, as also the power of our monarchs; and all according to what is written in our. sacred books; for this it was that I promised to do in the beginning of this history. And I am 80 bold as to say, now I hav« so com- pletely perfected the work I proposed to myself to do, that no other person, whether he ' were a Jew or a foreigner, had he ever so great an inclination to it, could so accurately deliver these accounts to the Greeks as is done in these books. For those of my own nation freely acknowledge that I far exceed them in the learning belonging to the Jews. I have also taken a great deal of pains to obtain the learning of the Greeks, and under- stand the elements of the Greek language, although I have so long accustomed myself to speak our own tongue, that I cannot pro- nounce Greek with sufficient exactness^ for ovr nation does not encourage those that learn the languages of many nations, and so adorn their discourses with the smoothness of their periods; because they look upon this sort of accomplishment as common, not only to all sorts of freemen, but to as many of the servants as please to learn them. But they give him the testimony of being a wise man who is fully acquainted with our laws, and is able to interpret their meaning; on which account, as there have been many who have done their endeavours with great patience to obtain this learrting, there have yet hardly been so many as two or three that have suc- ceeded therein, who were immediately well rewarded for their pains. 3. And now it will not be perhaps an invidious thing, if I treat briefly of my own family, and of the actions of my own life,* while there are still living such as can either prove what I say to be false, or can attest that it is true ; with which accounts I shall put an end to these Antiquities, which are contained in twenty books, and sixty thousand verses. And if Godf permit me, I will * The Life here referred to will be found at the begin- ning of the Tolume, + What Josephus here declares his intention to do, if God permitted, to give the public again an abridg- ment of the Jewish War, and to add, whai befel them farther to that very day, the 13th of Domitian, or A. D. y3, is not, that I have observed, taken distinct notice of by any one; nor do we ever hear of it elsewhere, whe- ther he performed what he now intended or not. Some of the reasons of this design of his might possibly be, his observation of the many errors he had been guilty of in the two first books of those seven books of the War, which were written when he was comparatively young, and less acquainted with the Jewish antiquities than he now was, and in which abridgment we might have hoped to find those many passages which himself, as well as those several passages which others refer to, as written by him, but which are not extant in his present works. However, since many of his own references to what he had written elsewhere, as well as most of his own errors, belong to such early times as could not well come into this abridgment of the Jewish War; and since none of those that quote things not now extant in his works.including himself as well as others, ever cite any such abridgment, I a^ forced rather to suppose that he never did publish any such work at all; I mean, as distinct from his own Life, written by himself, for an appendix to these Antiquities, and this at least seven years after these Antiquities were finished. Nor indeed does it appear to rae that Josephus ever published that other work here mentioned, as intended by hiik. for the public also. I mean the three or four books conceratng God and his Essence, and concerning the Jewish Lan't ; why, according to them, some things were permitted the JtKt, •nd tthtirt prohibited: which last 8e«int to b« tbo 550 ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS, BOOK XX. concerning our Jewish opinions about God and his essence, and about our laws; why, according to them, some things are permitted us to do, and others are prohibited. briefly run over this war again, with what betel us therein to this very day, which is the thirteenth year of the reign of Caesar Domi- tian, ftnd the fifty-sixth of my own life. I have also an intention to write three books tame work which Josephus had also promised, if Goa i a&d no acquaintance with to the crown, I mean Nerva vermilted, at the conclusion of bis Preface to these t and Trajan, together with his removal from Home ta Antiquities; nor do 1 suppose that he ever published any I J udea, with what followed it, might ^atil^ interrup Bf them. The death of all his friends at court, Vespa- such his iutentions. and prereat his poUiMttMi of tbcM sian, Titoa, and Domi ian, and the coming of those he [ works. THB WAES OF THE JEWS,- THE HISTORY THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM. PREFACE. § 1. * Whereas the war which the Jews ' made with the Romans hath been the greatest of all those, not only that have been in our times, but, in a manner, of those that ever were heard of; both of those wherein cities have fought against cities, or nations against nations; while some men who were not concerned in the affairs themselves, have gotten together vain and contradictory stories by hearsay, and have written them down after a sophistical manner; and while those ; that were there present have given false accounts of things, and this either out of a humour of flattery to the Romans, or of hatred towards the Jews; and while their writings contain sometimes accusations, and sometimes ; encomiums, but nowhere the accurate truth of the facts, I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed • 1 have already observed more than once, that Chia history of the Jewish War was Josephus's first work, and ' published about a. d. 75, whea he was but thirty-ei^ht years of ai;e ; and that when he wrote it, he was not tho- roughly acqnainted with several circumstances of history from the days of Antiochus Epiphanes, with whioh it; begins, till near his own times, contained in the first and i former part of the second book, and so committed manyj involuntary errors therein. That he published his Anti- quities eighteen years afterward, in the 13th year ofj Domitian, a. d. 9J, when he was much more completelyi acqii:iinted with those ancient times, and after he bad perused those most authentic histories, the first book of Maccabees, and the Chronicles of the Priesthood of John Hyrcanus, &c — Tliat accord'oglv he then reviewed those parts of this work, and i^ave the public a more faithful, complete, and accurate account of the facts therein related; and honestly corrected the errors he had bofore ran into in the language of our coimtry, and sent to the Upper Barbarians;! I, Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth an Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterwards [am the author of this work]. 2. Now at the time when this great con- cussion of affairs happened, the affairs of the Romans themselves were in great disorder. Those Jews also, who were for innovations, then arose when the times were disturbed; they were also in a flourishing condition for strength and riches, insomuch that the affairs of the east were then exceeding tumultuous, while some hoped for gain, and others were afraid of loss in such troubles; for the Jews hoped that all of their nation which were beyond Euphrates would have raised an insur- rection together with them. The Gauls also, in the neighbourhood of the Romans, were in motion, and the Celtae were not quiet; but all was in disorder after the death of Nero. And the opportunity now offered induced many to aim at the royal power: and the soldiery affected change, out of the hopes of getting money. I thought it therefore an + Who these Upper Barbarians, remote from the sea, wercN Josephus himself will inform us, sect 2, tnz. the Parthians and Babylonians, and remotest Arabians [or the Jews aroont; them]; besides the Jews beyond Eu- phrates, and the Adiabeni. or Assyrians. Whence we also learn, that these Parthians, Babylonians, the remo- test Arabians [or at least the Jews among them], as also the Jews beyond Euphrates, and Adiabeni, or Assyrians, understood Josephus's Hebrew, or rather Chaldaic, books of the Jewish War, before they were put ipto the Greek langu^^;« 652 PREFACE. absurd thing to see the truth falsified in nflfairs of such great consequence, and to take no notice of it ; but to suffer those Greeks and Romans that were not in the wars to be ignorant of these things, and to read either flatteries or fictions, while the Parthians, and the Babylonians, and the remotest Arabians, and those of our nation beyond Euphrates, with the Adiabeni, by my means, knew accu- rately both whence the war begun, what miseries it brought upon us, and after what manner it ended. 3. It is true, these writers have the confi- dence to call their accounts histories; wherein yet the}* seem to nrle to fail of their own purpose, as well as to relate nothing that is Bound; for they have a mind to demonstrate the greatness of the Romans, while they still diminish and lessen the actions of the Jews, as not discerning how it cannot be that those must appear to be great who have only con- quered those that were little; nor are they ashamed to overlook the length of the war, the multitude of the Roman forces who so greatly sufiered in it, or the might of the commanders, — whose great labours about Jerusalem will be deemed inglorious, if what they achieved be reckoned but a small matter. 4. However, I will not go to the other extreme, out of opposition to those men who extol the Romans, nor will I determine to raise the actions of my countrymen too high; but I will prosecute the actions of both par- ties with accuracy. Yet shall I suit my language to the passions I am under, as to the affairs I describe, and must be allowed to indulge some lamentations upon the miseries undergone by my own country; for that it was a seditious temper of our own that de- stroyed it; and that they were the tyrants among th»*Jevvs who brought the Roman power upon us, who unwillingly attacked us, and occasioned the burning of our holy tem- ple; Titus Cffisar, who destroyed it, is himself *a witness, who, during the entire war, pitied the people who were kept under by the sedi- tious, and did often voluntarily delay the taking of the city, and allowed time to the siege, in order to let the authors have opportunity for repentance. But if any one makes an unjust accusation against us, when we speak 60 passionately about the tyrants, or the rob- bers, or sorely bewail the misfortunes of our country, let him indulge my affections herein, though it be contrary to the rules for writing history; because it had so come to pass, that our city Jerusalem had arrived at a higher degree of felicity than any other city under the Roman government, and yet at last fell into the sorest of calamities again. Accord- ingly, it appears to me, that the misfortunes of all men, from the beginning of the world, if they be compared to tinise of the Jews,* • Tbat thew calamitiea of the Jews, wdo were our ■•Tlour'f luurdem*, were to b« the greate«t that hud are not so considerable as they were; while the authors of them were not foreigners neither. This makes it impossible for me to contain my lamentations. But, if any one be inflexible in his censures of me, let him attri- bute the facts themselves to the historical part, and the lamentations to the writer him- self only. 5. However, I may justly blame the learned men among the Greeks, who, when such great actions have been done in their own times, which, upon the comparison, quite eclipse the old wars, do yet sit as judges of those af- fairs, and pass bitter censures upon the labours of the best writers of antiquity; which mo- derns, although they may be superior to the old writers in eloquence, yet they are inferior to them in the execution of what they intended to do. While these also write new histories about the Assyrians and Medes, as if the ancient writers had not described their affairs as they ought to have done; although these be as far inferior to them in abilities as they are different in their notions from them ; for of old, every one took upon them to write what happened in his own time; where their immediate concern in the actions made their promises of value; and where it mu&t be reproachful to write lies, when they must be known by the readers to be such. But then, an undertaking to preserve the memory of what hath not been before recorded, and to represent the affairs of one's own time to those that come afterwards, is really worthy of praise and commendation. Now, he is to be esteemed to have taken good pains in earnest, not who does no more than change the dis- position and order of other men's works, but he who not only relates what had not been related before, but composes an entire body of history of his own : accordingly, I have been at great charges, and have taken very great pains [about this history], though I be a foreigner; and do dedicate this work, as a memorial of great actions, both to the Greeks and to the Barbarians. But, for some of our own principal men, their mouths are wide open, and their tongues loosed presently, for gain and lawsuits, but quite muzzled up when they are to write history, where they must speak truth and gather facts together with a great deal of pains; and so they leave the writing such histories to weaker people> and to such as are not acquainted with tlie actions of princes. Yet shall the real truth of historical facts be preferred by us, how much soever it be neglected among the Greek historians. 6. To write concerning the Antiquities of the Jews, who they were [originally], and how they revolted from the Egyptians, and ever been since the beginning of the world, our Savionr hud directly furetold. Matt xxiv. til- Mark xiii 19; l.iike xxi. 2:i, V4; and that they proved to he iiucti accordingly, Juscobuf is here a most authentic witncts. PREFACE. 553 waat country they travelled over, and what countnes they seized upon afterward, and how they were removed out of them, I think this not. to be a fit opportunity, and, on other accounts, also superfluous; and this because many Jews before me have composed the his- tories of our ancestors very exactly; as have some of the Greeks done it also, and have translated our histories into their own tongue, and have not much mistaken the truth in their histories. But then, where the writers of these affairs and our prophets leave off, thence shall I take my rise, and begin my history. Now, as to what concerns that war which happened in my own time, I will go over it very largely, and with all the diligence I am able; but, for what preceded mine own age, that I shall run over briefly. 7. [For example, I shall relate] how Antio- chus, who was named Epiphanes, took Jeru- salem by force, and held it three years and three months, and was then ejected out of the country by the sons of Asamoneus: after that how their posterity quarrelled about the government, and brought upon their settlement the Romans and Pompey; how Herod also, the son of Antipater, dissolved their govern- ment, and brought Socius upon them; as also how our people made a sedition upon Herod's death, while Augustus was the Roman emperor, and Quintilius Varus was in that country; and how the war broke out in the twelfth year of Nero, with what happened to Cestius; and what places the Jews assaulted in an hostile manner in the first sallies of the war. 8. As also, [I shall relate] how they built walls about the neighbouring cities; and how Nero, upon Cestius's defeat, was in fear of the entire event of the war, and thereuj[fcn made Vespasian general in this war; and how this Vespasian, with the elder of his sons,* made an expedition into the country of Judea; what was the number of the Roman army that he made use of; and how many of his auxiliaries were cut off in all Galilee; and how he took some of its cities entirely, and by force, and others of them by treaty, and on terms. Now, when I am come so far, I shall describe the good order of the Romans in war, and the discipline of their legions: the amplitude of both the Galilees, with its nature, and the limits of Judea. And, besides this, I shall particularly go over what is peculiar to the country, the lakes and foun- tains that are in them, and what miseries hap- pened to every city as they were taken; and all this wkh accuracy, as I saw the things done, or suffered in them; for I shall not con- ceal any of the calamities I myself endured, since I shall relate them to such as know the truth of them. 9. After this [I shall relate] how, when the r Titiu. Jews' affairs were become very bad, Nero died; and Vespasian, when he was going to attack Jerusalem, was called back to take the government upon him; what signs happened to him relating to his gaining that government, and what mutations of government then hap- pened at Rome, and how he was unwillingly made emperor by his soldiers; and how upon his departure to Egypt, to take upon Mm the government o£ the empire, the affairs ot the Jews became very tumultuous; as also how the tyrants rose up against them, and fell into dissensions amongst themselves. 10. Moreover, [I shall relate] how Titus marched out of Egypt into Judea the second time; as also how and where, and how many forces he got together; and in what stat^ the city was, by means of the seditious, at his coming; what attacks he made, and how many ramparts he cast up; of the three walls that encompassed the city, and of their measures; of the strength of the city, and the structure of the temple and holy house; and besides, the measures of those edifices, and of the altar, and all accurately determined. A c'escription also of certain of their festivals, and seven pu- rifications or degrees of purity, t and the sacred ministrations of the priests, with the garments of the priests, and of the high-priests; and of the nature of the most holy place of the tem- ple; without concealing any thing, or adding any thing to the known truth of things. 1 1 . After this, I shall relate the barbarity of the tyrants towards the people of their own nation, as well as the indulgence of the Romans in sparing foreigners; and how often Titus, out of his desire to preserve the city and the temple, invited the seditious to come to terms of accommodation. I shall also dis- tinguish the sufferings of the people, and their calamities ; how far they were afflicted by the sedition, and how far by the famine, and at length were taken. Nor shall I omit to mention the misfortunes of the deserters, nor the punishments inflicted on the captives; as also, how the temple \tas burnt, against the consent of Caesar; and how many sacred things that had been laid up in the temple, were snatched out of the fire; the destruc- tion also of the entire city, with the signs and wonders that went before it; and the taking the tyrants captive, and the multitude of those that were made slaves, and into what different misfortunes they were every one dis- tributed. Moreover, what the Romans did to the remains of the wall; and how they demolished the strong-holds that were in the country; and how Titus went over the whole country, and settled its affairs; together with his return into Italy, and his triumph. 12. I have comprehended all these thingi + These seven, or rather five, degrees of parity, of purification, are enumerated hereafter, b.v.ch.v. sectu. The rabbins make ten degrees of them, as Keland there informs 'is* 664 WARS OP THE JEWS. BOOK I. in seven books; and have left no occasion for complaint or accusation to such as have been acquainted with this war; and I have written it down for the sake of those that love truth. but not for those that please themselves [with fictitious relations]. And I will begin my account of these things with what I call my First Chapter. BOOK I. CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTT-SEVEN YEARS FROM ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES TAKING JERUSALEM TO THE DEATH OF HEROD THE GREAT. CHAPTER I. KOW THE CITY OF JERUSALEM WAS TAKEN, AND THE TEMPLE PILLAGED [BY ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANEs]. AS ALSO CONCERNING THE ACTIONS OP THE MACCABEES, MATTHIAS AND JUDAS; AND CONCERNING THE DEATH or JUDAS. § 1. At the same time that Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, had a quarrel with the sixth Ptolemy about his right to the whole country of Syria, a great sedition fell among the men of power in Judea, and they had a contention about obtaining the government ; while each of those that were of dignity could not endure to be subject to their equals. However, Onias, one of the high-priests, got the better, and cast the sons of Tobias out of the city; who fled to Antiochus, and be- sought him to make use of them for his lead- ers, and to make an expedition into Judea. The king being thereto disposed beforehand, complied with them, end came upon the Jews with a great army, and took their city by force, and slew a great multitude of those that favoured Ptoleray, and sent out his sol- diers to plunder them without mercy. He also spoiled the temple, and put a stop to the constant practice of offering a daily sacrifice of expiation for three years and six months. But Onias, the high-priest, fled to Ptolemy, and received a place from him in the Nomus of Heliopolis, where he built a city resem- bling Jerusalem, and a temple that was like its temple;* concerning which we shall speak more in its proper place hereafter. • I Bee little difference in the several accounts in Joseph** about the Egyptian temple Onion, ot which Urge complaints are made by his commentators. Onias, It seems, hoped to have made it very like that at JerU- Mlem, and of the same dimensions! and so be appears to have really done, as lar as he was able, and thought I roper. Of this temple, see Antiq. b. xiii. ch. iiL sect , 2, 3i and Of the War, U vii cU. x. sect. a. 2. Now Antiochus was not satisfied either with his unexpected taking the city, or with its pillage, or with the great slaughter he had made there ; but being overcome with his violent passions, and remembering what he had suffered during the siege, he compelled the Jews to dissolve the laws of their coun- try, and to keep their infants uncircumcised, and to sacrifice swine's flesh upon the altar; against which they all opposed themselves, and the most approved among them were put to death. Bacchides also, who was sent to keep the fortresses, having these wicked com- mands, joined to his own natural barbarity, indulged all sorts of the extremest wicked- ness, and tormented the worthiest of the in- habitants, man by man, and threatened their cify every day with open destruction ; till at length he provoked the poor sufferers, by the extremity of his wicked doings, to avenge themselves. 3. Accordingly, Matthias, the son of Asa- moneus, one of the priests who lived in a village called Modin, armed himself, together with his own family, which had five sons of his in it, and slew Bacchides with daggers; and, thereupon, out of the fear of the many garrisons [of the enemy], he fled to the moun- tains ; and so many of the people followed him, that he was encouraged to come down from the mountains, and to give battle to Antiochus's generals, when he beat them, and drove them out of Judea. So he came to the government by this his success, and became the prince of his own people by their own free consent, and then died, leaving the government to Judas, his eldest son. 4. Now Judas, supposing that Antiochus would not lie still, gathered an army out of his own couiitrynieii, and was the first tLat made a league of friendship with the Romans, and drove Epiphanes out of the country when he had pvtnle u second expedition into it, aiid CHAP. IT. WARS OF THE JEWS. 655 tbis by giving bim a great defeat there; and when he was warmed by this great success, be made an assault upon the garrison that was in the city, for it had not been cut off hitherto; so he ejected them out of the upper city, and drove the soldiers into the lower, which part of the city was called the Citadel, lie then got the temple under his power, and cleansed the whole place, and walled it round about, and made new vessels for sacred minis- trations, and brought them into the tenplf. because the former vessels had been profaned. He also built another altar, and began to offer the sacrifices; and when the city had already received its sacred constitution again, Antiochus died; whose son Antiocbus suc- ceeded him in the kingdom, and in his hatred to the Jews also. 5. So this Antiochus got together fifty thousand footmen, and five thousand horse- men, and fourscore elephants, and marched through Judea into the mountainous parts. He then took Bethsura, which was a small city; bat, at a place called Bethzacharias, where the passage was narrow, Judas met bim with his army. However, before the forces joined battle, Judas's brother, Eleazar, seeing the very highest of the elephants adorned yvith a large tower, and with mili- tary trappings of gold to guard him, and sup- posing that Antiochus himself was upon him, he ran a great way before his own army, and cutting hjs way through the enemies* troops, be got up to the elephant; yet could not reach him who seemed to be the king, by reason of his being so high; but still he ran his weapon into the belly of the beast, and brought him down upon himself, and was crushed to death, having done no more than attempted great things, and showed that he preferred glory before life. Now he that governed the elephant was but a private man; but had he proved to be Antiochus, Eleazar had perfoimed nothing more by this bold stroke than that it might appear he chose to die, when he had the bare hope of thereby doing a glorious action ; nay, this disappoint- ment proved an omen to his brother [Judas] bow the entire battle would end. It is true, that the Jews fought it out bravely for a long time; but the king's forces, being superior in number, and having fortune on their side, obtained the victory; and when a great many of his men were slain, Judas took the resi; with him, and fled to the toparchy of Gophna. So Antiochus went to Jerusalem, and staid there but a few days, for he wanted provisions, and so he went his way. He left indeed a garrison behind him, such as he thought sulhcient to keep the place; but drew the rest of his army off, to take their winter-quarters in Syria. 6. Now, after the king was departed, Judas was not idle; for as many of his own ition came to bm, se did ha gather those thtJt had escaped out of the battle together, and gave battle again to Antiochus's genera^ at a village called Adasa; and being too hard for his enemies in the battle, and killing a great number of them, he was at last himself slain also. Nor was it many days afterward that his brother John had a plot laid against him by Antiochus's party, and was slain by them, ■ CHAPTER IL CONCERNING THE SUCCESSORS OF JCDAS, WHO WERE JONATHAN, SIMEON, AND JOHN HYRCAN-K. § 1. When Jcr.sthan, who was Judas's bro- ther, succeeded him, he behaved himself Nvith great circumspection in other respects, with relation to his own people; and he corrobo- rated his authority ly p/eserving his friend- ship with the Romans. He also made a league with Antiochus the son. Yet was not all this sufficient for his security; for the tyrant Try- pho, who was guardian to Antiochus's son, laid a plot against him ; and, besides that, en- deavoured to take off his friends, and caught Jonathan by a wile, as he was going to Pto- lemais tc Antiochus, with a few persons in his company, and put them in bonds, and then made an expedition against the Jews: but Vi^hen he was afterward driven ^way by Simeon, who was Jonathan's brother, and was enraged at his defeat, he put Jonathan to death. 2. However, Simeon managed the public affairs after a courageous manner, and took Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamnia, which were cities in the neighbourhood. He also got the garrison under, and demolished the citadel. He was afterwards an auxiliary to Antiochus, against Trypho, whom he besieged in Dora, before he went on his expedition against the Medes; yet could not he make the king ashamed of his ambition, though he had as- sisted him in killing Trypho ; for it was not long ere Antiochus sent Cendebeus his gene- ral with an army to lay waste Judea, and to subdue Simeon; yet he, though he was now in years, conducted the war as if he were a much younger man. He also sent his sons with a band of strong men against Antiochus, while he took part of the army himself with him, and fell upon him from another quarter: he also laid a great many men in ambush in many places of the mountains, and was supe- rior in all his attacks upon them. And when he had been conqueror after so glorious a manner, he was made high- priest, and also freed the Jews from the dominion of the Ma- cedonians, after a hundred and seventy years of the empire [of Seleucus]. 3. This Simon had also a plot laid against him, and was slain at a feast by his son-in-law !S^b6 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK 1 Ptolemy, who put his wife and two sons into prison, and sent some persons to kill John, who was also called Hyrcanus.* But when the young man was informed of their coming beforehand, he made much haste to get to the city, as having a very great confi- dence in the p«ople there, both on account of the memory of the glorious actions of his father, and of the hatred they could^not but bear to the injustice of Ptolemy. Ptolemy also made an attempt to get into the city by another gate, but was repelled by the people, who had just then admitted Hyrcanus; so he retired presently to one of the fortresses that were above Jericho, which was called Dagon. Now, when Hyrcanus had received the high- priesthood,, which bis father had held before, and had offered sacrifice to God, he made great haste to attack Ptolemy, tha't he might atford relief to his mother and brethren. 4. So he laid siege to the fortress, and was superior to Ptolemy in other respects, but was overcome by him as to the just affection [he had for his relations] ; for when Ptolemy was distressed, he brought forth his mother and his brethren, and set them upon the wall, and beat them with rods in every body's sight, and threatened, that, unless he would go away immediately, he would throw them down headlong; at which sight Hyrcanus's com- miseration and concern were too hard for his anger. But his mother was not dismayed, neither at the stripes she received, nor at the death with which she was threatened, but stretched out h^ hands, and prayed her son not to be moved with the injuries that she suiFered, to spare the vi^retch; since it was to her better to die by the means of Ptolemy than to live ever so long, provided he might be punished for the injuries he had done to their fomily. Now John's case was this: — When he considered the courage of his mother, and heard her entreaty, he set about his attacks; but when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces with the stripes, he grew feeble, and was entirely overcome by his affections. And as tlie siege was delayed by this means, the year of rest came on, upon which the Jews rest every seventh year as they do on every seventh day. On this year, therefore, Ptolemy was freed from being besieged, and slew the brethren of John, with their mother, and fled to Zeno, who was also called Coty- las, who was the tyrant of Philadelphia. 5. Aiid now Antiochus was so angry at what he bad suffered from Simeon, that he * Why this John the son of Simeon, the hi(;h-priest and governor of the Jews, was called Hyrcanus, Juse- y bus nowhere informs us; nor is he called other than obn at the end of the first book of the Maccabevs However, Sixtus Senensis, when he ^ives iis an epitome of the Greek version of the book here abridged by Jose- phus, or of the Chronicles of this John Hyrcanus, then extant, assures us that he was called Hyrcanus, from his conquest of one of that name. See Authent. liec. part i. p.S7. But of this younger Antiochus, see Dean Aldricb's made an expedition i-nto Judea, and sat dowB before Jerusalem, and besieged Hyrcanus but Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of David^ who was the richest of all kings, and took thence about three thousand talents in money,, and induced Antiochus, by the promise oi three thousand talents, to raise the siege^ Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that had money enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also. 6. However, at another time, when Antio- chus was gone upon an expedition against the Medes, and so gave Hyrcanus an oppor- tunity of being avenged upon him, he imme- diately made an attack upon the cities of Syria, as thinking,^ what proved to be the case with them, that he should find them empty of good troops. So he took Medaba and Samea, with the towns in their neighbourhood, as also Shechem and Gerizzim ; and besides these,^ [he subdued] the nation of the Cutheans, who- dwelt round about that temple which was built in imitation of the temple at Jerusalem: he also took a great many .other cities of Idu- mea, with Adoreon and Marissa. 7. He also proceeded as far as Samaria, where is now the city Sebaste, which was built by Herod the king, and encompassed it all round with a wall, and set his sons, Aris- tobulus and Antigonus over the siege; who pushed it on so hard, that a famine so far pre- vailed within the city, that they were forced to eat what never was esteemed food. They also invited Antiochus, who was called Cyzi- cenus, to come to their assistance; whereupon he got ready, and complied with their invita- tion, but was beaten by Aristobulus and Antigonus; .ind indeed he was pursued as far as Scythopolis by these brethren, and fled away from them. So they returned back to Sama- ria, and shut the multitude again within the wall; and when they had taken the city, they * demolished it, and made slaves of its inhabi- tants. And, as they had still great success in their undertakings, they did not suffer theij zeal to cool, but marched with an army as fap as Scythopolis, and made an incursion upon it, and laid waste all the country that lay within mount Carmel. 8. But then, these successes of John and of his sons made them be envied, and occa- sioned a sedition in the country; and many there were who got together, and would noS be at rest till they brake out into open war, in which war they were beaten. So John . I lived the rest of his life very happily, and i administered the government after a most extraordinary maimer, and this for thirty-three entire years together. He died, leaving five 80i)3 behind him. He was certainly a verv happy man, ai»d affortied no occasion to have any complaint made of fortune on his account. He it was who alone had three of the most desirable things in the world,, — the govern, ment of hLt natiuu. vrnd the high-priestkcvct CHAP. III. WARS OF THE JEWS. 557 and the gift of prophecy; for the Deity con- versed with him, — and he was not ignorant of any thing that was to come afterwards; insomuch, that he foresaw and foretold that his two eldest sons would not continue mas- ters of the government: and it will highly deserve our narration to describe their catas- trophe, and how far inferior these men were to their father in felicity. CHAPTER HL HOW ARISTOBULnS WAS THE FIRST THAT PUT A DIADEM ABOUT HIS HEAD; AND, AFTER HE HAD PUT HIS MOTHER AND BROTHER TO DEATH, DIED HIMSELF, WHEN HE HAD REIGNED NO MORE THAN A YEAR. § 1. For, after the death of their father, the elder of them, Aristobulus, changed the go- vernment into a kingdom, and was the first that put a diadem upon his head, four hun- dred and seventy-one years and three months after our people came down into this country, when they were set free from the Babylonian slavery. Now, of his brethren, he appeared to have an affection for Antigonus, who was next to him, and made him his equal ; but, for the rest, he bound them, and put them in prison. He also put his mother in bonds, for her contesting the government with him ; for John had left her to be the governess of pub- lic affairs. He also proceeded to that degree of barbarity, as to cause her to be pined to death in prison. 2. But vengeance circumvented him in the affair of h^ brother Antigonus, whom he loved, and whom he made his partner in the kingdom; for he slew him by the means of the calumnies which ill men about the palace contrived against him. At first, indeed, Aris- tobulus would not believe their reports, partly out of the affection he had for his brother, and partly because he thought that a great part of these tales were owing to the envy of their relaters: however, as Antigonus came once in a splendid manner from the army to that festival, wherein our ancient custom is to make tabernacles for God, it happened in those days that Aristobulus was sick, and that, at the conclusion of the feast, Antigo- nus came up to it, with his armed men about him, and this when he was adorned in the finest manner possible; and that, in a great measure, to pray to God on the behalf of his brother. Now, at this very time it was that these ill men came to the king, and told him in what a pompous manner the armed men came, and with what insolence Antigonus inarched, and that sueh his insolence was too great for a private person, 5nd that, accord- ingly, he was come with a grear band of men kill hiui; tor that he could not endure this bare enjoyment of royal honour, when it was in his power to take the kingdom himself. 3. Now Aristobulus, by degrees, and un« willingly, gave credit to these accusations; and, accordingly, he took care not to discover his suspicion openly, though he provided to be secure against any accidents; so he placed the guards of his body in a certain dark sub- terraneous passage ; for he lay sick in a cer- tain place called formerly the Citadel, though afterwards its name was changed to Antonia; and he gave orders, that, if Antigonus came unarmed, they should let him alone; but if he came to him in his armour, they should kill him. He also sent some to let him know beforehand, that he should come unarmed. But, upon this occasion, the queen very cun- ningly contrived the matter with those that plotted his ruin, for she persuaded those that were sent, to conceal the king's message; but to tell Antigonus how his brother had heard he had got a very fine suit of armour, made with fine martial ornaments, in Galilee; and because his present sickness hindered him from coming and seeing all that finery, he very* much desired to see him now in his armour, because, said he, in a little time thou art going away from me. 4. As soon as Antigonus heard this, the good temper of his brother not allowing him to suspect any harm from him, he came along with his armour on, to show it to his brother; but when he was going along that dark pas- sage, which was called Strato's Tower, he was slain by the body-guards, and became an eminent instance how calumny destroys all good- will and natural affection, and how none of our good affections are strong enough to resist envy perpetually. 5. And truly any one would be surprised at Judas upon this occasion. He was of the sect of the Essens, and had never failed or deceived men in his predictions before. Now, this man saw Antigonus as he was passing along by the temple, and cried out to his ac- quaintance (they were not a few who attended upon him as his scholars), " O strange 1" said he, "it is good for me to die now, since truth is dead before me, and somewhat that I have foretold hath proved false; for this Antigonus is this day alive, who ought to have died this day; and the place where he ought to be slain, according to that fatal decree, was Strato's Tower, which is at the distance of six hundred furlongs from this place, and yet four hours of this day are over already; which point of time renders the prediction impossible to be fulfilled." And when the old man had said this he was dejected in his mind, and so con- tinued. But, in a little time, news came that Antigonus was slain in a subterraneous place, which was itself also called Strato's Tower, by the same name with that Cesarea which la} by the sea-side; and this ambiguity it was which caused the prophet's disorder. 658 WARS OF tHE JEWS- BOOK I, 6. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of the great crime be bad been guilty of, and this gave occasion to tbe increase of his distemper. He also grew worse and worse, and his soul was constantly disturbed at the thought of what he had done, till his very bowels being torn to pieces by the intolerable grief he was under, he threw up a great quantity of blood. And, as one of those servants that attended him carried out that blood, be, by some super- natural providence, slipped and fell down in the very place where Antigonus had been slain; and so he spilt some of the murderer's blood upon the spots of the blood of him that had been murdered, which still appeared. Hereupon a lamentable cry arose among the spectators, as if the servant had spilled the blood on purpose in that place; and, as the king heard that cry, he inquired what was the cause of it; and while nobody durst tell him, he pressed them so much the more to let him know what was the matter; so, at length, when he had threatened them, and forced them to speak out, they told; where- upon be burst into tears, and groaned,* and said, " So I perceive I am not like to escape the all-seeing eye of God, as to the great crimes I have committed; but the "vengeance of the blood of my kinsman pursues me hastily. O thou most impudent body! how long wilt thou retain a soul that ought to die, on account of that punishment it ought to sufler for a mother and a brother slain how long shall I myself spend my blood drop by drop i let them take it ail at once; and let their ghosts no longer be disappointed by a few parcels of my bowels offered to them." As soon as he had said these words, he presently died, when he had reigned no longer than a year. CHAPTER rV. WHAT ACTTONS WERE DONE BY ALEXANDER JANNEUS, WHO REIGNED TWENTY-SEVEN YEARS. § 1. And now the king's wife loosed the king's brethren, and made Alexander king, who appeared both elder in age and more moderate in his temper than the rest; who, when he came to the government, slew one of his brethren, as affecting to govern himself; but had the other of them in great esteem, as loving a quiet life, without meddling with pt.Mic aflairs. "2. Now it happened that there was a battle hotwecM him and Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, who had taken the city Asochis. He indeed slew a great many of his enemies; but the victory rather inclined to Ptolemy. But, when this Ptoleiny was pursued by his mother Cleopatra, and retired into Egypt, Alexander besieged Gadara, and took it; as also he did Amathus, which was the strongest of all the fortresses that were about Jordan, and therein were the most precious of all the possessions of Theodorus, the son of Zeno. Whereupon Theodorus marched against him, and took what belonged to himself, as well as the king's baggage, and slew ten thousand of the Jews. However, Alexander recovered this blow, and turned his force towards the maritime parts, and took Raphia, and Gaza, with Anthedon also, which was afterwards called Agrippias by king Herod. 3. But when he had made slaves of the citi- zens of all these cities, the nation of the Jews made an insurrection against him at a festival; for at those feasts seditions are generally begun: and it looked as if he should not be able to escape the plot they had laid for him, had not his foreign auxiliaries, the Pisidians and Cilicians, assisted him; for, as to the Syrians, he never admitted them among his mercenary troops, on account of their innate enmity against the Jewish nation. And when he had slain more than six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion into Arabia, and when he had taken that country, together with the Gileadites and Moabites, he enjoined them to pay him tribute, and returned to Amathus; and as Theodorus was surprised at his great success, he took the fortress, and demo- liiiiifcd it. 4. However, when he fought with Obodas, king of the Arabians, who had laid an ambush for him near Golan, and a plot against him, he lost his entire army, which was crowded together in a deep valley, and broken to pieces by the multitude of camels; and ;^en he had made his escape to Jerusalem, he provoked the multitude, who hated him before, to make an insurrection against him, and this on account of the greatness of the calamity that he was under. However, he was then too hard for them; and, in the several battles that were fought on both sides, he slew not fewer than fifty thousand of the Jews, in the inter- val of six years. Yet had he no reason to rejoice in these victories, since he did but con- sume his own kingdom; till at length he left off fighting, and endeavoured to come to a composition with them, by talking with his subjects; but this mutabiUty and irregularity of his conduct made them hate him still more; and when he asked them why they so hated him, and what he should do, in order to appease them, they said, by killing himself; for that it would, be then all they could do, to be reconciled to him who had done such tra- gical things to them, even when he was dead. At the same time they invited Demetrius, who was called Euoerus, to assist them; and as he readily complied with their request, in hopes of great advantages, and came with his army, the Jews joined with those their auxi- liaries about Sbechem. CHAP. IV. WARS OF THE JEWS. 559 5. Yet did Alexander meet both these foTces with one thousand horsemen, and eight thou* sand mercenaries that were on foot. He had also with him that part of the Jews which favoured him, to the number of ten thousand; while the adverse party had three thousand borsemen, and fourteen thousand footmen. Now, before they joiiied battle, the kings Tiade proclamation, and endeavoured to draw off each other's soldiers, and make them revolt; while Demetrius hoped to induce Alexander's mercenaries to leave him, — and Alexander hoped to induce the Jews that were with Demetrius to leave him ; but, since neither the Jews would leave off their rage, nor the Greeks prove unfaithful, they came to an engagement, and to a close fight with their weapons. In which battle Demetrius was the conqueror, although Alexander's Hiercenaries showed the greatest exploits, both in soul and body. Yet did the upshot of this battle prove different from what was expected, as to both of them ; for neither did those that invited Demetrius to come to them continue firm to him, though he was con- queror; and six thousand Jews, out of pity to the change of Alexander's condition, when fee was fled to the mountains, came over to him. Yet could not Demetrius bear this turn of affairs; but, supposing that Alex- ander was already become a match for him again, and that all the nation would [atlen^h] run to hiu^ he left the country, and weat his way. 6. However, the rest of the [Jewish] mul- titude did not lay aside their quarrels with liim, when the [foreign] auxiliaries were gone: but they had a perpetual war with Alexander, until he bad slain the greatest part of them, and driven the rest into the city Bemeselis; and when he had demolished that city, he carried the captives to Jerusalem. Nay, his rage was grown so extravagant, that his bar- barity proceeded to a degree of impiety; for when he had ordered eight hundred to be hung upon crosses in the midst of the city, he had the throats of their wives and children cut before their eyes; and these executjons he saw as he was drinking and lying down with his concubines. Upon which, so deep a surprise seized on the people, that eight thou- sand of his opposers fled away the very next night, out of all Judea, whose flight was only terminated by Alexander's death ; so at last, though not tUl late, and with great diffi- culty, he, by such actions, procured quiet to his kingdom, and left off fighting any more. 7. Yet did that Antiochus, who was also called Dionysius, become an origin of trou- bles again. This man was the brother of Demetrius, and the last of the race of the Seleucidic.* Alexander was afraid of him, • Jiisephus here calls this AntMcbns the last of the JH:leui:d«, althi>Uj;h ilitrie reinainrti sti I a shadow of aMotber king of that tamil), AuUochus A«i<tUciis, or wken he was marching against the Arabians so he cut a deep trench between Antipatris, which was near the mountains, and the shores of Joppa; he also erected a high wall before the trench, and built wooden towers in order to hinder any sudden approaches; but stiil he was not able to exclude Antiochus, for be burnt the towers, and filled up the trenchet-, and marched on with his army; and as be looked upon taking his revenge on Alexander for endeavouring to stop him, as a thing ot less consequence, he marched directly againsi the Arabians, whose king retired into suci. parts of the country as were fittest for engag- ing the enemy, and then on the sudden maCt his horse turn back, who were in number" ten thousand, and fell upon Antiochus 's amn while they were in disorder, and a terribie battle ensued. Antiochus's troops, so long as he was alive, fought it out, although a mighty slaughter was made among them by the Arabians; but when he fell, for he was in the fore-front, in the utmost danger, in rallying his troops, they all gave ground, anii the greatest part of his army were destroye«l, either in the action or the flight; and for the rest, who fled to the village of Oana, it hap- pened that they were all consumed by wani of necessaries, a few only excepted, 8. About this time it was that the peoph of Damascus, out of their hatred to Ptolemy . the son of Menneus, invited Aretas [to takt the government], and made him king of Ceiesyria. This man also made an expedition against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle ; but afterwards retired by mutual agreement. But Alexander, when he had taken Pella, marched to Gerasa again, out of the cove- tous desire he had of I'iieodorus's possessions; and when he had omit a triple wall about the garrison, he took the place by force. He also demolished Golan, and Seleucia, and what was called the Valley of Antiochus; besides which, h? tock tbe strong fortress of Gamala, and stripped Demetrius, who was governor therein, of what he had, on account of the many crimes laid to his charge, and then returned into Judea, after he had been three whole years in this expedition; and now he was kindl/ received of the nation, because of the good success he had. So, when he was at rest from war, he fell into a distemper; for he was afflicted with a quartan ague, and supposed that, by exercising himself again in martial affairs, he should get rid of this dis- temper; but, by making such expediuons at unseasonable times, and forcing his body to undergo greater hardships than it was able to bear, he orought himself to his cnJ. He died, therefore, in the midst of his troubles, after he had reigned seven-and-twenty years'. Comma^nns, who reigned, or rather fay hid, till Pom- pey quite turned him out, as Dean Aldrich h«-«< notsS: from Appiaa and Justin. 660 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK L CHAPTER V. ALEXANDRA REIGNS NINE YEARS; DURING WHICH TIME THE PHARISEES WERE THE REAL RULERS OF THE NATION. § 1. Now Alexander left the kingdom to Alexandra his wife, and depended upon it that the Jews would now very readily submit to her; because she had been very averse to such cruelty as he had treated them with, and had opposed his violation of their laws, and had thereby got the good-will of the people. Nor was he mistaken as to his expectations; for this woman kept the dominion, by the • opimon that the people had of her piety; for she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her country, and cast those men out of the government that offended against their holy laws. And as she had two sons by Alexander, she made Hyrcanus, the elder, high-priest, on account of his ^e; as also, besides that, on account of his inactive temper noway disposing him to disturb the public. But she retained the younger, Aristobulus, with her as a pri- vate person, by reason of the warmth of his temper. 2. And now the Pharisees joined themselves to her, to assist her in the government. These are a certain sect of the Jews that appear more religious than others, and seem to inter- pret the laws more accurately. Now, Alex- andra hearkened to them to an extraordinary degree, as being herself a woman of great piety towards God. But these Pharisees artfully insinuated themselves into her favour by little and little, and became themselves the real administrators of the public affairs: they banished and reduced whom they pleased; they bound and loosed [men] at their plea- sure;*! a"<^» to say all at once, they had the enjoyment of the royal authority, whilst the expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to Alexandra. She was a sagacious woman in the management of great affairs, and intent always upon gathering soldiers together; so that she increased the army the one half, and procured a great body of foreign troops, till her own nation became not only very power- ful at home, but terrible also to foreign potentates, while she governed other people, and the Pharisees governed her. 3. Accordingly they themselves slew Dio- genes, a person of figure, and one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused * him as having assisted the king with his advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men [before mentioned]. They also prevailed with • Matt XTi. 19 J xviil 18. + Here we have the oldest and most authentic Jewish exposition of binding and loosing, for punishing or al)so]- V lug men J not for declaring actions lawful or unlawful, as Mxuo mora modern Jews and Cbristiaas vainly pretend. Alexandra to put to death the rest of those who had irritated him against them. Now, she was so superstitious as to comply with their desires, and accordingly they slew whom they pleased themselves. But the principal of those that were in danger fled to Aristobulus, who persuaded his mother to spare the men on account of their dignity, but to expel them out of the city, unless she took them to be inno- cent; so they were suffered to go unpunished, and were dispersed all over the country. But, when Alexandra sent out her army to Damas- cus, under pretence that Ptolemy was always oppressing that city, she got possession of it ; nor did it make any considerable resistance. She also prevailed with Tigranes, king of Armenia, who lay with his troops about Ptole- mais, and besieged Cleopatra, J by agreements and presents, to go away. Accordingly Tigra- nes soon arose from the siege, by reason ot those domestic tumults which happened upon Lucullus's expedition into Armenia. 4. In the mean time, Alexandra fell sick, and Aristobulus, her younger son, took hold of this opportunity, with his domestics, of which he had a great many, who were all of them his friends, on account of the warmth of their youth, and got possession of all the fortresses. He also used the sums of money he found in them, to get together a number of mercenary soldiers, and made himself king; and besides this, upon Hyrcanus's complaint to his mother, she compassionated his case, and put Aristobulus's wife and sons under restraint in Antonia, which was a fortress that joined to the north part of the temple. It was, as 1 have already said, of old called the Citadel, but afterwards got the name of Antonia, wher» Antony was lord [of the east], just as the other cities, Sebaste and Agrippias, had their names changed, and these given them from Sebastus and Agrippa. But Alexandra died before she could punish Aristobulus for his disinheriting his brother, after she had reigned nine years. CHAPTER VI. WHEN HYRCANUS, WHO WAS ALEXANDER'S HEIR, RECEDED FROM HIS CLAIM TO THE CROWN, ARISTOBULUS IS MADE KING; AND AFTERWARD THE SAME HYRCANUS, BY THE MEANS OF ANTIPATER, IS BUOUGHl BACK BY ARETAS. AT LAST POMPEY IS MADE THE ARBITRATOR OF THE DISPUTE BETWEEN THE BROTHERS. § 1. Now Hyrcanus was heir to the king- dom, and to him did his mother commit it t Strabo, b. xvi. p. 740, relates that this Selene Cleopatra was besieged by Tigranes, not in Ptolemais, as here. I;iil i fier she had left Syria, in Seleucia, a cita- del in Mcsoiotemia; and adds, that when he had kept CHAP. VI. WARS OF THE JEWS. 501 before she died: but Aristobulus was supe- rior to hira in power and magnanimity; and when there was a battle between them, to decide the dispute about the kingdom, near Jericho, the greatest part deserted Hyrcanus, and went over to Aristobulus; but Hyrca- nus, with those of his party who staid with him, fled to Antonia, and got into his power the hostages that might be for his preserva- tion (which were Aristobulus's wife, uath her children); but they came to an agreement before things should come to extremities, that Aristobulus should be king, and Hyrcanus should resign that up, but retain all the rest of his dignities, as being the king's brother. Hereupon they were reconciled to each other in the temple, and embraced one another in a very kind manner, while the people stood round about them: they also changed their houses; while Aristobulus went to the royal palace, and Hyrcanus Retired to the house of 4ristobulus. 2. Now, those other people who were at rariance with Aristobulus were afraid, upon his unexpectedly obtaining the government; and . especially this concerned Ajitipater, * whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by birth an Idumean, and one of the princi- pal of that nation, on account of his ances- tors and riches, and other authority to him belonging: he also persuaded Hyrcanus to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to lay claim to the kingdom ; as also he persuaded Aretas to receive Hyrcanus, and to bring him back to his kingdom: he also cast re- proaches upon Aristobulus, as to his morals, and gave great commendations to Hyrcanus, and exhorted Aretas to receive him, and told him how becoming a thing it would be for him, who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford his assistance to such as are injured; alleg- ing that Hyrcanus was treated unjustly, by being deprived of that dominion which be- longed to him by the prerogative of his birth. And when he had predisposed them both to do what he would have them, he took Hyr- canus by night, and ran away from the .city; and, continuing his flight with great swift- ness, he escaped to the place called Petra, which is the royal seat of the king of Arabia, where he put Hyrcanus into Aretas's hands; and, by discoursing much with him, arid gain- ing upon him with many presents, he pre- vailed with him to give him an army that might restore him to his kingdom. This army consisted of tifty thousand footmen and her a while in prison, he put her to death. Dean Aldrich supposes here that Strabo contradicts Josephus, which does not appear to rae; for although Josephus »ajs both here and in the Antiq. b. xiii. cli. xvi. sect. 4. that Tigranes besieged her now in Ptoleraais. and that he took the city, as the Antiquities inform us, yet does be nowhere intimate that he now took the queen her- self; so that both the narrations of Strabo and Josephus may still be true notwithstanding. • That this A,ntipater, the father of Herod the Great, was an Idumean, as Josephus affirms here, see the note on Antiq. b. xiv. cb xv. sect 2. horsemen, against which Aristobulus was not able to make resistance, but was deserted in his first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem . he also had been taken at first by force, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come and seasonably interposed himself, and raised the siege. This Scaurus was sent into Syria from Armenia, by Pompey the Great, when he fought against Tigranes; so Scaurus cane to Damascus, which had been lately taken by Metellus and LoUius, and caused them to leave the place; and, upon his hearing how the affairs of Judea stood, he made haste thither as to a certain booty. 3. As soon, therefore, as he was come into the country, there came ambassadors from both the brothers, each of them desiring his assistance; but Aristobulus's three hundred talents had more weight with him than the justice of the cause; which sum, when Scaurus had received, he sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabians, and threatened them with the resentment of the Romans and of Pompey, unless they would raise the siege. So Aretas was terrified, and retired out of Judea to Philadelphia, as did Scaurus return to Damascus again: nor was Aristobulus satisfied with escaping [out of hfs brother's hands], but gathered all his forces together, and pursued his enemies, and fought them at a place called Papyron, and slew above six thousand of them, and, together with them, Antipater's brother, Phalion. 4. Whej^ Hyrcanus and Antipater were ^^ thus deprived of their hopes from the Ara- bians, they transferred the same to their adversaries; and because Pompey had passed through Syria, and was come to Damascus, they fled to him for assistance; and, without any bribes, f they made the same equitable pleas that they had used to Aretas, and be- sought him to hate the violent behaviour of Aristobulus, and to bestow the kingdom upon him to whom it justly belonged, both on account of his good character, and on account of his superiority in age. However, neither was Aristobulus wanting to himself in this case, as reiving on the bribes that Scaurus had received : he was also there himself, and adorned himself after a manner the most agreeable to royalty that he was able. But he soon thought it beneath him to come in such a servile manner, and could not endure to serve his own ends in a way so much more abject than he was used to; so he departed from Diospolis. 5. At this his behaviour Pompey had great + It is somewhat probable, as Havercamp snpposes, and partly Spanheim also, that the Latin copy is here the truest; tfiat Pompey did take the many presents offered him by H\rcanus, as he would have done the others from Aristobulus (sect. )i. ); altboui^h his remark- able al)stii)ence from ttie 2000 taUnts that were in the Jewish temple, when he took, it a little afterward (ch. vii. sect. 6, and Antiq. b. xiv ch. iv. sect. 4), will hardly permit us to desert the Greek copies; all which &gnm that be did not take them. 6m WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK I. indignation; Hyrcanus also and his friends made great intercession to Pompey; so he took not only his Roman forces, but many of his Syrian auxiliaries, and marched against Aristobulus. But when he had passed by Pella and Scythopolis, and was come to Corea, where you enter into the country of Judea, when you go up to it through the Mediter- ruiieati parts, he heard that Aristobulus was tied to Alexandrium, which is a strong-hold, fortitied with the utmost magnificence, and situated upon a high mountain, and he sent to him, and commanded him to come down. Kow his inclination was to try his fortune in a battle, since he was called in such an impe- rious manner, rather than to comply with that call. However, he saw the multitude were in great fear, and his friends exhorted him to consider what the power of the Romans was, and how it was irresistible; so he complied with their advice, and came down to Pompey; and when he had made a long apology for himself, and for the justness of his cause in taking the government, he returned to the fortress. And when his brother invited him again [to plead his cause], he came down and- spake aboufe the justice of it, and then went away without any hinderance from Pompey: so he was -between hope and fear. And when he came down, it was to prevail with Pompey to allow him the government entirely; and when he went up to the citadel, it was that he might not appear to debase himself too low. However, Pompey commaifled him to give up his fortitied places, and forced him to write to every one of their governors to yield them up; they having had this charge given them, to obey no letters but what were of his own hand-writing. Accordingly he did what he was ordered to do; but had still an indig- nation at what was done, and«retired to Jeru- salem, and prepared to fight with Pompey. 6. But Pomppy did not give him time to make any preparations [for a siege], but followed him at his heels; he was also obliged to make haste in his attempt, by the death of Mithridates, of which he was informed about Jericho. JSow here is the most fruitful country of Judea, which bears a vast number of palm-trees, besides the balsam-tree,* whose sprouts they cut with sharp stones, and at the incisions they gather the juice, which drops down like tears. So Pompey pitched bis camp in that place one night, and then hasted away the next morning to Jerusalem; but Aristobulus was so aflfrighted at his approach, that he came and met him by way of supplication. He also promised him money, and that he would deliver up both himself and the city into his disposal; — and thereby be mitigated the anger of Pompey. * Of the famous palm-trees and balsam about Jericho and Bnxuddi, see the notes in Havercanip's edition, both oere and b. ii. ch. ix. sect. I. 'I'iiey are somewhat too lODg to b* transcribed in this plaoe. Yet did not he perform any of the conditions he had agreed to; for Aristobtilus's party would not so much as admit Gabiti'.us La^ the city, who was sent to receive the inor,ey that he had promised. CHAPTER VII. HOW POMPEY HAD THE CITY OF JERUSALEM DELIVERED UP TO HIM, BUT TOOK THE TEMPLE [by force]. HOW HE WENT INTO THE HOLY OF HOLIES; AS ALSO WHAT WERE HIS OTHER EXPLOITS IN JUDEA. § 1. At this treatment Pompey was very angry, and took Aristobulus into custody; and when he was come to the city he looked about where he might jnake his attack : for he saw the walls were so firm that it would be hard to overcome them, and that the val- ley before the walls was terrible ; and that the temple, wSic^^kVvas \vithin that valley, was itself encompassed wlth/^ very strong wall, insomuch that if the city were taken, the temple would be a second place of refuge for the enemy to retire to. 2. Now, as he was long in deliberating about this matter, a sedition arose among the people within the city; Aristobulus's party being willing to fight, and to set their king at liberty, while the party of Hyrcanus were for opening the gates to Pompey; and the dread people were in, occasioned these last to be a very numerous party, when they looked upon the excellent order the Roman soldiers were in. So Aristobulus's party was worsted, and retired into the temple, and cut oflf the com- munication between the temple and the city, by breaking down the bridge that joined them together, and prepared to make an opposition to the utmost; but as the others had*received the Romans into the city, and had delivered up the palace to him, Pompey sent Piso, one of his great officers, into that palace with an army," who distributed a garrj^on about the city, because he could not persuade any one of those that had fled to the temple to come to terms of accommodation; he then disposed ail things that were round about them so as might favour their attacks, as having Hyrca- nus's party very ready to aflford them both counsel and assistance. 3. But Pompey himself filled up the ditch that was on the north side of the temple, and the entire valley also, the army itself being obliged to carry the materials for that pur- pose. And indeed it was a hard thing to fill up that valley, by reason of its immense depth, especially as the Jews used all the means pos- sible to repel them from their superior station; nor had the Romans succei'<led in their endea- vours, had not Pompoy taken notice of the seventh days, on which the Jews abstaia chaK vir. WARS OF THE JEWS. 663 from al! sorts of work on a religious account, snd -aised his bank, but restrained his soldiers from fighting on those days; for the Jews "'>]•' ic^e^i defensively on Sabbath-days. But as soon as Pornpey had filled up the valley, he erected high towers upon the bank, and brought those engines which they had fetched from Tyre near to the wall, and tried to bat- ter it down; and the slingers of stones beat off those that stood above them, and drove theni away: but the towers on this side of the city made very great resistance, and were indeed extraordinary both for largeness and magnificence. 4. Now, here it was that, upon the many hardships which the Romans underwent, Porn- pey could not but admire not only at the other instances of the Jews' fortitude, but especially that they did not at all intermit their religious services, even when they were encompassed with darts on all sides; for, as, if the city were in full peace, their daily sacrifices and' purifications, and every branch of their reli- gious worship, were still performed to God with the utmost exactness. Nor indeed, -when the temple was actually taken, an(f they were every day slain about the altar, did they leave off the instances of their divine open to strangers; for Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself,* whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high-priest, and saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together with two thousand talents of sacred money Yet did not he touch the money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high-priest, as one that not only in other respects had shown great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. Now among the captives, Aristobulus's father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with decol- lation; but rewarded Faustus, and those with worship that were appointed by their law; for him that had fought so bravely, with glorious it was in the third month of the siege before presents; and laid a tribute upon the country, the Romans could even with great difficulty and upon Jerusalem itself, overthrow one of the towers, and get into the I 7. He also took away from the nation all temple. Now he that first of all ventured to ' those cities they had formerly taken, and that get over the wall, was Faustus Cornelius, the belonged to Celesyria, and made them subject son of Sylla; and next after him were two to him that was at that time appointed to be centurions, Furius and Fabius; and every one of these was followed by a cohort of his own, who encompassed the Jews on all sides, and slew them; some of them as they were running for shelter to the temple, and others as they, for a while, fought in their own defence. 5. And now did many of the prM^s, even when they saw their enemies assailing them with swords in their hands, without any dis- turbance, go on with their divine worship, and were slain while they were offering their drink-offerings and burning their ii'llense, as preferring the duties about their wOT^iip to God before their own preservation. The countrymen of the adverse faction, and an innumerable multitude threw themselvesdowu precipices; nay some there were who were so .distracted among the insuperable difficulties they were under, that Ihey set fire to the buildings that were near to the wall, and were burnt together with them. Now of^e Jews were slain twelve thousand; bi^ of-, the Romans very few were slain, but a, greater number was wounded. the Roman president there, and reduced Judea within its proper bounds. He also rebuiltf Gadara, that had been demolished by the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius, who was of Gadara, and was one of his own freed-men. He also made other cities free from their dominion, that lay in the midst of the country, — such, I mean, as they had not demolished before that time; Hippos, and Scythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and Marissa; and besides these, Ashdod, and J^m- nia, and Arethusa; arid in like mahner dealt he with the maritime cities Gaza, atid Joppa, and Dora, and that which was anciently called Strato's Tower, but waa^fterward rebuilt greatest part of them were slain by their owij.' with the most magnificent edifices, and bad its name changed to Cesarea, by king Herod. All which he restored to their own citizens, and put them under the province of Syria; which province, together with Jndea, and the countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he committed to^caurus as their governor, and gave him two legions to support him; while • Thus says Tacitus:— Cn.Pompeiiis first of all sub- dued the Jews, and went into their temple, by right of , I- .1 i rr J ii. ' conquest. Hist, b.v.ch.ix. Nor did he touch any of its b. But there was nothing that anected the . riches, as has been observed on the parallel place of the nation so much, in the calacnities they were Antiquities, b.xiv. ch.iv. sect. 4. out of Cicero himself. i-K^r, „«^ „„ iU t *u ;_ 1 1.. „!..„„ ..,u:«l, U^A + A'he coin of this Gadara. still extant, with its date then under, as that their holy place, which had f.^^, ,,,43 ^.^^ j, ^ ^^^^i,. evide.ce of this its rebuUdmg t>e<>n hitherto seen by none, should be laid by Pumpey, as Spaobcim here assures us. 564 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK I. he made all the haste he could himself to go through Cilicia, in his way to Rome, having Aristobulus and his children along with him, as his captives. They were two daughters and two sons; the one of which sons, Alex- ander, ran away as he was going; but the younger, Antigonus, with his sisters, were carried to Rome. CHAPTER Vm. ALEXANDER, THE SON OF ARISTOBULUS, WHO RAN AWAY FROM POMPEY, MAKES AN EXPE- DITION AGAINST HYRCANUS; BUT, BEING OVERCOME BY GABINIUS, HE DELIVERS UP THE FORTRESSES TO HIM. AFTER THIS, ARISTOBULUS ESCAPES FROM ROME, AND GATHERS AN ARMY TOGETHER; BUT BEING BEATEN BY THE ROMANS, HE IS BROUGHT BACK TO ROME; WITH OTHER THINGS RELATING TO GABINIUS, CRASSUS, AND CASSIUS. § 1. In the mean time, Scaurus made an expedition into Arabia, but was stopped by the diliiculty of the places about Petra. How- ever, he laid waste the country about Pella, though even there he was under great hard- ship, for his army was afflicted with famine. In order to supply which want, Hyrcanus afforded him some assistance, and sent him provisions by the means of Antipater; whom also Scaurus sent to Aretas, as one well ac- quainted with him, to induce him to pay him money to buy his peace. The king of Ara- bia complied with the proposal, and gave him three hundred talents; upon which Scaurus drew his army out of Arabia.* 2. But as for Alexander, that son of Aris- tobulus who ran away from Pompey, in some time he got a considerable band of men together, and lay heavy upon Hyrcanus, and overran Judea, and was likely to overturn him quickly; and indeed he had come to Jerusalem, and had ventured to rebuild its wall that was thrown down by Pompey, had not Gabinius, who was sent as successor to Scaurus into Syria, shown his bravery, as in many other points, so in making an expedi- tion against Alexander; who, as he was afraid that he would attack him, so he got together a large army, composed of ten thou- sand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred borsemen. He also built walls about proper places; Alexandrium, and Hyrcanium, and • Take the like attestation to the trath of tb« sub- missiou of Aretas, king of Arabia, to Scaurus tite itoman general, in the words of IJean Aldrich. " Hence (nays he) is derived that old and famous Denarius belonging to the Eniilian family [represented in Havercamp's edi> tion], wherein Areias appears in a posture ot supplica- tiun, and takinf; bold ot a camel's bridle with his left hand, and with his right hand presenting a branch uf the Iraiikincense-tree, with this inscriptiun : Rl. SCAD- j KU8 k.X b. C.i and beneath. RLX AKLIA-S." Macherus, that lay upon the mountains of Arabia. 3. However, Gabinius sent before him Marcus Antonius, and followed himself with his whole army; but for the select body of soldiers that were about Antipater, and another body of Jews under the command of Malichus and Pitholaus, these joined them- selves to those captains that v/ere about Mar- cus Antonius, and met Alexander; to which body came Gabinius with his main army soon afterward; and as Alexander was not able to sustain the charge of the enemies' forces, now they were joined, he retired. But when he was come near to Jerusalem, he was forced to fight, and lost six thousand men in the battle; three thousand of whom fell down dead, and three thousand were taken alive ; so he fled with the remainder to Alexandrium. 4. Now, when Gabinius was come to Alex- andrium, because he found a great many there encamped, he tried, by promising them par- don for their former offences, to induce them to come over to him before it came to a fight; but when they would hearken to no terms of accommodation, he slew a great number of Ihem, and shut up a great number of them in the citadel. Now Marcus Antonius, their leader, signalized himself in this battle, who, as he always showed great courage, so did he never show it so much as now; but Gabi- nius, leaving forces to take the citadel, went away himself, and settled the cities that had not been demolished, and rebuilt those that had been destroyed. Accordingly, upon his injunction, the following cities were restored: — Scythopolis, Samaria, Anthedon, Apollo- nia, Jamnia, Raphia, Marissa, Adoreus, Ga- mala, Ashdod, and many others; while a great number of men readily ran to each o< them, and became their inhabitants. 5. When Gabinius had taken care of these cities, he returned to Alexandrium, and pressed on the siege. So when Alexander despaired of ever obtaining the government, he sent ambassadors to him, and prayed him to forgive what he had offended him in, and gave up to him the remaining fortresses, Hyr- caniunbvd Macherus, as he put Alexandrium into h^hands afterwards: all which Gabinius demolished, at the persuasion of Alexander's mother, that they might not be receptacles of men in a second war. She was now there, in order to mollify Gabinius, out of her concern for her relations that were captives at Rome, which were her husband and her other children. Aft\r this, Gabinius brought Hyrcanu^ to Jerusalem, and conunitted the ^are of. the temple to him; but ordained the political govennnent to be by an aristocracy. He also parted the whole nation into five conventions, assigning one portion to Jerusa- Jf lem, another to Gadara, that another should belong to Amathus, u t'ourtii to Jericho, and to the fifth. division was allotted Sep()horis, a CHAP. VIII. WARS OF THE JEWS. 666 city of Galilee, So the people were glad to be thus freed from monarchical government, and were overned for the future by an aris- tocracy. 6. Yet did Aristobulus aflford a new foun- dation for other disturbances. He fled away from Rome, and got together again many of the Jews that were desirous of a change, such as had borne an affection to him of old; and when he had taken Alexandrium in the lirst place, he attempted to build a wall about it; but as soon as Gabinius had sent an army against him under Sisenna, Antoriius, and Servilius, he was aware of it, and retreated to Macherus. And as for the unprofitable multitude, he dismissed them, and only marched on with those that were armed, beiiig to the number of eight thousand, among whom was Pitholaus, who had been the lieutenant at Jerusalem, but deserted to Aristobulus with a thousand of his men: so the Romans followed him, and when it came to a battle, Aristobulus's party for a long time fought courageously; but at length they were over- borne by the Romans, and of them five thou- sand fell dead, and about two thousand fled to a certain little hill, but the thousand that remained with Aristobulus brake through the Roman army, and marched together to Ma- cherus; and, when the king had lodged the first night on its ruins, he was in hopes of raising another army, if the war would but cease a while; accordingly, he fortified that strong-hold, though it was done after a poor manner. But the Romans falling upon him, he resisted, even beyond his abilities, for two days, and then was taken, and brought a pri- soner to Gabinius, with Antigonus his son, who had fled away together with him from Rome; and from Gabinius he was carried to Rome again. Wherefore the senate put him under confineoaeut, but returned his children back to Judea, because Gabinius informed them by letters, that he had promised Aristo- bulus's mother to do so, for her delivering the fortresses up to him. 7. But now, as Gabinius was marching to the war against the Parthians, he was hindered by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from Euphrates, he brought back into Egypt, making use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to provide every thing that was necessary for this expedition; for Antipater furnished him with money, and weapons, and corn, and auxiliaries; he also prevailed with the Jews that were tliere, and guarded the avenues at Pelusium, to let them pass. But now, upon Gabinius's absence, the other part of Syria was in mo- tion, and Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, brought the Jews to revolt again. Accord- ingly, he got together a very great army, and set about killing all the Romans that were in the country; hereupon Gabinius was afraid (for he was come back already out of Egypt, and obliged to come back quickly by these tumults), and sent Antipater, who prevailed with some of the revolters to be quiet. How- ever, thirty thousand still continued with Alexander, who was himself eager to fight also; accordingly, Gabinius went out to tight, when the Jews met him; and, as the battle was fought near Mount Tabor, ten thousand of them were slain, and the rest of the mul- titude dispersed themselves, and fled away. So Gabinius came to Jerusalem, and settled the government as Antipater would have it; thence he marched, and fought, and beat the Nabateans: as for Mithridates and Orsanes, who fled out of Parthia, he sent them away privately, but gave it out among the soldiers that they had run away. 8. In the mean time, Crassus came as suc- cessor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the tem- ple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians. He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched ; but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak [more largely]. 9. But now Cassias, after Crassus, put a stop to the Parthians, who were marching, in order to enter Syria. Cassius had fled into that province, and when he had taken posses- sion of the same, he made a hasty march into Judea; and, upon his taking Taricheae, he carried thirty thousand Jews into slavery. He also slew Pitholaus, who had supported the seditious followers of Aristobulus; and it was Antipater who advised him so to do. Now this Antipater married a wife of an emi- nent family among the Arabians, whose name was Cypros, and had four sons born to him by her, Phasaelus and Herod, who was after- wards king, and besides, Joseph and Pheroras; and he had a daughter, whose name was Salome. Now, as be made himself friends among the men of power everywhere, by the kind offices he did them, and the hospitablg manner that he treated them; so did he con- tract th^ greatest friendship with the khig of Arabia, by marrying his relation; insomuch that when he made war with Aristobulus, he sent and intrusted his children with him. So, when Cassius had forced Alexander to come to terms and to be quiet, he returned to Eu- phrates, in order to prevent the Parthians from repassing it; concerning which matter we shall speak elsewhere.* * This citation is now wanting. 566 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK I. CHAPTER IX. ABISTOBULUS IS TAKEN OFF BY POMPEY's FRIENDS, AS IS HIS SON ALEXANDER BY SCIPIO. ANTIPATER CULTIVATES A FRIEND- SHIP WITH CiESAR, AFTER POMPEY's DEATH ; HE ALSO PERFORMS GREAT ACTIONS IN THAT WAR, WHEREIN HE ASSISTED MITHRIDATES. § 1. Now, upon the flight of Pompey and of the senate beyond the Ionian Sea, Caesar got Rome and the empire under his power, and released Aristobulus from his bonds. He also committed two legions to him, and sent him in haste into Syria, as hoping that by his means he should easily conquer that country, and the parts adjoining to Judea. But envy prevented any effect of Aristobulus's alacrity and the hopes of Caesar; for he was taken off by poison given him by those of Pompey 's party; and, for a long while, he had not so much as a burial vouchsafed him in his own country; but his dead body lay [above ground], preserved in honey, until it was sent to the Jews by Antony, in order to be buried in the royal sepulchres. 2. His son Alexander also was beheaded by Scipio at Antioch, and that by the com- mand of Pompey, and upon an accusation laid against him before his tribunal, for the mischiefs he had done to the Romans. Bat Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was then ruler of Chalcis, under Libanus, took his brethren to him, by sending his son Philippic for them to Ascalon; who took Antigont^s, as well as his si.sters, away from Aristobulus's Avife, and brought them to his father; and falling in love with the younger daughter, he married her, and was afterward slain by his father on her account; for Ptolemy himself, after he had slain his son, married her, whose name was Alexandra; on account of which marriage, he took the greater care of her brother and sister. 3. Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipa- ter changed sides, and cultivated a friendship with Caesar. And, since Mithridates of Per- gamus, with the forces he led against Egypt, was excluded from the avenues about Pelu- eium, and was forced to stay at Ascalon, he persuaded the Arabians among whom he had lived, to assist him, and came himself to him, at the head of three thousand men. He aiso encouraged the men of power in Syria to come to his assistance; as also of the inliabi- tants of Libanus, Ptolemy, and Jambhcus, and another Ptolemy; by which means the cities of that country came rea<iily into this war; insomuch that Mithridates ventured now, in dependence upon the additiunal strength that he bad gotten by Antiputer, to march forward to Pelusium; and when tli»y ref'ised him a passage through it, he besieged the dty; in the attack of which place, Anti.- pater principally signalized himself, for lie brought down that part of the wall which waa over-against him, and leaped first of all into the city, with the men that were about him. 4. Thus was Pelusium taken. But still, as they were marching on, those Egyptian Jews that inhabited the country, called the country of Onias, stopped them. Then did Antipater persuade them not only not to stop them, but to afford provisions for their army; on which account even the people about Memphis would not fight against them, but, of their own accord, joined Mithridates. Whereupon he went round about Delta, and fought the rest of the Egyptians at a place called the Jews' Camp: nay, when he was in danger in the battle with all his right wing, Antipater wheeled about, and came along the bank of the river to him; for he had beaten those that opposed him as he led the left wing. After which success he fell upon those that pursued Mithridates, and slew a great many of them, and pursued the remainder so far, that he took their camp, while he lost no more than fourscore of his own men; as Mithrida- tes lost, during the pursuit that was made after him, about eight hundred. He was also himself saved unexpectedly, and became an unreproachable witness to Caesar of the great actions of Antipater. 5. Whereupon Caesar encouraged Antipa- ter to undertake other hazardous enterprises for him, and that by giving him great com- mendations and hopes of reward. In all which enterprises he readily exposed himself to many dangers, and became a most coura- geous warrior; and had many wounds all over his body, as demonstrations of his valour. And when Caesar had settled the affairs ot Egypt, and was returning into Syria agaui, he gave him the privilege of a Roman citizen, and freedom from taxes, and rendered him an object of admiration by the honours and marks of friendship he bestowed upon him. On this account it was that he also confiimcd Hyrcanus in the high-priesthood. CHAPTER X. C^SAR MAKES ANTIPATER PROCURATOR 0¥ JUDEA; AS DOES ANTIPATER APPOINT PHA- SAELUS TO BE GOVERNOR OF JERUSALElfl, AND HEROD GOVERNOR OF GALILEE; WHO, IN SOME TIME, WAS CALLED TO ANSWER FOR HIMSELF [BEFORE THE SANHEDIUm], WHERE HE IS ACQUITTED. SEXTUS CA;SAtt IS TREACHEROUSLY KILLED BY BASSUS, AND IS SUCCEEDED BY MARCUS. § 1. About this time it was that Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to Caesar, Jind became, in a surprising manner, the occasiou CHAP. X. WARS OF THE JEWS. 567 cf Anfipater's farther advancement; for, whereas he ought to have lamented that his fitber appeared to have been poisoned on account of his quarrels >vith Pompey, and to have complained of Scipio's barbarity towards his brother, and not to mix any invidious pas- sion when suing for mercy; instead of those things, he came before Caesar, and accused Hyrcanus and Antipater, how they had driven him and his brethren entirely out of their native country, and had acted in a great many instances unjustly and extravagantly with regard to their nation; and that as to the assistance they had sent him into Egypt, it was not done out of good- will to him, but out of the fear they were in from former quarrels, and in order to gain pardon for their friend- ship to [his enemy] Pompey. 2. Hereupon Antipater threw away his garments, and showed the multitude of the wounds he had, and said, that as to his good- will to Caesar, he had no occasion to say a word, because his body cried aloud, though he said nothing himself: that he wondered at Antigonus's boldness, while he was himself no other than the son of an enemy to the Romans, and of a fugitive, and had it by inhe- ritance from his father to be fond of innova- tions and seditions, that he should undertake to accuse other men before the Roman gover- nor, and endeavour to gain some advantages to himself, when he ought to be contented that he was suffered to live; for that the reason of' his desire of governing public affairs, was not ] so much because he was in want of it, but because, if he could once obtain the same, he ' might stir up a sedition among the Jews, and \ use what he should gain from the Romans, I to the disservice of those that gave it him. ' 3. When Caesar heard this, he declared' Hyrcanus to be the most worthy of the high- i priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to choose what authority he pleased; but he left ' the determination of such dignity to him that bestowed the dignity upon him; so he was con- stituted procurator of all Judea, and obtained leave, moreover, to rebuild* those walls of bis country that had been thrown down. These honorary grants Caesar sent orders to have engraved in the Capitol, that they might stand there as indications of his own justice, ind of the virtue of Antipater. 4. But as soon as Antipater had conducted \}aesar out of Syria he returned to Judea, and Vhe first thing he did, was to rebuild that wall of his own country [Jerusalem], which Pom- pey had overthrown, and then to go over the country, and to quiet the tumults that were • What is here noted by Hudson and Spanheim, that this eraiit of leave to rebuild the walls of the cities of Judea was made by Julius Cwsar. nut as here to Antipa- ter. but to H>rcaiiu3 (Aniiq b. xiv. ch. viiL set-t 5), has hardly an appearance uf a contradiction; Antipater being now perhaps considered only as Hvrcanns's deputy ana - minisler. aithoui;h he attfrrwanis made a cypher of Hyr- canus and. under f-reat decency of bebaViaur to hiin, (ouk the real auth« ly tu biuibclL therein ; where he partly threatened, and partly advised, every one, and told them that, in case they would submit to Hyrcanus, they would live happily and peaceably, and enjoy what they possessed, and that with universal peace and quietness; but that, in case they hearkened to such as had some frigid hop>es, by raising new troubles, to get themselves some gain, they should then find him to be their lord, instead of their procurator, and find Hyrcanus to be a tyrant, instead of a king, — and both the Romans and Caesar to be their enemies, instead of rulers; for that they would not suffer him to be removed from the government, whom they had made their governor; and, at the same time that he said this, he settled the affairs of the country by himself, because he saw that Hyrcanus was inactive, and not fit to manage the affairs of the kingdom. So he constituted his eldest son, Phasaelus, governor of Jerusalem, and of the parts about it; he also sent his next son, Herod, who was very young,* with equal authority into Galilee. 5. Now Herod was an active man, and soon found proper materials for his active spirit to work upon. As therefore he found that Hezekias, the head of the robbers, ran over the neighbouring parts of Syria with a great band of men, he caught him and slew him, and many more of the robbers with him; which exploit was chiefly grateful to the Syrians, insomuch that hymns were sung in Herod's commendation, both in the villages and in the cities, as having procured their quietness, and having preserved what they possessed to them; on which occasion he became acquainted with Sextus Caesar, a kins- man of the great Caesar, and president of Syria. A just emulation of his glorious actions excited Phasaelus also to imitate him. Accor- dingly, he procured the good- will of the inha- bitants of Jerusalem, by his own management of the city affairs, and did not abuse his power in any disagreeable manner; whence it came to pass that the nation paid Antipater the respects that were due only to a king, and the honours they all yielded him were equal to the honours due to an absolute lord; yet did he not abate any part of that good-will or fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus. 6. However, he found it impossible to escape envy in such his prosperity: for the glory of these young men affected even Hyr- canus himself already privately, though he said nothing of it to any body; but what he principally was grieved at was the great actions of Herod, and that so many messengers came one before another, and informed him of the great reputation he got in all his underta- kings. There were also many people in the royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at him ; those, I mean, who were obstructed in + Or 25 years of aj?e. Si»« note on Antiq.b. Lch.xii. sect 3 i and on li.xiv'.ch.ix.sect.i; and «>f the War, b.U. cb xi. sect 6; and Pol>b. b.xvii.p. 7:2^ 668 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK 1 their designs by the prudence either of the young men, or of Antipater. These men said, that by committing the public affairs to the management of Antipater and of his sons, he sat down with nothing but the bare name of a king, without any of its authority; and they asked him how long he would so far mis- take himself as to breed up kings against his own interest; for that they did not now conceal their government of affairs any longer, but were plainly lords of the nation, and had thrust him out of his authority ; that this was the case when Herod slew so many men without his giving him any command to do it, either by word of mouth or by his letter, and this in contradiction to the law of the Jews; who, therefore, in case he be not a king, but a pri- vate man, still ought to come to his trial, and answer it to him, and to the laws of his coun- try, which do not permit any one to be killed till he had been condemned in judgment. 7. Now Hyrcanus was by degrees inflamed with these discourses, and at length could bear no longer, but summoned Herod to take his trial. Accordingly, by his father's advice, and as soon as the affairs of Galilee would give him leave, he came up [to Jerusalem], when he had first placed garrisons in Galilee: however, he came with a sufficient body of soldiers, so many indeed that he might not appear to have with him an army able to over- throw Hyrcanus's government, nor yet so few as to expose him to the insults of those that envied him. However, Sextus Caesar was in fear for tbe young man, lest he should be taken by his enemies, and brought to punish- ment; so he sent some to denounce expressly to Hyrcanus, that he should acquit Herod of the capital charge against him; who acquitted him accordingly, as being otherwise inclined also so to do, for he loved Herod. 8. But Herod, supposing that he had escaped punishment without the consent of the king, retired to Sextus, to Damascus, and got every thing ready, in order not to obey him if he should summon him again; where- upon those that were evil -disposed irritated Hyrcanus, and told him that Herod was gone away in anger, and was prepared to make war upon him; and as the king believed what they said, he knew not what to do, since he saw his antagonist was stronger than he was himself; and now, since Herod was made general of Celesyria and Samaria by Sextus Caisar, he was formidable, not only from the good- will which the nation bore him, but by the power h* himself had; insomuch that Hyrcanus fell into the utmost degree of ter- ror, and expected he would presently march against bini with his army. 9. Nor was he mistaken in the conjecture he made ; for He'rod got his army together, out of the anger he bare him for his threaten- ing him with the accusation in a public court, and led it to Jerusalem, in order to throw Hyrcanus down from his kingdom ; and this he had soon done, unless his father and bro- ther had gone out together and broken the force of his fury, and this by exhorting him to carry his revenge no farther than to threat- ening and affrighting, but to spare the king, under whom he had been advanced to such a degree of power; and that he ought not to be so much provoked at his being tried, as to forget to be thankful that he was acquitted; nor so long to think upon what was of a me- lancholy nature, as to be ungrateful for his deliverance; and if we ought to reckon that God is the arbitrator of success in war, an unjust cause is of more disadvantage than an army can be of advantage; and that there- fore he ought not to be entirely confident of success in a case where he is to fight against his king, his supporter, and one that had often been his benefactor, and that had never been severe to him any otherwise than as he had hearkened to evil counsellors, and this no far-, ther than by bringing a shadow of injustice upon him. So Herod was prevailed upon by these arguments, and supposed that what he had already done was sufficient for his future hopes, and that he had enough shown his power to the nation. 10. In the mean time, there was a distur- bance among the Romans about Apamia, and a civil war occasioned by the treacherous slaughter of Sextus Ciesar,* by Cecilius Bas- sus, which he perpetrated out of his good- will to Pompey; he also took the authority over his forces ; but, as the rest of Caesar's com- manders attacked Bassus with their whole army, in order to punish him for the murder of Caesar, Antipater also sent them assistance by his sons, both on account of him that was murdered, and on account of that Caesar who was still alive, both of whom were their friends ; and as this war grew to be of a con- siderable length, JViarcus came out of Italy aa successor to Sextus. CHAPTER XI. HEUOD IS MADE PROCURATOR Or AIL SYRIA; MALICHUS IS AFRAID OF HIM, AND TAKl.d ANTIPATER OFF BY POISON: WHEREUPON THE TRIBUNES OF THE SOLDIERS ARE PRE- VAILED WITH TO KILL HIM. § 1. There was at this time a mighty war raised among the Romans, upon the sudden and treacherous slaughter of Caesar by Cassius and Brutus, after he had held the govern- ment for three years and seven months, "f • Many writers of the Roman history ^ive an account of this murder of Sextus Cesar, and of the war of Apamia upon this occasiun. 'I'hey are cited in Dean. Aldrich's note. + In the Antiquities, b. siv. ch. xi. sect. 1, the durap tiuu of the reign of Julius CKsar is three vvars six CHAP. XI. WARS OF THE JEWS. 569 Upon this murder there were very great agi- tations, and the great men were mightily at diiference one with another, and every one betook himself to that party where they had the greatest hopes of advancing themselves. Accordingly, Cassius came into Syria, in order to receive the forces that were at Apamia, where he procured a reconciliation between Bassus and Marcus, and the legions which were at difference with him: so he raised the siege of Apamia, and took upon him the command of the army, and went about exact- ing tribute of the cities, and demanding their money to such a degree as they were not able to bear. 2. So he gave command that the Jews should bring in seven hundred talents: where- upon Antipatery out of his dread of Cassius's threats, parted the raising of this sum among his sons, and among others of his acquaint- ance, and to be done immediately; and among them he required one Malichus, who was at enmity with him, to do his part also, which necessity forced him to do. Now Herod, in the first place, mitigated the passion of Cassius, by bringing his share out of Gali- lee, which was a hundred talents, on which account he was in the highest favour with him; and when he reproached the rest for being tardy, he was angry at the cities them- selves; so he made slaves of Gophna and Emmaus, and two others of less note: nay, he proceeded as if he would kill Malichus, because he had not made greater haste in exacting his tribute; but Antipater prevented the ruin of this man, and of the other cities, and got into Cassius's favour by bringing in a hundred talents immediately.* 3. However, when Cassius was gone, Mali- chus forgot the kindness that Antipater had done him, and laid frequent plots against him that had saved him, as making haste to get him out of the way, who was an obstacle to his wicked practices; but Antipater was so much afraid of the power and cunning of the man, that he went beyond Jordan, in order to get an army to guard himself against his treacherous designs; but when Malichus was caught in his plot, he put upon Antipater's sons by his impudence, for he thoroughly deluded Phasaelus, who was the guardian of Jerusalem, and Herod, who was intrusted with the weapons of war, and this by a great many excuses and oaths, and persuaded them months; but here three years seven months, beginning rightly, says Uean Aldrich, from his second dictatorship. It is probable the real duration might be three years and between six and seven months. • It appears evidently by Josephus's accounts, both here and in his Antiquities (b. xiv.cb. xL sect 2), that this Cassius, one of Caesar's murderers, was a bitter oppres- sor, and exacter of tribute in Judea. These seven hun- dred talents amount to about three hundred thousand pounds sterling, and are about half the yearly revenues cf kicg Herod afterwards. See the note on Antiq.b.xvii. cL.xi.sect 4. It also appears that Galilee then paid no mare than one hundred talents, or the seventh part of the wun to be levittl in all the country. to procure his reconciliation to his father Thus was he preserved again by Antipater, who dissuaded Marcus, the then president of Syria, from his resolution of killing Malichus, on account of his attempts for innovation. 4. Upon the war between Cassius and Bru- tus on one side, against the younger Ciesar [Augustus] and Antony on the other, Cassiuf and Marcus got together an army out of Syria; and because Herod was likely to have a great share in providing necessaries, they then made him procurator of all Syria, and gave him an army of foot and horse. Cassius promised him also, that after the war was over, he would make him king of Judea; but it so happened, that the power and hopes of his son became the cause of his perdition; for, as Malichus was afraid of this, he corrupted one of the king's cup-bearers with money, to give a poi- soned potion to Antipater; so he became a sacrifice to Malichus's wickedness, and died at a feast. He was a man, in other respects, active in the management of affairs, and one that recovered the government to Hyrcanus, and preserved it in his hands. ^ 5. However, Malichus, when he was sus- pected of poisoning Antipater, and when the multitude was angry with him for it, denied it, and made the people believe he was not guilty. He also prepared to make a greater figure, and raised soldiers; for he did not suppose that Herod would be quiet, who indeed came upon him with an army pre- sently, in order to revenge his father's death; but, upon hearing the advice of his brother Phasaelus, not to punish him in an open man- ner, lest the multitude should fall into a sedition, he admitted of Malichus's apology, and professed that he cleared him of the sus- picion; he also made a pompous funeral for his father. 6. So Herod went to Samaria, which was then in a tumult, and settled the city in peace; after which, at the [Pentecost] festi- val, he returned to Jerusalem, having his armed men with him; hereupon Hyrcanus, at the request of Malichus, who feared his approach, forbade them to introduce foreigners to mix themselves with the people of the country, while they were purifying them- selves; but Herod despised the pretence, and him that gave that command, and came in by night. Upon which Malichus came to him, and bewailed Antipater; Herod also made him believe [he admitted of his lamen- tation as real], although he had much ado to restrain his passion at him; however, he did himself bewail the murder of his father in his letters to Cassius, who, on other accounts, also hated Malichus. Cassius sent him word back that he should avenge his father's death upon him, and privately gave order to the tribunes tnat were under him, that they should assist Herod in a righteous action he was about. 670 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK I. 7. And because, upon the taking of Lao- dicea by Cassius, the men of power were got- ten together from all quarters, with presents and crowns in their hands, Herod allotted this time for the punishment of Malichus. When Malichus suspected that, and was at Tyre, he resolved to withdraw his son pri- . "vately from among the Tyrians, who was an hostage there, while he got ready to fly away into Judea; the despair he was in of escaping excited hhn to think of greater things; for he hoped that he should raise the nation to a revolt from the Romans, while Cassius was busy about the war against Antony, and that he should easily depose Hyrcanus, and get the crown for himself. 8. But fate laughed at the hopes he had ; for Herod foresaw what he was so zealous about, and invited both Hyrcanus and him to supper; but calling one of the principal servants that stood by him to him, he sent him out, as though it were to get things ready for supper, but in reality to give notice be- forehand about the plot that was laid against "* him; accordingly, they called to mind what orders Cassius had given them, and went out of the city with their swords in their hands upon the sea-shore, where they encompassed Malichus round about, and killed him with many wounds. Upon which Hyrcanus was immediately affrighted, till he swooned away, and fell down at the surprise he was in; and it was with difficulty that he was recovered, when he asked who it was that had killed Malichus. And when one of the tribunes replied, that it was done by the command of Cassius, " Then," said he, " Cassius hath saved both me and my country, by cutting off one that was laying plots against them both." Whether he spake according to his own sentiments, or whether his fear was such, that he was obliged to commend the action by saying so, is uncertain; however, by this method Herod inflicted punishment upon Malichus. ♦ CHAPTER Xn. PHASAELUS IS TOO HARD FOR FELIX; HEROD ALSO OVERCOMES ANTIGONUS IN BATTLE: AND THE JEWS ACCUSE BOTH HEROD AND PHASAELUS; BUT ANTONIUS ACQUITS THEM, AND MAKES THEM TETRARCH8. § 1. When Cassius was gone out of Syria, another sedition arose at Jerusalem, wherein Felix assaulted Pbasaelus with an army, that he might revenge the death of Malichus upon Herod, by falling upon his brother. Now Herod happened then to be with Fabius, the governor of Damascus, and as he was going to his brother's assistance, he was detained by sickness; m the mean time, Phasaelus was by himself too hard for Felix, and reproached Hyrcanus on account of his ingratitude, botI» for what assistance he had afforded Malichus, and for overlooking Malichus's brother, when he possessed himself of the fortresses ; for he had gotten a great many of them already, and among them the strongest of them all, Masada. 2. However, nothing could be sufficient for him against the force of Herod, who, as soon as he was recovered, took the other for- tresses again, and drove him out of Masada in the posture of a supplicant; he also drove away Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians, out of Galilee, when he had already possessed himself of three fortified places; but as to those Tyrians whom he had caught, he pre- served them all alive; nay, some of them he gave presents to, and so seiit them away, and thereby procured good- will to himself from the city, and hatred to the tyrant. Marion had in- deed obtained that tyrannical power of Cassius, who set tyrants over all Syria;* and out of hatred to Herod it was that he assisted Anti- gonus, the son of Aristobulus, and princi- pally on Fabius's account, whom Antigonus had made his assistant by money, and had him accordingly on his side when he made his descent; but it was Ptolemy, the kins- man o[ Antigonus, that supplied all that he wanted. 3. When Herod had fought against these in the avenues of Judea, he was conqueror in the battle, and drove away Antigonus, and returned to Jerusalem, beloved by every body for the glorious action he had done; for those who did not before favour him, dii,' join themselves to him now, because of his marriage into the family of Hyrcanus; for as he had formerly married a wife out of his own country of no ignoble blood, who was called Doris, of whom he begat An ti pater, so did he now marry Mariamne, the daughter of I Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, and the i grand-daughter of H}'rcanus, and was become thereby a relation of the king. 4. But when Cffisar and Antony had slain Cassius near Philippi, and Csesar was gone to Italy, and Antony to Asia, amongst the rest of the cities which sent ambassadors to Antony unto Bithynia, the great men of the Jews came' also, and accused Phasaelus and Herod, that they kept the government by force, and that Hyrcanus had no more than an honourable name. Herod appeared ready to answer this accusation; fend, having made Antony his friend by the large sums of money he gave him, he brought him to such a temper as not to bear the others speak against him; and thus did they part at this tiaie. 5. However, after this there came a hundred • Here we »ee that Cassius set tyrants over all Syria ■o that bis assistini; to destroy Cwsur do«iS not susat to have proceeded from his true zeal tor public liberty but frora a desire to be a tyrant hioibclf. CHAP. xm. WARS OF THE JEWS. 671 of the principal men among the Jews to [already succeeded, upon the death of his father Daphne by Antioch, to Antony, who was ' Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, in the govern- already in love with Cleopatra to the degree I ment [of Chalcis], he prevailed with the of slavery; these Jews put those men that I governor, by a promise of a thousand talents, were the most potent, both in dignity and I and five hundred women, to bring back eloquence, foremost, and accused the breth- ren.* But Messala opposed them, and defended the brethren, and that while Hyrcanus stood by him, on account of his relation to them. Antigonus to his kingdom, and to turn Hyr- canus out of it. Pacorus was by these means induced so to do, and marched along the sea-coast, while he ordered Barzapharnes to When Antony had heard both sides, he asked , fall upon the Jews as he went along the Hyrcanus which party was the fittest to Mediterranean part of the country; but ol govern; who replied, that Herod and his party i the maritime people, the Tyrians would not were the fittest. Antony was glad of that receive Pacorus, although those of Ptolemais answer, for he had been formerly treated inland Sidon had received him; so he com- an hospitable and obliging manner by his \ mitted a troop of his horse to a certain father Antipater, when he marched into Judea cup-bearer belonging to the royal family, with Gabinius; so he constituted the breth- of his own name [Pacorus], and gave hiin ren tetrarchs, and committed to them the orders to march into Judea, in order to learn government of Judea. 6. But when the ambassadors had indig- nation at this procedure, Antony took fifteen of them, and put them into custody, whom he was also going to kill presently, and the rest he drove away with disgrace; on which occa- sion a still greater tumult arose at Jerusalem; the state of affairs among their enemies, and to help Antigonus when he should want his assistance. 2. Now, as these men were ravaging Car- mel, many of the Jews ran together to Antigonus, and showed themselves ready to make an incursion into the country; so he senl so they sent again a thousand ambassadors to them before into that place called Drynius Tyre, where Antony now abode, as he was [the woodland], f to seize upon the plaee; marching to Jerusalem; upon these men who ' whereupon a battle was fought between thei made a clamour, he sent out the governor of Tyre, and ordered him to punish all that he could catch of them, and to settle those in the administration whom he had made tetrarchs. 7- But before this, Herod and Hyrcanus went out upon the sea- shore, and earnestly desired of these ambassadors that they would neither bring ruin upon themselves, nor war upon their native country, by their rash con- tentions; and when they gtew still more out- rageous, Antony sent out armed men, and slew a great many, and wounded more of them: of whom those that were slain were buried by Hyrcanus, as were the wounded put under the care of physicians by him; yet would not those that had escaped be quiet Btill, but put the aflfairs of the city into such disorder, and so provoked Antony, that be slew those whom he had put in bonds also. CHAPTER XIII. THE PARTHIANS BRING ANTIGONUS BACK INTO JUDEA, AND CAST HYRCANUS AND PHASAELUS INTO PRISON. THE FLIGHT OF HEROD, AND THE TAKING OF JERUSALEM, AND WHAT HYRCANUS AND PHASAELUS SUFFERED. § 1. Now two years afterward, when Barza- pharnes, a governor among the Parthians, | and Pacorus, the king's son, had possessed and they drove the enemy away, and pur- sued them, and ran after them as far as Jeru- salem, and as their numbers increased, they proceeded as far as the king's palace; but as Hyrcanus and Phasaelus received them with a strong body of men, there happened a battle in the market-place, in which Herod's party beat the enemy, and shut them up in the temple, and set sixty men in the houses adjoining as a guard on them. But the people that were tumultuous against the brethren came in and burnt those men; while Herod, in his rage for killing them, attacked and slew many of the people, till one party made incursions on the other by turns, day by day, in the way of ambushes; and slaugh- ters were made continually among them. 3. Now, when that festival which we call Pentecost was at hand, all the places about the temple, and the whole city was full of a multitude of people that were come out of the country, and who were the greatest part of them armed also, at which time Phasaelus guarded the wall, and Herod, with a few, guarded the royal palace; and when he made an assault upon his enemies, as they were out of their ranks, on the north quarter of the city, he slew a very great number of them, and put them all to flight; and some of them he shut up within the city, and others within the outward rampart. In the mean time Antigonus desired that Pacorus might be i This large and noted wood, or woodland, belonging themselves of Syria, and when Lysanias had i to Carmel, called Aiuuot by the Septuagint, is mentioned in the 0!d Testament, 2 Kings xix.:23; and Isa.xxxriL k4; and Strabo, b.XTi.p.758; as both Aldrich and Span- • Phasaelus and Herod. | keim ber« remark very pertinently. 672 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK I. admitted to be a reconciler between them ; and Phasaelus was prevailed upon to admit the Parthian into the city with five hundred horse, and to treat him in an hospitable manner, who pretended that he came to quell the tumult, but in reality he came to assist Anti- gonus; however, he laid a plot for Phasaelus, and persuaded him to go as an ambassador to Barzapharnes, in order to put an end to the war, although Herod was very earnest with him to the contrary, and exhorted him to kill the plotter, but not expose himself to tii snares he had laid for him, because the barbarians are naturally perfidious. How- ever, Pacorus went out and took Hyrcanus with him, that he might be the less suspected ; he also* left some of the horsemen, called the Freemen, with Herod, and conducted Phasae- lus with the rest. 4. But now, when they were come to Gali- lee, they found that the people of that country had revolted, and were in arms, who came ▼8! 7 cunningly to their leader, and besought hi ti to conceal his treacherous intentions by an obliging behaviour to them; accordingly, h& at first made them presents, and afterward, as til 7 went away, laid ambushes for them ; aud. i^hen they were come to one of the mari- ii'^i cities called Ecdippon, they perceived that a plot was laid for them; for they were there informed of the promise of a thousand talents, and how Antigonus had devoted the greatest number of the women that were there with them, among the five hundred, to the Parthians; they also perceived that an am- bush was always laid for them by the barba- rians in the night-time; they had also been seized on before this, unless they had waited for the seizure of Herod first at Jerusalem, because, if he were once informed of this treachery of theirs, he would take care of himself; nor was this a mere report, for they saw the guards already not far off them. 6. Nor would Phasaelus think of forsaking Hyrcanus and flying away, although Ophel- Hus earnestly persuaded him to it; for this man had learned the whole scheme of the plot from Saramalla, the richest of all the Syrians. But Phasaelus went up to the Parthian governor, and reproached him to his face for laying this treacherous plot against them, and chiefly because he had done it for money; and he promised him, that he would give him more money for their preservation, than Antigonus had promised to give for the king- dom. But the sly Parthian endeavoured to remove all bis suspicion by apologies and by oaths, and then went to [the other] Pacorus; immediately after which, those Parthians who were left, and bad it in charge, seized upon • These accoant»,both here and Antiq. b. xiv. ch.xili. sect. 5, that the Parthians fought chiefly on horseback, •nd that only some few of their soldiers were free. icen, perfectly agree with Trogus Poinpeius, in Justin, bw xlL S, a, as O-an Aldrioh well obatrT^s ia this plaec. Phasaelus and Hyrcanus, who could do no more than curse their perfidiousness and their' perjury. 6. In the mean time, the cup-bearer was sent [back], and laid a plot how to seize upon Herod, by deluding him, and getting him out of the city, as he was commanded to do. But Herod suspected the barbarians from the beginning; and having then received intelli- gence that a messenger, who was to bring him the letters that informed him of the treachery intended, had fallen among the ene- my, he would not go out of the city; though Pacorus said, very positively, that he ouglit to go out, and meet the messengers that brought the letters, for that the enemy had not taken them, and that the contents of them were not accounts of any plots upon them, but of what Phasaelus had done; yet had he heard from others that his brother was seized; and Alexandra,! the shrewdest woman in the world, Hyrcanus's daughter, begged of him that he would not go out, nor trust himself to those barbarians, who now were come to make an attempt upon him openly. 7. Now, as Pacorus and his friends were considering how they might bring their plot to bear privately, because it was not possible to circumvent a man of so great prudence by openly attacking him, Herod prevented them, and went off with the persons that were the most nearly related to him by night, and this without their enemies being apprised of it. But, as soon as the Parthians perceived it, they pursued after them; and, as he gave orders for his mother, and sister, and the young woman who was betrothed to him, with her mother, and his youngest brother, to make the best of their way, he himself, with his servants, took all the care they could to keep off the barbarians; and when, at every assault, he had slain a great many of them, he came to the strong-hold of Masada. 8. Nay, he found by experience that the Jews fell more heavily upon him than did the Parthians, and created him troubles per- petually, and this ever since he was gotten sixty furlongs from the city; these sometimes brought it to a sort of a regular battle. Now, in the place where Herod beat them, and killed a great number of them, there he afterward built a citadel, in memory of the gi'eat actions he did there, and adorned it with the most costly palaces, and erected very strong forti- fications, and called it, from his own name, Herodium. Now, as they were in their flight, many joined themselves to him every day; and, at a place called Thressa of Idumea, his brother Joseph met him, and advised him to ease himself of a great number of his fol- lowers; because Masada would not contain so great a multitude, which were above nine thousand. Herod complied with this advice, * Mariawnr hert:, in the eoptea. CHAP. XIV. WARS OF THE JEWS, 673 and sent away the most cumbersome part of his retinue, that they might go into Idumea, and gave them provisions for their journey; but he got safe to the fortress with his nearest relations, and retained with him only the stoutest of his followers; and there it was that he left eight hundred of his men as a guard for the women, and proWsions sufficient for a siege; but be made haste himself to Petra of Arabia. 9. As for the Partbians in Jerusalem, they betook themselves to plundering, and fell upon the houses of those that were ded, and upon the king's palace, and spared nothing but Hyrcanus's money, which was not above three hundred talents. They lighted on other men's money also, but not so much as they hoped for; for Herod, having a long while had a suspicion of the perfidiousness of the barba- rians, had taken care to have what was most splendid among his treasures conveyed into Idumea, as every one belonging to him had in like manner done also. But the Parthians proceeded to that degree of injustice, as to fill all the country with war without denoun- cing it, and to demolish the city Marissa, and not only to set up Antigonus for king, but to deliver Phasaelus and Hyrcanus bound into his hands, in order to their being tormented by him. Antigonus himself also bit off Hyr- canus's ears with his own teeth, as he fell down upon his knees to him, that so he might lever be able, upon any mutation of affairs, to take the high -priesthood again; for the high-priests that officiated were tobe complete, and without blemish^ 10. However, he failed in his purpose of abusing Phasaelus, by reason of his courage, for though he neither haet the command of his sword nor of his hands, he prevented all abuses by dashing his bead against a stone; so he de- monstrated himself to be Herod's own brother, and Hyrcanus a most degenerate relation, and died with great bravery, and made the end of his life agreeable to the actions of it. There is also another report about his end, viz. that he recovered of that stroke, and that a sur- geon, who was sent by Antigonus to heal him, filled the wound with poisonous ingre- dients, and so killed him. Whichsoever of these deaths he came to, the beginning of it was glorious. It is also reported, that before he expired, he was informed by a certain poor woman how Herod had escaped out of their hands, and that he said thereupon, " I now die with comfort, since I leave behind me one alive that will avenge me of mine enemies." 11. This was the death of Phasaelus; but the Parthians, although they had failed of the women they chiefly desired, yet did they put the government of Jerusalem into the hands of Antigonus, and took away Hyrcanus, and bound him, and carried bim to Partbia. CILAPTER XIV. WHEN HEROD IS EEJECTED IK ARABIA, HE MAKES HASTE TO ROME, WHERE ANTONY AND CiESAR JOIN THEIR INTEREST TO MAKE HIM KING OF THE JEWS. § 1. Now Herod did the more zealously pur- sue bis journey into Arabia, as making haste to get money of the king, while his brother was yet alive; by which money alone it was that he hoped to prevail upon the covetous temper of the barbarians, to spare Phasaelus; for he reasoned thus with himself: — That if the Arabian king was too forgetful of his father's friendship with him, and was too covetous to make him a free gift, he would, however, borrow of him as much as might redeem his brother, and put into his hands, as a pledge, the son of him that was to be re- deemed. Accordingly, he led his brother's son along with him, who was of the age of seven years. Now he was ready to give three bun dred talents for his brother, and intended to desire the intercession of the Tyrians, to get them accepted; howerer, fate had been too quick for his diligence; and since Phasaelus was dead, Herod's brotherly love was now in vain. Moreover, he was not able to find any lasting friendship among the Arabians; for their king, Malicbus, sent to him immediately, and commanded him to return back out ot his country, and used the name of the Par thians as a pretence for so doing, as though these had denounced to him, by their ambas- sadors, to cast Herod out of Arabia; while in reality they had a mind to keep back what they owed to Antipater, and not be obliged to make requital to his sons for the free gifts the father had made them. He also took the imprudent advice of those who, equally with himself, were willing to deprive Herod of what Antipater had deposited among them; and these men were the most potent of all whom he had in his kingdom. 2. So when Herod had found that the Ara- bians were his enemies, and this for those very reasons whence he hoped they would have been the most friendly, and had given them such an answer as his passion suggested, he returned back and went for Egypt. Now he lodged the first evening at one of the temples of that country, in order to meet with those whom he left behind ; but on the next day word was brought him, as he was going to Rhino- curura, that his brother was dead, and how he came by his death; and when he had lamented him as much as his present circumstances could bear, he soon laid aside su€h cares, and proceeded on his journey. But now, after some time, the king of Arabia repented of what he had done, and sent presently away mtssengers to call him back: Herod had 674 WARS OF THE JEWS, fiOOK i. prevented them, and was come to Pelusium, where he could not obtain a passage from those that lay with the fleet, so he besought their captains to let him go by them ; accord- ingly, out of the reverence they bore to the fame and dignity of the man, they conducted him to Alexandria; and when he came into the city, he was received by Cleopatra with (jreat splendour, — Who hoped he might bo persuaded to be commander of her forces in the expedition she was now about. But he rejected the queen's solicitations, and being neither affrighted at the height of that storm which then happened, nor at the tumults that were now in Italy, he sailed for Rome. 3. But as he was in peril about Pamphylia, and obliged to Cast out the greatest part of the ship's lading, he, with difficulty, got safe to Rhodes, a place which had been grievously harassed in the war with Cassias. He was there received by his friends, Ptolemy and Sappinius; and, although he was then in want of money, he fitted up a three-decked ship of very great magnitude, wherein he and his friends sailed to Brundusium,* and went to Rome with all speed; where he first \)f all went to Antony, on account of the friendship his father had with him, and laid before him the calamities of himself and his family; and that he had left his nearest relations besieged in a fortress, and had sailed to him through a storm, to make supplication to him for assistance. 4. Hereupon Antony was moved to com- passion at the change that had been made in Herod's affairs, and this both upon his calling to mind how hospitably he had been treated by Antipater, but more especially on account of Herod's own virtue; so he then resolved to get him made king of the Jews, whom he had himself formerly made tetrarch. The cotJtest also that he had with Antigonus was another inducement, and that of no less weight than the great regard he had for Herod; for he looked upon Antigonus as a seditious person, and an enemy of the Romans: and as for Ciesar, Herod found him better prepared than Antony, as remembering very fresh the wars he had gone through together with his father, the hospitable treatment he had met with, from him, and the entire good-will he had shown to him; besides the activity which he saw in Herod himself. So he called the senate together, wherein Messalas, and after hnn Atratinus, produced Hero(J before them, and gave a full account of the merits of his father, and his own good- will to the Romans. At the same time they demonstrated that Antigonus was their enemy, not only because he soon quarrelled with them, but because he DOW overlool^ed the Romans, and took the government by the means of the Parthiang. * This Brentetium or Brunduoinm has coins itill pre* wrreil, on which is written Bi'EN AU£IOUIj, a« Spanr Wim Inform* oib These reasons greatly moved the senate; at which juncture Antony came in, and told them that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should be king; so they all gave their votes for it. And when the senate was separated, Antony and Ctesa? went out, with Herod between them; whila the consul and the rest of the magistrate* went before them, in order to offer sacrif'ces, and to lay the decree in the Capitol. Antony also made a feast for Herod on the first day of his reign. CHAPTER XV. ANTIGONUS BESIEGES THOSE THAT WERE IN MASADA, WHOM HEROD FREES FROM CON- FINEMENT WHEN HE CAME BACK FROM ROME, AND PRESENTLY MARCHES TO JERU- SALEM, WHERE HE FINDS glLO CORRUPTEIX BY BRIBES. § 1. Now during this time, Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada, who had all other necessaries in sufficient quantity, but were in want of water; on which account Joseph, Herod's brother, was disposed to run away to the Arabians, with two hundred of his own friends, because he bad heard that Malichus repented of his offences with regard to Herod; and he had been so quick as to have been gone out of the fortress already,, unless, on that very night when he was going away, there had fallen a great deal of rain, insomuch that his reservoirs were full of water, and so he was under no necessity of running away. After which, therefore, they made an irruption upon Antigonus's party, and slew a great many of them, some in open battles, and some in private ambush; nor had they always success in their attempts, for sometimes they were beaten, and ran away. 2. In the mean time Ventidius, the Roman general, was sent out of Syria, to restrain the incursions of the Parthians; and after he had done that, he came into Judea, in pretence indeed to assist Joseph and his party, but in reality to get money of Antigonus; and when he had pitched his camp very near to Jerusa- lem, as soon as he had got money enough, he went away with the greatest part of his forces; yet still did he leave Silo with some part of them, lest if he had taken them all away, his taking of bribes might have been too openly ' discovered. Now Antigonus hoped that the Parthians would come again to his assistance, and therefore cultivated a good understanciing with Silo in the mean time, lest any interrup- tion should be given to his hopes. 3. Now by this time Herod had sailed out of Italy, and' was come to Piolemais: and as ijoon as he had gotten together no small a«uiy of foreigners, and of his own countrymen, h« CHAP. XV. WARS OF THE JEWS, 675 marched through Galilee against Antigonus, wherein he was assisted by Ventidius and Silo, both whom Dellius,* a person seijt by Antony, persuaded to bring Herod [into his kingdom]. Now Ventidius was at this time among the cities, and composing the distur- bances which had happened by means of the Parthians, as was Silo in Judea corrupted by the bribes that Antigonus had given him; yet was not Herod himself destitute of power, but the number of his forces increased every day as he went along, and all Galilee, with few* exceptions, joined themselves to him. So he proposed to himself to set about his most necessary enterprise, and that was Ma- sada, in order to deliver his relations from the siege they endured. But still Joppa stood in his way, and hindered his going thither; for it was necessary to take that city first, which was in the enemies' hands, that when he should go to Jerusalem, no fortress might be left in the enemies power behind him. Silo also mllingly joined him, as having now a plausible occasion of drawing off his forces [from Jerusalem]; and when the Jews pur- sued him, and pressed upon him [in his re- treat], Herod made an excursion upon them with a small body of his men, and soon put them to flight, and saved Silo when he was in distress. 4. After this, Herod took Joppa, and then made haste to Masada to free his relations. Now, as he was marching, many came in to him; some induced by their friendship to his father, some by the reputation he had already gained himself, and some, in order to repay the benefits they had received from them both; but still what engaged the greatest number on his side, was the hopes from him, when he hhould be established in his kingdom; so that he had gotten together already an army hard to be conquered. But Antigonus laid an ambush for him as he marched out, in which he did little or no harm to his enemies. How- ever, he easily recovered his relations again that ware in Masada, as well as the fortress Ressa, and then marched to Jerusalem, where the soldiers that were with Silo joined themselves to his own, as did many out of the city, from a dread of his power. 5. Now, when he had pitched his camp on the west side of the city, the guards who were there shot with arrows, and threw their darts at them, while others ran out in com- panies, and attacked those in the fore-front; but Herod commanded proclamation to be n.ade at the wall, that he was come for the good of the people, and the preservation of the city, without any design to be revenged on his open enemies, but to grant oblivion to them, though they had been the most obsti- nate against him. Now the soldiers that « This Uellius is famous, or rather infamous, in the hi.-'Jir, i>f viarK Antony, as -Spanheim arm Aldrich, ben^ note, irom the coius from Ptutarcb and Dio. were xrr Antigonus made a contrary clamour, and did neither permit any body to hear that proclamation, nor to change their party; so Antigonus gave order to his forces to beat the enemy from the walls: accordingly, they soon threw their darts at them from the towers, and put them to flight. 6. And here it was that Silo discovered be had taken bribes; for he set many of the sol- diers to clamour about their want o^ neces- saries, and to require their pay, in order to buy ! themselves food, and to demand that he would j lead them into places convenient for their winter quarters; because all the parts about the city were laid waste by the means of An- ! tigonus's army, which had taken all things away. By this he moved the army, and attempted to get them off the siege; but Herod went to the captains that were under Silo, and to a great many of the soldiers, and begged of them not to leave him, who was sent thither by Caesar and Antony, and the 'senate; for that he would take care to have ; their wants supplied that very day. After j the making of which entreaty, he went hastily into the country, and brought thither so great an abundance of necessaries, that he cut off all Silo's pretences; and, in order to provide that for the following days they should not j want supplies, he sent to the people that were about Samaria (which city had joined itself to him) to bring corn, wine, and oil, and cattle to Jericho. When Antigonus beard of i this, he sent some of his party with orders to i hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors of corn. This command was obeyed, and a great multitude of armed men were gathered together about Jericho, and lay upon the mountains, to watch those that brought the provisions. Yet was Herod not idle, but took with him ten cohorts, five of them were Ro- jnans, and five were Jewish cohorts, together with some mercenary troops intermixed among them, and besides those a few horse- men, and came to Jericho; and when he came he found the city deserted, but that there were five hundred men, with their wives and children, who had taken possession of the tops of the mountains; these he took, and dismissed them, while the Romans fell upon the rest of the city, and plundered it, having found the houses full of all sorts of good things. So the king left a garrison at Jeri- cho, and came back, and ;gent the Roman army into those cities which were come over to him, to take their winter quarters there, viz. into Judea [or Idumea], and Galilee, and Samaria. Antigonus also, by bribes, obtainerl of Silo to let a part of his army be received at Lydda as a compliment to Antouius. 570 WARS OF THE JEWS, BOOK 1 CHAPTER XVI. HCROD TAKES SEPPHORIS, AND SUBDUES THE KOBBEUS THAT WERE IN THE CAVES: HE AFTER THAT AVENGES HIMSELF UPON MACHERAS, AS UPON AN ENEMY OF HIS, AND GOES TO ANTONY, A3 HE WAS BESIEGING SAMOSATA. § 1. So the Romans lived in plenty of all things, and rested from war. However, Herod did not lie at rest, but seized upon Idumea, and kept it, with two thousand footmen, and four hundred horsemen; and this he did by sending his brother Joseph thither, that no innovation might be made by Antigonus. He also removed his mother, and all his relations, who had been in Masada, to Samaria; and when he had settled them securely, he marched to take the remaining parts of Galilee, and to drive away the garrisons placed there by Antigonus. 2. But when Herod had reached Seppho- ris,* in a very great snow, he took the city without any difficulty, the guards that should have kept it flying away before it was assaulted; where he gave an opportunity to his followers that had been in distress to refresh themselves, there being in that city a great abundance of necessaries. After which he hasted away to the robbers that were in the caves, who overran a great part of the coun- try, and did as great mischief to its inhabitants as a war itself could have done. Accordingly, he sent beforehand three cohorts of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, to the village Arbela, and came himself forty days after- wards f with the rest of his forces. Yet were not the enemy affrighted at his assault, but met him in arms; for their skill was that of warriors, but their boldness was the boldness of robbers: when, therefore, it came to a pitched battle, they put to flight Herod's left wing with their right one: but Herod, wheel- ing about on the sudden from his own right wing, came to their assistance, and both made his own left wing return back from its flight, and fell upon the pursuers, and cooled their courage, till they could not bear the attempts that were made directly upon them, and so turned back and ran away. 3. But Herocf followed them, and slew * This Sepphoris, the metropolis of Galilee, so often mentioned by Josephus, has coins still remaining, 2£1I- ♦llPHNHN. as Spantieim here informs us. ♦ This way of speaking, "after forty djys," is inter- Ereted by Josephus himself, "on the fortieth day;" Antiq. .xiv. ch. XV. sect 4. In like manner, when Josephui> •ays, ch.xxxiil.sectS, that Herod lived "after" he had ordered Antipater to lie slain *' Ave days i" this is by him- self interpreted, Antiq. b.xvii.ch.viii. sect 1, that he died "Oil the tilth day alterward" So also what is in this book, chap. xiiu sect. 1, "after two years," Is, Antiq. b. xiv ch. xiii. sect 3. "on the second year:" and Dean Aldrich here uutes, that this way of speaking is familiar Id JoMpbus. them as he followed them, and destroyed a great part of them, till those that remained were scattered beyond the river [Jordan] ; and Galilee was freed from the terrors they had been under, excepting from those that remained, and lay concealed in caves, which required longer time ere they could be conquered. In order to which, Herod, in the first place, dis- tributed the fruits of their former labours to the soldiers, and gave every one of them a hundred and fifty drachmae of silver, and a great deal more to their commanders, and sent them ^nto their winter quarters. He also sent to his youngest brother Pheroras, to take care of a good market for them, where they might buy themselves provisions, and to build a wall about Alexandrium ; who took care of both those injunctions accordingly. 4. In the mean time Antony abode at Athens, while Ventidius called for Silo and Herod to come to the war against the Par- thians, but ordered them first to settle the affairs of Judea: so Herod willingly dismissed Silo to go to Ventidius; but he made an expedition himself against those that lay in the caves. Now these caves were in the preci- pices of craggy mountains, and could not be come at from any side, since they had only some winding path- ways, very narrow, by which they got up to them; but the rock that lay on their front had beneath it valleys of a vast depth, and of an almost perpendicular declivity; insomuch that the king was doubt- ful for a long time what to do, by rea.son of a kind of impossibility there was of attacking the place. Yet did he at length make use of a contrivance that was subject to the utmost hazard; for he let down the most hardy of his men in chests, and set them at the mouths of the dens. Now these men slew the rob- bers and their families, and when they made resistance, they sent in fire upon them [and burnt them]; and as Herod was desirous of saving some of them, he had proclamation made, that they should come and deliver themselves up to him; but not one of them came willingly to him; and of those tliat were compelled to come, many preferred death to captivity. And here a certain old man, the father of seven children, whose children, together with their mother, desired him to give them leave to go out, upon the assurance and right hand that was offered them, slew them after the following manner: — He ordered every one of them to go out, while he stood himself at the cave's mouth, and slew that son of his perpetually who went out. Herod was near enough to see this sight, and his bowels of compassion were moved at it, and he stretched out his right hand to the old man, and besought him to spare bis child rt't<; yet did not he relent at all upon \\h.,t he said, but over and above reproii^hed Herod on the lowness of his descent, and slew his wife as well a* hig children; uud CHAP. XVII. WARS OP THE JEWS. 677 when he had thrown their dead bodies down the precipice, he at last threw himself down after them. 5. By this means Herod subdued these caves, and the robbers that were in them. He then left there a part of his army, as many as he thought sufficient to prevent any sedition, ar.d made Ptolemy their general, and returned to Samaria : he led also with him three thousand armed footmen, and six hundred horsemen, against Antigonus. Now here those that used to raise tumults in Galilee, having liberty so to do upon his departure, fell unexpectedly upon Ptolemy, the general of his forces, and slew him: they also laid the country waste, and then retired to the bogs, and to places not easily to be found; but when Herod was informed of this insurrection, he came to the assistance of the country im- mediately, and destroyed a great number of the seditious, and raised the sieges of all those fortresses they had besieged; he also exacted the tribute of a hundred talents of his enemies, as a penalty for the mutations they had made in the country. 6. By this time (the Parthians being already driven out of the country, and Pacorus slain) Ventidius, by Antony's command, sent a thousand horsemen, and two legions, as auxi- liaries to Herod, against Antigonus. Now Antigonus besought Macheras, who was their general, by letter, to come to his assistance, arfd made a great many mournful complaints about Herod's violence, and about the injuries he did to the kingdom ; and promised to give hJm money for such his assistance : but he ccmplied not with his invitation to betray his trust, for he did not contemn him that sent him, especially while Herod gave him more money [than the other offered]. So he pre- tended friendship to Antigonus, but came as a spy to discover his affairs, although he did not herein comply with Herod, who dissuaded him from so doing; but Antigonus perceived what his intentions were beforehand, and excluded him out -of the city, and defended himself against him as against an enemy, from the walls; till Macheras was ashamed of what he had done, and retired to Emmaus to Herod; and, as he was in a rage at his dis- appointment, he slew all the Jews whom he met with, without sparing those that were for Herod, but using them all as if they were for Antigonus. 7. Hereupon Herod was very angry at him, and was going to fight against Macheras as bjs enemy; but he restrained his indignation, and marched to Antony to accuse Macheras of mal-administration; but Macheras was made sensible of his offences, and followed after the king immediately, and earnestly begged and obtained that he would be reconciled to him. However, Herod did not desist from his reso- lution of going to Ajtitony; but when he heard that he was besieging Samosata* with a great army, which is a strong city near to Euphrates, he made the greater haste; as ob- serving that this was a proper opportunity for showing at once his courage, and for doing what would greatly oblige Antony. Indeed, when he came, he soon made an end of that siege, and slew a great number of the bar- barians, and took from them a large prey; insomuch that Antony, who admired his cou- rage formerly, did now admire it still more.' Accordingly, he heaped many more honours upon him, and gave him more assured hopes that he should gain his kingdom : and now king Antiochus was forced to deliver up Samosata. CHAPTER XVIL THE DEATH OF JOSEPH [HEROD's BROTHER], WHICH HAD BEEN SIGNIFIED TO HEROD IN DREAMS. HOW HEROD WAS PRESERVED TWICE, AFTER A WONDERFUL MANNER. HE CUTS OFF THE HEAD OF PAPPUS, WHO WAS THE MURDERER OF HIS BROTHER, AND SENDS THAT HEAD TO [HIS OTHER brother] PHERORAS. AND IN NO LONG TIME HE BESIEGES JERUSALEM, AND MARHIES MARIAMNE. § 1. In the mean time Herod's affairs in Judea were in an ill state. He had left his brother Joseph with full power, but had charged him to make no attempts against Antigonus till his return; for that Macheras would not be such an assistant as he could depend on, as it appeared by what he had done already; but as soon as Joseph heard that his brother was at a very great distance, he ne- glected the charge he had received, and march- ed towards Jericho with five cohorts, which Macheras sent with him. This movement was intended for seizing on the corn, as it was now in the midst of summer; but when his enemies attacked him in the mountains, and in places which were difficult to pass, he was both killed himself, as he was very bravely fighting in the battle, and the entire Roman cohorts were destroyed; for these cohorts were new-raised men, gathered out of Syria, an^ there was no mixture of those called veteran soldiers among them, who might have supported those that were unskilful in war. 2. This victory was not sufficient for An- tigonus; but he proceeded to that degree of rage, as to treat the dead body of Joseph bar- barously; for when he had gotten possession of the bodies of those that were slain, he cut • This Samosata, the metropolis of Commagena, is well known from its coins, as Spanbeim here assurer us. Dean Aldrich also confirms what Josephus here notes tljat Herod was a great means of taking the city by Aotony, and that from PluUrcb and Dio. 2 O 578 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK I. off his head, although his brother Pheroras would have given fifty talents as a price of redemption for it. And now the affairs of Galilee were put into such disorder after this Viclofy of Antigonus, that those of Antigo- nus'a party brought the principal men that were on Herod's side to the lake, and there drowned them. There was a great change made also in Idumea, where Macheras was building a wall about one of the fortresses, that was called Gittha. But Herod had not yet been informed of these things; for after the taking of Samosata, and when Antony had set Sosius over the affairs of Syria, and given him orders to assist Herod against Aiitigonus, he departed into Egypt. But Sosius sent two legions before him into Judea, to assist Herod, and followed himself soon after with the rest of his army. 3. Now when Herod was at Daphne, by Antioch, he had some dreams which clearly foreboded his brother's death; and as he leaped out of his bed in a disturbed manner, there came messengers that acquainted him with that calamity. So when he had lamented this misfortune for a while, he put off the main part of his mourning, and made haste to march against his enemies; and when he had performed a march that was above his strength, and was gone as far as Libanus, he got eight- hundred men of those that lived near to that mountain, as his assistants, and joined with them one Roman legion, with which, before it was day, he made an irrup- tion into Galilee, and met his enemies, and drove them back to the place which they had left. He also made an immediate and conti- nued attack upon the fortress. Yet was he forced, by a most terrible storm, to pitch his camp in the neighbouring village before he could take it. But when, after a few days' time, the second legion, that came from Antony, joined themselves to him, the enemy were affrighted at his power, and left their fortifications in the night-time. 4. After this he marched through Jericho, as making what haste he could to be avenged on his brother's murderers: where happened to him a providential sign, out of which when he had unexpectedly escaped, he had the repu- tation of being very dear to God; for that evening there feasted with him many of the principal men; and after that feast was oVer, and all the guests were gone out, the house fell down immediately. And as he judged this to be a common signal of what dangers he should undergo, and how he should escape them in the war that he was going about, he in the morning set forward with his army, when about six thousand of his enemies came running down from the mountains, and began to fight with those in bis fore-front; yet durst they not be so very bold as to engage the liomans band to hand, but threw stones And darts at them at a distance, by which means they wounded a considerable number 5 in which action Herod's own side was wounuea with a dart. 5. Now as Antigonus had a mind to appear to exceed Herod not only in the courage, biiu in the number of his men, he sent Pappus, one of his companions, with an army agaiuat Samaria, whose fortune it was to oppose Macheras. But Herod overran the enemies' country, and demolished five little cities, and destroyed two thousand men that were in them, and burned their houses, and then returned to his camp; but his head-quarters were at the village called Cana. 6. Now a great multitude of Jews resorted to him every day, both out of Jericho and the other parts of the country. Some were moved so to do out of their hatred to Antigonus, and some out of regard to the glorious actions Herod had done; but others were led on by an unreasonable desire of change; so he fell upon them immediately. As for Pappus and his party, they were not terrified either at their number or at their zeal, but marched out with great alacrity to fight them; and it came to a close fight. Now other parts of their army made resistance for a while: but Herod, run- ning the utmost hazard, out of the rage he was in at the murder of his brother, that he might be avenged on those that had been the authors of it, soon beat those that opposed him; and, after he had beaten them, he always turned his force against those that stood* to it still, and pursued them all; so that a great slaughter was made, while some were forced back into that village whence they came out; he also pressed hard upon the hinderniost, and slew a vast number of them; he also fell into the village with the enemy, where every house was filled with armed men, and the upper rooms were crowded above with sol- diers for their defence; and when he had beaten those that were on the outside, he pulled the houses to pieces, and plucked out those that were within; upon many he had the roofs shaken down, w^iereby they perished by heaps; and as for those that ded out of the ruins, the soldiers received them with their swords in their hands; and the multitude of those slain and lying in heaps was so great, that the conquerors could not pass along the roads. Now the enemy could not bear this blow, 80 that when the multitude of them which was gathered together, saw that those in the village were slain, they dispersed theai- selves and fled away; upon the confidence oi which victory, Herod had marched in.a.f- diately to Jerusalem, unless he haa been hin- dered by the depth of winter^s [coming on]. This was the impediment that lay in the way of this his entire glorious progress, and was what hindered Antigo:iu» from being now conquered, who was already dis)>08ed to for- sake the city. 7. Now when at the evening Herod baii CHAP. XVIII. WARS OF THE JEWS. 679 already dismissed his friends to refresh them- selves after their fatigue, and when he was gone himself, while he was still hot in his nrmour, like a common soldier, to bathe him- Sf'lf, and had but one servant that attended him, and before he was gotten into the bath, one of the enemies met him in the face with a sword in his hand, and then a second, and then a third, and after that more of them; thesg were men who had run awqy out of the battle into the bath in their armour, and they had lain there for some time in great terror, and in privacy; and when they saw the king, they trembled for fear, and ran by him in a fright, although he was naked, and endea- voured to get off into the public road. Now there was by chance nobody else at hand that might seize upon these men; and for Herod, be was contented to have come to no harm himself, so that they all got away in safety. 8. But on the next day Herod had Pappus's head cut off, who was the general for Antigo- nus, and was slain in the battle, wild sent it to his brother Pheroras, by way of punishment for their slain brother; for he was the man that slew Joseph. Now as winter was going oflE^ Herod marched to Jerusalem, and brought his army to the wall of it; this was the third year since he had been made king at Rome; BO he pitched his camp before the temple, for on that side it might be besieged; and there it was that Pompey took the city. So he parted the work among the army, and demo- lished the suburbs, and raised three banks, and gave orders to have towers built upon those banks, and left the most laborious of his acquaintance at the works. But be went himself to Samaria, to take tluj daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, to wife, who had been, betrothed to him before, as we have already said; and thus he accomplished this by the bye, during the siege of the city, for he had his enemies in great contempt already. 9. When he had thus married Mariamne, he came back to Jerusalem with a greater army. Sosius also joined him with a large army, both of horsemen and footmen, which he sent before him through the midland parts, while he marched himself along Phoenicia; and when the whole army was gotten together, which were eleven regiments of footmen, and six thousand horsemen, besides the Syrian auxiliaries, which were no small part of the army, they pitched their camp near to the north wall. Herod's dependence was upon the decree of the senate, by which he was made king; and Sosius relied upon Antony, who sent the army that was on'Jer him to Herod's assistance. CHAPTER XVIIL how herod and sosius took jerusat.km by force; and what death antiq0nu8 came to. also, concerning cleupa- tua's avaricious temper. § 1. Now the multitude of the Jews that were in the city were divided into several factions; for the people that crowded about the temple, being the weaker part of them, gave it out that, as the times were, he was the happiest and mpst religious man who should die first. But as to the more bold and hardy men, they got together in bodies, and fell a robbing others after various manners, and these par- ticularly plundered the places that were about the city, and this because there was no food left either for the horses or the men; yet some of the warlike men, who were used to fight regularly, were appointed to defend the city during the siege, and these drove those that raised the banks away from the wall; and these were always inventing one engine or another to be a hinderance to the engines x>f the enemy; nor had they so much success any way as in the mines under ground. 2. Now, as for the robberies which were committed, the king contrived that ambushes should be so laid, that they might restrain their excursions; and as tor the want of provisions, he provided that they should be brouglit to them from great distances. He was also too hai'd tor the Jews, by the Romans' skill in the art of war: although they were bold to the utmost degree, now they durst not come to a plain battle with the Romans, which was certain death; l»ut through their mines under ground they would appear in the midst of them on the sudden, and before they could battler down one wall, thiy built them another in its stead; and to sum up all at once, they did not show any want either of painstaking or of contrivances, as having resolved to hold out to the very last. Indeed, though they had so great an army lying round about them, they bore a siege of live months, till some of Herod's chosen men ven- tured to get upon the wall, and fell into the city, as did Sosius's centurions after them and now they first of all seized upon what was about the temple; and upon the pouring in of the army, there was slaughter of vast mul- titudes everywhere, by reason of the rage the Romans were in at the length of the siege, and by rezison that the Jews that were about Herod earnestly endeavoured that none of their adversaries might remain; so they were cut to pieces by great multitudes, and as they were crowded together in narrow streets, and in houses, or were running away to the tenaple ; nor was there any mercy shown either to infants or to the aged, or to the weaker 680 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK I, Bex; insomuch, that although the king sent about and desired them to spare the people, nobody could be persuaded to withhold their right hand from slaughter, but they slew people of alL ages, like UKidtiien. Then it was that Antigonus, without any regard to his former or to his present fortune, came down from the citadel, and fell down at Sosius's feet, who without pitying him at all, upon the change of his condition, laughed at hnn beyond measure, and called him Anti- gona.* Yet did not he treat him like a woman, or let him go free, but put him into bonds, and kept him in custody. 3. But Herod's concern at present,i«ow he had gotten his enemies under his power, was to restrain the zeal of his foreign auxiliaries ; for the multitude of the strange people were very eager to see the temple, and what was sacred in the holy house itself; but the king endeavoured to restrain them, partly by his exhortations, partly by his threatenings, nay, partly by force, as thinking the victory worse than a defeat to him, if any thing that ought not to be seen were seen by them. He also forbade, at the same time, the spoiling of the city, asking Sosius in the most earnest manner, whether the Romans, by thus emptying the city of money and men, had a mind to leave jim king of a desert, — and told him, that he judged the dominion of the habitable earth too small a compensation for the slaughter of so many citizens. And when Sosius said, that it was but just to allow the soldiers thi^ plun- der, as a reward for what they suffered during tbe siege, Herod made answer, that he would give every one of the soldiers a reward out of bis own money. So he purchased the deliver- ance of his country, and performed his pro- mises to them, and made presents after a magnificent manner to each soldier, and propor- tionably to tJieir commanders, and with a most royal bounty to Sosius himself, whereby nobody went away but in a wealthy condition. Hereupon Sosius dedicated a crown of gold to God, and then went away from Jerusalem, leading Antigonus away in bonds to Antony; then did the axe bring him to his end,f who still had a fond desire of life, and some frigid hopes of it to the last; but by his cowardly behaviour well deserved to die by it. 4. Hereupon king Herod distinguished the multitude that was in the city; and for those that were of his side, he made them stUl more bis friends by the honours he conferred on them; but for those of Antigonus's party, he slew them: and as his money ran low, he turned all the ornaments he had into money, and sent it to Antony, and to those about bim. Yet could he not hereby purchase an • TbU (fl a woman, not a man. ♦ Tbi« death of Antigonus is connrraed by Plutarch and Stmboi tbe latter of wbom is cited fur it by Jose- pbus hiniself, Antiq. b. XT.cb. L MCt 2, at Dean Aldricb exemption from all sufferings; for Antony was now bewitched by his love to Cleopatra* and was entirely conquered by her charms. Nt>w Cleopatra had put to death ail her kin- dred, till no one near her in blood remained alive, and after that she fell a slaying those no way related to her. So she calumniated the principal men among the Syrians to Antony, and persuaded him to have them slain, that so she might easily gain to be mis- tress of what they had; nay, she extended her avaricious humour to the Jews and Arabians, and secretly laboured to have Herod and Mali- chus, the kings of both those nations, slain by his order. 5. Now as to these her injunctions to Antony, he complied in part; for though he esteemed it too abominable a thing to kill such good and great kings, yet was he thereby alienated from the friendship he had for them. He also took away a great deal of their country; nay even the plantation of palm- trees at Jericho, where also grows the balsam- tree, and bestowed them upon her; as also all the cities on this side the river Eleutherus, Tyre and SidonJ excepted. And when she was become mistress of these, and had con- ducted.Antony in his expedition against the Parthians, as far as Euphrates, she came by Apamia and Damascus into Judea; and there did Herod pacify her indignation at him by large presents. He also hired of her those places that had been torn away from his kingdom, at the yearly rent of two hundred talents. He conducted her also as far as Pelusium, and paid her all the respects pos- sible. Now it was not long after this that Antony was come back from Parthia, and led with him Artabazes, Tigranes's son, captive, as a present for Cleopatra; for this Parthian was presently given her, with his money, and all the prey that was taken with him. CHAPTER XIX. HOW ANTONY, AT THE PERSUASION OF CLEO- PATRA, SENT HEUOD TO FIGHT AGAINST THE ARABIANS; AND HOW, AFTER SEVE- RAL BATTLES, HE AT LENGTH GOT THB VICTORY. AS ALSO CONCERNING A GREAl EARTHQUAKE. § 1. Now when the war about Actium wa$ begun, Herod prepared to come to the assist. ance of Antony, as being already freed from his troubles in Judea, and having gained Hyrcania, which was a plac« that was held by t This ancient liberty of Tyre and Sidon under th« Kon.uris, tak.cn notice of hy Josephus, both here and Antiq. b.xv.cii.lv.sfct I, is r.ontirmed by the testimony of Strabo, b. xvi. p. 767, as Dean Aldricb reniariisi although, as he justly adds, this liberty lasted a litti* while lunger, whku Augustus took, it away trom Ibcio. CHAP. XIX. WARS OF THE JEWS. 681 Antigonus's sister. However, he was cun- ningly hindered from partaking of the hazards that Antony went through by Cleopatra; for since, as we have already noted, she had laid a plot against the kings [of Judea and Arabia], she prevailed with Antony to commit the war against the Arabians to Herod; that so, if he got the better, she might become mistress of Arabia, or, if he were worsted, of Judea; and that she might destroy one of those kings by the other. 2. However, this contrivance tended to the advantage of Herod; for at the very first he took hostages from the enemy, and got toge- ther a great body of horse, and ordered them to march against them about Diospolis; and he conquered that army although it fought resolutely against him. After which defeat, the Arabians were in great motion, and assem- bled themselves together at Kanatha, a city of Celesyria, in vast multitudes, and waited for the Jews. And when Herod was come thither, he tried to manage this war with particular prudence, and gave orders that they should build a wall about their camp; yet did not the multitude comply with those orders, but were so emboldened by their foregoing victory, that they presently attacked the Arabians, and beat them at the first onset, and then pursued them ; yet were there snares laid for Herod in that pursuit; while Athenio, who was one of Cleo- patra's generals, and always an antagonist to Herod, sent out of Kanatha the men of that country against him; for, upon this fresh onset, the Arabians took courage, and returned back, and both joined their numerous forces about stony places, that were hard to be gone over, and there put Herod's men to the rout, and made a great slaughter of them; but those that escaped out of the battle tied to Ormiza, where the Arabians surrounded their camp, and took it, with all the men in it. 3. In a little time after this calamity, Herod came to bring them succours; but he came too late. Now the occasion of that blow was this, that the officers would not obey orders; for had not the fight begun so sud- denly, Athenio had not found a proper season for the snares he laid for Herod: however, he was even with the Arabians afterward, and over-ran their country, and did them more harm than their single victory could compen- sate. But as he was avenging himself on his enemies, there fell upon him another provi- dential calamity; for in the seventh* year of his reign, when the war about Actium was t • This seventh year of the reign of Herod [from the conquest or death of Antigonus], with the great earlh- quaLe in the beginning of the same spring, which are here fully implied to be not much before the fight at Actium, between Octavius and Antony, and which is known from the Roman historians to have been in the beginning of September, in the Ulst year before the Christian rera, dett-rmines the chronolo:^y of Joseptuis as to the re4gn of Heroil. vie that he he^an in the yrxir ;i7. beyond rational contnidiction. J('or is it «jiiite unworthy Mf our notice, that tliis seventh year •« the reign of Herod, at the height, at the beginning oC.the spring, the earth was shaken, and destroyed an immense number of cattle, with thirty thousand men; but the army received no harm, because it lay in the open air. In the mean time, the fame of this earthquake elevated the Arabians to greater courage, and this by augmenting it to a fabulous height, as is constantly the case in melancholy accidents, and pretending that all Judea was overthrown. Upon this suppo- sal, therefore, that they should easily get a land that was destitute of inhabitants into their power, they first sacrificed those ambas- sadors who were come to them from the Jews, and then marched into Judea immediately. Now the Jewish nation were affrighted at this invasion, and quite dispirited at the greatness of their calamities one after another; whom yet Herod got together, and endeavoured to encourage to defend themselves by the follow- ing speech which he made to them: — 4. " The present dread you are under, seems to me to have seized upon you very unseasonably. It is true, you might justly be dismayed at the providential chastisement which hath befallen you; but to suffer your- selves to be equally terrified at the invasion of men, is unmanly. As for myself, I am so far from being affrighted at our enemies after this earthquake, that I imagine that God hath thereby laid a bait for the Arabians, that we may be avenged on them; for their pre- sent invasion proceeds more from our acci- dental misfortunes, than that they have any great dependence on their weapons, or their own fitness for attion. Now that hope which depends not on men's own power, but on others' ill success, is a very ticklish thing; for there is no certainty among men, either in their bad or good fortunes; but we may easily observe, that fortune is mutable, and goes from one side to another; and this you may readily learn from examples among /ourselves; for when you were once victors in the former fight, your enemies overcame you at last; and very likely it will now happen so, that these who think themselves sure of beating you, will themselves be beaten; for when men are very confident, they are not upon their guard, while fear teaches men to act with caution; insomuch, that I venture to prove from your very timorousness, that you ought to take courage; for when you were more bold than you ought to have been, and than I would have had you, and marched on, Athenio'^reachery took place; but your present slowness and seeming dejection of mind, is to me a pledge and assurance of victory; and indeed it is proper beforehand to be thiw provident: but when we come to action, we ought to erect our minds, and to make our enemies, be they ever so wicked. or the 31st before fhe Christian «rra, ront»in«l the latter part of a Sabbat.c year; on which Nabbatio year, there* fore, it is plain this gn>at earthquake happened m Jiidea. 582 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK I. believe, that neither any human, no, nor any providential misfortune, can ever depress the courage of Jews while they are alive; nor will any of them ever overlook an Arabian, or suffer such a one to become lord of his good things, whom he has in a manner taken captive, and that many times also: — and do not you disturb yourselves at the quaking of inanimate creatures, nor do you imagine that this earthquake is a sign of another calamity; for such affections of the elenients are accord- ing to the course of nature; nor does it im- port any thing farther to men, than what mischief it does immediately of itself. Per- haps, there may come some short sign before- hand in the case of pestilences, and famines, and earthquakes; but these calamities them- selves have their lorce limited by themselves, [without foreboding any other calamity]; and indeed what greater mischief can the war, though it should be a violent one, do to us, than the earthquake hath done? Nay, there is a signal of our enemies* destruction visi- ble, and that a very great one also; and this is not a natural one, nor derived from the hand of foreigners neither, but it is this, that they have barbarously murdered our ambas- sadors, contrary to the common law of man- kind; and they have destroyed so many, as if they esteemed them sacrifices for God, in relation to this war; but they will not avoid his great eye, nor his invincible right hand; and we shall be revenged of them presently, in case we still retain any of the courage of our forefathers, and rise up boldly to punish these covenant-breakers. Let every one there- fore go on and fight, not so much for his wife or his children, or for the danger his country is in, as for these ambassadors of ours; those dead ambassadors will conduct this war of ours better than we ourselves who are alive; and if you will be ruled by me, I will myself go before you into danger; for you know this well enough, that your courage is irresistible, unless you hurt yourselves by acting rash- ly."* 5. When Herod had encouraged them by this speech, and he saw with what alacrity they went, he offered sacrifice to God; and after that sacrifice, he passed over the river Jordan with his army, and pitched his camp about Philadelphia, near the 'enemy, and about a fortification that lay between them. He then shot at them at a distance, and was desirous to come to an engagement presently ; for some of them had been sei^ beforehand to seize upon that fortification: but the king sent some who immediately beat them out of the fortification, while he himself went in the fqre- front of the army, which he put in • T>iit speech of H«rod in set down twice by Jose, phns, here and Anti(i. b. xv. rh. ▼. sect. 3, to the very ■ame pur|io*e, but by no nieatisi in the sanie words; whence it appears that the sense was Herod's, but the Jus OomponUioQ Jusephus'a. battle-array every day, and invited the Arabians to fight; but as none of them came out of their camp, for they were in a terrible fright, and their general, Elthemus, was not able to say a word for fear, — so Herod came upon them, and pulled their fortification to pieces, by which means they were compelled to come out to fight, which they, did in disorder, and so that the horsemen and footmen were mixed together. They were indeed superior to the Jews in number, but inferior in their alacrity, although they were obliged to expose themselves to danger by their very despair of victory. 6. Now while they made opposition, they had not a great number slain ; but as soon as they turned their backs, a great many were trodden to pieces by the Jews, and a great many by themselves, and so perished, till five thousand were fallen down dead in their flight, while the rest of the multitude pre- vented their immediate death, by crowding into the fortification. Herod encompassed these around, and besieged them ; and while they were ready to be taken by their enemies in arms, they had another additional distress upon them, which was thirst and want of water; for the king was above hearkening to their ambassadors; and when they offered five hundred talents, as the price of their redemp- tion, he pressed still harder upon them; and as they were burnt up by their thirst, they came out, and voluntarily delivered themselves up by multitudes to the Jews, till in five days' time four thousand of them were put into bonds; and on the sixth day the multitude that were left despaired of saving thenrselves, and came out to fight: with these Herod fought, and slew again about seven thousand, insomuch that he punished Arabia so severely, and so far extinguished the spirits of the men, that he was chosen by the nation for their ruler. CHAPTER XX. HEROD IS CONFIRMED IN HIS KINGDOM BY C-SSAR, AND CULTIVATES A FRIENDSHIP WITH THE EMPEROR BY MAGNIFICENT PRESENTS ; WHILE C^SAR RETURNS HIB KINDNESS BY BESTOWING ON HIM THAT PART OF HIS KINGDOM WHICH HAD BEEN TAKEN AWAY FROM IT BY CLEOPATRA, WITH THE ADDITION OF ZENODORUS'S COUNTRY ALSO. § 1. But now Herod was under immediate concern about a most important affair, on account of his friendship with Antony, who was already overcome at Actiu'n) by Cajsar, yet he was more afraid than hurt; for Caestir did not think he hud quite undone Antony, while Herod continued his assistance to him. How- ] ever, the king resolved to expot^e himself to CHAP. XX. WARS OF THE JEWS. • 683 dangers: accordingly he sailed to Rhodes, where Caesar then abode, and canoe to him without' his diadem, and in the habit and appearance of a private person, but in his behaviour as a king. So he concealed nothing of the truth, but spake thus before his face: — "O Caesar, as I was made king of the Jews by Antony, so do I profess that I have used my royal authority in the best manner, and entirely for his advantage: nor will 1 conceal this farther, that thou hadst certainly found me ia arms, and an inseparable companion of his, had not the Arabians hindered me. How- ever, I spnt him as many auxiliaries as I was able, and many ten thousand [cori] of corn. Nay, indeed, I did not desert my benefactor after the blow that was given him at Actium; but I gave him the best advice I was able, when I was no longer able to assist him in the war; and I told him that there was but one way of recovering his affairs, and that was to kill Cleopatra; and I promised him, that if she were once dead, I would afford him money and walls for his security, with an army and myself to assist him in his war against thee: but his affections for Cleopatra stopped his ears, as did God himself also, who hath bestowed the government on thee. I own myself also to be overcome together with him; and with his last fortune I have laid aside my diadem, and am come hither to thee, having my hopes of safety in thy virtue; and I desire that thou wilt first consider how faithful a friend, and not whose friend, I have been." 2. Caesar replied to him thus: — "Nay, thou shait not only be in safety, but shalt be a king, and that more firmly than thou wast before; for thou art worthy to reign over a great many subjects, by reason of the fastness of thy friendship; and do thou endeavour to be equally constant in thy friendship to me upon my good success, which is what I depend upon from the generosity of thy disposition. However, Antony hath dohe well in preferring Cleopatra to thee; for by this means we have gained thee by her madness, and thus thou hast begun to be ray friend before I began to be thine; on which account Quintus Didius hath written to me that thou sentest fcjm assistance against the gladiators. I do therefore assure thee that I will confirm the kingdom to thee by decree; I shall also endeavour to do thee some farther kindness hereafter, that thou raayest find no loss in the want of Antony." 3. When Caesar had spoken such obliging things to the king, aiid had put the diadem again about ^is head, he proclaiiped what he had bestowed on him by a decree, in which he enlarged in the commendation of the man after a magnificent manner. Whereupon Herod obliged hitu to be kind to him by the presents he gave him, and he desired him to forgive Alexander, one of Antony'* friends, who was become a supplicant to him. But Caesar's anger against him prevailed, and he complained of the many and very great offences the man whom he petitioned for had been guilty of; and by that means he rejected bis petiiiuu. After this, Caesar went for Egypt through Syria, when Herod received him with royal and rich entertainments; and then did he first of ail ride along with Caesar as he was reviewing his army about Ptole- raais, and feasted him with all his friends, and then distributed among the rest of the army what was necessary to feast them withal. He also made a plentiful provision of water for them, when they were to march as far as Pelusium, through a dry country, which he did also in like manner on their return thence; nor were there any necessaries wanting to that army. It was therefore the opinion, both of Caesar and of his soldiers, that Herod's king- dom was too small for those generous presents he made them ; for which reason, when Caesar was come into, Egypt, and Cleopatra and Antony were dead, he did not only bestow other marks of honour upon him, but made an addition to his kingdom, by giving him not only the country which had been taken from him by Cleopatra, but, besides that, Gadara, and Hippos, and Samaria; and moreover, of the maritime cities, Gaza,* and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato's Tower. He also made him a present of four hundred Galls # [Galatians] as a guard for his body, which they had been to Cleopatfa before. Nor did any thing so strongly induce Caesar to make these presents as the generosity of him that received them. 4. Moreover, after the first games at Actium, he added to his kingdom both the region called Trachonitis, and what lay in its neighbourhood, Batanea, and the country of Auranitis; and that on the following occa- sion: — Zenodorus, who had hired the house of Lysanias, had all along sent robbers out of Trachonitis among the Damascens; who there- upon had recourse to Varro, the president of Syria, and desired of him that he would represent the calamity they were in to Ciesar. When Caesar was acquainted with it, he sent back orders that this nest of robbers should be destroyed. Varro therefore made an expe- dition against them, and cleared the land o( those men, and took it away from Zenodo* ^ rus. Caesar did also afterward bestow it on Herod, that it might not again become a receptacle for those robbers that had come • Since Josephos, both here and in his Antiq. b. xv ch.Tii.sect3. reckons Gaza, which bad been a tree city, among the cities given Herud by Augustus, and jet implies that Herod bad made Costobarus a governor o( it before, Antiq b. xv. ch. viL sect 9. Harduin has some pretence tor saying that Josepbus here contradicted him- seif. But perhaps Herod thought he bad jtufficicnt authority to put a governor into Gaul, after he was made tetrarcb or king, in times of war, before the city was delivered entirely into bis bands by Augustub. 584 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK 1 ogainst Damascus. He also made bim a pro- curator of all Syria, and this on the tenth year afterward, when he came again into that province; and this was so established, that the other procurators could not do any thing in the administration without his advice: but when Zenodorus was dead, Caesar bestowed on him all that land which lay between Tra- chonitis and Galilee. Yet, what was still of more consequence to Herod, he was beloved by Caesar next after Agrippa, and by Agrippa next after Caesar; whence he arrived at a very great degree of felicity; yet did the greatness of his soul exceed it; and the main part of his magnanimity was extended to the promotion of piety. CHAPTER XXL OF THE [temple ANd] CITIES THAT WERE BUILT BY HEROD, AND ERECTED FROM THE VERY FOUNDATIONS; AS ALSO OF THOSE OTHER EDIFICES THAT WERE ERECTED BY HIM; AND WHAT MAGNIFICENCE HE SHOW- ED TO FOREIGNERS; AND HOW FORTUNE WAS IN ALL THINGS FAVOURABLE TO HIM. § 1. Accordingly, in the fifteenth year of his reign, Herod rebuilt the temple, and 0^ encompassed a piece of land about it with a ^ wall; which land was twice as large as that before enclosed. The expenses he laid out upon it were vastly large also, and the riches about it were unspeakable. A sign of which . you have in the great cloisters that were erect- ed about the temple, and the citadel * which was on its north side. The cloisters he built from the foundation, but the citadel he re- paired at a vast expense; nor was it other than a royal palace, which he called Antonia, in honour of Antony. He also built himself a palace in the upper city, containing two very large and most beautiful apartments; to which the holy house itself could not be compared [in largeness]. The one apartment he named Caesareum, and the other Agrippium, from his [two great] friends. 2. Yet did he not preserve their memory by particular buildings only, with their names given them, but his generosity went as far as % entire cities; for when he had built a most beautiful wall round a country in Samaria, twenty furlongs long, and had brought six thousand inhabitants into it, and had allotted to it a most fruitful piece of land, and in the * This fort was first bailt, as is supposed, by John Hyncanus. See Prid. at the year 107, and called '♦ Baris," the Tower or Citadel. It was afterwards rebuilt, with •rest improvements, by Herod, under the government i Antonius, and was named from hini " the Tower of \ntonia;*' and about the time when Herod rebuilt the Gempte, he seems to have put his last hand to it- Hee Aat.q. bw xviii. ch. v. sect. 4. Of the War, b. i. ch. iii. •ect 3, and ch. r. sect. 4. It lay on the north-west •Ide of tb« tempi*, and was a quarter as large. midst of this city, thus built, had erected » very large temple to Caesar, and bad laid round about it a portion of sacred land of three furlongs and a half, he called the city Sebaste, from Sebastus, or Augustus, and set- tled the aflfairs of the city after a most regular manner. 3. And when Caesar had ferther bestowed upon him another additional country, he built there also a temple of white marble, hard by the fountains of Jordan: the place is called Panium, where is a top of a mountain that i& raised to an immense height, and at its side, beneath, or at its bottom, a dark eave open& itself; within which there is a horrible pre- cipice, that descends abruptly to a vast depth: it contains a mighty quantity of water, which is immoveable, and when any body lets down any thing to measure the depth of the earth beneath the water, no length of cord is suffi- cient to reach it. Now the fountains '>f Jor- dan rise at the roots of this cavity outv ardly; and, as some think, this is the utmosr origin of Jordan: but we shall speak of that r>atter more accurately in our following hista-y. 4. But the king erected other places at Jericho also, between the citadel Cypros and the former palace, such as were better and more useful than the former for travellers, and named them from the same friends of his. To say all at once, there was not any piece of his kingdom fit for the purpose, that was per- mitted to be without somewhat that was for Caesar's honour; and when he had filled his own country with temples, he poured out the like plentiful marks of his esteem into his pro- vince, and built many cities which he called Cesareas. 5. And when he observed that there was a city by the sea-side that was much decayed (its name was Strato's Tower) but that the place, by the happiness of its situation, was capable of great improvements from his liberality, he rebuilt it all with white stone, and adorned it with several most splendid palaces, wherein he especially demonstrated his magnanimity ; for the case was this, that all the sea-shore be- tween Dora and Joppa, in the middle, between which this city is situated, had no good baren, insomuch that every one that sailed from Phoe- nicia for Egypt was obliged to lie in the stormy sea,' by reason of the south winds that threatened them; which wind, if it blew but a little fresh, such vast waves are raised, and dash upon the rocks, that, upon their retreat, the sea is in a great ferment for a long way. But the king, by the expenses he was at, and the liberal disposal of them, overcame nature, and built a haven larger thq,n was the Pyrecumf [at Athens]; and in the inner + That Josephus speaks truth, whan he assures us that the haven of this Cesarea was made by Herod not less, nay, rather lart^er, than that famous haven at Athens, called the Pyrecuro. will appear, says Dean Aldricb, to him who compares the description ut that at Athens i» Tbucydides and Pausauias, with this of Cesarea in CHAP. XXI. WARS OF THE JEWS. 685 retirements of the water he built other deep stations [for the ships also]. 6. Now, although the place where he built was greatly opposite to his purposes, yet did he so fully struggle with that ditficulty, that the firmness of his building could not easily be conquered by the sea; and the beauty and ornament of the works were such, as though he had not had any difficulty in the operation ; for when he had measured out as large a space as we have before mentioned, he let down stones into twenty-fathom water, the greatest part of which were fii'ty feet in length, and nine in depth, and ten in breadth, and some still larger. But when the haven was filled up to that depth, he enlarged that wall which was thus already extant above the sea, till it was two hundred feet wide; one hun- dred of which had buildings before it, in order to break the force of the waves, whence it was called Procumatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but the rest of the space was under a stone-wall that ran round it. On this wall were very large towers, the principal and most beautiful of which was called Drusium, from Drusus, who was son-in-law to Caesar. 7. There were also a great number of arches, where the mariners dwelt; and all the places before them round about was a large valley, or walk, for a quay [or landing-place] to those that came on shore; but the entrance was on the north, because the north wind was there the most gentle of all the winds. At the mouth of the haven were on each side three great Colossi, supported by pillars, where those Colossi that are on your left hand as you sail into the port, are supported by a solid tower; but those on the right hand are supported by two upright stones joined toge- ther, which stones were larger than that tower which was on the other side of the entrance. Now there were continual edifices joined to the haven, which were also themselves of white stone; and to this haven did the narrow streets of the city lead, and were built at equal distances one from another. And over- dgainst the mouth of the haven, upon an ele- vation, there was a temple for Caesar, which was excellent both in beauty and largeness; ind therein was a Colossus of Ciesar, not less than that of Jupiter Olympius, which it was made to resemble. The other Colossus of Rome was equal to that of Juno at Argos. So he dedicated the city to the province, and the haven to the sailors there; but the honour of the building he ascribed to Caesar,* and named it Cesarea accordingly. 8. He also built the other edifices, the Josephns here, and in the Antiq.b. X¥. ch.ix. sect 6, and b. xvii. ch. ix sect 1. • These buildintrs of cities by the name of Caesar, and institution of solemn );ames in honour of Augustus Cteaar. as here and in the Antiquities, related of Herod by Josephus. the Human historians attest to as things UWu Irequeiit in tue piovioces uf ttiat empire, as Dean Alohcn obMrves on this chapter- • amphitheatre, and theatre, and market-plaoe, in a manner agreeable to that denomination; and appointed games every fifth year, and called them, in like manner, Caesar's Games; and he first himself proposed the largest prizes upon the hundred ninety-second Olympiad; in which not only the victors themselves, but those that came next to them, and even those that came in the third place, were partakeia of his royal bounty. He also rebuilt Anthe don, a city that lay on the coast, and had been demolished in the wars, and named it Agrip- peum. Moreover, he had so very great a kindness for his friend Agrippa, that he Lad his name engraved upon that gate which he had himself erected in the temple. 9. Herod was also a lover of his &ther, if any other person ever was so; for he made a monument for his father, even that city which he built in the finest plain that was in his kingdom, and which had rivers and trees in abundance, and named it Antipatris. He also built a wall about a citadel that lay above Jericho, and was a very strong and very fime building, and dedicated it to his mother, and called it Cypros. Moreover, he dedicated a tower that was at Jerusalem, and called it by the name of his brother Phasaelus, whose structure, largeness, and magnificence, we shall describe hereafter. He also built another city in the valley that leads northward from Jericho, and named it Phasaelus. 10. And as he transmitted to eternity his family and friends, so did he not neglect a memorial for himself, but built a fortress upon a mountain towards Arabia, and named it from himself Herodium;f and he called that hill that was of the shape of a woman's breast, and was sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, by the same name. He also bestowed much curious art upon it with great ambition, and built round towers all about the top of it, and filled up the remaining space >\'ith the most costly palaces round about, insomuch that not only the sight of the inner apartments was splendid, but great wealth was laid out on the outward walls, and partitions, and roofs also. Besides this, he brought a mighty quantity of water from a great distance, and at vast charges, and raised an ascent to it of two hundred steps of the whitest marble, for the hill was itself moderately high, and entirely factitious. He also built other palaces about the roots of the hill, sufficient to receive the furniture that was put into them, with his friends also, inso- much that on account of its containing ail necessaries, the fortress might seem to be a city, but, by the bounds it had, a palace only. + There were two cities, or citadels, called Herodinm. in Judea,and both mentioned by Josephus, not only here, but Antiq. b. xiv. ch. xiii- sect 9; b. xt. ch. ix. sect 6, Of the War. b.L chap. xiii. sect 8; b. iiu ch. iil sect £• One of them was ^'0. and the other 60 furlongs distaa from Jerusalem. One of them is mentiuned by Plinyi Hist >at h. T. chap. xir. as Uean Aklrieb obwrvM ner» 686 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK I. 11. And when he had built so much, he showed the greatness of his soul to no small number of foreign cities. He built palaces for exercise at Tripoli, and Damascus, and Ptolemais; he built a wall about Byblus, as also large rooms, and cloisters, and temples, and market-places at Berytus and Tyre, with theatres at Sidon and Damascus. He also built aqueducts for those Laodiceans who lived by the sea-side; and for those of Ascalon he built baths and costly fountains, as also cloisters round a court, that were admirable both for their workmanship and largeness. Moreover, he dedicated groves and meadows to some people: nay, not a few cities there were who had lands of his donation, as if they were parts of his own kingdom He also bestowed annual revenues, and those for ever also, on the settlements for exercises, and appointed for them, as well as for the people of Cos, that such rewards should never be wanting. He also gave corn to all such as wanted it, and conferred upon Rhodes large sums of money for building ships; and this he did in many places, and frequently also. And wheo Apollo's temple had been burnt down, he rebuilt it at his own charges, after a better manner than it was before. What need I speak of the presents he made to the Lycians and SamniansI or of his great liberality through all Ionia! and that according to every body's wants of them. And are not the Athenians, and Lacedemonians, and Nico- politans, and that Pergamus which is in Mysia, full of donations that Herod presented them withal! And as for that large open place belonging to Antioch in Syria, did not he pave it with polished marble, though it were twenty furlongs long! and this when it was shunned by all men before, because it was full of dirt and lilthiness; when he besides adorned the same place with a cloister of the same length. 12. It is true, a man may say, these were favours peculiar to those particular places on which he bestowed his benefits; but then what ta-vours he bestowed on the Eleans, was a ^onation not only in common to all Greece, but to all the habitable earth, as far as the glory of the Olympic games reached; for when he perceived that they were come to nothing, for want of money, and that the only remains of ancient Greece were in a manner gone, he not only became one of the comba- tants in that return of the fifth year games, which in his sailing to Rome he happened to be present at, but he settled upon them reve- nues of money for perpetuity, insomuch that his memorial as a combatant there can never fail. It would be an infinite task if I should go over bis payments of people's debts, or tributes, for them, as he eased the people of Pbasaelus, of Batanca, and of the small cities fbout Cilicia, of those annual pensions they before paid. However, the fear he wa« in much disturbed the greatness of his soul, lest he should be exposed to envy, or seem to hunt after greater things than he ought, while he bestowed more liberal gifts upon these cities than did their owners themselves. 13. Now Herod had a body suited to his soul, and was ever a most excellent hunter, where he generally had good success, by means of his great skill in riding horses ; for in one day he caught forty wild beasts:* that country breeds also bears; and the greatest part of it is replenished with stags and wild asses. He was also such a warrior as could not be withstood: many men therefore there are who have stood amazed at his readiness in his exercises, when they saw him throw the javelin directly forward, and shoot the arrow upon the mark; and then, besides these per- formances of his depending on his 6vvn strength of mind and body, fortune was also very favourable to him, for he seldom failed of success in his wars; and when he failed, he was not himself the occasion of such fail- ings, but he either was betrayed by some, or the rashness of his own soldiers procured his defeat. CHAPTER XXII. THE MURDER OF ARISTOBULUS AND HYR- CANUS THE HIGH-PRIES1S; AS ALSO OF MARIAMNE THE QUEEN. § 1. However, fortune was avenged on Herod in his external great successes, by raising him up domestic troubles: and he began to have wild disorders in his family, on account of his wife, of whom he was so very fond; for when he came to the government, he sent away her whom he had before married when he was a private person, and who was born at Jerusalem, whose name was Doris, and married Mariamne, the daughter of Alex- ander, the son of Aristobulus; on whose account disturbances arose in his family, and that in part very soon, but chiefly after his return from Rome; for, first of all, he expelled Antipater the son of Doris, for the sake of his sons by Mariamne, out of the city, and permitted him to come thither at no other times than at the festivals. After this he slew his wife's grandfather, Hyrcanus, when ha was returned out of Parthia to him, ur.dei: this pretence, that he suspected him of plot- ting against him. Now this Hyrcanus hud been carried captive to Barzapharnes, whe:\ he overran Syria; but those of his own country beyond Euphrates were desirous he would stay with th^ni, and this out of the • Here ncems to be a small defnct in the copies which duscribe (he wild b«asts which wt-re bunted in a certain country by Herod, without naming aof such oouutil at all. • CHAP. XXIII. WARS OF THE JEWS. 587 wmmiseration they had for his condition; and had he complied with their desires, when they exhorted him not to go over the river to He- rod, he had not perished: but the marriage of his grand-daughter [to Herod] was his temp- tation; for as he relied upon him, and was over fond of his own country, be came back to it. Herod's provocation was this: — not that Hyrcanus made any attempt to gain the kingdom, but that it was fitter for him to be their king than for Herod. 2. Now of the five children which Herod had by Mariamne, two of them were daugh- ters, and three were sons ; and the youngest of those sons was educated a't Rome, and there died ; but the two eldest he treated as those of royal blood, on account of the nobility of their mother, and because they were not born till he was king; but then what was stronger than all this, was the love that he bare to Mari- amne, and which inflamed him every day to a great degree, and so far conspired with the other motives, that he felt no other troubles, on account of her he loved so entirely; but Mariamne's hatred to him was not inferior to his love to her. She had'indeed but too just a cause of indignation, frona what he had done, while her boldness proceeded from his affection to her; so she openly reproached him with what he had done to her grandfather Hyr- canus, and to her brother Aristobulus, for be had not spared this Aristobulus, though he were but a child;, for when he had given him the high-priesthood at the age of seventeen, he slew him quickly after he had conferred that dignity upon him; but when Aristobulus had put on the holy vestments, and had ap- proached to the altar at a festival, the multi- tude, in great crowds, fell into tears; where- upon the child was sent by night to Jericho, and was there dipped by the Galls, at Herod's command, in a pool till he was drowned. 3. For these reasons Mariamne reproached Herod, and his sister and mother, after a most contumelious manner, while he was dumb on account of his atfection for her; yet had the women great indignation at her, and raised a calumny against her, that she was false to his Ded: which thing they thought most likely to move Herod to anger. They also contrived to have many other circumstances believed, in order to make the thing more credible, and ac- cused her of having sent her picture into Egypt to Antony, and that her lust was so extravagant, as to have thus shown herself, though she was absent, to a man that ran mad after women, and to a man that had it in his power to use violence to her. This charge fell like a thun- de-bolt upon Herod, and put him into dis- order; and that especially, because his love to her occasioned him to be jealous, and because he considered with himself that Cleopatra was a shrewd woman, and that on her account Lys^iiias the king was taken off as well as MaUciius the Arabian; for his fear did not only extend to the dissolving of his marriage, but to the danger of his life. 4. When therefore he was about to take a journey abroad, he committed his wife to Jo- seph, his sister Salome's husband, as to one who would be faithful to him, and bare him good- will on account of their kindred: he also gave him a secret injunction, that if Antony slew him, he should slay her; but Joseph without any ill design, and only in order to demonstrate the king's love to his wife, how he could not bear to think of being separated from her, even by death itself, discovered this grand secret to her; upon which, when Herod was come back, and as they talked together, and he confirmed bis love to her by many oaths, and assured her that he had never such an affection for any other woman as he had for her, — "Yes," says she, "thou didst, to be sure, demonstrate thy love to me by the in- junctions thou gavest Joseph, when thou commandest him to kill me."* 5. When he heard that this grand secret was discovered, he was like a distracted man, and said, that Joseph would never have dis- closed that injunction of his, unless he had debauched her. His passion also made him stark mad, and leaping out of his bed, he ran about the palace after a wild manner ; at which time his sister Salome took the oppor- tunity also to blast her reputation, and con- firmed bis suspicion about Joseph ; whereupon, out of his ungovernable jealousy and rage, he commanded both of them to be slain immedi- ately; but as soon as ever his passion was over, he repented of what he had done, and as soon as his anger was worn off, his affections were kindled again; and indeed the flame of his desires for her was so ardent, that he could not think she was dead, but would appear, under his disorders, to speak to her as if she were still alive, till he were better instructed by time, when his grief and trouble, now she was dead, appeared as great as his affection had been for her while she was living. CHAPTER XXIIL CALUMNIES AGAINST THE SONS OF MARIAMNE. ANTIPATER IS PREFERRED BEFORE THEM. THEY ARE ACCUSED BEFORE C^SAB, AND HEROD IS RECONCILED TO THEM. § 1. Now Mariamne's sons were heirs to that hatred which had been borne their mother; and when they considered the greatness of He- rod's crime towards her, they were suspicious • Here is either a defect or a great mistake, in Joae- phus's present copies or memory; tor Mariamne did not now reproach Herod with this bis first injunction to Joseph to xvill her, if he himself were slain by Antonjr, but that he had given the like command a second tim« to >oemus also, when be was alraid of being slain by Augustus. Antiq. b. xv. cb. iii. sect. 5. 688 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK r. of him as of an enemy of theirs ; and this first while they were educated at Rome, but still more when they were returned to Judea. This temper of theirs increased upon them as they grew up to be men; and when they were come to an age tit for marriage, the one of them married their aunt Salome's daughter, which Salome had been the accuser of their mother; the other married the daughter of Arcnelaus, king of Cappadocia. And now they used bohlness in speaking, as well as bore hatred in their minds. Now those that calumniated them took a handle from such their boldness, and certain of them spake now more plainly to the king, that there were treacherous designs laid against him by both nis sorjs; and he that was son-in-law to Arche- laus, relying upon his father-in-law, was pre- paring to fly away, in order to accuse Herod before Caesar; and when Herod's head had been long enough tilled with these calumnies, be brought Antipater, whom he had by Doris, into favour again, as a defence to him against his other sons, and began all the ways he pos- sibly could to prefer him before them. 2. But these sons were not able to bear this change in their affairs; for when they saw him that was born of a mother of no fcimily, the nobility of their birth made them unable to contain their indignation; but when- soever they were uneasy, they showed the anger they had at it; and as these sons did day after day improve in that their anger, Antipater already exercised all his own abili- ties, which were very great, in flattering his father, and in contriving many sorts of calum- nies against his brethren, while he told some stories of them himself, and put it upon other proper persons to raise other stories against them; till at length he entirely cut his bre- thren off from all hopes of succeeding to the kingdom; for he was already publicly put into his father's will as his successor. Accor- dingly, he was sent with royal ornaments, and other marks of royalty, to Caesar, excepting the diadem. He was also able in time to introduce his mother again into Mariamne's bed. The two sorts of weapons he made use of against his brethren, were flattery and calumny, whereby he brought matters pri- vately to such a pass, that the king had thoughts of putting his sons to death. 3. So the father drew Alexander as far as Rome, and charged him with an attempt of poisoning him, before Csesar. Alexander could hardly speak for lamentation; but having a judge that was more skilful than Antipater, and more wise than Herod, he modestly avoided laying any imputation upon Lis father, but with great strength of reason confuted the calumnies laid against him; and when he had demonstrated the innocency of his brother, who was in the like danger with himself, he at last bewailed the craftiness of Antipater, and the disgrace they were under. He was enabled also to justify himself, not only by a clear conscience, which he carried within him, but by his eloquence; for he was a shrewd man in making speeches. And upon his saying at last, that if his father objected this crime to them, it was in his power to put them to death, he made all the audience weep; and he brought Caesar to that pass, as to reject the accusations, and to reconcile their father to them immediately. But the conditions of this reconciliation were these, that they should in all things be obe- dient to their father, ana that he should have power to leave the kingdom to which of them he pleased. 4. After this the king came back from Rome, and seemed to have forgiven his sons upon these accusations; but still so, that he was not without his suspicions of them. They were followed by Antipater, who was the fountain-head of those accusations; yet did not he openly discover his hatred to them, as revering him that had reconciled them. But as Herod sailed by Cilicia, he touched at Eleusa,* where Archelaus treated them in the most obliging manner, and gave him thanks for the deliveranca^f his son-in-law, and was much pleased at their reconciliation; and this the more, because he had formerly written to his friends at Rome that they should be assisting to Alexander at his trial. So he con- ducted Herod as far as Zephyrium, and made him presents to the value of thirty talents. 5. Now when Herod was come to Jerusa- lem, he gathered the people together, and presented to them his three sons, and gave them an apologetic account of his absence, and thanked God greatly, and thanked Cassar greatly also, for settling his house when it was under disturbances, and had procured con- cord among his sons, which was of greater consequence than the kingdom itself, — "and which I will render still more firm ; for Caesar hath put into my power to dispose of the government, and to appoint my successor. Accordingly, in way of requital for his kind- ness, and in order to provide for mine own advantage, I do declare that these three sons of mine shall be kings. And, in the first place, I pray for the approbation of God to what I am about; and, in the next place, I desire your approbation also. The age of one of them, and the nobility of the other two shall procure them the succession. Nay, indeed, my kingdom is so large, that it may be ; sufficient for more kings. Now do you keep ■ those in their places whom Caesar hath joined ■ and their father hath appointed ; and do not you pay undue or unequal respects to them, • That this island EIrusa, afterward called Sebaste, near Cilicia, had in it the royal palace of this Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, Strabo ti-stities, b. xv. p (i7l. Ste- phanus ot li)zantiiini also calls it "an island of Cilicia^ which is now Nebahte;" both whose li.-stinionits are per- tinently cited here by i)r. Hudson. t>ee the same Lit« tory, Antiq. b. xvi. cb x- sect 7 CHAP. XXIV. VTARS OF THE JEWS. 589 but to every one according to the prerogative of their births; for he that payj such respects unduly, will thereby not make him that is honoured beyond what his age requires, so joyful as he will make him that is dishonoured sorrowful. As for the kindred and friends that are to converse with them, I will appoint them to each of them, and will so constitute them, that they may be securities for their concord; as well knowing that the ill tempers of those with whom they converse will pro- duce quarrels and contentions among them; but that, if these with whom they converse be of good tempers, they will preserve their na- tural affections for one another. But still I desire, that not these only, but all the captains of my army have for the present their hopes placed on me alone; for I do not give away my kingdom to these my sons, but give them royal honours only; whereby it will come to pass that they will enjoy the sweet parts of government as rulers themselves, but that the burden of administration will rest upon my- self whether I will or not. And let every one consider what age I am of; how I have conducted my life, and what piety I have ex- ercised; for my age is not so great, that men may soon expect the end of my life; nor have I indulged such a luxurious way of living as cuts men off when they are young; and we have been so religious towards God, that we [have reason to hope we] may arrive at a very great age. But for such as cultivate a friendship with my sons, so as to aim at my destruction, they shall be punished by me on their account. I am not one who envy my own children, and therefore forbid men to pay them great respect; but I know that such [extravagant] respects are the way to make them insolent. And if every one that comes near them does but revolve this in bis mind, that if he proves a good man, he shall receive a reward from me, but that if he prove seditious, his ill-intended complaisance shall get him nothing from him to whom it is shown, I suppose they will all be of my side, that is, of my sons' side; for it will be for their ad- vantage that I reign, and that I be at concord with them. But do you, O ray good children, reflect upon the holiness of nature itself, by whose means natural affection is preserved, even among wild beasts ; in the next place, reflect upon Caesar, who hath made this reconciliation among us ; and, in the third place, reflect upon me, who entreat you to do what I have power to command you, — con- tinue brethren. I give you royal garments, and royal honours; and I pray to God to preserve what I have determined, in case you be at concord one with another." When the king had thus spoken, and had saluted every one of his sons after an obliging manner, he dismissed the multitude; some of whom gave their assent to what he said, and wished it might take effect accordingly ; but for those who vnshed for a change of affairs, they pretended they did not so much as bear what he said. CHAPTER XXIV. THE MALICE OF ANTIPATER AND DORIS. ALEXANDER IS VERY UNEASY ON GLA- PHYRa's ACCOUNT. HEROD PARDONS PHE- RORAS, WHOM HE SUSPECTED, AND SALOME, WHOM HE KNEW TO MAKE MISCHIEF AMONG THEM. HEROD's EUNUCHS ARE TORTURED AND ALEXANDER IS BOUND. § 1. But now the quarrel that was between them still accompanied these brethren when they parted, and the suspicions they had one of the other grew worse. Alexander and Aristobulus were much grieved that the privilege of the first-born was confirmed to Antipater; as was Antipater very angry at his brethren, that they were to succeed him. But then the last being of a disposition that was mutable and politic, he knew how to hold his tongue, and used a great deal of cun- ning, and thereby concealed the hatred he bore to them; while the former, depending on the nobility of their births, had every thing upon their tongues which was in thelt minds. Many also there were who provoked theo farther, and many of their [seeming] friends insinuated themselves into their acquaintance, to spy out what they did. Now every thing that was said by Alexander was presently brought to Antipater, and from Antipater it was brought to Herod with additions. Nor could the young man say any thing in the simplicity of his heart, without giving offence, but what he said was still turned to calumny against him. And if he had been at any time a little free in his conversation, great impu- tations were forged from the smallest occasions. Antipater also was perpetually setting some to provoke him to speak, that the lies he raised of him might seem to have some foun- dation of truth; and if, among the many stories that were given out, but one of them could be proved true, that was supposed to imply the rest to be true also. And as to Antipater's friends, they were all either na- turally so cautious in speaking, or had been so far bribed to conceal their thoughts, that nothing of these grand secrets got abroad by their means. Nor should one be mistaken if he called the life of Antipater a mystery of wickedness; for he either corrupted Alexan- der's acquaintance with money, or got into their favour by flatteries ; by which two means he gained all his designs, and brought them to betray their master, and to steal away, ai^d reveal what he either did or said. Thus diU he act a part very cunningly in all points, nnd wrought himself a passage by his calumnies with the greatest shrewdness; while he put oc 690 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK T. a face as if he were a bind brother to Alex- ander and Aristobulus, but suborned other men to inform of what they did to Herod. And when any thing was told against Alex- ander, he would come in and pretend [to be of his side], and would begin to contradict what was said; but would afterward contrive matters so privately, that the king should have an indignation at him. His general aim was this: — To lay a plot, and to make it be believed that Alexander lay in wait to kill his father; for nothing afforded so great a confir- mation to these calumnies as did Antipater's apologies for him. 2. By these methods Herod was inflamed, and, as much as his uatural affection to the young men did every day diminish, so much did it increase towards Antipater. The cour- tiers also inclined to the same conduct; some of their own accord, and others by the king's injunction, as particularly Ptolemy, the king's dearest friend, as also the king's brethren, and all his children; for Antipater was all in all: and what was the bitterest part of. all to Alexander, Antipater's mother was also all in all: she was one that gave counsel against them, and was more harsh than a step- mother, and one that hated the queen's sons more than is usual to hate sons-in-law. All men did therefore alreadj pay their respects to Antipater, in hopes of advantage; and it was the king's command which alienated every body [from the brethren], behaving given this charge to his most intimate friends, that they should not come near, nor pay any regard, to Alexander, or to his friends. Herod was also become terrible, not only to his domestics about the court, but to his friends abroad; for Cajsar had given such a privilege to no other king as he had given to him, which was this: — that he might fetch back any one that fled from him, even out of a city that was not under his own jurisdiction. Now the young men were not acquainted with thcfpalumnies raised against them; for which reason they could not guard themselves against them, but fell under them; for their father did not make any public complaints against either of them; though in a little time they perceived how things were, by his coldness to them, and by the great uneasiness he showed upon any thing that troubled him. Antipater had also made their uncle Pheroras to be their enemy, as well as their aunt Salome, while he was always talking with her as with a wife, and irritating her against tliem. Moreover, Alex- ander's wife, Glaphyra, augmented this hatred against them, by deriving her nobility and genealogy [from great persons], and pretend- ing that she was a lady superior to all others in that kingdom, as being derived by her father's side from Teinenus, and by her mother's side from Darius, t he son otllystaspes. She ulso frequently reproached llero'^'s sister find wives, with ihe ignobihty of their descent; and that they were every one chosen by him for their beauty, but not for their fanuly. Now those wives of his were not a few; it being of old permitted to the Jews to marry many wives,* — and this king delighting in many; all whom hated Alexander, on account of Glaphyra's boasting and reproaches. 3. Nay, Aristobulus had raised a quarrel between himself and Salome, who was bis mother-in-law, besides the anger he had con- ceived at Glaphyra's reproaches; for he perpetually upbraided his wife with the mean- ness of her family, and complained, that as he had married a woman of a low family, so had his brother Alexander married one of royal blood. At this Salome's daughter wept, and told it her with this addition, that Alex- ander threatened the mothers of his other brethren, that when he should come to the crown, he would make them weave with their maidens, and would make those brothers of his country schoolmasters; and brake this jest upon them, that they had been very caretuUy instructed, to fit them for such an employment. Hereupon Salome could not contain her anger, but told all to Herod ; nor could her testiuiony be suspected, since it was against her own son-in-law. There was also another calumny that ran abroad, and inflamed the king's mind ; for he heard that these sons of his were per- petually speaking of their mother, and, among their lamentations for her, did not abstain from cursing him; and that when he made presents of any of Mariamne's garments to his later wives, these threatened, that in a little time, instead of royal garments, they would clothe them in no better than hair-cloth. 4. Now upon these accounts, though Herod was somewhat afraid of the young men's high spirit, yet did he not despair of reducing them to a better mind; but before he went to Rome, whither he was now going by sea, he called them to him, and partly threatened them a little, as a king; but for the main, he admonished them as a father, and exhorted them to love their brethren; and tohl them that he would pardon their former offences, if they would amend for the time to come. But they refuted the calumnies that had been raised of them, and said they were false, and alleged that their actions were sufficient for their vindication; and said withal, that he himself ought to shut his ears against such • That it was an inimemorial custom among thd Jews, and their loretatliers, the patriarchs, to have wrin- tinies more wives, or wives and concubines, than one at the same time, and thai this polygamy was not dkiccliv forbidden in the law ot Moses, is evident; but, fh-it p<ji> • gamy was ever properly and distinctly perniitied in that law of iMoses, in the places here cited by Ut-an A Id rich, DeuU xvii. 16, 17; or xxi. lii, or indet-d any vvheie t'.se, durs Dot appear to me. And what our 8avtour iiu>* about the common Jewish divorces, which may )»y much greater claim to such a permission than pul)ganiy, ■eems to me true in this case also; titat Muses, -tor the hardness ol their hearts," sniieieil them to have sev^ ral wives at the same lime; but that ^- Irum tba begiD* ning it was nut *u." Matt xix b; Mark X. 6. CHAP. XXIV. WARS OF THE JEWS 691 tales, and not to be too easy in believing them, lor that there would never be wanting those ibut would tell lies to their disadvantage, as 1 «np af any would give ear to them. 5 When they had thus soon pacified him, as being their father, they got clear of the present fear they were in. Yet did they see occasion for sorrow irfsorae time afterwards; for they knew that Salome, as well as their uncle Pheroras, were their enemies; who were both of them heavy and severe persons, and especially Pheroras, who was a partner with Herod in all the affairs of the kingdom, ex- cepting his diadem. He had also a hundred talents of his own revenues, and enjoyed the advantage of all the land beyond Jordan, which he had received as a gift from his bro- ther, who had asked of Caesar to make him a tetrarch, as he was made accordingly. Herod had also given him a wife out of the royal family, who was no other than his own wife's sister; and after her death, had solemnly espoused to him his own eldest daughter, with a dowry of three hundred talents; but Phero- ras refused to consummate this royal marriage, out of his affection to a maid-servant of his. Upon which account, Herod was very angry, and gave that daughter in marriage to a brother's son of his [Joseph], who was slain afterward by the Parthians ; but in some time he laid aside his anger against Pheroras, and. pardoned him, as one not able to overcome his foolish passion for the maid-servant. 6. Nay, Pheroras had been accused long before, while the queen [Mariamne] was alive, as if he were in a plot to poison Herod; and there came so great a number of informers, that Herod himself, though he was an exceed- ing lover of his brethren, was brought to be- lieve what was said, and to be afraid of it also; and when he had brought many of those that were under suspicion to the torture, he came at last to Pheroras's own friends; none of whom did openly confess the crime, but they owned that he had made preparation to take her whom he loved, and run away to the Par- thians. Costobarus also, the husband of Salome, to whom the king had given her in marriage, after her former husband had been put to death for adultery, was instrumental in bringing about this contrivance and flight of his. Nor did Salome escape all calumny upon herself; for her brother Pheroras accused her, that she had made an agreement to marry Sil- leus, the procurator of Obodas, king of Arabia, who was at bitter enmity with Herod; but when she was convicted of this, and of all that Pherjras had accused her of, she obtained her j.ardon. The king also pardoned Pheroras himself the crimes he had been accused of. 7. But the storm of the whole family was removed to Alexander; and all of it rested uoon his head. There were three euimchs who were in'the highest esteem with the king, as was plain by the otfices they vvere in about him; for one.of them was appointed to be hig butler, another of thera got his supper ready for him, and the third put him into bed, and lay down by him. Now Alexander had pre- vailed with these men, by large gifts, to let him use them after an obscene manner; which, when it was told to the king, they were tor- tured, and found guilty, and presently con- fessed the criminal conversation he had with them. They also discovered the promises by which they were induced so to do, and how they vvere deluded by Alexander, who had told them that they ought not to fix their hopes upon Herod, an old man, and one so shame- less as to colour his hair, unless they thought that would make him young again ; but that they ought to fix their attention to him, who was to be his successor in the kingdom, whe- ther he would or not; and who in no long time would avenge himself on his enemies, and make his friends happy and blessed, and themselves in the first place; that the men of power did already pay respects to Alexander privately, and that the captains of the soldiery, and the officers, did secretly come to him. 8. These confessions did so terrify Herod, that he durst not immediately publish them; but he sent spies abroad privately, by night and by day, who should make a close inquiry after all that was done and said; and when any were but suspected [of treason] he put them to death, insomuch that the palace was full of horribly unjust proceedhigs; for every body forged calumnies, as they were themselves in a state of enmity or hatred against others; and many there were who abused the king's bloody passion to the disadvantage of those with whom they had quarrels, and lies vvere easily believed, and punishments were inflicted sooner than the calumnies were forged. He who had just then been accusing another, was accused himself, and was led away to execution to- gether with him whom he had convicted; for the danger the king was in of his life made examinations be very short. He also pro- ceeded to such a degree of bitterness, that he could not look on any of those that were not accused with a pleasant countenance, but was in the most barbarous disposition towards Lis own friends. Accordingly, he forbade a great many of them to come to court, and to those whom he had not power to punish actually, he spake harshly ; but for Antipater, he insult- ed Alexander, now he was under his misfor- tunes, and got a stout company of his kindred together, and raised all sorts of calumny against him: and for the king, he was brought to such a degree of terror by those prodigious slanders and contrivances, that he fancied ho saw Alexander coming to him with a drawn sword in his hand. So he caused him to be seized upon immediately 'and bound, and fell to exan)ining his friends by torture, many of whom died [under the torture], but would discover nothing, nor say any thing against 592 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK I. their consciences; but some of them, being forced to speak falsely by the pains they endured, said that Alexander, and his brother Agistobulus, plotted against him, and waited for an opportunity to kill him as he was hunt- ing, and then fly away to Rome. These accu- sations, though they were of an incredible nature, and only framed upon the great dis- tress they were in, were readily believed by the king, who thought it some comfort to him, after he had bound his son, that it might appear he had not done it unjustly. CHAPTER XXV. AECHELAU8 PROCURES A RECONCILIATION BETWEEN ALEXANDER, PHERORAS, AND HEROD. § 1. Now as to Alexander, since he perceived it impossible to persuade his father [that he was innocent], he resolved to meet his cala- mities, how severe. soever they were; so he composed four books against his enemies, and confessed that he had been in a plot; but declared withal that the greatest part [of the courtiers] were in a plot with him, and chiefly Pheroras and Salome: nay, that Salome once •arne and forced him to lie with her in the night-time, whether he would or no. These books were put into Herod's hands, and made a great clamour against the men in power. And now it was that Archelaus came hastily into Judea, as being aflrighted for his son-in- law and his daughter; and he came as a pro- per assistant, and in a very prudent maimer, and by a stratagem he obhged the king not to execute what he had threatened ; for when he was come to him, he cried out, " Where in the world is this wretched son-in-law of mine? Where shall I see the head of him who had contrived to murder his father, which I will tear to pieces with my own hands? I will do the same also to my daughter, who hath such a fine husband; for although she be not a partner in the plot, yet, by being the wife of such a creature, she is polluted. And I can- not but admire at thy patience, against whom this plot is laid, if Alexander be still alive; for as I came with what haste I could from Cappadocia, I expected to find him put to death for his crimes long ago; but still, in order to make an examination with thee about my daughter, whom, out of regard to thee, and thy dignity, I had espoused to him in mar- riage, but now we must take counsel about thefn both; and if thy paternal affection be so great, that thou canst not punish thy son, who hath plotted against thee, let us change our right hands, and let us succeed one to the other in expressing our rage upon this occasion." 2. When he had made this pompous declaration, he got Herod to remit of his anger, though he was in disorder, who there- upon gave him the books which Alexander had composed to be read by him ; and as he came to every head, he considered of it, toge- ther with Herod. So Archelaus took hence the occasion for that stratagem which he made use of, and by degrees he laid the blame on these men whose names were in these books, and especially upon Pheroras; and when he saw that the king believed him [to be in earnest] he said " We must consider whether the young man be not himself plot- ted against by such a number of wicked wretches, and not thou plotted against by the young man; for I cannot see any occasion for his falling into so horrid a crime, since he enjoys the advantages of royalty already, and has the expectation of being one of thy succes- sors; I mean this, unless there were some persons that persuade him to it, and such per- sons as make an ill use of the facility they know there is to persuade young men ; for by such persons, not only young men are some- times imposed upon, but old men also; and by them sometimes are the most illustrious fami- lies and kingdoms overturned." 3. Herod assented to what he had said, and, by degrees, abated of his anger against Alex- ander; but was more angry at Pheroras, who perceiving that the king's inclinations changed on a sudden, and that Archelaus's friendship could do every thing with him, and that he had no honourable method of preserving him- self, he procured his safety by his impudence. So he left Alexander, and had recourse to Archelaus; who told him that he did not see how he could get him excused, now he was directly caught in so many crimes, whereby it was evidently demonstrated that he had plotted against the king, and had been the cause of those misfortunes which the young man was now under, *nless he would more- over leave off his cunning knavery and his denials of what he was charge withal, and confess the charge, and implore pardon of his brother, who still had a kindness for him: but that if he would do so, he would afford him all the assistance he was able. 4. With this advice Pheroras complied, and, putting himself into such a habit as might most move compassion, he came with black cloth upon his body, and tears in his eyes, and threw himself down at Herod's feet, and begged his pardon for what he had done, and confessed that he had acted very wickedly, and was guilty of every thing that he had been accused of, and lamented that disorder of his mind and distraction which his love to a woman, he said, had brought him to. So when Archelaus had brought Pheroras to accuse and bear witness against himself, he then made an excuse for him, and mitigated Herod's anger towards him, and this by using certain domestic examples; for that when he CHAP. XXVI. WARS OF THE JEWS. 503 had suffered much greater miscliiefs from a brother of his own, he preferred the obliga- tions of nature before tht passion of revenge; because it is in kingdoms as it is in gross bodies, where some member or other is ever swelled by the body's weight ; in which case it is not proper to cut off such member, but to heal it by a gentle method of cure. 5. Upon Archelaus's saying this, and much mere to the same purpose, Herod's displea- sure against Pheroras was mollified; yet did he persevere in his own indignation against Alexander, and said he would have his daugh- ter divorced and taken away frcm him, and this till he had brought Herod to that pass, that, contrary to his former behaviour to him, he petitioned Archelaus for the young man, and that he would let his daughter continue espoused to him : but Archelaus made him strongly believe that he would permit her to be married to any one else, but not to Alex- ander ; because he looked upon it as a very valuable advantage that the relation they had contracted by that affinity, and the privileges that went along with it, might be preserved : and when the king said that his son would take j it for a great favour done to him if he would not dissolve the marriage, especially since they had already children between the young man : and her, and since that wife of his was so well , beloved by him, and that as while she remains his wife she would be a great preservative to him, and keep him from offending, as he had formerly done; so if she should be torn away from him, she would be the cause of his fall- ing into despair; because such young men's attempts are best mollified when they are diverted from them by sMtling their afiections at home. So Archelaus complied with what Herod desired, but not without difficulty, and was both himself reconciled to the young man and reconciled his father to him also. How- ever, he said he must, by all means, be sent to Rome to discourse with Caesar, because he had already written a full account to him of this whole matter. 6. Thus a period was put to Archelaus's stratagem, whereby he delivered his son-in- law out of the dangers he was in : but when these reconciliations were over, they spent their time in feastings and agreeable enter- tainments : and when Archelaus was going away, Herod made him a present of seventy talents, with a golden throne set with precious stones, and some eunuchs, and a concubine, who was called Pannychis. He also paid due honours to every one of his friends according to their dignity. In like manner did all the king's kindred, by his command, make glorious presents to Archelaus ; and so he was con- ducted on his way by Herod and his nobility as far as Antioch. CHAPTER XXVI. HOW EaRTcI.ES* CALUMNIATED THE SONS OP MARIAMNE; AND HOW EUARATUS's APO- LOGY HAD NO EFFECT. § 1. Now a little, afterward there came into Judea a man that was much superior to Ar- chelaus's stratagems, who did not only over- turn that reconciliation that had been so wisely made with Alexander, but proved the occasion of his ruin. He was a Lacedemonian, and his name was Eurycles. He was so corrupt a man, that out of the desire of getting money, he chose to live under a king, for Greece could not suffice his luxury. He presented Herod with splendid gifts as a bait which he laid, in order to compass his ends, and quickly received them back again manifold; yet did he esteem bare gifts as nothing, unless he imbrued the kingdom in blood by his pur- chases. Accordingly, he imposed upon the king by flattering him, and by talking sub- tilely to him, as also by the lying encomiums which he made upon him: for as he soon per- ceived Herod's blind side, so he said and did every thing that might please him, and thereby became one of his most intimate friends; for both the king, and all that were about him, had a great regard for this Spartan, on account of his country.f 2. Now as soon as this fellow perceived the rotten parts of the family, and what quarrels the brothers had one with another, and in what disposition the father was towards each of them, he chose to take his lodging at the first in the house of Antipater, but deluded Alexander with a pretence of friendship to him, and falsely claimed to be an old acquaintance of Archelaus ; for which reason he was presently admitted into Alexander's familiarity as a faithful friend. He also soon recommended himself to his brother Aristobulus: and when he had thus made trial of these several persons, he imposed upon one of them by one method, and upon another by another; but he was principally hired by Antipater, and so betray- ed Alexander, and this by reproaching Anti- pater, because, while he was the eldest son, he overlooked the intrigues of those who stood in the way of his expectations ; and by •■eproaching Alexander, because he who was * This vile fellow, Eurycles the Lacedemonian, seems to have been the same who is mentioned by Plutarch, as (twenty-five years before) a companion to Mark Antony, and as'living with Herod; whence he might easily insi- nuate himself into the acquaintance of Herod's sons, Antipater and Alexander, as Usher, Hudson, and Span- heini justly suppose. The reason why his bein? a Spar- tan rendered him acceptable to the Jews, as we here see be was, is visible from the public records of the Jews and Spartans, owning those Spartans to be of kin to the Jews, and derived from their coairaon ancestor Abraham, the first patriarch of the Jewish nation. Antiq. b. xii, chap, iy. sect. 10; b. xiii. chap. v. sectS; and I Mace chap.xiL ver. 7. •f See the preceding note. a p 504 Wars Oi THE JEWS.' BOOK I, Dorn of a queen, and was married to a king's daughter, permitted one that was born of a jiean woman to lay claim to the succession, and this when he had Archelaus to support dim in the most complete manner. Nor was Sis advice thought to be other than faithful by the young man because of his pretended friendship with Archelaus : on which account it was that Alexander lamented to him Anti- pater's behaviour with regard to himself, and this without concealing any thing from him ; and bow it was no wonder if Herod, after he had killed their mother, should deprive them of her kingdom. Upon this Eurycles pretended to commiserate his condition, and to grieve with him. He also, by a bait that he laid for him, procured Aristobulus to say the same things. Thus did he inveigle both the bro- thers to make complaints of their father, and then went to Antipater, and carried these grand secrets to him. He also added a fiction of his own, as if his brothers had laid a plot against him, and were almost ready to come upon him with their drafwn swords. For this intelligence he received a great sum of money, and on that account he commended Antipater before his father, and at length undertook the work of bringing Alexander and Aristobulus to their graves, and accused them before their father. So he came to Herod and told him that he would save his life, as a requital for the fevours he had received from him, and would preserve his light [of life] by way of retribution for his kind entertainment; for that a' sword had been long whetted, and Alexan- der's right hand had been long stretched out against him; but that he had laid impediments in his way, prevented his speed, arid that by pretending to assist him in his design : how Alexander said that Herod was not contented to reign in a kingdom that belonged to others, and to make dilapidations in their mother's government after he had killed her ; but besides all this, that he introduced a spurious successor, and proposed to give the kingdom of their ancestors to that pestilent fellow An- tipater: that he would now appease the ghosts of Hyrcanus and Mariamne, by taking ven- geance on him; for that it was not fit for him to take the succession to the government from such a father without bloodshed ; that many things happen every day to provoke him so to do, insomuch that he can say nothing at all, but it affords occasion for calumny against him ; for that, if any mention be made of nobility or birth, even in other cases, he is abused un- justly, while Jiis father would say that nobody, to be sure, is of noble birth but Alexander, and that his father was inglorious for Want of such nobility. If they be at any time hunting, and he says nothing, he ghves offence; and if he commends any body, they take it in way of j*»«'t ; that they always find their father iinmt r- cifully severe, and have no natural affection for any of them but for Antipatwr; on which accounts, if this plot does not take he is rery willing to die; but that in case he kill nis father he hath sufficient opportunity for saving himself. In the first place, he hath Archelau« his father-in-law, to whom he can easily fly ; and in the next place, he hath Caesar, who had never known Herod's character to this day ; for that he shall not appear then before him with that dread he used to do when his father was there to terrify him; and that he will not then produce the accusations that concerned himself alone, but would, in the first place, openly insist on the calamities of their nation, and how they are taxed to death, and in what ways of luxury and wicked prac- tices that wealth is spent which was gotten by bloodshed; what sort of persons they are that get our riches, and to whom those cities belong, upon whom he bestows his favours ; that he would have inquiry made what became of his grandfather [Hyrcanus], and his mother [Mariamne], and would openly proclaim the gross wickedness that was in the kingdom ; on which accounts he should not be deemed I a parricide. I 3. When Eurycles had made this porten- I tous speech, he greatly commended Antipa- I ter, as the only child that had an affection for I his father, and on that account was an iinpe- I diment to the others' plot against him. Here- j upon the king, who had hardly repressed his I anger upon the former accusations, was exas- perated to an incurable degree. At which time Antipater took another occasion to send in other persons to his father to accuse his brethren, and to tell him that they bad pri- vately discoursed with Jucundus and Tyran- nus, who had once been masters of the horse to the king, but for some offences had been put out of that honourable employment Herod was in a very great rage at these infor- mations, and presently ordered those men to be tortured: yet did not they confess any thing of what the king had been informed; but a certain letter was produced, as written by Alexander to the governor of a cast)'i, to desire him to receive him and Aristobulus into the castle when he had killed his father ; and to give them weapons, and what other assistance he could, upon that occasion. Alex- ander said that this letter was a forgery oi Diophantus. This Diophantus was the kin^^'s secretary, a bold man, cunning in countpr- feiting any one's hand ; and after ho had counterfeited a great number, he was at last put to death for it. Herod did also order ini* governor of the castle to he tortured.- bit pot nothing out of him of what the accu^^at'ons suggested. 4. However, although Herod found the proofs too weak, he gave order to have h'«i sons kept in custody: for till now t)i*»y hwd been at liberty. He also railed that r.o,*t ,>f his fruiiilv. him' foiver of nil ih)s vile acru- »atJiMi. r.ur)rle>'. Iii> s.ivitxjr and hencfa'':*'>r. CHAP. XXVII. WARS OF Tift: Jt:vvs. 595 and gave him a reward of fifty talents. Upon which he prevented any accurate accounts that could come of what he had done, by going immediately into Cappadocia, and •there he got money of Archelaus, having the impudence to pretend that he had reconciled Herod to Alexander. He thence passed over into Greece, and used what he had thus wickedly gotten to the like wicked purposes. Accordingly, he was twice accused before Caesar, that he had filled Achaia with sedition, and had plundered its cities; so he was sent into banishment. And thus was he punished for what wicked actions he had been guilty of about Aristobulus and Alexander. 5. But it will be now worth while to put Euaratus of Cos in opposition to this Spar- tan ; for as he was one of Alexander's most intimate friends, and came to him in his travels at the same time that Eurycles came; so the king put the question to him, whether those things of which Alexander was accused were true? He assured him upon oath that he had never heard any such things from the young men; yet did this testimony avail nothing for the clearing those miserable crea- tures; for Herod was only disposed the most them. Now, as soon as they had sailed to Rome, and delivered the king's Icttcs to Caesar, Ctesar was mightily troubleo at the case of the young men; yet did not he think he ought to take the power from the father of condemning his sons; so he wrote ba^-k t-^ him, and appointed him to have the powe** over his sons; but said withal, that be vvoulu do well to make an examination into tnis matter of the plot against him in a punhc court, and to take for his assessors his own kindred, and the governors of the province- — and if those sons be found guilty to put them to death; but if they appear to have thought of no more than only flying away from him, that he should, in that case, mo- derate their punishment. 2. With these directions Herod coraoliod, and came t® Berytus, where Caesar had or- dered the court to be assembled, and got the judicature together. The presidents sat first, as Caesar's letters had appointed, who were Saturninus*and Pedanius, and their lieutenants that were with them, with whom was the pro- curator Volumnius also; next to them sat the king's kinsmen and friends, with Salome also, and Pheroras ; after whom sat the princij readily to hearken to what made, against ' men of all Syria, excepting Archelaus ; for them and every one was most agreeable to Herod had a suspicion of him, because he him that would believe they were guilty, and was Alexander' father-in-law. Yet did not showed their indignation at them. he produce his sons in open court; and this was done very cunningly, for he knew well I enough that, had they but appeared only, they CHAPTER XX VII. 'vould certainly have been pitied; and if 1 withal they had been, suffered to speak, Alex- HEROD, BY Cesar's direction, accuses his lander would easily have answered what they gONS AT BERYius. THEY ARE NOT PRO- I were accused of; but they were in custody at DUCED BEFORE THE COURT, BUT YET ARE j Platane, a village of the Sidonians. CONDEMNED; AND IN A LITTLE TIME ARE I 3. So the king got up, and inveighed against SENT TO SEBASTE. AND STRANGLED 1 his SOUS as if they Were present ; and as for that part of the accusation that they had plotted against him, he urged it but faintly, because he was destitute of proofs; but he insisted before the assessors on the reproaches, and jests, and injurious carriage, and ten thou- sand the like oflTences against them, which were heavier than death itself; and when nobody contradicted him, he moved them to pity his case, as though he had been con- demned himself, now he had gained a bitter victory against his sons. So he asked every one's sentence; which sentence was first of all given by Saturninus, and was this: — That he condemned the young men, but not to death; for that it was not fit for him, who had three sons of his own now present, to give his vote for the destruction of the sons of another. The two lieutenants also gave the like vote; some others there were also who followed their example; but Volumnius began to vote on the more melancholy side, and all those that came after him condemned the \oung men to die; some out of flattery, and some out of hatred to Herod ; but none out of indignation at their crimes. And now all § 1. Moreover, Salome exasperated Herod's cruelty against his sons; for Aristobulus was desirous to bring her, who was his mother-in- law and his aunt, into the like dangers with themselves: so he sent to her to take care of her own safety, and told her that the king was preparing to put her to death, on account of the accusation that was laid against her, as if when she formerly endeavoured to marry erself to Sylleus the Arabian, she had dis- covered the king's grand secrets to him, who was the king's enemy ; and this it was that came as the last storna, and entirely sunk the young men, who were in great danger before ; for Salome came running to the king, and informed him of what admonition had been given her ; whereupon he could bear no longer, but commanded both the young men to be bound, and kept the one asunder from the other. He also sent Volumnius, the general of his army, to Casar iiiime<iiately, as also hi? friend 01\n:p>is with him, who carrie<! the inturiiiation!- in writing along with 696 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK I. Syria and Judea was in great expectation, and waited for the last act of this tragedy ; yet did nobody suppose that Herod would be so bar- Lttrous as to murder his children : however, he carried them away to Tyre, and thence sailed to Cesarea, and then Be deliberated with himself what sort of death the young men should suffer. 4. Now there was a certain old soldier of the king's, whose name was Tero, who had a son that was very familiar with, and a friend to Alexander, and who himself parti- cularly loved the young men. This soldier was in a manner distracted, out of the excess of the indignation he had at what was doing; and at first he cried out aloud, as he went about, that justice was trampled under foot; that truth was perished, and nature con- founded; and that the life of man was full of iniquity, and every thing else that passion could suggest to a man who spared not his own life; and at last he ventured to go to the king, and said, " Truly, I think, thou arl a most miserable man, when thou hearkenest to most wicked wretches, against those that ought to be dearest to thee ; since thou hast frequently resolved that Pheroras and Salome should be put to death, and yet believest them against thy sons; while these, by cutting off the suc- cession of thine own sons, leave all wholly to Antipater, and thereby choose to have thee such a king as may be thoroughly in their own power. However, consider whether this death of Antipater's brethren will not make him hated by the soldiers; for there is nobody but commiserates the young men; and of the captains, a great many show their indignation at it openly." Upon his saying this, he named those that had such indignation ; but the king ordered those men, with Tero himself, and his son, to be seized upon immediately. 5. At which time there was a certain bar- ber, whose name was Trypho. This man leaped out from among the people in a kind of madness, and accused himself, and said, " this Tero endeavoured to persuade me also to cut thy throat with my razor when 1 trim- med thee; and promised that Alexander should give me large presents for so doing. When Herod heard this, he examined Tero, with his son and the barber, by the torture; but as the others denied the accusation, and he said nothing farther, Herod gave order that Tero should be racked more severely ; but his son, out of pity to his father, pro- mised to discover the whole to the king, if he would grant [that his father should be no longer tortured]. When he had agreed to this, he said, that his father, at the persuasion of Alexander, had an intention to kill him. Now some said this was forged, in order to free his father from his torments; and some said it was true. 6. And now Herod accused the captains and Tf>rn in »>• aub«utb]> of tb« people, and brought the people together in a body against them; and accordingly there were they put to death, together with [Trypho] the barber; they were killed by the pieces of wood and the stones that were thrown at them. Viey also sent his sons to Sebaste, a city not tar from Cesarea, and ordered them to be there strangled; and as what he had ordered was executed immediately, so he commanded that their dead bodies should be brought to the fortress Alexandrium, to be buried with Alexander, their grandfather by the mother's side. And this was the end of Alexander and Aristobulus. CHAPTER XXVIII. HOW ANTIPATER IS HATED OF ALL MEN; AND HOW THE KING ESPOUSES THE SONS OF THOSE THAT HAD BEEN SLAIN TO HIS KINDRED; BUT THAT ANTIPATER MADE HIM CHANGE THEM FOR OTHER WOMEN. OF HEROD's marriages and CHILDREN. § I. But an intolerable hatred fell upon Antipater from the nation, though he had now an indisputable title to the succession ; be- cause they all knew that he was the person who contrived all the calumnies against his brethren. However, he began to be in a terrible fear, as he saw the posterity of those that had been slain growing up; for Alex- ander had two sons by Glaphyra, Tygranes and Alexander; and Aristobulus had Herod, and Agrippa, and Aristobulus, his sons, with Herodias and Mariamne, his daughters; and all by Bernice, Salome's daughter. As- for Glaphyra, Herod, as soon as he had killed Alexander, sent her back, together with her portion, to Cappadocia. He married Bernice, Aristobuhis's daughter, to Antipater's uncle by his mother, and it was Antipater who, it order to reconcile her to him, when she had been at variance with him, contrived this match; he also got into Pheroras's favour, and into the favour of Caesar's friends, by presents, and other ways of obsequiousness, and sent no small sums of money to Rome ; Saturninus also, and his friends in Syria, were all well replenished with the presents he made them ; yet the more he gave the more he was hated, as not making these presents out of generosity, but spending his money out of fear. Accordingly it so fell out, that the receivers bore him no more good-will than before, but that those to whom he gave nothing were his more bitter enemies. However, he bestowed his money every day more and more profusely, on observing that, contrary to his expectations, the king was taking care about ; the orphans, and discovering at the same time i his repcntJUTe for killing their fathers, hy his commiscrminji of tlir^'e that sprang Ircm them. 2. A(ri>r(iii.^>), lldud got togethsr his CHAP. XXIX. WARS OF TH1E JEWS. 697 kindred and friends, and set before them the children, and with his eyes full of tears, said thus to them: " It was an unlucky fate that took away from me these children's fathers, which children are recommended to me by that natural commiseration which their orphan tjondition requires; however, I will endeavour, though I have been a most unfortunate father, to appear a better grandfather, and to (eave these children such curators after myself as are dearest to me. I therefore betroth thy daughter, Pheroras, to the elder of these bre- thren, the children of Alexander, that thou mayest be obliged to take care of them. I also betroth to thy son, Antipater, the daugh- ter of Aristobulus; be thou therefore a father to that orphan ; and my son Herod [Philip] sliall have her sister, whose grandfather, by the mother's side, was high-priest. And let every one that loves me be of ray sentiments in these dispositions, which none that hath an affection for me will abrogate. And I pray God that he will join these children together in marriage, to the advantage of my kingdom, and of my posterity ; and may he look down with eyes more serene apon them than he looked upon their fathers !" 3. While he spake these words, he wept, and joined the children's right hands toge- ther: after which he embraced them every one after an affectionate manner, and dismissed the assembly. Upon this Antipater was in great disorder immediately, and lamented publicly at what was done ; for he supposed that this dignity, which was conferred on these orphans was for his own destruction, even in his father's life time, and that he should run another risk of losing the government if Alexander's sons should have both Archelaus \_H king], and Pheroras a tetrach, to support them. He also considered how he was him- self hated by the nation, and how they pitied these orphans: how great affection the Jews bare to those brethren of his when they were alive, and how gladly they remembered them, now they had perished by his means. So he resolved by all the ways possible to get these espousals dissolved. 4, Now he was afraid of going subtilely about this matter with his father, who was hard to be pleased, and was presently moved upon the least suspicion: so he ventured to go to him directly, and to beg of him before his face, not to deprive him of that dignity which he had been pleased to bestow upon him ; and that he might not have the bare name of a king, while the power was in other persons; for that he should never be able to keep the government, if Alexander's son was to have both his grandfather Archelaus and Pheroras for his curators ; and he besought him ear- nestly, since there were so many of the royal family alive, that he would change those [in- tended] marriages. Now the king had nine wives,* and children by seven of them; Anti* pater was himself born of Doris, and Herod [Philip] of Mariamne, the high-priest's daugh- ter ; Antipas also and Archelaus were by Malthace, the Samaritan, as was his daughter Olympias, which his brother Joseph'sf son had* married. By Cleopatra of Jerusalem he had Herod and Philip; and by Pallas, Pha- saelus; he had also two daughters, Roxana and Salome, the one by Phedra, and the other by Elpis: he had also two wives who had no children, the one his first cousin, and the other his niece; and besides these he had two daugh- ters, the sisters of Alexander and Aristobulus, by Mariamne. Since, therefore, the royal family was so numerous, Antipater prayed him to change these intended marriages. 5. When the king perceived what disposi- tion he was in towards these orphans, he was angry at it, and a suspicion came into his mind as to those sons whom he had put to death, whether that had not been brought about by the false tales of Antipater ; so at that time he made Antipater a long and a peevish answer, and bade him begone. Yet was he afterwards prevailed upon cunningly by his flatteries, and changed the marriages ; he married Aristobulus's daughter to him, and his son to Pheroras's daughter. 6. Now one may learn, in this instance, how very much this flattering Antipater could do,— even what Salome in the like circum- stances could not do; for when she, who was his sister, had by the means of Julia, Caesar's wife, earnestly desired leave to be married to Sylleus the Arabian, Herod swore he wouKi esteem her his bitter enemy, unless she would leave off that project; ^^ also caused her, against her own consent, to be married to Alexas, a friend of his, and that one of her daughters should be married to Alexas 's son, and the other to Antipater's uncle by the mother's side. And for the daughters that the king had by Mariamne, the one was mar- ried to Antipater, his sister's son, and the other to his brother's son, Phasaelus. CHAPTER XXIX. ANTIPATER BECOMES INTOLERABLE. HE IS SENT TO ROME, AND CARRIES HEROD's TESTAMENT WI^H HIM. PHERORAS LEAVES HIS BROTHER THAT HE MAY KEEP HIS WIFE. HE DIES AT HOME. § 1. Now when Antipater had cut off the hopes of the orphans, and had contracted such ♦ Dean Aldrich takes notice here, that these nine wives of Herod were alive at the same time, and that if the celebrated Mariamne, who was now dead, be reckoned, those wives were in all ten. Yet it is remark able that be had no more than fifteen children by them all. ' + To prevent eanfusion, it may not be amiss, with D«an Alirieh, to distinguish between foMr J«MpI^ 698 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK I, affinities as would be most for his own advan- tage, he proceeded briskly, as having a certain expectation of the kingdom ; and as he had now assurance added to his wickedness, he became intolerable; for not being able to avoid the hatred of all people, he built his security upon the terror he struck into them. Phe- roras also assisted him in his designs, looking upon him as already fixed in the kingdom. There was also a company of women in the court, who excited new disturbances; for Pheroras's wife, together with her mother and sister, as also Antipater's mother, grew very impudent in the palace. She also was so insolent as to affront the king's two daugh- ters,* on which account the king hated her to a great degree ; yet although these women were hated by him, they domineered over others : there was only Salome who opposed their good agreement, and informed the king of their meetings, as not being for the advan- i daughter. what to do farther in that matter, turned hrs speech to Antipater, and charged him to have no intercourse either with Pheroras's wife, or with Pheroras himself, or with any one belonging to her. Now, thotigh Antipater did not transgress that his injunction publicly, yet did he in secret come to their night-meet- ings : and because he was afraid that Salome observed what he did, he procured by the means of his Italian friends, that he might go and live at Rome ; for when they wrote that it was proper for Antipater to be sent to Csesar for some time, Herod made no delay, but sent him, and that with a splendid atten- dance, and a great deal of money, and gave him his testament to carry with him, — where- in Antipater had the kingdom bequeathed to him, and wherein Herod was named for An- tipater's successor ; that Herod, I mean, wh5 was the son of Mariamne, the high-priest's tage of his affairs; and when those women knew what calumnies she had raised against them, and how much Herod was displeased, they left off their public meetings and friendly entertainments of one another ; nay, on the contrary, they pretended to quarrel one with another when the king was within hearing. The like dissimulation did Antipater make use of; and when matters were public, he opposed Pheroras : but still they had private cabals, and men-y meetings in the night-time ; nor did the observation of others do any more 3. Sylleus also, the Arabian, sailed to Rome, without any regard to Caesar's injunc- tions, and this in order to oppose Antipater with all his might, as to that law-suit which Nicolaus had with him before. This Sylleus had also a great contest with Aretas his own king; for he had slain many others of Aretas's friends, and particularly Sohemus, the most potent man in the city Petra. Moreover, he had prevailed with Phabatus, who was Heroi's steward, by giving him a great sum of money, to assist him against Herod; but when Herod than confirm their mutual agreement. How-/ gave him more, he induced him to leave Sv>- ever, Salome knew every thing they did, and told every thing to Herod. 2. But he was inflamed with anger at them, and chiefly at Pheroras's wife ; for Salome had principally accused her. So he got an assembly of his friends and kindred together, and there accused this woman of many things, and particularly of the affronts she had offered his daughters ; and that she had supplied the Pharisees with money, by way of rewards for what they had done against him, and had pro- cured his brother to become his enemy, by giving him love potions. At length he turned his speech to Pheroras, and told him that be would give him his choice of these two things: — Whether he would keep in with his brother, or with his wife ? And when Phe- roras said that he certainly would die rather than forsake his wife,! — Herod, not knowing the 1 istory of Herod. I. Joseph, Herod»8 ancle, and tl)f [fiecond | husband of his sister Salome, slain by UphmI on account of Mariamne. 2. Joseph, Herod's 3iia*stor. or treasurer, slain on the same account 3. useph, Herod's brother, slain in the battle against An- tixontis. 4- Joseph, Herod's nephew, the husband of Ulyinpias, mentioned in this place. ♦ These daughters of Herod, whom Pheroras's wife affronted, were Salome and Roxana, two virgins, who were bom to him of his two wives, Elpide and Fhedra. See Herod's Kenealojty, AntLq.b.xvii.ch.i.sect 3. ■f This strange obstinacy of Pheroras in retaining his wife, who was one of a low family, and refusing to marry one nearly related to Herod, though he so earnestly dr. MMd It, as ala* that w4&<« admission to t^ councils leus, and by his means he demanded of bim all that Caesar had required of him to nav but when Sylleus paid nothing of what he was to pay, and did also accuse Phabatus to Cae- sar, and said that he was not a ste^rard for Caesar's advantage, but for Herod's, Phabatus was angry at him on that account, but was still in very great esteem with Herod, and discovered Sylleus's grand secrets, and toid the king that Sylleus had corrupted Conn- thus, one of the guards of his body, by brib- ing him, and of whom he must therefore have a care. Accordingly the king complied • for this Corinthus, though he was brought up in Herod's kingdom, yet was by birth an Ara- bian ; so the king ordered him to be taken up immediately, and not only him, but twc otht- Arabians, who were caught with him ; the cm- of them was Sylleus's friend, the other the head of a tribe. These last, being put t,o tho torture, confessed that they had prevailed with Corinthus, for a large sum of money, to kill of the other great court-ladies, together with Hernd»<j own importunity as to Pheroras's divorce and otner marriage, all so remarkable here or in the Antiq. j. xvii. ch. ii. sect. 4; and ch. iii. sect. 3. cannot he w<?U' accounted for, but on the supposal that Pheroras be- lieved, and llerod piispected, that the Pharisees' priv diction. as if the crown of .liidea should be tramlutt^ from Herod to IMifroias'.-i imsterity, and that most ;>r'>- bably to Pheroras's |M)sitiity by this his wife, also would prove true. Swc Aiitiq. b. xvii. ch. ii. sect 4j and cit. Ui. sect. 1 CHAP. XXX. WARS OF THE JEWS. 599 Herod; and when they hkd been farther examined before Saturninus, the president of Syria, they were sent to Rome. 4. However, Herod did not leave off impor- tuning Pheroras, but proceeded to force him to put away his wife ; yet could he not devise any way by which he could bring the woman herself to punishment, although he had many causes of hatred to her ; till at length he was in such great uneasiness at her, that he cast both her and his brother out of his kingdom. Pheroras took this injury very patiently, and went away into his ovvn tetrarchy [Perea, be- yond Jordan], and sware that there should be out one end put to his flight, and that should oe Herod's death ; and that he would never return while he was alive. Nor indeed would be return when his brother was sick, although he earnestly sent for him to come to him, because he had a mind to leave some injunc- tions with him before he died ; but Herod unexpectedly recovered. A little afterward Pheroras himself fell sick, when Herod showed great moderation ; for he came to him, and pitied his case, and took care of him ; but his affection for him did him no good, for Phero- ras died a little afterward. Now, though Herod had so great an affection for him to the •ast day of his life, yet was a report spread jibroad that he had killed him by poison. However, he took care to have his dead body carried to Jerusalem, and appointed a very great mourning to the whole nation for bim, and bestowed a most pompous funeral upon uiui ; and this was the end that one of Alex- ancie.-'s and Aristobulus's murderers came to. CHAPTER XXX. WHEN HEROD MADE INQUIRY ABOUT PHERO- RAS S DEATH, A DISCOVERY WAS MADE THAT ANTIPATER HAD PREPARED A POI- I 60N0US DaAUGHT FOR HIM. HEROD CASTS UOKIS AND HER ACCOMPLICES, AS ALSO MaRIAMNE, out of THE PALACE, AND BI-OTS HER SON HEROD OUT OF HIS TES- TAMENT, j § ». But now the punishment was transfer- ffii unto the original author, Antipater, and iin)k its rise from the death of Pheroras ; for rertain of his freed-men came with a sad ii»untenance to the king, and- told him that i U!s brother had been destroyed by poison, and that his wife had brought bim somewhat that ' was prepared after an unusual manner, and ' that upon his eatmg it. he presently fell into his distemper; that Antipater's mother and siister, two days before, brought a woman out of Arabia, that was skillful in mixing such drugs, that she might prepare a love-potion for Phe- roras; and that, instead of a love-potion, she had given him deadly poison; and that tiiia! was done by the management of Sylleus, who was acquainted with that woman. 2. The king was deeply affected with so many suspicions, and had the maid-servants and some of the free-women also tortured ; one of whom cried out in her agonies, " May that God that governs the earth and the heaven punish the author of all these our miseries. Antipater's mother 1" The king took a handle from this confession, and proceeded to inquire farther into the truth of this matter. So this woman discovered the friendship of Antipa- ter's mother to Pheroras and Antipater's women, as also their secret meetings, and that Pheroras and Antipater had drank with them for a whole night together as they returned from the king, and would not suffer any body, either man-servant or maid-servant to be there: while one of the free-women discovered the whole of the matter. 3. Upon this, Herod tortured the maid- servants, everyone by themselves separately; who all unanimously agreed in the foregoing discoveries, and that accordingly by agree- ment they went away, Antipater to Rome, and Pheroras to Perea ; for that they often- times talked to one another thus: — That aftei Herod had slain Alexander and Aristobulus, he would fall upon them, and upon theii wives, because, after he had not spared Ma- riamue and her children, he would spare no- body ; and that for this reason it was best to get as far off the wild beast as they were able : and that Antipater oftentimes lamented his own case before his mother ; and said to her, that he had already grey hairs upon his head, and that his father grew younger again every day, and that perhaps death would overtake "him before he should begin to be a king in earnest; and that in case Herod should die, which yet nobody knew when it vvould be, the enjoyment of the succession could certainly be but for a little time; for that these heads of Hydra, the sons of Alexander and Aristobu- lus, were growing up: that he wa^ deprived by his father of the hopes of being succeeded by his children, for that his successor after his death was not to be any one of his own sons, but Herod the son of Mariamne: — that in this point Herod was plaiidy distracted, to think that his testament should therein take place; for he would take care that not one of his posterity should remain, because he was, of all fathers, the greatest hater of his children. Yet does he hate his brother still worse; whence it was that he a whi'e ago gave him- self a hundred talents that he should jiot have anv intercourse with Pheroras. And w^ben Pheroras said, wherein have we done him any harm ? Antipater replied. " 1 wish he would but deprive us of all we have, and leave us naked and alive only : but it is in- deed impossible to escape this wild bea.st, who is thus given to murder; who will nm permit U8 to love any person openly, akliou/h w- be ■f^: 600 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK I. together privately ; yet may we be so openly too, if we are but endowed with the courage and the hands of men." 4. These things were said by the women upon the torture : as also that Pheroras resolved to fly with them to Perea. Now Herod gave credit to all they said, on account of the affair of the hundred talents; for he had had no discourse with anybodyabout them, but only with Antipater. So he vented his anger first of all against Antipater's mother, and took away from her all the ornaments which he had given her, which cost a great many talents, and cast her out of the palace a second time. He also took care of Pheroras's women after their tortures, as being now reconciled to them ; but he was in great consternation himself, and inflamed upon every suspicion, and had many innocent persons led to the tor- ture, out of his fear, lest he should perhaps leave any guilty person untortured. 5. Ai)d now it was that he betook himself to examine Antipater of Samaria, who was the steward of [his son] Antipater; and upon torturing him, he learned that Antipater had sent for a potion of deadly poison for him out of Egypt, by Antiphilus, a companion of his; that Theudio, the uncle of Antipater, had it from him, and delivered it to Pheroras; for that Antipater had charged him to take his father off while he was at Rome, and go free him from the suspicion of doing it himself: that Pheroras also committed this potion to his wife. Then did the king send for her, and bade her bring to him what she had re- ceived immediately. So she came out of her house as if she would bring it with her, but threw herself down from the top of the house, in order to prevent any examination and tor- ture from the king. However, it came to pass, as it seems by the providence of God, when he intended to bring Antipater to pun- ishment, that she fell not upon her head, but upon other parts of her body, and escaped. The king, when she was brought to him, took care of her (for she was at first quite senseless upon her fall), and asked her why she had thrown herself down; and gave her his oath, that if she would speak the real truth, he would excuse her from punishment ; but that if she concealed any thing, he would have her body torn to pieces by torments, and leave no part of it to be buried. d. Upon this the woman paused a little, and then said, •' Why do I spare to speak of these grand secrets, novv Pheroras is deadl that,would only tend to save Antipater, who is all our destruction. Hear then, O king, and be thou, and God himself, who cannot be deceived, witnesses to the truth of what lam going to cay. When thou didst sit weeping by Pheroras as he was dying, then it was that he called me to him, and said, — * My dear wife, I have been greatly mistalen as to the dUpoiition of my brether towardi me, and have hated him that is so affectionate to me, and have contrived to kill him who is in sucu disorder for me before I am dead. As tor myself, I receive the recompense of my im- piety; but do thou bring what poison was left with us by Antipater, and which thou keepest, in order to destroy him, and consume it imme- diately in the fire in my sight, that 1 may not be liable to the avenger in the invisible world.* This I brought as he bade me, and emptied the greatest part of it into the fire, but reserved a little of it for my own use against uncertain futurity, and out of my fear of thee." 7. When she had said this, she brought the box, which had a small quantity of this potion in it : but the king let her alone, and transferred the tortures to Antiphilus's mo- ther and brother; who both confessed that Antiphilus brought the box out of Egypt, and that they had received the potion from a brother of his, who was a physician at Alex- andria. Then did the ghosts of Alexander and Aristobulus go round all the palace, and became the inquisitors and discoverers of what could not otherwise have been found out, and brought such as were the freest from suspi cion to- be examined ; whereby it was disco vered that Mariamne, the high- priest's daugh ter, was conscious of this plot; and her very brothers, when they were tortured, declared it so to be. Whereupon the king avenged this insolent attempt of the mother upon her I son, and blotted Herod, whom he had by her, ■ out of his testament, who had been before named therein as successor to Antipater. CHAPTER XXXI. ANTIPATER IS CONVICTED BY BATHYLLUS; BUT HE STILL RETURNS FROM ROME, WITHOUT KNOWING IT. HEROD BRINGS HIM TO HIS TRIAL. § 1. After these things were over, Bathyl- lus came under examination, in order to con- vict Antipater, who proved the concluding attestation to Antipater's designs ; for indeed he was no other than his freed-man. This man came, and brought another deadly po- tion, the poison of asps and the juices ol other serpents, that if the first potion did not do the business, Pheroras and his wife might be armed with this also to destroy the king. He brought also an addition to Antipater's insolent attempts against his father, which was the letters which he wrote against his bre- thren, Archelaus and I'hilip, who were the king's sons, and educated at Rome, being yet youths, but of generous dispositions. Antipater set himself to get rid of these as soon as he could, that they might not l>e prejudicial to his hopes; and to that end he CHAP. XXXI. WARS OF THE JEWS. 601 forged letters against them in the name of Ills friends at Rome. Some of these he corrupted by bribes, to write how they grossly reprouche«l tlieir father, and did openly be- wsiii rt.exander and Aristobulus, and were uneubv at their being recalled; for their father had already sent for them, which was the \t'ry thing that troubled Antipater. 2. Is ay indeed, while Antipater was in Judea, and before he was upon his journey to Konie, he gave money to have the like letters against them sent from Rome, and then came to bis father, who as yet had no suspicion of him, apologized for his brethren, and alleged on their behalf, that some of the things con- tained in those letters were false, and others of them were only youthful errors. Yet at the same time that he expended a great deal of his money by making presents to such as wrote against his brethren, did he aim to bring his accounts into confusion, by buying costly garments, and carpets of various con- textures, with silver and gold cups, and a great many more curious things, that so, among the very great expenses laid out upon such furniture, he might conceal the money he had used in hiring men [to write the letters] ; for he brought in an account of his expenses, amounting to two hundred talents, his main pretence for which, was the law-suit that he had been in with Sylleus. So while all his rogueries, even those of a lesser sort made great lamentations at it; for which some commended him, as being for his own uncle; though probably this confusion aroce on ac- count of his having thereby failed in his plot [on his father's life] ; and his tears were more for the loss of him that was to have been sub- servient therein, than for [an uncle] Pheroras; moreover, a sort of fear came upon him as to his designs, lest the poison should have been discovered. However, when he was in Cilicia he received the forementioned epistle from his father, and made great haste accordingly. But when he had sailed to Celenderis, a suspicion came into his mind relating to his mother's misfortunes; as if his soul foreboded some mischief to itself. Those therefore of his friends who were the most considerate, advised him not rashly to go to his father, till he had learned what were the occasions why his mother bad been ejected, because they were afraid that he might be involved in the calumnies that had been cast upon his mother; but those that were less considerate, and had more regard to their own desires of seeing their native country than to Antipnter's safety, persuaded him to make haste home, and not, by delaying his journey, afford his father ground for an ill suspicion, and give a handle ^ those that raised stories against him ;, for mat in case any thing had been moved to his disadvantage, it was owing to his absence, which durst not have been done had he been ,'ere covered by his great villany, while all present; — and they said it was absurd to de- tbe examinations by torture proclaimed his pri ye himself of certain happiness, for the sake attempt to murder his father, and the letters of an uncertain suspicion, and not rather to proclaimed his second attempt to murder his return to his father, and take the royal autho- bretbren, — yet did no one of those that came rity upon him, which was in a state of fluctu- to Rome inform him of his misfortunes in ation on his account only. Antipater com- Judea, although seven months had intervened plied with this last advice; for Providence between his conviction and his return, — so hurried him on [to his destruction]. So he freat was the hatred which they all bore to passed over the sea, and landed at Sebastus, him. And perhaps they were the ghosts of: the haven of Cesarea. those brethren of bis that had been murdered, i 4. And here he found a perfect and unex- that stopped the mouthsof those that intended I pected solitude, while every body avoided to have told him. He then wrote from Rome, him, and nobody durst come at him; for he* and informed his [friends] that he would soon was equally hated by all men; and now come to them, and how he was dismissed with that hatred had liberty to show itself, and the honour by Caesar. dread men were in of the king's anger made 3. Now the king being desirous to get men keep from him; for the whole city [of this plotter against him into his hands, and being also afraid lest he should some way come to the knowledge how his affairs stood and be upon his guard, he dissembled his anger in his epistle to him, as in other points he wrote kindly to him, and desired him to make haste, because if he came quickly, he would then lay aside the complaints he "had against his mother; for Antipater was not ignorant that his mother had been expelled out of the palace. However, he had before received a letter, which contained an account of the death of Pheroras, at Tarentum,* — and • Tb!s Tarentum has coins still extant, as Reland in- batm* OS here in bis note Jerusalem] was filled with the rumours about Antipater, and Antipater himself was the only person who was ignorant of them ; for as no man was dismissed more magnificently when he began his voyage to Rome, so was no man now received back with greater ignominy. And indeed he began already to suspect what misfortunes there were in Herod's family; yet did he cunningly conceal his suspicidh; and while he was inwardly ready to die for fear, he put on a forced boldness of counte- nance. Nor could he now fly any whither, nor had he any way of emerging out of the difficulties which encompassed him; nor in- deed had he even there any certain intelligence of the affairs of the royal family, by reason 602 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK I. of the threats the king had given out; yet had he some small hopes of better tidings, for perhaps nothing had been discovered ; or, if any discovery had been made, perhaps he should be able to clear himself by impudence and artful tricks, which were the only things he relied upon for his deliverance. 5. And with these hopes did he screen himself, till he came to the palace, without any friends with him ; for these were affronted, and shut out at the first gate. Now Va- rus, the president of Syria, happened to be in the palace [at this juncture]; so Antipater vient in to his father, and putting on a bold face, he came near to salute him. But He- rod stretched out his hands, and turned his head away from him, and cried out, *' Even this is an indication of a parricide, to be desirous to get me into his arms, when he is under such heinous accusations. God con- found thee, thou vile wretch; do not thou touch me till thou hast cleared thyself of these crimes that are charged upon thee. 1 appoint thee a court where thou art to be judged; and this Varus, who is very season- ably here, to be thy judge; and get thou thy defence ready against to-morrow, for I give thee so much time to prepare suitable excuses for, thyself." And as Antipater was so con- founded, that he was able to make no answer to this charge, he went away; but his mother and wife came to him, and told him of ail the evidence they had gotten against him. Here- upon he recollected himself, and considered what defence he should make against the accusations. CHAPTER XXXII. AKTIPATEB IS ACCUSED BEFORE TARUS, AND IS CONVICTED OF LAYING A PLOT [aGAINBT HIS father] BY THE STRONGEST EVIDENCE. HEROD PUTS OFF HIS PUNISHMENT TILL HE SHOULD BE RECOVERED, AND IN THE MEAN TIME ALTERS HIS TESTAMENT. § 1. Now the day following, the king assem- bled a court of his kinsmen and friends, and called in Antipater's friends also. Herod bimself, with Varus, were the presidents; and Herod called for all the witnesses, and ordered them to be brought in; among whom some of the domestic servants of Antipater's mo- ther were brought in also, who bad but a little while before been caught, as they w ere carry- irfg the following letter from her to her son : i— " Since all those things have been already discovered to thy father, do not thou come to him, unless thou canst procure some assistance from CKsar." When this and the other wit- nesbes were introduced, Antipater cnme in, and falling on his face before his father's feet, be laid, " Father, 1 beseech thee, do not thou condemn me beforehand, but let thy ears bt unbiassed, and attend to my defence; for il thou wilt give me leave, I will demonstrate that 1 am innocent," 2. Hereupon Herod cried out to him to hold his peace, and spake thus to Varus: — " I cannot but think that thou. Varus, and every other upright judge, will determine that Antipater is a vile wretch. I am also afraid that thou wilt abhor my ill fortune, and judge me also myself worthy of all sorts of cala- mity for begetting such children; while yet I ought rather to be pitied, who have been so affectionate a father to such wretched sons; for when I had settled the kingdom on my j former sons, even when they were young, and I when, besides the charges of their education at Rome, I had made them the friends of I Caesar, and made them envied by other kings, ' I found them plotting against me. These have been put to deaih, and that, in a great measure, for the sake of Antipater; for as he was then young, and appointed to be my suc- cessor, I took care chiefly to secure him from danger: but this profligate wild beast, when he had been over and above satiated with that patience which I show ed him, he made use of that abundance I had given him against myself; for I seemed to him to live too long, and he was very uneasy at the old age I had arrived at: nor could he stay any longer, but would be a king by parricide. And justly I am served by him for bringing him back out of the country to court, when he was ot no esteem before, and for thrusting out those sons of mine that were born of the queen, and for making him a successor to my domi- nions. I confess to thee, O Varus, the great folly I was guilty of; for I provoked those sons of mine to act against me, and cut off their just expectations for the sake of Anti- patei ; and indeed what kindness did I do tc them, that could equal what I have done tf Antipater! to whom I have, in a manner, yielded up my royal authority while I a» alive, and whom I have openly named foi the successor to my dominions in my testa- ment, and given him a yearly revenue of hi own of fifty talents, and supplied him witk money to an extravagant degree out of my own revenue ; and when he was about to sail to Rome, I gave him three hundred talents, and recommended him and him alone of all my children, to Caesar, as his father's de- liverer. Now what crimes were these other sons of mine guilty of like those of Antipa- ter! and what evidence was there brought against them so strong as there is to demon- strate this son to have plotted against me! Yet does this parricide presume to speak for himself, and hopes to obscure the truth by his cunning tricks. Thou, O Varus, must guard thyself against him ; for I know the wild beast, and I foresee how plausibly he will talk, and his counterfeit lamentation CHAP. xxxn. WARS OF THE JEWS. eK)3 This was he who exhorted me to have a care of Alexander, when he was alive, and not to intrust my body with all men ! This was he who came to my very bed, and looked about, lest any one should lay snares for me 1 This was he who took care of my sleep, and secured me from any fear of danger, who comforted me under the trouble I was in upon the slaughter of my sons, and looked to Kee what affection my surviving brethren bore me! This was my protector, and the guar- dian of my body ! And when I call to mind, O Varus, his craftiness upon every occasion, and his art of dissembling, I can hardly believe that I am still alive, and I wonder how I have escaped such a deep plotter of mischief! — However, since some fate or other makes my house desolate, and perpetually raises up those that are dearest to me against me, I will, with tears, lament n?y hard fortune, and privately groan under my lonesome condition; yet am I resolved that no one who thirsts after my blood shall escape punishment, although the evidence should extend itself to all my sons." 3. Upon Herod's saying this, he was inter- rupted by the confusion he was in ; but or- dered Nicolaus, one of his friends, to produce the evidence against Antipater. But in the mean time Antipater lifted up his head (for he lay on the ground before his father's feet) and cried out aloud, " Thou, O father, hast made my apology for me ; for how can I be a parricide, whom thou thyself confessest to have always had for thy guardian? Thou callest my filial affection prodigious lies and hypocrisy ! how then could it be that I, who was so subtle in other matters, should here be 80 mad as not to understand that it was not easy that he who committed so horrid a crime should be concealed from men, but impossible that he should be concealed from the Judge of Heaven, who sees all things, and is present everywhere? or did not I know what end my brethren came to, on whom God inflicted so great a punishment for their evil designs against thee? And indeed what was there that could possibly provoke me against thee ? Could the hope of being a king do it ? I was a. king already. Could I suspect hatred from thee ? No : was I not beloved by thee ? and what other fear could I have ? Nay, by pre- Berving thee safe, I was a terror to others. Did I want money? No: for who was able to expend so much as myself? Indeed, father, had I been the most execrable of all mankind, and had I had the soul of the most execrable wild beast, must I not have been overcome with the benefits thou hast bestowed upon me? whom, as thou thyself sayest, thou broughtest finto the palace]; whom thou didst prefer be- fore so many of thy sons; whom thou madest a king in thine own life-time, and, by the rast magnitude of the other advantages thou bestowedst on me« thou madest me an obiect )f envy. O miserable man ! that thou shoulds undergo this bitter absence, and thereby afford a great opportunity for envy to arise against thee, and a long space for such as were lay ing designs against thee ! Yet was I absent father, on thy affairs, that Sylleus might not treat thee with contempt in thine old age.— Rome is a witness to my filial affection, and 50 is Caesar, the ruler of the habitable earth, who oftentimes called me Philopater.* Take here the letters he hath sent thee, they are more to be believed than the calumnies raised here ; these letters are my only apology; these I use as the demonstration of that natural affection I have to thee. Remember, that it was against my own choice that I sailed [to Rome], as knowing the latent hatred that was in the kingdom against me. It was thou, O father, however unwillingly, who hast been my ruin, by forcing me to allow time for the calumnies against me and envy at me. However, I am come hither, and am ready to hear the evi- dence there is against me. If I be a parricide, I have passed by land and by sea, without suffer- ing any misfortune on either of them; but this method of trial is no advantage to me ; for it seems, O father, that I am already condemned, both before God and before thee; and as I am already condemned, I beg that thou wilt not believe the others that have been tortured, but let fire be brought to torment me ; let the racks march through my bowels; have no regard to any lamentations that this polluted body can make; for if I be a parricide, I ought not to die without torture." Thus did Antipater cry out with lamentation and weeping, and moved all the rest, and Varus in particular, to commiserate his case. Herod was the only person whose passion was too strong to per- mit him to weep, as knowing that the testi- monies against him were true. 4. And now it was that, at the king's command, Nicolaus, when he had premised a great deal about the craftiness of Antipater, and had prevented the effects of their com- miseration to him, afterwards brought in a bitter and large accusation against him, ascri- bing all the wickedness that had been in the kingdom to him, and especially the murder of his brethren, and demonstrated that they had perished by the calumnies he had raised against them. He also said that he had laid designs against them that were stili alive, as if they were laying plots for the succession ; and (said he) how can it be supposed that he who prepared poison for his father, should abstain from mischief as to his brethren? He then proceeded to convict him of the attempt to poison Herod, and gave an account, in order, of the several discoveries that had been made ; and bad great indignation as to the afTair of Pheroras, because Antipater had been for miking him murder his brother, and bad • A lover of his father. 604 WARS OF THE JEWS. fiOCK 1. corrupted those that were dearest to the king, and filled the whole palace with wickedness ; and when he had insisted on many other accu- sations, and the proofs of them, he left off. 5. Then Varus bade Antipater make his defence; but he lay long in silence, and said no more but this: — "God is my witness that I am entirely innocent." So Varus asked for the potion, and gave it to be drank by a con- demned malefactor, who was then in prison, who died upon the spot. So Varus, when he had had a very private discourse with Herod, and had written an account of this assembly to Caesar, went away, after a day's stay. The king also bound Antipater, and sent away to inform Caesar of his misfortunes. 6. Now after this, it was discovered that Antipater had laid a plot against Salome also; for one of Antiphilus's domestic servants ciime, and brought letters from Rome, from a maid-servant of Julia [Caesar's wife], whose name was Acme. By her a message was sent to the king, that she had found a letter written by Salome, among Julia's papers, and had sent it to him privately, out of her good- will to him. This letter of Salome contained the most bitter reproaches of the king, and the highest accusation against him. Antipater had forged this letter, and had corrupted Acme, and persuaded her to send it to Herod. This was proved by her letter to Antipater, for thus did this woman write to him : — " As thou desirest, I have written a letter to thy father, and have sent that letter; and am per- suaded that the king will not spare his sister when he reads it. Thou wilt do well to remember what thou hast promised, when all is accomplished." 7. When this epistle was discovered, and what the epistle forged against Salome con- tained, a suspicion came into the king's mind, that perhaps the letters against Alexander were also forged; he was moreover greatly disturbed, and in a passion, because he had almost slain his sister on Antipater's account. He did no longer delay therefore to bring him to punishment for all his crimes; yet when he was eagerly pursuing Antipater, he was re- strained by a severe distemper he fell into. However, he sent an account to Caesar about Acme, and the contrivances against Salome: he sent also for his testament and altered it, and therein made Antipas king, as taking no care of Archelaus and Philip, because Anti- pater bad blasted their reputations with him ; but he bequeathed to Cicsar, besides other presents that he gave him, a thousand talents; as also to his wife, and children, and friends, and freed-men about five hundred: he also bequeathed to all others a great quantity of land, and of money, and showed his respects to Salome his sister, by giving her most splen- did gifts. And this was what was contained in his testament, as it was now altered. CHAPTER xxxnr. THE GOLDEN EAGLKISCUT TO PIECES. HEROn'ft BARBARITY WHEN HE WAS BEABf TO DIB, HE ATTEMPTS TO KILL HIMSELF. HE COM MANDS ANTIPATER TO BE SLAIN. HE SUR VIVES HIM FIVE DAYS, AWD THEN DIES. § 1. Now Herod's distemper became more an^ more severe to him, and this because these his disorders fell upon him in his old age, and when he was in a melancholy condition ; for he >vas already almost -seventy years of age, and had been brought low by the calamities that happened to him about his children, whereby he had no pleas-ure in life, even whei* he was in health ; the grief also that Antipa- ter was still alive aggravated his disease, whor» he resolved to put to death now, not at ran- dom, but as soon as he should be well again ; and resolved to have hiui slain [in a public manner]. 2. There also now happened to him among his other calamities, a certain popular sedition. There were two men of learning in the city [Jerusalem], who were thought the most skilful in the laws of their country, and were on that account had in very great esteem all over the nation; they were, the one Judas, the son of Sepphoris, and the other Matthias, the son of Margalus. There was a great concourse of the young men to these men when they expounded the laws, and there got together every day a kind of an army of such as were growing up to be men. Now when these men were informed that the king was wear- ing away with melancholy, and with a distem- per, they dropped words to their acquaintance, how it was now a very proper time to defend the cause of God, and to pull down what had been erected contrary to the laws of thoif country ; for it was unlawful there should be any such thing in the temple as images, o» feces, or the like representation of any animal whatsoever. Now the king had put up a golden eagle over the great gate of the temple, which these learned men exhorted them to cut down : aiKJ tokl them that if there should any danger arise, it was a glorious thing to die for the laws of their country; because that the soul was immortal, and that an eter- nal enjoyment of happiness did await such as died on that account; while the mean.s[)irited, and those that were not wise enou.'^h to show a right love of their souls, preferred death by a disease, before that which is the result ol a virtuous behaviour. 3. At the same time that these men madj this speech to their disciples, a rumour was spread abroad that the kirig was dying, which made the young men set about the work with greater boldness ; they therefore let tb'wm- selves down frmn the top of the temple with CHAP. XXXIII. WARS OF THE JEWS, 605 thick cords, and this at mid-day, and while Q great number of people were in the temple, and cut down that golden eagle with axes. This was presently told to the king's captain of the temple, who came running with a great aody of soldiers, and caught about forty of toe young men, and brought them to the king. And when he asked them, first of all, whether Xfaey had been so hardy as to cut down the polden eagle, they confessed they had done so; and when he asked them by whose command rhey had done it, they replied, at the com- mand of the law of their country ; and when 1 oe farther asked them how they could be so I joyful when they were to be put to death, tney replied, because they should enjoy greater happiness after they were dead.* 4. At this the king was in such an extra- vagant passion, that he overcame his disease (for the time], and went out, and spake to I he people; wherein he made a terrible accu- sation against those men, as being guilty of sacrilege, and as making greater attempts under pretence of their law; and he thought they deserved to be punished as impious persons. Whereupon the public were afraid lest a great number should be found guilty, and desired that when he had first punished those that put them upon this work, and then those that were caught in it, he would leave off his anger as to the rest. With this the king complied, though not without difficulty; and ordered those that had let themselves down, together with their rabbins, to be burnt alive; but delivered the rest that were caught to the proper officers, to be put to death by them. 5. After this, the distemper seized upon his whole body, and greatly disordered all its parts with various symptoms; for there was a gcTitle fever upon him, and an intolerable itching over all the surface of his body, and * Since in these two sections we have an evident ac- count of the Jewish opinions in the days of Josepbus, about a future happy state, and the resurrection of the dead, as in the New Testament (John xi. 24.), I shall here refer to the other places in Jnsephus, before be be- came a Catholic Christian, which concern the same matters. Of the War, b. ii. ch. viii, sect. 10, II; b. iii. ch, viii. sect. 4; b. vii. ch.vi. sect. 7; Contr. Apion.b. ii. 8e«:t 30; where we may observe, that none of these pas- sa^^esare in his Books of Antiquities, written peculiarly for the use of the Gentiles, to whom he thought it not pro- per to insist on topics so much out of their way as these were. Nor is this observation to be omitted here, espe- cially on acconnt of the sensible diflference we have now before us in Josephns's representation of the arguments used by the rabbins to persuade their scholars to hazard their lives for the vindication of God's law against im- ages, by IVIoses, as well as of the answers those scholars made to Herod, when they were cauglit, and ready to die for the same; I mean as compared with the parallel arguments and answers represented in the Aptiquities, i b. xvii. ch. vi. sect. 2, 3. A like difference between Jew- | ish and Gentile notions, the reader will find in niy notes I on Antiquitie.s, b. iii. ch. vii. sect. 7; b. xv. ch. ix. sect. : 1. See the like also in the case of the three Jewish sects [ in the Antiquities, b. xiii. ch. v. sect. 9, and ch. x. sect. 4auid; b. xviii. ch. i. sect .5; and con pared with th s , in h.s Wars of the Jews, h. i ch. viii. .<eri -J. 14. NDr | di>es«t.P:inl h.mseU reasin to Genlilts »< Athens, Acts XTii. tO, M, as he does to Jews in bis Lpi&tles. continual pains in his colon, and dropsical tumours about his feet, and an inflammation of the abdomen, — and a putrefaction of his privy member, that produced worms. Besides which he had a difficulty of breathing upon him, and could not breathe bu* when he ?at upright, and had a convulsion cf all Lii members; insomuch that the divin'^rs said those diseases were a punishment upon oim for what he hud done to the rabbins. Yet did he struggle with his numerous disorders, and still had a desire to live, and hope for recovery, and con- sidered of several methods of cure. Atcx^rd- ingly, he went over Jordan, and made u8 ^ of those hot baths at Callirrhoe, which run into the lake Asphaltitis, but are themselves sweet enough to be drank. And here the physicians thought proper to bathe his whole body in warm oil, by letting it down into a large vessel full of oil; whereupon his eyes failed him, and he came and went as if he were dying; and as a tumult was then made by his servants, at their voice he revived again. Yet did he after this despair of recovery, and gave orders that each soldier should have fifty drachmoe a-piece, and that his commanders and friends should have great sums of money given them. 6. He then returned back and came to Jericho, in such a melancholy state of body as almost threatened him with present death, when he proceeded to attempt a horrid wicked- ness; for he got together the most illustrious men of the whole Jewish nation, out of every village, into a place called the Hippodrome, and there shut them in. He then called for his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, and made this speech to them: — "I know well enough that the Jews wiK keep a festival upon my death; however, it is in my power to be mourned for on other accounts, and to have a splendid funeral, if you will but be subservient to my commands. Do you but tekt care to send soldiers to encompass these men that are now in custody, and slay them immediately upon my death, and then all Judea, and every family of them, will weep at it whether they will or no." 7. Th^^e were the commands he gave them : when there came letters from his ambassadors at Rome, whereby information was given that Acme was put to death at Caesar's command, and that Antipater was condemned to die; however, they wrote withal, that if Herod had a mind rather to banish him, Caesar permitted him so to do. So he for a little while revived, and had a desire to live; but presently after he was overborne by his pains, and was disordered by want of food, and by a convulsive cough, and endeavoured to pre- vent H natural death ; so he took an apple, and asked for a knife, for he used to pare aprles and eat them; he then looked round abu It to see that there was nobody to hinder h'.m, and lifted up his right hand as if he would 606 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK I. stab himself; but Achiabus, his first cousin, came running to him, and held his hand, and hinders him from so doing; on which occa- sion a very great lamentation was made in the palace as if the king were expiring. As soon as ever Antipater he^rd that, he took courage, ar.d with joy in his looks, besought his keep- ers, for a sum of money, to loose him and let him go; but the principal keeper of the prison did not only obstruct him in that his intention, but ran and told the king what his design was; hereupon the king cried out louder than his distemper would well bear, and immedi- ately sent some of his guards and slew Anti- pater; he also gave order to have him buried at Hyrcanium, and altered his testament again, — and therein made Archelaus, his eldest son, and the brother of Antipas, hisi successor; and made Antipas tetrarcb. 8'. So Herod, having surviving the slaughter of his son five days, died, having reigned thirty-four years, since he had caused Antigo- nus to be slain, and obtained his kingdom ; but thirty-seven years since he had been made king by the Romans. Now, as for his for- tune, it was prosperous in all other respects, if ever any other man could be so; since, from a private man, he obtained the kingdom, and kept it so long, and left it to his own sons; but still in his domestic aflfairs, he was a most imfortunate man. Now before the soldiers knew of his death, Salome and her husband came out and dismissed those that were in bonds, whom the king had com- manded to be slain, and told them that he had altered his mind, and would have every one of them sent to their own homes. When these men were gone, Salome told the soldiers [the king was dead], and got them and the rest of the multitude together to an assembly, in the amphitheatre at Jericho, where Ptolemy, who was intrusted by the king with his signet- ring, came before them, and spake of the hap- P'r.ess the king had attained, and comforted the multitude, and read the epistle which had been left for the soldiers, wherein he earnestly exhorted them to bear good-will to his suc- cessor ; and after he had read the epistle, he opened and read .his testament, wherein Philip was to inherit Trachonitis, and the neighbouring countries, and Antipas was to be tetrarch, as we said before, and Archelaua was made king. He had also been com- manded to carry Herod's ring to Caesar, and the settlements he had made, sealed up, b':- cause Caesar was to be lord of all the settle- ments he bad made, and was to confirm bis testament; and he ordered that the disposi- tions he had made were to be kept as they were in his former testament. 9. So there was an acclamation made to Archelaus, to congratulate him upon hia advancement; and the soldiers, with the mul- titude, went round about in troops, and pro- mised him their good- will, and besides, prajed God to bless his government. After this, they betook themselves to prepare for the king's funeral; and Archelaus omitted no- thing of magnificence therein, but brought out all the royal ornaments to augment the pomp of the deceased. There was a bier all ot gold, embroidered with precious stones, and a pur- ple bed of various contexture, with the dead body upon it, covered with purple; and a diadem was put upon his head, and a crown of gold above it, and a sceptre in his right hand; and near to the bier were Herod's sons, and a multitude of his kindred; next to whom came his guards, and the regiment of Thra- cians, the Germans also and Gauls, all ac- coutred as if they were going jto war; but the rest of the army went foremost, armed, and following their captains and officers in a regular manner; after whom, five hundred of his domestic servants and freed-men followed, with sweet spices in their hands; and the body was carried two hundred furlongs, to Herodium, where he had given order to hn buried. And this shall suffice for the con- clusion of the life of Herod. 607 BOOK II. OONTAININO THB INTERVAL OF 8IXTY-NINK TBASS. FBOM THE DEATH OF HEROD TILL VESPASIAN WAS SENT TO SUBDUE THE JEWS BY NEEO. CHAPTER L /UtTHELAUS MAKES A FUNERAL FEAST FOR THB PEOPLE, ON THE ACCOUNT OF HEROD. AFTER WHICH A GREAT TUMULT IS RAISED BY THE MULTITUDE, AND HE SENDS THE SOLDIERS OUT UPON THEM, WHO DESTROY ABOUT THREE THOUSAND OF THEM. fi 1. Now the necessity which Archelaus was urder of taking a journey to Roaie was the occasion of new disturbances, for when he had mourned for his father seven days,* and had given a very expensive funeral feast to the multitude (which custom is the occasion of poverty to many of the Jews, because they are forced to feast the multitude; for if any one omits it, he is not esteemed a ht^y per- son), he put on a white garment, and went up to the temple, where the people accosted hini with various acclamations. He also spake kindly to the multitude, from an elevated seat a«d a throne of goW, and returned them thanks for the zeal they had shown about his father's funeral, and the submission tbey had mad? to him, as if he were already settled in the kingdom; but he told them withal, that he would not at present take upon him either the authority of a king, or the names thereto belonging, until Caesar, who is made lord of *,his whole affair by the testament, confirms the succession ; for that when the soldiers would have set the diadem on his head at Je- richo, he would not accept of it ; but that he would make abundant requitals, not to the soldiers only, but to the people, for their alac- • Hear Dean A Id rich's note on this place : "The law •rcastona of the Jews (says he) requires seven days' Mj«irnine for the dead (Antiq. b. xvii ch. viii. sect. 4); w Vnce the author of the book of F.cclesiasticus (ch. xx i. *3^ assigns seven days as the proper time of mourning for tne dead, and (ch.xxxviii. 17) enjoins men to moura for the dead, that they may not be evil spoken of; f.T, as Josepbas savs presently, if any one omits this mournin(r [funeral feast], he is not estet-roed a holy person. Now 4t is certain that such a seven days' mournin? has bt-ea rnstomary fr.>m times of the greatest atitiquity, (i«-n. I. 10. Funeral feasts are a'so mentioned as of considerable «ntiquity, Ezek. xxiv. 17; Jer. xii. 7; Frov. xxxi. 6; Deut. xxvL 14; Josephus, {Of the War, b. iii. ch. ix. •ecu d.)" [ rity and good- will to him, when the superior j lords [the Romans] sboul. have given him a complete title to the kingdom ; frw Xb&t it should be his study to appear in all things better than his father. 2. Upon this the multitude were pleased, and presently made a trial of what he intended, by asking great things of him; for some marie a clamour that he would ease them in their taxes; others, that he would take off the duties upon commodities; and some, that be would ioose-those that were in prison ; in aW which cases he answered readily to their satis- faction, in order to get the good- will of the multitude; after which he oflfered [the proper] sacritiees, and feasted with his friends. And here it was that a great many of those that desired innovations came in crowds towaras the evening, and began then to mourn on their own account, when the^jublic mourning for the king was over. These lamented those that were put to death by Herod, because they had cut down the golden eagle that had be n over the gate of the temfile. Nor was this mourning of aljrivate nature, but the lamen- tations were very great, the mourning solenni, and the weeping such as was loudly heard all over the city, as being for those men who hnd perished for the laws of their country, and for the temple. They cried out, that a pun- ishment ought to be inflicted for these men upon those that were honoured by Herod ; and that, in the first place, the man whom he had made high-priest should be deprived; and that it was fit to choose a person of greater piety and purity than he was. 3. At these clamours Archelaus was pro- voked ; but restrained himself from taking vengeance on the authors, on account of the haste he was in of going to Rome, as fearing lest, upon his making war on the multitude, such an action might detain him at home. Accordingly, he made trial to quiet the inno- vators by persuasion rather than by force, and sent his petjeral in a private way to them, and by him exhorted them to be quiet. But the seditious threw stones at him, and drove him away, as he came iut.o the temple, and befor* 608 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK II. he could say any thing to them. The like treatment they showed to others, who came to them after him, many of whom were sent by Archelaus, in order to reduce them to sobrie- ty, and these answered still on all occasions after a passionate manner; and it openly ap- peared that they would not be quiet, if their numbers were but considerable. And indeed, at the feast of unleav ^ned bread, which was now at hand, and Is by the Jews called the passover, and used to be celebrated with a great number of sacrifices, an innumerable multitude of the people came out of the coun- try to worship: some of these stood in the temple bewailing the rabbins [that had been put to death], and procured their sustenance by begging, in order to support their sedition. At this Archelaus was affrighted, and pri- vately sent a tribune, with his cohort of sol- diers upwn them, before the disease should spread over the whole multitude, and gave orders that they should constrain those that began the tumult, by force, to be quiet. At these the whole multitude wore irritated, and threw stones at many of the soldiers, and killed them ; but the tribune fled away wounded, and had much ado to escape so. After which they betook themselves to their sacrifices, as if they had done no mischief; nor did it appear to Archelaus that the multitude could be restrained without bloodshed ; so he sent his whole array upon them, the footmen in great multitudes, by the way of the city, and the horsemen "by the way of the plain, who, falling upon them on the sudden, as they were ofiering their sacrifices, destroyed about three thousand of them ; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed upon the adjoining mountains: these were followed by Arche- laus's heralds, who commanded every one to retire to their own homes; whither they al) went, and left the festival. - CHAPTER n. ARCHELAtJS GOES TO ROME WITH A GREAT NUMBER OF HIS KINDRED: HE IS THERE ACCUSED BEFORE CiESAR BY ANTIPATEi ; BUT IS SUPERIOR TO HIS ACCUSERS IN JUDGMe'nT, BY THE MEANS OF THAT DE- FENCE WHICH NICpLAUS MADE FOR HIM. § 1. Archelaus went down now to the Bea-side, with his mother and his friends, Poplas, and Ptolemy, and Nicolaus, and left behind him Philip, to be his steward in the palace, and to take care of his domestic affairs, tialome went also along with him with her •on 8, as did also the king's brethren and ■ons-in-law. These, in appearance, went to g?v« him all the assistance they were able, in onUtr to secure bis succession, but in reality to arcifte him for his breach of the laws by what he had done at the temple. 2 But as they were come to Cesarea, Sabi- nu9, the procurator of Syria, met ibtm ; he was going up to Judea, to secure Herod** effects; but Varus [president of Syrrr], who was come thither, restrained him from going any farther. This Varus, Archelaus nad sent for, by the earnest entreaty of Ptoleiry. At this time, indeed, Sabinus, to gratify Varus, neither went to the citadels, nor did he shut up the treasuries where his father's money was laid up, but promised that he would lie still, until Caesar should have taken cogni- zance of the affair. So he abode at Cesarean but as soon as those that were his hinderance were gone, when Varus was gone to Antioch, and Archelaus was sailed to Rome, he iq^me- diately went on to Jerusalem, and seized upon the palace; and when he had called for the governors of the citadels, and the stewards [of the king's private affairs], he tried to sift out the accounts of the money, and to take possession of the citadels. But the gover- nors of those citadels were not unmindful of the commands laid upon them by Archelaus, and continued to guard them, and said, the custody of them rather belonged to Caesar than to Archelaus. 3. In the mean time Antipas went also to Rome, to strive for the kingdom, and to insist that the former testament, wherein he was named to be king, was valid before the latter testament. Salome had also pnomised to as- sist him, as had many of Archelaus's kindred, who sailed along with Archelaus himself also. He also carried along with him his mother, and Ptolemy, the brother of Nicolaus, who seemed one of great weight, on account of the great trust Herod put in him, he having been one of his most honoured friends. Hovv- ever, Antipas depended chiefly upon Ireneus, the orator; upon whose authority he had rejected such as advised him to yield to Ar- che^us, because he was his elder brother, and because the second testament gave the king- dom to him. The inclinations also of all Archelaus's kindred, who hated him, were removed to Antipas, when they came to Rome; although, in the first place, every one rather desired to live under their own laws [without a king], and to be under a Roman governor ; but if they should fail in that point, these desired that Antipas might be their king. 4. Sabinus did also afford these his aosist- ance to the same purpose by the letters he sent, wherein he accused Archelaus before Caesar, and highly commended Antipas. Salome also, and those with her, put the crimes which they accused Archelaus of in order, jind put them into Caesar's hands; and after they hud done that, Archelaus wrote down the reasons of his claim, and, by Ptolemy, sent in his father's ring, and his father's arrounts; and when C«6ar had maturely weight-d by himself what CHAP. IlL. WARS OF THE JEWS. ao9 both had to allege for themselves, as also had considered of the great burden of the king- dom, and largeness of the revenues, and withal the number of the children Herod had left behind him; and had moreover read the letters be had received from Varus and Sabinus on this occasion, be assembled the principal per- sons among the Romans together (in which Hssembly Caius, the son of Agrippa and his (iaughter Julias, but by himself adopted for his own son, sat in the first seat^ and gave the ploHflers leave to speak. 5. Then stood up Salome's son, Antipater (who of all Archelaus's antagonists was the i^hrewdest pleader), and accused him in the following speech: — That Archelaus did in svords contend for the kingdom, but that in deeds he had long exercised royal authority, nnd so did insult Csesar in desiring to be now heard on that account, since he had not staid for his determination about the succes- gioii, and since he had suborned certain per- sons, after Herod's death, to move for putting the diadem upon his head; since he had set himself down in the throne, and given answers ■*s a king, and altered the disposition of the army, ar«d granted to some higher digiiities: that he had also complied in all things with the people in the requests they had made to him as to their king, and had also dismissed those that had been put into bonds by his father, for most important reasons. Now, after all this, he desires the shadow of that royal authority, whose substance he had al- ready seized to himself, and so hath made Caesar lord, not of things, but of words. He also reproached him farther, that his mourning for his father was only pretended, w^hile he put on a sad countenance in the day-time, but drank to great excess in the night; from which behaviour, he said, the late disturbances among the multitude came, while they had an indignation thereat; and indeed the pur- port of his whole discourse was to aggravate Archelaus's crime in slaying such a multitude about the temple, which multitude came to the festival, but were barbarously slain in the midst of their own sacrifices; and he said there was such a vast number of dead bodies heaped together in the temple, as even a foreign war, should that come upon them [suddenly], before it was denounced, could not have heaped together; and he added, that it was the foresight his father had of that his barbarity, which made him never give him any hopes of the kingdom; but when his mind was more infirm than his body, and he was not able to reason soundly, and did not well know what was the character of that son, whom in his second testament he made his successor; and this was done by him at a time when he had no complaints to make of him whom he had named before, when he was sound in V)ody, and when his mind was free (rom all passion. That, however, if any one should suppose Herod's judgment, when he was sick, was superior to that at another time, yet had Archelaus forfeited his kingdom by his own behaviour, and those his actions, which were contrary to the law, and to its disadvantage. Or what sort of a king will this man be, when he bath obtained the go- vernment from Caesar, who hath slain so many before he hath obtained it! 6. When Antipater had spoken largely to this purpose, and had produced a great num- ber of Archelaus's kindred as witnesses, to prove every part of the accusation, he ended his discourse. Then stood up Nicolaus to plead for Archelaus. He alleged that the slaughter in the temple could not be avoided; that those that were slain were become ene- mies not to Archelaus's kingdom only, but to Caesar, who was to determine about him. He also demonstrated, that Archelaus's ac- cusers had advised him to perpetrate other things of which he might have been accused ; but he insisted that the latter testament should, for this reason, above all others, be esteemed valid, because Herod had therein appointed Caesar to be the person who should confirm the succession ; for he who showed such pru- dence as to recede from his own power, and yield it up to the lord of the world, cannot be supposed mistaken in his judgment about him that was to be his heir; and he that so well knew whom to choose for arbi- trator of the succession, could not be un- acquainted with him whom he chose for his successor. 7. When Nicolaus had gone through all he had to say, Archelaus came, and fell down before Caesar's knees, without any noise; — upon which he raised him up, after a very obliging manner, and declared, that truly he was worthy to succeed his father. How- ever, he still made no firm determination in his case; but when he had dismissed those assessors that had been with him that day, he deliberated by himself about the allega- tions which he had heard, whether it were fit to constitute any of those named in the testa- ments for Herod's successor, or whether the government should be parted among all his posterity; and this because of the number of those that seemed to stand in need of support therefrom. CHAPTER III. THE JEWS FIGHT A GREAT BATTLE WITH SABINUS'S SOLDIERS, AND A GREAT DE- STRUCTION IS MADE AT JERUSALEM. § 1. Now before Caesar had determined any thing about these afl^airs, Malthace, Arche- * laus's mothtT, fell sick and died. Letters also were brought out of Syria from Varus, about a revolt of the Jews. This was foreseen by Varus, 20 610 WARS OF THE JEWS, ROOK II who accordingly, after Archelaus was sailed, went up to Jerusalem to restrain the promo- ters of the sedition, since it was manifest that the nation would not be at rest; so he left one of those legions which he brought with him out of Syria in the city, and went him- self to Antioch. But Sabinus came, after he was gone, and gave them an occasion of making innovations; for he compelled the keepers of the citadels to deliver them up to him, and made a bitter search after the king's money, as depending not only on the soldiers who were left by Varus, but on the multitude of his own servants, all whom he armed and used as the instruments of his covetousness. Now when that feast, which was observed after seven weeks, and which the Jews called Pentecost (i. e. the 50th day) was at hand, its name being taken from the number of the days [after the Passover], the people got to- gether, but not on account of the accustomed divine worship, but of the indignation they had [at the present state of affairs]. Where- fore an immense multitude ran together, out of Galilee, and Idumea, and Jericho, and Perea that was beyond Jordan; but the peo- ple that naturally belonged to Judea itself were above the rest both in number and in the alacrity of the men. So they distributed them- selves into three parts, and pitched their camps in three places; one at the north side of the temple, another at the south side, by the Hippodrome, and the third part were at the palace on the west. So tbey lay round about the Romans on every side, and besieged them. 2. Now Sabinus was affrighted, both at their multitude and at their courage, and sent - messengers to Varus continually, and be- sought him to come to his succour quickly, for that, if he delayed, his legion would be cut to pieces. As for Sabinus himself, he got up to the highest tower of the fortress, which was called Phasaelus; it is of the same name with Herod's brother, who was destroyed by the Parthians; and then he made signs to the sol- diers of that legion to attack the enemy ; for his astonishment was so great, that he durst not go down to his own men. Hereupon the soldiers were prevailed upon, and leaped out into the temple, and fought a terrible battle with the Jews; in which, while there were none over their heads to distress them, they were too hard for them, by their skill, and the others' want of skill in war; but when once many of the Jews had gotten up to the top of the cloisters, and threwtheirdarts down- wards upon the beads of the Romans, there were a great many of them destroyed. Nor was it easy to avenge themselves upon those • that threw their weapons from on high, nor was it more easy for them to sustain those who came to fight them hand to hand. 3. Since therefore the Romans were sorely llfflicted by both these circumstances, they set fire to the cloisters, which were works to be admired, both on account of their magnitude and costliness. Whereupon those that were above them were presently encompassed with the flame, and many of them perished there- in ; as many of them also were destroyed by the enemy, who came suddenly upon them ; some of them also threw themselves dovvn from the walls backward, and some there were, who, from the desperate condition they were in, prevented the fire, by killing themselves with their own swords: but so many of them as crept out from the walls, and came upon the Romans, were easily mastered by them, by reason of the astonishment they were under; until at last some of the Jews being destroyed, and others dispersed by the terror they were in, the soldiers fell upon the trea- sure of God, which was novtr deserted, and plundered about four hundred talents, of which sum Sabinus got together all that was not carried away by the soldiers. 4. However, this destruction of the works [about the temple], and of the men occa- sioned a much greater number, and those of a more warlike sort, to get together, to oppose the Romans. These encompassed the palace round, and threatened to destroy all that were in it, unless they went their ways quickly ; for they promised that Sabinus should come to no harm, if he should go out with his legion. There were also a great many of the king's party who deserted the Romans, and assisted the Jews; yet did the most warlike body of them all, who were three thousand of the men of Sebaste, go over to the Romans. Rufus also, and Gratus, their captains, did the same (Gratus having the foot of the king's party under him, and Rufus the horsej; each of whom, even without the forces under them, were of great weight, on account of their strength and wisdom, which turn the scales in war. Now the Jews persevered in the siege, and tried to break down the walls of the fortress, and cried out to Sabinus and his party, that they should go their ways, and not prove a hinderance to them, now they hopcl, after a long time, to recover that ancieiit liberty which their forefathers had enjoyed. Sabinus indeed was well contented to get out of the danger he was in; but he distrusted the assurances the Jews gave him, and suspected such gentle treatment was but a bait laid as a snare for them : this consideration, together with the hopes he had of succour from Varus, made him bear the siege still longer. CHAP. IV. V, WARS OF THE JEWS. 611 CHAPTER IV. HCROD*S VETERAN SOLDIERS BECOME TDMUL- TUOUa. THE ROBBERIES OF JUDAS. SIMON AND ATHRONGEU3 TAKE THE NAME OF KING UPON THEM. § 1. At this time there were great disturb- mces in the country, and that in many places; ind the opportunity that now offered itself Jiduced a great many to set up for kings; and jideed in Idumea two thousand of Herod's eet*an soldiers got together, and armed them- selves and fought agtiinst those of the king's party ; against whom Achiabus, the king's first lousin, fought, and that out of some of the places that were the most strongly fortified ; but so as to avoid a direct conflict with them in the plains. In Sepphoris also, a city of Galilee, there was one Judas Cthe son of that 3t*ch robber Hezekias, who formerly overran the country, and had been subdued by king Herod); this man got no small multitude together, and broke open the place where the royal armour was laid up, and armed those about him, and attacked those that were so "arnest to gain the dominion. 2. In Perea also, Simon, one of the ser- vants to the king, relying upon the handsome appearance, and talluess of his body, put a diadem upon his own head also; he also went about with a company of robbers that he had gotten together, and burnt down the royal palace that was at Jericho, and many other costly edifices besides, and procured himself very easily spoils by rapine, as snatching them out of the fire ; and he had soon burnt down all the fine edifices, if Gratus, the captain of the foot of the king's party, had not taken the Trachonite archers, and the most warlike of Sebaste, and met the man. His footmen were jlain in the battle in abundance ; Gratus also ?ut to pieces Simon himself, as he was flying ilong a strait valley, when he gave him an )blique stroke upon his neck, as he ran away, ind broke it. The royal palaces that were lear Jordan, at Betharamptha, were also burnt iown by some other of the seditious that came Dut of Perea. 3. At this time it was that a certain shep- aerd ventured to set himself up for a king: ne was called Athrongeus. It was his strength 3f bo<]y that made him expect such a dignity, IS well as his soul, which despised death ; and Desides these qualifications, he had four bre- thren like himself. He put a troop of armed tnen under each of these his brethren, and made use of them as his generals and com- manders, when he made his incursions, while he did himself act like a king, and meddled only with the more important affairs ; and at this time he put a diadem about his head, and cntinued after t.ha to over-run the couutrv for no little time with Lis brethren, and be- came their leader in killing both the Romans and those of the king's party ; nor did any Jew escape him, if any gain could accrue to him thereby. He once ventured to encom- pass a whole troop of Romans at Emmaus, who were carrying corn and weapons to their legion : his men shot their arrows and darts and thereby slew their centurion Arius, an forty of the stoutest of his men, while th rest of them, who were in danger of the same fate, upon the coming of Gratus, with those of Sebaste, to their assistance, escaped ; and when these men had thus served both their own countrymen and foreigners, and that through this whole war, three of them were after some time subdued ; the eldest by Arche- laus, the two next by falling into the hands of Gratus and Ptolemeus ; but the fourth delivered himself up to Archelaus, upon his giving him his right hand for his security. However, this their end was not till after- ward, while at present they filled all Judea with a piratic war. CHAPTER V. VARUS COMPOSES THE TUMULTS IN JUDEA, AND CRUCIFIES ABOUT TWO THOUSAND OP THE SEDITIOUS. § 1. Upon Varus's reception of the letters that were written by Sabinus and the captains, he could not avoid being afraid for the whole legion [he had left there]. So he made haste to their relief, and took with him the other two legions, with the four troops of horsemen to them belonging, and marched to Ptolemais, — having given orders for the auxiliaries that were sent by the kings and governors of cities to meet him there. Moreover, he received from the people of Berytus, as he passed through their city, fifteen hundred armed men. Now as soon as the other body of auxi- liaries were come to Ptolemais, as well as Aretus the Arabian (who, out of the hatred he bore to Herod, brought a great army of horse and foot), Varus sent a part of his arm) presently to Galilee, which lay near to Ptole- mais, and Caius, one of his friends, for theit captain. This Caius put those that met him to flight, and took the city Sepphoris, and burnt it, and made slaves of its inhabitants. But as for Varus himself, he marched to Sa- maria with his whole army, where he did not meddle with the city itself, because he found that it had made no commotion during these troubles, but pitched his camp about a certain village which was called Arus. It belonged to Ptolemy, and on that account was plun- dered by the Arabians, who were very angry even at Herod's friends also. He thence marched on to the village Sampho, another 012 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK n. fortified place, which they plundered, as they had done the other. As they carried off all the money they lighted upon belonging to the public revenues, all was now full of fire and bloodshed, and nothing could resist the plun- ders of the Arabians. Emmaus was also burnt, upon the flight of its inhabitants, and this at the command of Varus, out of his rage at the slaughter of those that were about Arias. 2. Thence he marched on to Jerusalem, and as soon as he was but seen by the Jews, he made their camps disperse themselves: they also went away, and fled up and down the country. But the citizens received him, and cleared themselves of having any hand in this revolt, and said that they had raised no com- motions, but had only been forced to admit the multitude, because of the festival, and that they were rather besieged together with the Romans, than assisted those that had revolted. There had before this met him Joseph, the first cousin of Archelaus, and Grartus, together with Rufus, who led those of Sebaste, as well as the king's army: there also met him those of the Roman legion, ai;nied after their accustomed manner ; for as to Sabinus, he durst not come into Varus's sight, but was gone out of the city before this, to the sea-side. But Varus sent a part of his army into the country, against those that had been the authors of this commotion, and as they caught great numbers of them, those that appeared to have been the least concerned in these tumults he put into cus- tody, but such as were the most guilty he crucified ; these were in number about two thousand'. 3. He was also informed that there con- tinued in Idumea ten thousand men still in arms ; but when he found that the Arabians did not act 'ike auxiliaries, but managed the war according to their own passions, and did mischief to the country otherwise than he in- tended, and this out off their hatred to Herod, he sent them away, but made haste, with his own legions, to march against those that had revolted ; but these, by the advice of Achia- bus, delivered themselves up to him before it came to a battle. Then did Varus forgive the multitude their offences, but sent their cap- tains to Caesar to be examined by him. Now Caesar forgave the rest, but gave orders that certain of the king's relations (for some of those that were among them were Herod's kinsmen) should be put to death, because they had engaged in a war against a king of their own family. When, therefore. Varus had set- tled matters at Jerusalem after this manner, and had left the former legion there as a gar- ~ he returned to Antioch. CHAPTER VI. THE JEWS GREATLY COMPLAIN OF ARCHE- LAUS, AND DESIRE THAT THEY MAY BE MADE SUBJECT TO ROMAN GOVERNORS. BUT WHEN C^SAU HAD HEARD WHAT THEY HAD TO SAY, HE DISTRIBUTED HEROD's DOMINIONS AMONG HIS SONS, ACCORDING TO HIS OWN PLEASURE. § 1. But now came another accusation from the Jews against Archelaus at Rome, which be was to answer to. It was made by those ambassadors who, before the revolt, had come, by Varus's permission, to plead for the liberty of their country ; those that came were fifty in number, but there were more than eight thousand of the Jews at Rome who supported them ; and when Caesar had assembled a coun- cil of the principal Romans in Apollo's* tem- ple, that was in the palace (this was what* he had himself built and adorned, at a vast expense), the multitude of the Jews stood with the ambassadors, and on the other side stood Archelaus, with his friends : but as for the kindred of Archelaus, they stood on nei- ther side ; for to stand on Archelaus's side, their hatred to him, and envy at him, would notgive them leave ; while yet they were afraid to be seen by Caesar with his accusers. Be- sides these, there was present Archelaus's brother, Philip, being sent thither beforehand, out of kindness, by Varus, for two reasons : the one was this, that he might be ^^sisting to Archelaus ; and the other was this, that in case Caesar should make a distribution of what Herod possessed among his posterity, he might obtain some share of it. 2. And now, upon the permission that was given the accusers to speak, they, in the first place, went over Herod's breaches of their law, and said that he was not a king, but the most barbarous of all tyrants, and that they had found him to be such by the sufferings they underwent from him : that when a very great number h;»d been slain by him, those that were left bad endured such miseries, that they called those that were dead happy men ; that he had not only tortured the bodies of his subjects, but entire cities, and had done much harm to the cities of his own country, while he adorned those that belonged to foreigners; and he shed the blood of Jews, in order to do kindness to those people who were out of their bounds: that he had filled the nation full of poverty, and of the greatest iniquity, instead of that happiness and those laws which they had anciently enjoyed ; that, in short, the • This holdinff of a council in thi* temple of Apullo.io the emneror'n palace at Rome, by AuRintus. and even the buildint; of thi» temple maeniflcenlly \\j hlmnelf in that palace, are exactly acreeabic to Aufiu^tiis, in hi* cidrr vears, a* Aldrirh and Spanhcim observe atd from Suetonius and I'ropcrtius CHAP. VII. WARS OF THE JEWS. «iS J !\vs had borne more calamities from Herod, in a few y<;ars, than had their forefathers diir- iuf; all that interval of time that had passed sir)ce they had come out of Babylon, and re- turned home, in the reign of Xerxes :* that, • however, the nation was come to so low a con- dition, by being inured to hardships, that they submitted to his succ«^ssor of their own accord, though he brought them into bitter slavery; that accordingly they readily called Archelaus, though he was the son of so great a tyrant, king, after the decease of his father, and joined with him in mourning for the death of Herod, and in wishing him good success in that his succession; while yet this Archelaus, lest he should be in danger of not being thought the genuine son of Herod, beg^n his reign with the murder of three thousand citizens; as if he had a mind to offer so many bloody sacri- fices to God for his government, and to fill the temple with the like number of dead bodies at that festival: that, however, those th:it were left after so many miseries, had just reason to consider now at last the calamities they had undergone, and to oppose them- selves, like soldiers in war, to receive those stripes upon their faces, [but not upon their backs as hitherto]. Whereupon they prayed that the Romans would have compassion upon the [poor] remains of Judea, and not expose what was left of them to such as bar- barously tore them to pieces, and that they would join their country to Syria, and admi- nister the government by their own comman- ders, whereby it would [soon] be demonstrated that those who are now under the calumny of seditious persons, and lovers of war, know how to bear governors that are set over them, if they be but tolerable ones. So the Jews concluded their accusations with this request. Then rose up Nicolaus, and confuted the accu- sations that were brought against the kings, and himself accused the Jewish nation, as hard to be ruled, and as naturally disobedient to kings. He also reproached all those kins- men of Archelaus who had left him and were gone over to his accusers. 3. So Caesar, after he had heard both sides, dissolved the assembly for that time; but a f^nv days afterward, he gave the one half of Herod's kingdom to Archelaus, by the name of Ethnarch, and promised to make him king also afterward, if he rendered himself worthy of that dignity; but as to the other half, he divided it into two tetrachies, and gave them to two other sons of Herod, the one of them to Philip, and the other to that Antipas who contested the kingdom with Archelaus. Un- der this last was Perea and Galilee, with a revenue of two hundred talents: but Batanea, • Here we have a strong confirmation that it was Xerxes, and not Artaxerxes, under whom the main part of the Jews returned ont of the Babylonian captivity; i.e. in the days of Ezra and Nehemiah. The same thing is in the Antiq. b. xi. cbap. t. sect 1 and Trachonitis, and Auranitis, and certain parts of Zeno's house about Jamnia. wun a revenue of a hundred talents, were made suo- ject to Philip; while Idumea, and all Judea, and Samaria, were parts of the ethnarciv lii Archelaus, although Samaria was eased ot one quarter of its taxes, out of regard to lueir not having revolted with the rest of the ration. He also made subject to him the following cities, viz. Strato's Tower, and Sebaste, and Joppa, and Jerusalem ; but as to the Grecian cities GiTza, and Gadara, and Hippos, be cut them off from the kingdom, and added them to Syria. Now the revenue of the country that was given to Archelaus, was four hun- dred talents. Salome also, besides what the king had left her in his testaments, was now made mistress of Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis. Caesar did moreover bestow upon her the royal palace of Ascalon; by all which she got together a revenue of sixty talents; but he put her house under the ethnarchy of Archelaus; and for the rest of Herod's off- spring, they received what was bequeathed to them in his testaments; but, besides that, Cae- sar granted to Herod's two virgin daughters five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver, and gave them in marriage to the sons of Phero- ras: but after this family distribution, he gave between them what had been bequeathed t» him by Herod, which was a thousand talents, reserving to himself only some inconsiderable presents, in honour of the deceased. * ^ CHAPTER VIL THE HISTORY OF THE SPURIOUS ALEXANDER, ARCHELAUS IS BANISHED, AND GLAPHYRA DIES, AFTER WHAT WAS TO HAPPEN TO BOTH OF THEM HAD BEEN SHOWN THEM fN DREAMS. § 1. In the mean time there was a man, who was by birth a Jew, but brought up at Sidon with one of the Roman freed-men, who falsely pretended, on account of the resemblance of their countenances, that he was that Alex- ander who was slain by Herod. This man came to Rome, in hopes of not being de- tected! He had one who was his assistant, of his own nation, and who knew all the af- fairs of the kingdom, and instructed him to say how those that were sent to kill him and Aris- tobulus had pity upon them, and stole them away, by putting bodies that were like theirs in their places. This man deceived the Jews that were at Crete, and got a great deal of money of them, for travelling in splendour; and thence sailed to Melos, where he was thought so certainly genuine, that he got a great deal more money, and prevailed with those who had treated him to sail along with him to Rome. So he landed at Dicearchia [Puteoli], and got very large presents from 614 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK II the Jews who dwelt there, and was conducted by his father's friends as if he were a king ; nay, the resemblance in his countenance pro- cured him so much credit that those who had Been Alexander, and had known him very well, would take their oaths that he was the very same person. Accordingly, the whole body of the Jews that were at Rome ran out in crowds to see him, and an innumerable nniltitude there was who stood in the narrow places through which he was carried ; for those of Melos were so far distracted, that they carried hira in a sedan, and maintained a royal attendance for him at their own proper charges. 2. But Caesar, who knew perfectly well the lineaments of Alexander's face, because he had been accused by Herod before him, discerned the fallacy in his countenance, even before he saw the man. However, he suffered the agreeable fame that went of him to have some weight with him, and sent Celadus, one who well knew Alexander, and ordered him to bring the young rtian to him. But when Caesar saw him, he immediately discerned a difference in his countenance; and when he had discovered that his whole body was of a more robust texture, and like that of a slave, he understood the whole was a contrivance. But the impudence of what he said greatly provoked him to be angry at him ; for when he was asked about Aristobulus, he said that he was also preserved alive, and was left on purpose in Cyprus, for fear of treachery, be- cause it vvould be harder for plotters to get them both into their power whil^ they were separate. Then did Caesar take him by him- self privately, and said to him, — " I will give thee thy life, if thou wilt discover who it was that persuaded thee to forge such stories." So he said that he would discover him,, and followed Caesar, and pointed to that Jew who abused the resemblance of his face to get money; for that he had received more pre- sents in every city than ever Alexander did when he was alive. Caesar laughed fat the contrivance, and put this spurious Alexander among his rowers, on account of the strength of his body; but ordered him that persuaded him to be put to death. But for the. people of Melos, they had been sufficiently punished for their folly, by the expenses they bad be6n at on his account. 3. And now Archelaus took possession of his ethnarchy, and used not the Jews only, but the Samaritans also, barbarously; and this out of his resentment of their old quarrels with him. Whereupon they both of them sent ambassadors against him to Caisar; and in the ninth year of his government he was banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul, and his effect* were put into Caesar's treasury. Bat the report goes, that before he was sent for by Caesar, he seemed to see nine ears of corn, 'ull and large, but devoured by oxen. When, therefore, he had sent for the diviners, and some of the Chaldeans, and inquired of thejo what they thought it portended ; and wnen one of them had one interpretation, and ano- ther had another, Simon, one of the sect oi the Essens, said that he thought the ears ot corn denoted years; and the oxen denoted a mutation of things, because by their plough- ing they made an alteration of the country. That therefore he should reign as many years as there were ears of corn ; and after he had passed through various alterations of fortune, should die. Now five days after Archelaus had heard this interpretation, he was called to his trial. 4. I cannot but think it worthy to be re- corded what dream Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, had, who had at first been wife to Alexander, who was the brother of Archelaus, concerning whom we have been discoursing. This Alexander was the son of Herod the king, by whom he was put to death, as we have already related. This Glaphyra was married, after his death, to Juba, king of Libya ; and, after his death, was returned home, and lived a widow with her father. Then it was that Archelaus, the ethnarch, saw her, and fell so deeply in love with her, that he divorced Mariamne, who was then his wife, and married her. When, therefore, she was come into Judea, and had been there for a little while, she thought she saw Alexander stand by her, and that he said to her, — " Thy marriage with the king of Libya might have been sufficient for thee ; but thou wast not contented with him, but art returned again to my family, to a third husband ; and him, thou impudent woman, hast thou chosen for thine husband, who is my brother. However, I shall not overlook the injury thou hast offered me; 1 shall [soon] have thee again, whether thou wilt or not." Now Glaphyra hardly survived the narration of this dream of hers two days. CHAPTER Vm. ARCHELADS'S ETHNARCHY IS REDUCED INTO A [roman] province, the sedition of JUDAS OF GALILEE. THE THREE SECTS OP THE JEWS. § L And now Archelaus's part of Judea was reduced 4"to a province, and Coponius, one of the equestrian order among the Ro- mans, was sent as a procurator, having the power of [life and] death put into his hands by Ca>sar. Ilnrier his administration it was that a certain Galilean, whose name was Judas, prevailed with his countrymen to revolt; and said they were cowards if they would endure to pay a tax to the Rotnafis. and would, uft'T God, submit to mortal men as their icjics. CHAP. VIII. WARS OF THE JEWS. 615 This roan was a teacher of a peculiar sect of hi? own, and was not at all like the rest of those their leaders. 2. For there are three philosophical sects among the Jews. The followers of the first of whom are the Pharisees; of the second the Sadductes; and the third sect, who pretends to a severer discipline, are called Essens. These last are Jews by birth, and seem to have a greater affection for one another than the other sects have. These Essens reject pleasures as an evil, but esteem continence, and the conquest over our passions, to be vir- tue. They neglect wedlock, but choose out other persons' children, while they are pliable, and fit for learning; and esteem them to be of their kindred, and form them according to their own manners. They do not absolutely deny the fitness of marriage, and the succession of mankind thereby continued; but they guard against the lascivious behaviour of women, and are persuaded that none of them preserve their fidelity to one man. 3. These men are despisers of riches, and so very communicative as raises our admi- ration. Nor is there any one to be found among them who hath more than another; for it is a law among them, that those who come to them must let what they have be common to the whole order, — insomuch, that among them all there is no appearance of poverty or excess of riches, but every one's possessions are intermingled with every other's possessions; and so there is, as it were, one patrimony among all the brethren. They think that oil is a defilement; and if any one of them be anointed without his own approba- tion, it is wiped off his body; for they think to be sweaty is a good thing, as they do also to be clothed in white garments. They also have stewards appointed to take care of their common affairs, who every one of them have no separate business for any, but what is for the use of them all. 4. They have no certain city, but many of them dwell in every city; and if any of their sect come from other places, what they have lies open for them, just as if it were their own; and they go into such as they never knew before, as if they had been ever so long ac- quainted with them. For which reason they carry nothing with them when they travel into remote parts, though still they take their weapons with them, for fear of thieves. Ac- cordingly there is, in every city where they live, one appointed particularly to take care of strangers, and to provide garments and other necessaries for them. But the habit and management of their bodies is such as chil- dren use who are in fear of their masters. Nor do they allow of the change of garments, or of shoes, till they be first entirely torn to peces, or worn out by time. Nor do they eithi'r buy or sell any thing to one another: but every one of them gives what he hath to him that wanteth it, and receives from him again in lieu of it what may be convenient for himself; and although there be no requital made, they are fully allowed to take what they want of whomsoever they please. 5. And as for their piety towards God, it is very extraordinary; for before sun-rising they speak not a word about profane matters, but put up certain prayers which they have received from their forefathers, as if they made a supplication for its rising. After this every one of them are sent away by their curators, to exercise some of those arts wherein they are skilled, in which they labour with great diligence till the fifth hour. After which they assemble themselves together again into one place; and when they have clothed themselves in white veils, they then bathe their bodies in cold water. And after this purification is over, they every one meet together in an apartment of their own, into which it is not permitted to any of another sect to enter ; while they go, after a pure manner, into the dining-room, as into a certain holy temple, and quietly set themselves down; upon which the baker lays them loaves in order; the cook also brings a single plate of one sort of food, and sets it before every one of them; but a priest says grace before meat ; and it is unlawful for any one to taste of the food before grace be said. T^he same priest, when he hath dined, says grace again after meat; and when they begin, and when they end, they praise God, as he that bestows their food upon them; after which they lay aside their [white] garments, and betake them- selves to their labours again till the evening; then they return home to supper, after the same manner; and if there be any strangers there, they^it down with them. Nor is there ever any clamour or disturbance to pollute their house, but they give every one leave to speak in their turn; which silence thus kept in their house, appears to foreigners like some tremendous mystery; the cause of which is that perpetual sobriety they exercise, and the same settled measure of meat and drink that is allotted to them, and that such as is abun- dantly sufficient for them. 6. And truly, as for other things, they do nothing but according to the injunctions of their curators; only these two things are done among them at every one's own free will, which are, to assist those that want it, and to show mercy; for they are permitted of their own accord to afford succour to such as deserve it, when they stand in need of it, and to bestow food on those that are in distress; but they cannot give any thing to their kin- dred without the curators. They dispense their anger after a just manner, and re- strain their passion. They are eminent for fidelity, and are the ministers of peace; what- 616 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK IT. soever tbey «ay also is firmer than an oath ; but swearint: is avoided by them, and they esteem It worse than perjury:* for they say, that he wuo cannot be believed without [swearing by] God. IS already condemned. They also take great pains in studying the writings of the ancients, and choose out of them what is most for the advantage of their soul and body; and they inquire after such roots and medicinal stones as may cure their distempers. 7. But now, if any one hath a mind to come over to their sect, he is not immediately admitted, but he is prescribed the same method of living which they use, for a year, while he continues excluded; and they give him a small hatchet, and the fore-mentioned girdle, and the white garment. And when he hath given evidence, during that time, that he can observe their continence, he approaches nearer to their way of living, and is made a partaker of the waters of purification; yet is he not even now admitted to live with them; for after this demonstration of his fortitude, his temper is tried two more years, and if he appear to be worthy, they then admit him into their society. And before he is allowed to touch their common food, he is obliged to take tremendous oaths; that, in the first place, he will exercise piety towards God; and then, that he will observe justice towards men; and that he will do no harm to any one, either of his own accord, or by the command of others; that he will always hate the wicked, and be assistant to the righteous; that he will ever show fidelity to all men, and especially to those in authority, because no one obtains the government without God's assistance; and that if he be in authority, he will at no time whatever abuse his authority, nor endeavour to outshine his subjects, either in his garments, or any other finery; that he will, be perpetu- ally a lover of truth, and propose to himself to reprove those that tell lies; that he will keep his hands clear from theft, and his soul from unlawful gains; and that he will neither conceal any thing from those of his own sect, nor discover any of their doctrines to others, no, not though any one should compel him so to do at the hazard of his life. Moreover, • This practice of the Essens, in refusing to swear, and esteeming swearing, on ordinary occasions, worse than perjnry. is delivered here in general words, as are tlie parallel injunctions of our Saviour, Matt vi. 34; xxiii. 16; and of ^>t. James v. 12; hut all admit of par- ticular exceptions for solemn causes, and on great and necessary occasions. Thus these very Kssens, who here do so zealously avoid swearing, are related in the very next section, to admit none till they take tremendous oattis to perform their several duties to God, and to their neighbour, without supposing they thereby break this rule. Not to swear at all. The case is the same in Chris- tianity, as we learn from the Apostolical Constitutions, which, although they agree with Christ and St. James, in forbidding to swear in general, ch. v. 12, vi. 23; yet do they explain it elsewhere, hy avoiding to swear falsely, and to swear often and in vain, ch ii. 36; and again by **not swearing at all " but withal adding, that " if that cannot be avoided, to swear truly," ch. vii, 3; which •bnndantly explain to us the nature of the measure of Uiia gentral injunction. he swears to communicate their doctrines to no one any otherwise than as he received them himself; that he will abstain from robbery, and will equally preserve the hooks belonging to their sect, and the names of the angels f [or messengers]. These are the oaths by which they secure their proselytes to themselves. 8. But for tlu/se that are caught in any heinous sins, they cast them out of their society; and he who is thus separated from them, does often die after a miserable man- ner; for as he is bound by the oath he hath taken, and by the customs he hath been en- gaged in, he is not at liberty to partake of that food that he meets with elsewhere, but is forced to eat grass, and to famish his body with hunger till he perish; for which reason they receive many of them again when they are at their last gasp, out of coojpassion to them, as thinking the miseries they have en- dured till they came to the very brink of death, to be a sufficient punishment for the sins they had been guilty of. 9. But in the judgments they exercise they are most accurate and just; nor do they pass sentence by the votes of a court that is fewer than a hundred. And as to what is once de- termined by that number, it is unalterable. What they most of all honour, after God him- self, is the name of their legislator [Moses] ; whom, if any one blaspheme, he is pnnished capitally. They also think it a good thing to obey their elders, and the major part. Ac- cordingly, if ten of them be sitting together, no one of them will speak while the other nine are against it. They also avoid spitting in the midst of them, or on the right side. Moreover, they are stricter than any other of the Jews in resting from their labours on the seventh day ; for they not only get their food ready the day before, that they may not be obliged to kindle a fire on that day, but they will not remove any vessel out of , its place, nor go to stool thereon. Nay,- on the other days they dig a small pit, a foot deep, with a paddle (which kind of hatchet is given them when they are first admitted among ihem) ; and covering themselves round with their garment, that they may not affront the divine rays of light, they ease themselves into that pit, after which they put the earth that was + This mention of the " names of angels." so parti, cularly preserved by the Essens (if it means more tlwin those "messengers" who were employed to bring tliein the peculiar bool;s of their s<cl). looks like a prelude to that "worshipping of angels," blamed by St Tanl. as superstitious and unlawful !n some such sort of people as these Essens were, Coloss. ii. K As is the prayer to or towards the Sun. for bis rising every mcining, men- tioned before, sect 5, very like those not much later observances made mention of in tiie preachins; of Peter. Authent. Hec. part ii, page fidO. and recarding a kina of worship of angels, of the month, and of the moon, and not celebrating the new monns, or other festivals, unless the moon appeared. Which, indeed, seems to me the earliest mention of any regard to the moon's phases in fixing the Jewish calendar, of which the TaU mild and later rabbins talk lo much, and upon soverv liitla ancient fuundution. CHAP. VIII. WARS OF THE JEWS. 617 Aug out again into the pit; and even this they do only in the more lonely places, which they choose out for this purpose; and although this ^.-asement of the body be natural, yet it is a 'ule with them to wash themselves after it, as if it were a defilement to them. 10. Now after the time of their prepara- tory trial is over, they are parted into four •classes; and so far are the juniors inferior to the seniors, that if the seniors should be touched by the juniors, they must wash them- selves, as if they had intermixed themselves tvith the company of a foreigner. They are long-lived also; insomuch that many of them live above a hundred years, by means of the simplicity of their diet; nay, as I think, by means of the regular course of life they ob- serve also. They contemn the miseries of life, and are above pain, by the generosity of their mind. And as for death, if it will be for their glory, they esteem it better than liv- ing always ; and indeed our war with the Romans gave abundant evidence what great souls they had in their trials, wherein, al- though they were tortured and distorted, burnt and torn to pieces, and went through all kinds of instruments of torment, that they might be forced either to blaspheme their legislator, or to eat what was forbidden them, yet could they not be made to do either of them, no, nor once to flatter their tormentors, or to shed a tear; but they smiled in their very pains, and laughed those to scorn who inflicted the torments upon them, and resigned up their souls with great alacrity, as expect- ing to receive them again. r^ 11. For their doctrine is this: — That bodies are corruptible, and that the matter they are made of is not permanent ; but that the souls are immortal, and continue for ever ; and that they come out of the most subtile air, and are united to their bodies as in prisons, into which they are drawn by a certain natu- ral enticement ; but that when they are set free from the bonds of the flesh, they then, as released from a long bondage, rejoice and mount upward. And this is like the opinion of the Greeks, that good souls have their habi- tations beyond the ocean, in a region that is neither oppressed with storms of rain, or snow, or with intense heat, but that this place is such as is refreshed by the gentle breathing of a west wind, that is perpetually blowing from the ocean ; while they allot to bad souls a dark and tempestuous den, full of never-ceasing punishments. And indeed the Greeks seem to me to have followed the same notion, when they allot the islands of the blessed to their brave men, whom they call heroes and demi- gods ; and to the souls of the wicked, the region of the ungodly, in Hades, where their fables relate that certain persons, such as Sisy- phus, and Tantalus, and Ixion, and Tityus, are punished; which is built on this first sup- position, that souU are immortal; and thence are those exhortations to virtue, and dehor- tations from wickedness collected ; whereby good men are bettered in the conduct of their life, by the hope they have of reward after their death, and whereby the vehemeiw inclinations of bad men to vice are restrained, by the fear and expectation they are in, that although they should lie concealed in this life, they should suffer immortal punishment after their death. These are the divine doctrines of the Essens* about the soul, which lay an unavoidable bait for such as have once had a taste of their phi- losophy. 12. There are also those among them who undertake to foretel things to come,"f by reading the holy books, and using several sorts of purifications, and being perpetually conversant in the discourses of the prophets; and it is but seldom that they miss in their predictions. 13. Moreover, there is another order of Essens, who agree with the rest as to their way of living, and customs, and laws, but differ from them in the point of marriage, as thinking that by not marrying they cut off the principal part of human life, which is the •prospect of succession; nay rather, that if all men should be of the same opinion, the whole race of mankind would fail. However, they try their spouses for three years ; and if they find that they have their natural purgations thrice, as trials that they are likely to be fruit- ful, they then actually marry them. But they do not use to accompany with their wives when they are with child, as a demonstration that they do not marry out of regard to plea- sure, but for the sake of posterity. Now the women go into the baths with some of their garments on, as the men do with somewhat girded about them. And these ar.*:" the cus- toms of this order of Essens. 14. But then as to the two other orders at first mentioned ; the Pharisees are those who are esteemed most skilful in the exact expli- cation of their laws, and introduce the first sect. These ascribe all to fate [or provi- dence], and to God, and yet allow, that to act what is right or the contrary, is princi- pally in the power of men, although fate does co-operate in every action. They say that all souls are incorruptible; but that the souls J of • Of these Jewish or Essene (and indeed Christian) doctrines concerning souls, both pood and had, in Hades, see that excellent discourse or homily of our Josephus concerning Hades, at the end of the volume. + Dean Aldrich reckons up three examples of this ^ftof prophecy, in several of these l-lssens out of Josephus him- self, viz. in the History of the War, b. i. ch. iii. sect. 5. — Judas foretold the death of Antipfonus at Strato's Tower; b. ii. ch. vii. sect 3. Simon foretold that Archelaus should reign but nine or ten years; and Antiq. b. xv. ch. X. sect. 4. 5, Menahem foretold that Herod should be kintr. and should reign tvrannically. and that for more than twer.ty or even thirty years. All which came to pass accordingly. I t Tht-re is so much more here about the Essens than I- is cited from Jcisephus in Porphyry and Kusebius, and yet I so innch less abi>ut the Pharisees and Sadduoees. the two 1 other Jewish ftecu. than would naturally be expected in 618 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK II. good men are only removed into other bodies, —but that the souls of bad men are subject to eternal punishment. But the Sadducees are those that compose the second order, and take away fate entirely, ||id suppose that God is not con- cerned in our doing or not doing what is evil ; and they say, that to act what is good or wliat is evil, is at men's own choice, and that the one or the other belongs so to every one! that they may act as they please. They also take away the belief of the immortal duration of the soul, and the punishments and rewards in Hades. More- over, the Pharisees are friendly to one another, and are for the exercise of concord and regard for the public. But the behaviour of the Sad- ducees one towards another is in some degree wild; and their conversation with those that are of their own party is as barbarous as if they were strangers to them. And this is what I had to say concerning the philosophic sects among the Jews. CHAPTER IX. THE DEATH OF SALOME. THE CITIES WHICH HEEOD AND PHILIP BUILT. PILATE OCCASIONS DI8TUEBANCES. TIBERIUS PUTS AGRIPPA IN TO BONDS, BUT CAIUS FREES HIM FROM THEM, AND MAKES HIM KING. HEROD ANTEPAS IS BANISHED. ^ 1. And now, as the ethnarchy of Arche- laus was fallen into a Roman province, the other sons of Herod, Philip, and that Herod who was called Antipas, each of them took upon them the administration of their own tetrarchies; for when Salome died, she be- proportion to the Essens or third sect, nay, than seems to be referred to by himself elsewhere, that one is tempted to suppose Josephus had at first written less of the one, and more of the two others, tlian his present copies afford us ; as also, that, by some un- known accident, our present copies are here made up of the larger editii)n in the first case, and of the smaller in the second. See the note in Havercamps fditiun. However, what Josephus says in the name of the Pha- risees, that only the souls of good men go out of one body into another, although all souls be immortal, and still the souls of the r ad are liable to eternal punish- ment: as also what he says afterwards, Antiq. b. xviii. chap 1. sect. 8, that the soul's vigour is immortil, and that under the earth they r-eceive rewards or punish- ments according as their lives have been virtuous or vicious in the present world; that to the bad is allot- ted nn eternal prison, but tliat the good are jwrmitted to live again In this world, are nearly agreeable to the doctrines of Christianity. Only Jost-phus's rejection of the return ot the wicked into other bodies, or into this world, which he grants to the good, loi>k8 some- what like a contrarliction to St. Paul"^ account of the doctrine of the Jews, that "themselves allowed that there should be a resurrection of the dead, both of the Just and unjust"— Acts, ch. xxlv. 15; yet because Jo- eephns's account is that of the Pharisees, and St. Paul's that of the Jews in general, and of himself, the contra- diction is not very certain. queathed to Julia, the wife of Augustus, both her toparchy, and Jamnia. as also her planta- tion of palm-trees that were in Phasaelis* But when the Roman empire was translated to Tiberius, the son of Julia, upon the death of Augustus, who had reigned fifty-seven years, six months, and two days, both Herod and Philip continued in their tetrarchies ; and the latter of them built the city Cesarea. at the fountains of Jordan, and in the region of Paneas ; as also the city Julias, in the Lower Gaulontis. Herod also built the city Tiberias in Galilee, and in Perea [beyond Jordan] another that was also called Julias. 2. Now Pilate, who was sent as procurator into Judea by Tiberius, sent by night those im- ages of Caesar that are called Ensigns, into Jeru- salem. This excited a very great tumult among the Jews when it was day ; for those that were near them were astonished at the sight of them, as indications that their laws were trodden un- der |foot : for those laws do not permit any sort of image to be brought into the city. Nay, besides the indignation which the citizens them- selves had at this procedure, a vast number of people came running out of the country. These came zealously to Pilate to Cesarea, and besought him to carry those ensigns out of Jeru- salem, and to preserve them their ancient laws inviolable ; but upon Pilate's denial of their re- quest, they fell down prostrate upon the ground, and continued immoveable in that posture for five days and as many nights. 3. On the next day Pilate sat upon his tribu- nal, in the open market place, and called to him the multitude, as desirous to give them an an- swer; and then gave a signal to the soldiers that they should all by agreement at once encompass the Jews with their weapons ; so the band of soldiers stood round about the Jews in three ranks. The Jews were under the utmost con- sternation at that unexpected sight. Pilate also said to them, that they should be cut in pieces, unless they would admit of Caesar's images ; and gave intimation to the soldiers to draw their na- ked swords. Hereupon the Jews, as it were at one signal, fell down in vast numbers together, and exposed their necks bare, and cried out tliat they were sooner ready to be slain, than that theii law should be transgressed. Hereupon Pilate was greatly surprised at their prodigious super- stition, and gave order that the ensigns sliould be presently carried out of Jerusalem. 4. After this he raised another disturbance, by expending that sacred treasure which is * We have here, in that Greek MS. which was once Alexander Petaviuss, but it is now in the library at Leyden, two most remarkable additions to the com- mon copies, though deemed worth little remark by the editor; which upon the mention of Tiberius's coming to tlie empire, inserts first the famous testl« mony of Josephus concerning Jesus Christ, Jis it stands verbatim in the Antiq. b. xviii. chap. iii. sect. 8, with some parts of that excellent discourhe or hom- ily of Josephus concerning Hades, annexed to the work. But what is here principally to be noted is thl'. that in this homily, Josephus, having just men- tioned Christ, as "G«h1 the Word, and the Judge of the world, appointed bv the Father," &c., adds, that " he had himself elsewhere spoken about him more nicely or partioularly." en \p. X. W \RS OF THE JEWS, t51l^ palit'l OtiriM' * «!I>PP Hqiiediicts, whereby be hroiubt .tJitur tVoni the (li.-taiK-e of four hun- dred f iiloiigs. At this the multitude had great in(hgiiation ; and when Pilate was come to Jerusaleu), they v^anie about his tribunal, and :nade a cbitnour at it. Now when he was apprised aforehand of this disturbance, he mixed his own soldiers in their armour with the multitude, and ordered them to conceal tlieiiKselves under the habits of private men, and not indeed to use their swords, but with their staves to beat those that made the cia- mour. He then gave the signal from his tri- bunal [to do as he had bidden them]. Now the Jews were so sadly beaten, that many of them perished by the stripes they received, and many of them perished as trodden to death, by which means the multitude was astonished at the calamity of those that were slain, and held their peace. o. In the mean time Agrippa, the son of that Aristobulus who had been slain by his father Herod, came to Tiberius to accuse Herod the tetrarch ; who not admitting of his accusation, he staid at Rome, and cultivated a friendship with others of the men of note, but principally with Caius the son of Germanicus, who was then but a private person. Now this Agrippa, at a certain time, feasted Caius; and as he was very complaisant to him on several other accounts, he at length stretched out his hands, and openly wished that Tiberius might die, and that he might quickly see him emperor of the world. This was told to Tiberius by one of Agrippa's domestics; who thereupon was very angry, and ordered Agrippa to be bound, and had him very ill treated in the prison for six months, until Tiberius died, after he had reigned twenty- tuo years, and six months, and three days. 6. But when Caius was made Caesar, he released Agrippa from his bonds, and made him king of Philip's tetrarchy, who was now dead; but when Agrippa had arrived at that degree of dignity, he inflamed the ambitious desires of Herod the tetrarch, who was chietly induced to hope for the royal authority by his wife Herodias, who reproached him for his sloth, and told him that it was only because he would not sail to Caesar that he was destitute of that great dignity; for since Caesar had made Agrippa a king, from a private person, much more would he advance him from a tetrarch to that dignity. These arguments prevailed with Herod, so that he came to Caius, by whom he was punished for his am- bition, by being banished into Spain; for Agrippa followed him, in order to accuse him ; to whom also Caius gave his tetrarchy, by way of addition. So Herod died in Spain, whither his wife bad followed him. • This use of corban or oblation, as here appli»d to the facied money dedicated t(i d' d in the trrHsiiry ff tht temple, illustrites our Saviour's words Mark vii. 11.18. CHAPTER X. CAIUS COMMANDS THAT HIS STATUE SHOUrU BE SET UP IN THE TEMPLE ITSELF; ANO WHAT PETRONIUS DID THEREUPON. § 1. Now Caius Ccesar did so grossly abuse the fortune he had arrived at, as to take him- self to be a god, and to desire to be so called also, and to cut off those of the greatest no- bility out of his country He also extended his impiety as far as the Jews. Accordingly, he sent Petronius with an army to Jerusalem, to place his statues in the temple, "j" and coui- manded him that, in case the Jews would not admit of them, he should slay those that op- posed it, and carry all the rest of the nation into captivity: but God concerned himself with these his commands. However, Petro- nius marched out of Antioch into Judea, with three legions, and many Syrian auxili- aries. Now as to the Jews, some of them could not believe the stories that spake of a war; but those that did believe them were in the utmost distress how to defend them- selves, and the terror diffused itself presently through them all; for the army was already come to Ptolemais. • 2. This Ptolemais is a maritime city of Galilee, built in the great plain. It is en- compassed with mountains : that on the east side, sixty furlongs off, belongs to Galilee ; but that on the south belongs to Carmel, which is distant from it a hundred and twenty furlongs; and that on the north is the high- est of them all. and is called by the people ot the country. The Ladder of the Tyrians, which is at the distance of a hundred furlongs. The very small river Belus J runs by it, at the distance of two furlongs; near which there is Memnon's monument, § and hath near it a place no larger than a hundred cu- bits, which deserves admiration; for the place is round and hollow, and affords such sand as glass is made of; which place when it hath been emptied by the many ships there loaded, it is filled again by the winds, which bring into it, as it were on purpose, that sand which lay remote, and was no more than bare com- mon sand, while this mine presently turns it into glassy sand; and what is to me still more wonderful, that glassy sand which is super- fluous, and is once removed out of the + Tacitns owns tbat Caius commanded the Jews tc place his effigies in their temple, though he be mistaken when he adds that the Jews thereupon took arms. t 1 his account of a place near the mouth of the rivei Uelus in f'hcenicia, whence came that sand out of wbi<:b the antients made their glass, is a known thing in his. ti.r^; particularly in 1 acitus and Strabo, and morf largely in Pliny. } 1 his Memnon had several monuments; and one rvi th. m appears, both by Strabo and Diodorus, to hav» bt-cn in 8yria, and not improbably in this very plao«. ^20 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK 11. place, becomes bare common sand again ; and this is the nature of the place we are speak- ing of. 3. But now the Jews got together in great numbers, with their wives and children, into that plain that was by Ptolemais, and made supplication to Petronius, first for their laws, and, in the next place, for themselves. So he was prevailed upon by the multitude of the supplicants, and by their supplications, and left his army and statues at Ptolemais, and then went forward into Galilee, and called together the multitude and all the men of note to Tiberias, and showed them the power of the Romans, and the threatenings of Ctesar ; and, besides this, proved that their petition was unreasonable, because, while all the na- tions in subjection to them had placed the images of Cajsar in their several cities, among the rest of their gods, — for them alone to oppose it, was almost like the behaviour of revolters, and was injurious to Caesar. 4. And when they insisted on their law, and the custom of their country, and bow it was not only not permitted them to make either an image of God, or indeed of a man, and to put it in any despicable part of their country, much less in the temple itself, Petro- nius replied, *' And am not 1 also," said he, "bound to keep the law of my own lord? For if I transgress it, anckspare you, it is but just that I perish; while he that sent me, and not I, will commence a war against you ; for I am under command as well as you." Hereupon the whole multitude cried out, that they were ready to suffer for their law. Pe- tronius then quieted them, and said to them, " Will you then make war against Caesar?" The Jews said, *' We offer sacrifices twice every day for Caesar, and for the Roman peo- ple;" but that if he would place the images among them, he must first sacrifice the whole Jewish nation; and that they were ready to expose themselves, together with their children and wives, to be slain. At this Petronius was astonished and pitied them on account of the inexpressible sense of religion the men were under, and that courage of theirs which made them ready to die for it; so they were disniissed without success. 5. But on the following days, he got to- gether the men of power privately, and the n»ltitude publicly, and sometimes he used persuasions to them, and sometimes he gave them his advice; but he chiefly made use of threatenings to them, and insisted upon the power of the Romans, and the anger of Caius; and, besides, upon the necessity he was him- self under [to do as he was enjoined]. But ai they could no way be prevailed upon, and he saw that the country was in danger of lying without tillage (for it was about seed-time that the multitude continued for fifty days together idle), so he at last got them together, and told them that it was beit for him to rim- some hazard himself; "for either, by the di- vine assistance, I shall prevail with Caesar ; and shall myself escape the danger as well as you, wnich will be matter of joy to us both; or, in case Caesar continue in his rage, I will be ready to expose my own life for such a great number as you are." Whereupon he dismissed the multitude, who prayed greatlv for his prosperity; and he took the army c-ut of Ptolemais, and returned to Antioch; from whence he presently sent an epistle to Cassar, and informed him of the irruption he hud made into Judea, and of the supplications of the nation; and that unless he had a mind to lose both the country and the men in it, he must permit them to keep their law, and must countermand his former injunction. Caius answered that epistle in a violent way, and threatened to have Petronius put to death for his being so tardy in the execution of what he had commanded. But it happened that those who brought Caius's epistle were tossed by a storm, and were detained on the sea for three months, while others that brought the news of Caius's death had a good voyage. Accordingly, Petronius received the epistle concerning Caius, seven-and-tvventy days before he received that which was against himsel£ CHAPTER XI. CONCERNING THE GOVERNMENT OT CLAU- DIUS, AND THE flEIGN OF AGRIPPA. CON- CERNING THE DEATH OF AGIilPPA AND OF HEROD, AND WHAT CHILDREN TPIEY BOTH LEFT BEHIND THEM. § 1. Now when Caius had reigned three years and eight months, and had been slain by treachery, Claudius was hurried away by the armies that were at Rome to take the govern- ment upon him; but the senate, upon the reference of the consuls, Sentius Saturninus, and Pomponius Secundus, gave orders to the three regiments of soldiers that staid with them, to keep the city quiet, and went up into the Capitol in great numbers, and resolved to oppose Claudius by force, on account of the barbarous treatUient they had met with from Caius; and they determined either to settle the nation under an aristocracy, as they had of old been governed, or at least to choose by vote such a one for emperor as might be worthy of it. 2. Now it happened, that at this time Agrippa pojounied at Rome, and that both the senate called him to consult with them, and at the same time Claudius sent for him out of the camp, (but he n)ight be serviceable to him, as he should have occasion for his service. So he, pricriving that Claudius was in effect made C'Ks.ir alivady, went to him« C«AP. Xf. WARS OF THE JEWS, 621 who sent him, as an ambassador to the senate to let them know what his intentions were : that, in the first place, it was without his seek- ing, that he was hurried away by the soldiers; ♦noreover, that he thought it was not just to desert those soldiers in such their zeal for him, and that if he should do so, his own for- tune would be an uncertainty; tor that it was a dangerous case to have been once called to the empire. He added farther, that he would administer the government as a good prince, «nd not like a tyrant; for that he would be satisfied with the honour of being called Em- peror, but ux)uld, in every one of his actions, permit them all to give him their advice; for that although he bad not been by nature for moderation, yet would the death of Caius afford him a sufficient demonstration how soberly he ought to act in that station. 3. This message was delivered by Agrippa: to which the senate replied, that since they had an army, and the wisest counsels on their side, they would not endure a voluntary sla- very. When Claudius heard what answer the senate had made, he sent Agrippa to them again, with the following message: — That he could not bear the thoughts of betraying thera that had given their oaths to be true t(J him ; and that he saw he must fight, though unwil- lingly, against such as he had no mind to fight; that, however [if it did come to that], it was proper to choose a place without the city for the war, because it was not agreeable to piety to pollute the temples of their own city with the blood of their own countrymen, and this only on occasion of their imprudent conduct. And when Agrippa had heard this message, he delivered it to the senators. 4. In the mean time, one of the soldiers belonging to the senate drew his sword, and cried out, " O my fellow-soldiers, what is the meaning of this choice of ours, to kill our brethren, and to use violence to our kindred that are with Claudius! while we may have him for our emperor whom no one can blame, and who hath so many just reasons [to lay claim to tke government] ! and this with regard tOi;4hose agamst whom we are going to fight 1" When be had said this, he marched through tne whole senate, and carried all the soldiers along with him. Upon which all the patricians were immediately in a great fright at their being thus deserted. ■ But still, be- cause there appeared no other way whither they could turn themselves for deliverance, they made haste the same way with the sol- diers, and went to Claudius. But those that had the greatest luck in flattering the good fortune of Claudius betimes, met them before the walls with their naked swords, and there was reason to fear that those that came first might have been in danger, before Claudius co;i!d know what violence the soldiers were gring to offer them, had not Agrippa run Dciore, and told bi|ia what a dangerous thing they were going about, and that unless he restrained the violence of these men, who were in a fit of naadness against the patriciang, • he would lose those on whose account it was most desirable to rule, and would be emperor over a desert. 5. When Claudius heard this he restraiT^d the violence of the soldiery, and received the senate into the camp, and treated them after an obliging manner, and went out with them presently, to offer their thank-offerings to God, which were proper upon his first coming to the empire. Moreover, he bestowed on Agrip- pa his whole paternal kingdom immediately, and added to it, besides those countries that had been given by Augustus to Herod, Tra- chonitis, and Auranitis, and still besides these, that kingdom which was called the kingdom of Lysanias. This gift he declared to the people by a decree, but ordered the magis- trates to have the donation engraved on taldes ot" brass, and to be set up in the Capi- tol. He bestowed on his brother Herod, who was also his son-in-law, by marrying [his daughter] Bernice, the kingdom of Chalcis. 6. So now riches flowed in to Agrippa by his enjoyment of so large a dominion ; nor did he abuse the money he had on small mat- ters, but he began to encompass Jerusalem with such a wall, which, had it been brought to perfection, had made it impracticable for the Romans to take it by siege; but his death, which happened at Cesarea, before he had raised the walls to their due height, prevented him. He had then reigned three years, as he had governed his tetrarchies three other years. He left behind him three daughters, born to him by Cypres ; Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla; and a son born of the same mother, whose name was Agrippa: he was left a very young child, so that Claudius made the coun- try a Roman province, and sent Cuspius Fa- dus to be its procurator, and after him Tibe- rius Alexander, who, making no alterations of the ancient laws, kept the nation in tran- quillity. Now after this, Herod the king of Chalcis died, and left behind him two sons, born to him of his brother's daughter Bernice ; their names were Bernicianus, and Hyrcanus. [He also left behind him] Aristobulus, whom he had by his former wife Mariamfte. There was besides, another brother of his that died a private person, his name was also Aristobulus, who left behind him a daughter, whose name was Jotape : and these, as I have formerly said, were the children of Aristobulus, the son of Herod ; which Aristobnlus and Alexander were born to Herod by Mariamne, and wre slain by him. But as for Alexander's poste- rity, they reigned in Armenia. 622 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK ir. CHAPTER XII. MANY TUMULTS UNDER CUMANUS, WHICH WERE COMPOSED BY QUADUATUS. FELIX IS PKi CURi»TOB OF JUDEA. AGttlPFA IS ADVAN- CED FROM CHALCIS TO A GREATER KINGDOM. § 1. Now after the death of Herod, king of Chalcis, Claudius set Agrippa, the son of A^rippa, over his uncle's kingdom, while Cuujanus took upon him the office of procu- rator of the rest, which was a Roman province, and therein he succeeded Alexander ; under which Cumanus began the troubles, and the Jews* ruin came on; for when the multitude were co#)e together to Jerusalem, to the feast of unleavened bread, and a Roman cohort stood over the cloisters of the temple (for they always were armed and kept guard at the festivals, to prevent any innovation which the multitude thus gathered together might make), one of the soldiers pulled back his garment, and cowering down after an indecent manner, turned his breech to the Jews, and spake such words as you might expect upon such a pos- ture. At this the whole multitude had indig- nation, and made a clamour to Cumanus, that he would punish the soldier; while the rasher part of the youth, and such as were naturally the most tumultuous fell to fighting, and caught up stones, and threw them at the sol- diers. Upon which Cumanus was afraid lest all the people should make an assault upon him, and sent to call for more armed men, who, when they came in great numbers into the cloisters, the Jews were in a very great consternation ; and being beaten out of the temple, they ran into the city; and the vio- lence with which they crowded to get out was so great, that they trod upon each other, and squeezed one another, till ten thousand of them were killed, insomuch that this feast became the cause of mourning to the whole nation, and every family lamented [their own relations]. 2. Now there followed after this another calamity, w hich arose from a tumult made by robbers; for at the public road of Beth-horen, one Stephen, a servant of Caesar, carried some furniture, which the robbers fell upon and spizfd. Upon this Cumanus sent men to go rourd about to the neighbouring villages, and to l;ring their inhabitants to him bound, as lay-jig it to their charge that they had not pur- sued after the thieves, and caught them. Now here it was that a certain soldier, finding the »acred book of the law, tore it to pieces, and threw it into the fire.' Pereupon the Jews were in great disorder, as if their whole coun- try were in a flame, and assembled themselves • Rrland notet here, that the Talmud, in recotjntins trn sad accident* for which the Jews oiigiit to rend their rarroenU, reckont this for owr-" ^Vben they hear that so many of them by their zeal for their relipiorr, as by an engine; and ran together with united clamour to Cesarea, to Cumanus, and made supplication to him' that he would not over- look this man, who had offered such an affront to God, and to his law ; but punish him for what he had done. Accordingly, he perceiviifg that the multitude would not be quiet unless they bad a comfortable answer from him, gave order that the soldier should be brought, and drawn through those that required to have him punished to execution; which being done, the Jews went their wavs. 3. After this there happened a fight between the Galileans and the Samaritans; it happened at a village called Gemon, which is situate in the great plain of Samaria; where as a great number of Jews were going up to Jerusalem to the feast [of tabernacles], a certain Gali- lean was slain ; and besides a vast number of people ran together out of Galilee, in order to fight with the Samaritans. But the prin- cipal men among them came to Cumanus, and besought him that, before the evil became incurable, he would come into Galilee, and bring the authors of this murder to punish- ment ;^ for that there was no other way to make the multitude separate, without coming to blows. However, Cumanus postponed their supplications to the other affairs he was then about, and sent tie petitioners away without success. 4. But when the affair of this murder came to be told at Jerusalem, it put the mul- titude ijito disorder, and they left the feast; and without any generals to conduct them, they marched with great violence to Samaria; nor would they be ruled by any of the ma- gistrates that were set over them ; but they were managed by one Eleazar, the son of Dineus, and by Alexander, in these their thievish and seditious attempts. These men fell upon those that were in the neighbourhood of the Acrabatene toparchy, and slew them, without sparing any age, and set the villages on fire. 5. But Cumanus took one troop of horse- men, called the Troop of Sebaste, out of Ce- sarea, and came to the assistance of those that were spoiled; he also seized upon a great num- ber of those that followed Eleazar, and slew more of them. And as for the rest of the multitu<ie of those that went so zealously to light with the Samaritans, the rulers of Jeru- salem ran out, clothed with sackcloth, and having ashes on their heads^ and begged of them to go their ways, lest by their attempt to revenge themselves upon the Samaritans, they should provoke the Romans to come against Jerusalem; to have compassion upon their country and temple, their children and their wives, and not bring the utmost dangers of destruction upon 4 hem, in order to avenge themselves upon one Galilean only. Th^ Jew« complied with these persuasions of CHAP. XITI. WARS OF THE JEWS. 623 tlieirs, and dispersed themselves; but still there were a great number who betook them- selves to robbing, in hopes of impunity; and rapines and insurrection^ of the bolder sort happened over the whole country. And the men of power among the Samaritans came to Tyre, to Ummidius Quadratus,* the presi- dent of Syria, and desired that they that had laid waste the country might be punished : the great men also of the Jews, and Jonathan the son of Ananus, the high-priest, came thither, and said that the Samaritans were the beginiiers of the disturbance, on account of that murder they had committed; and that Cumanus had given occasion to what had hap- pened, by his unwillingness to punish the original authors of that murder. 6. But Quadratas put both parties off for that time, and told them, that when he should cotne to those places he would make a diligent inquiry after every circumstance. After which he went to Cesarea, and crucified all those whom Cumanus had taken alive; and when from thence he was come to the city Lydda, he beard the affair of the Samaritans, and sent for eighteen of the Jews, whom he had learned to have been concerned in that fight, and be- headed them; but he sent two otheis of those that were of the greatest power among them, and both Jonathan and Ananias, the high- priests, as also Ananus the son of this Ana- nias, and certain others that were eminent among the Jews, to Caesar; as be did in like maiuier by the most illustrious of the Sama- ritans. He also ordered that Cumanus [the procurator] and Celer the tributie should sail to Rome, in order to give an account of what had been done to C^sar. When he had fin- islii (1 these matters, he went up from Lydda t(» Jerusalem, a;id finding the multitude cele- brating their feast of unleavened bread with- out any tumult, he returned to Antioch. 7. Now when Caesar at Rome had heard what Cumanus and the Samaritans had to say (where it was done in the hearing of Ay^rippa, who zealously espoused the cause of the Jews, as in like maimer many of the great men stood by Cumanus), he condemned the Samaritans, and commanded that three of the most powerful men among them should he put to death: he banished Cumanus, and sent Celer bound to Jerusalem, to be delivered over to the Jews to be tormented f that he should be drawn round the city, and then beheaded. 8. After this Caesar sent Felix, f the bro- • This Ummidius. or Numidins, or. as Tacitus calls him. Vinidius Quadratus, is mentioned in an ancient in- sr.ription. still preserved, jw Spanheiin here informs us, wliicb calls him Ummidivs Quadratus. * lake the character of this Felix (who is well known) Irom the Acts of the Aposties, particularly from his trtmhlini: when St. Paul discoursed of "fighteousness. chastity, and judjrmen^t to come" (Actsxxiv. ii); and no w .iidi r, when we hs\ve el.sewhere seeH that ht- lived in adultery with On'silit. another rnanN wife (Aniiq b «*. ch. rii. sect. i\, in 'be word." «f 'I aritus, produei d ther of Pallas, to be procurator of Galilee, and Samaria, and Perea, and removed Agrippa from Chalcis unto a greater kingdom; for he gave him the tetrarchy which had belonged to Philip, which contained Batanea, Tratiio- nitisjand Gaulonitis: he added to it the king- dom of Lysanias, and that province [Abilene] which Varus had governed. But Claudius himself, when he had administered the govern- ment thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days, died, and left Nero to be his successor in the empire, whom he had adopted l)y his wife Agrippina's delusions, in order to be his successor, although he had a son of his 0"vn whose name was Britannicus, by Messalina his former wife, and a daughter whose name was Octavia, whom he had married to Nero; he had also another daughter by Petina, whose name was Antonia. CHAPTER XHI. NERO ADDS FOUR CITIES TO AGRIPPa's KING- DOM; BUT THE OTHER PARTS OF JUDEA WERE UNDER FELIX. THE DISTURBANCES WHICH WERE RAISED BY THE SlCARII, THE MAGICIANS, AND AN EGYPTIAN FALSE PROPHET. THE JEWS AND SYRIANS HAVE A CONTEST AT CESAREA. § 1. Now as to the many things in which Nero acted like a madman, out of the extra- vagant degree of the felicity and riches which he enjoyed, and by that means used his good fortune to the injury of others; and after what manner he slew his brother, aiul wife, and mother; from whom his barbarity spread itself to others that were most nearly related to him; and how, at last, he was so distracted that he became an actor in the scenes, and here by De;in Aldrich: " Felix exercised (says Tacitus) the authority of a king, with the di.«position of a slave, and rehin^upon the great power of his brother Pallas al court, thouiiht he miyht sately he guilty of all kinds of wicked practices." Observe also the time when he was made procuiator. a. D. o2; that when St. Paul pleaded his cause beior^ him, A. D. 58. he might have been "'many years ;i judge unto that nation," as St. Paul savs he had then been (Acts xxiv. lU), but as to what Tacitus here says, thai before the death of Cumanu.s, Felix was procurator over Samaria only, it does not wtll agree wilh St. Paul's words, who would hardly have called Samaria a Jewish nation. In short, since what lacitus here says is about countries very remote from Home, where he lived: since what he sa>sof iwo Roman procurators, the one over Galilee, the othei over Samaria at the same time, is without all example elsewhere; and since Joseplms. who lived at that very time in J udea, appears to have known nothing of this procuratorsliip of Felix, before the death of C'linutnns, — 1 much suspect the story itself as nothing better thaa a mistake of 1 acitus. especially when it seems not only omittfd. hut contradicted b\ Josephus, as any one may find that compares their histories toj^ether. Possibljr Felix misht have been a sub .rdinaie jndce among the Jews sometime before, under Cumai iis; but that he was in earnest a procurator of Samaria before. 1 do not be- lieve. Bishop Pearson, as well as Bishop I.lovd. quote thi* acc'juni, biU with a doubtful clause ; Si fidrs To- citn. •• If we *iiav be'iev.. laci'us" Pears. Annul. Pau- liii. puo- t<. Marsha l'HTi.''-i. »i k.u W. 624 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK II upon the tbeatre, — ^I omit to say any more about them, because there are writers enough npoi! those subjects everywhere; but I shall turn mvself to those actions of his time in wriich the Jews were concerned. 2. Nero therefore bestowed the kingdom of the Lesser Armenia upon Aristobulus, Herod's* son, and he added to Agrippa's kingdom four cities, with the toparchies to tiiein belonging: I mean Abila, and that Julias which is in Perea, Tarichea also, and Tiberias of Galilee; but over the rest of Judea he made Felix procurator. This Felix took Eleazar the arch robber, and many that were with him, alive, when they had ravaged the country for twenty years together, and sent them to Rome; but as to the number of the robbers whom he caused to be crucified, and of those who were caught among them, and whom he brought to punishment, they were a multitude not to be enumerated. 3. When the country was purged of these, there sprang up another sort of robbers in /"Jerusalem, which were called Sicarii, who slew men in the day-time, and in the midst of the city; this they did chiefly at the festivals, vhen they mingled themselves among the multitude, and concealed daggers under their garments, with which they stabbed those that were their enemies; and when any fell down dead, the murderers became a part of those that had indignation against them ; by which means they appeared persons of such reputa- tion, that they could by no means be discover- ed. The first man who was slain by them was Jonathan the high-priest, after whose death many were slain every day, while the fear men were in of being so served, was more afflicting than the calamity itself; and while every body expected death every hour, as men do in war, so men were obliged to look be- fore them, and to take notice of their enemies at a great distance; nor, if their friends were coming to them, durst they trust them any longer; but, in the midst of their suspicions and guarding of themselves, they were slain. Such was the celerity of the plotters against them, and so cunning was their contriv- ance. 4. There was also another body of wicked men gotten together, not so impure in their actions, but more wicked in their intentions, who laid waste the happy state of the city no less than did these murderers. These were such men as deceived and deluded the people under pretence of divine inspiration, but were for procuring innovations and changes of the government; and these prevailed with the multitued to act like madmen, and went before them into the wilderness, as pretend- ing that God would there show them the signals of liberty; but Felix thought this procedure was to be the beginning of a revolt ; • i «. Herod, kiog of Cbulcis. so he sent some horsemen and footmen, both armed, who destroyed a great number of them. 5. But there wa% an Egyptian false pro- phet that did the Jews more mischief than the former ; for he was a cheat, and pretended to be a prophet also, and got together thirty thousand men that were deluded by him ; these he led round about from the wilderness to the mount which was called the Mount of Olives, and was ready to break into Jerusa- lem by force from that place; and if he could but once conquer the Roman garrison and the people, he intended to domineer over them by the assistance of those guards of his that were to break into the city with him; but Felix prevented his attempt, and met him with his Roman soldiers, while all the people assisted him in his attack upon them, insomuch that, when it came to a battle, the Egyptian ran away, with a few others, while the greatest part of those that were with him were either destroyed or taken alive; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed every one to their own homes and there concealed them- selves. 6. Now, when these were quieted, it hap- pened, as it does in a diseased body, that an- other part was subject to an inflammation ; foi a company of deceivers and robbers got to- gether, and persuaded the Jews to revolt, and exhorted them to assert their liberty, in- flicting death on those that continued in obe- dience to the Roman government, and paying, that such as willingly chose slavery ought to be forced from such their desired inclinations; for they parted themselves into different bodies, and lay in wait up and down the country, and plundered the houses of the great men, and slew the men themselves, and set the villages on fire; and this till all Judea was filled with the effects of their madness. And thus the flame was every day more and more blown up, till it came to a direct war. 7. There was also another disturbance at Cesarea: — those Jews who were mixed with the Syrians that lived there, raising a tumult against them. The Jews pretended that the city was theirs, and said that he who built it was a Jew; meaning king Herod. The Syrians confessed also that its builder was a Jew; but they still said, however, that the city was a Grecian city; for that he who set up statues and temples in it could not design it for Jews. On which account both parties had a contest with one another; and this con- test increased so much, that it came at last to arms, and the bolder sort of them marched out to fight; for the elders of the Jews were not able to put a stop to their own people that were disposed to be tumultuous, an«l the Greeks thought it a shame for them to be overcome by the Jews. Now these Jewf exceeded the others in riches and titrengtti of CHAP. XIV. WARS OF THE JEWS. 625 body ; but tbe Grecian part bad tbe advantage or assistance from the soldiery; for the great- est part of the Roman garrison was raised out of Syria; and being thus related to the Syrian part, they were ready to assist it However, the governors of the city were con- cerned to keep all quiet, and whenever they caught those that were most for fighting on either sidp they punished them with stripes and bonds. Yet did not the sufferings of those that were caught affright the remainder, or make them desist; bu*^^ they were still more and more exasperated, and deeper en- gaged in the sedition. And as Felix came once into the market-place, and commanded the Jews, when they had beaten the Syrians, to go their ways, and threatened them if they would not, and they would not obey him, he sent his soldiers out upon them and slew a great many of them, upon which it fell out that what they had was plundered. And as the sedition still continued, he chose out the most eminent men on both sides as ambassa- dors to Nero, to argue about their several privileges. CHAPTER XIV. FESTUS SUCCEEDS FELIX, WHO IS SUCCEEDED BY ALBINUS, AS HE IS BY FLORUS; WHO, BY THE BARBARITY OF HIS GOVERNMENT, FORCES THE JEWS INTO THE WAR. § I. Now it was that Festus succeeded Felix as procurator, and made it his business to correct those that made disturbances in the country. So he caught the greatest part of the robbers, and destroyed a great many of them. But then Albinus, who succeeded Festus, did not execute his office as the other bad done; nor was there any sort of wicked- ness that could be named but he had a band in it. Accordingly, he did not only, in his political capacity, steal and plunder every one's substance, nor did he only burden the whole nation with taxes, but he permitted the relations of such as w ere in prison for robbery, and had been laid there, either by the senate of every city, or by the former procurators, to redeem them for money; and nobody remained in the prisons as a malefactor but he who gave bim nothing. At this time it was that the enterprises of the seditious at Jerusalem were very formidable; the princi- pal men among them purchasing leave of Al- binus to go on with their seditious practices; while that part of the people who delighted in disturbances joined themselves to such as bad fellowship with Albinus; and every one of these wicked wretches was encompassed with his own band of robbers, whiie he him- self, like an arch robber, or a tyrant, made a bgure among his company, and abused bis authority over those about him, in order to plunder tbose that lived quietly. The effect of which was this, that those who lost their goods were forced to hold their peare, when they had reason to show great indignation at what they had suffered ; but those who hid escaped, were forced to flatter him that de- served to be punished, out of the fear they were in of suffering equally with the others. Upon the whole nobody durst speak their minds, for tyranny was generally tolerated ; and at this time were those seeds sown which brought the city to destruction. 2. And although such was the character of Albinus, yet did Gessius Florus,* who suc- ceeded him, demonstrate him to have been a most excellent person, upon the comparison : for the former did the greatest part of his ro- gueries in private, and with a sort of dissimu- lation ; but Gessius did his unjust actions to the harm of the nation after a pompous man ner ; and as though he had been sent as an executioner to punish condemned malefactors, he omitted no sort of rapine, or of vexation : where the case was really pitiable, be was most barbarous; and in things of the greatest turpitude, he was most impudent; nor could any one outdo bim in disguising the truth ; nor could any one contrive more subtle ways of deceit than he did. He indeed thought it hv*- A petty offence to get money out of single persons; so he spoiled whole cities, and ruined entire bodies of men at once, and did almost publicly proclaim it all the country over, that they had liberty given them to turn robbers, upon this condition, that he might go shares with them in the spoils. Accordingly, this his greediness of gain was the occasion that entire toparchies were brought to desolation; and a great many of tbe people left their own country, and fled into foreign provinces. 3. And truly, while Cestius Gullus was pre- sident of the province of Syria, nobody durst do so much as send an embassage to him against Florus; but when he was come to Jerusalem, upon the approach of the feast of unleavened bread, the people came about him not fewer in number than three millionsf; these be- sought him to commiserate the calamities of their nation, and cried out upon Florus as the bane of their country. But as be was pre- * Not long after this beginning of Floras, the wickedest of all the Roman procurators of J lulea. and the immediate occasion of the Jewish war, at the twelfth year of Nero, and the seventeenth of Agrippa. or a.d. 66. the history in thetwentybooksofJosephus'8 Antiquities ends; althungh .losephus did not finish these books till the thirteenth of Domitian, or ad. 9;3; twenty-seven years afterward; as he did not finish their Appendix, containing an account of his own life, till Agrippa was dead, which happened in the third year of Trajan, or A.D. 100; aa 1 have several times observed before. + Here we may note, that three millions of the Jews werfe present at the passover. a D. 65; which confirms what Josephus elsewhere informs us of. that at a pa.ss- over a little later, they counting two hundred and fifty-six thousand five hundred paschal lambs; which, at twelve to each lamb, which is no immoderate calculation, come to three millions seventy-eight thousand. ' Sec b. vi. cb. ix. sects. ^ -a. 626 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK II sent, and stood by Cestius, he laughed at their words. However, Cestius, when he had quieted the multitude, and had assured them tliat he would take care that Floras should hereafter treat them in a more gentle manner, returned to Antioch ; Florus also conducted him as far as Cesarea, and deluded him, though he had at that very time the purpose of showing his anger at the nation, and pro- curing a war upon them, by which means alone it was that he supposed he might conceal his enormities; for he expected that, if the peace continued, he should have the Jews for his accusers before Caesar ; but that if he could procure them to make a revolt, he should divert their laying lesser crimes to his charge, by a misery that was so much greater ; he therefore did every day augment their calami- ties, in order to induce them to a rebellion. 4. Now at this time it happened that the Grecians at Ceserea had been too hard for the Jews, and had obtained of Nero the go- vernment of the city, and had brought the judicial determination: at the same time began the war, in tfie twelfth year of the reign of Nero, and the seventeenth of the reign of Agrippa, in the month of Artemisius [Jyar]. Now the occasion of this war was by no means proportionable to those heavy calamities which it brought upon us; for the Jews that dwelt at Cesarea had a synagogue near the place, whose owner was a certain Cesarean Greek : the Jews had endeavoured frequently to have purchased the possession of the place, and had offered many times its value for its price; but as the owner overlooked their offers, so did he raise other buildings upon the place, in way of affront to them, and made working-shops of them, and left them but a narrow passage, and such as was very troublesome for them to go along to their synagogue; whereupon the warmer part of the Jewish youth went hastily to the workmen, and forbade them to build there ; but as Florus would not permit them to use force, the great men of the Jews, with John the publican, being in the utmost distress what to do, persuaded Florus, with the offer of eight talents, to hinder the work. He then, being intent upon nothing but getting money, promised he would do for them all they desired of him, and then went away from Cesarea to Sebaste, and left the sedition to take its full course, as if he had sold a license to the Jews to fight it out. 5. Now on the next day, which was the seventh day of the week, when the Jews were crowding apace to their synagogue, a certain man of Cesarea, of a seditious temper, got an earthen vessel, and set it with the bottom up- ward, at the entrance of that synagogue, and sacrificed birds.* This thing provoked" the • Tak« here Dr. Iludnnn'* very pertinent note. " By this action." rays he, •' the Jiillinu of a bird over an ear- then Tewel, the Jews were expoKed an a leproiin people; tor tliAt WM to be done by the law in tiic cleansing of a Jews to an incurable degree, because their laws were affronted, and the place was poU luted; whereupon the sober and moderate part of the Jews thought it proper to have recourse to their governors again, while the seditious part, and such as were in the fervour of theii youth, were vehemently inflamed to fight The seditious also among [the Gentiles of] Cesarea stood ready for the same purpose , for they had, by agreement, sent the mnii to sacrifice beforehand [as ready to support him] ; so that it soon came to blows. Hereui)on Jucundus, the master of the horse, who was ordered to prevent the fight, came thither, and took away the earthen vessel, and endeavoured to put a stop to the sedition; but when he was overcome by the violence of the people of Cesarea, the Jews caught up their books of the law, and retired to Narbata, which was a place to them belonging, distant from Cesarea sixty furlongs. But John, and twelve of the principal men with him, went to Flo- rus, to Sebaste, and made a lamentable com- plaint of their case, and besought him to help them : and with all possible decency, put him in mind of the eight talents they had given him ; but he had the men seized upon, and put in prison, and accused them foi carrying the books of the law out of Ce- sarea. 6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusa. lem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Flo- rus acted herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and sent sonie to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and pretended that Caesar wanted them. At this the people were in confusion immediately, and ran together to the temple, with prodigious clamours, and called upon Cffisar by name, and besought him to free them from the tyranny of Florus. Some also of the seditious Cried out upon Florus, and cast the greatest repronches upon him, and carried a basket about, and begged some spilis, of money for him, as for one that was desti- tute of possessions, and in a miserable condi- tion. Yet was not he m* de ashamed hereby of his love of money, but was more enraged, and provoked to get still more ; and instead of coming to Cesarea, as he ought to have done, and quenching the flame of war, which « was beginning thence, and so taking away I the occasion of any disturbances, on which I account it was that he had received a reward I [of eight talents], be marched hastily with ' ^ an army of horsemen and footmen against Jerusalem, that he might gain his will by the ^ arms of the Romans, Jind n)ight, by his terror and byjiis threatenings, bring the city into subjection. leper (Levit. rh. xiv). It is also known that the Gem:Ie» reproached »he .li-ws as subject to the leprosy, j>nd ho lieved that lhe> vvrredriven out of I'jrypton that nrcount This that eoiment person, IVlr. Keluud, SUKVCsted to me.** •-riAP. XV. WARS OF THE JEWS. 627 7. But the people ware desirous of making Florus ashamed of his attempt, and met bis soldiers with acclatnations, and put themselves in order to recei\»" him very submissively; but he sent Capito, a centurion, belorehand, with fifty soldiers, to bid them go back, and not now make a show of receiving him in an obliging manner, whom they had so foully reproached before ; and said that it was in- cumbent on them, in case they had generous souls, and were free speakers, to jest upon him to his face, and appear to be lovers of liberty, not only in words, but with their weapons also. With this message was the multitude amazed ; and upon the coming of Capito's horsemen into the midst of them, they were dispersed before they could salute Florus, or manifest their submissive behaviour to him. Accoruingly, they retired to their own houses, and spent that night ia fear and confusion of face. 8. Now at this time Florus took up his quarters at the palace ; and on the next day he had his tribunal set before it, and sat upon it, when the high-priests, and the men of power, and those of the greatest eminence in the city, came all before that tribunal; upon which Florus commanded them to deliver up to him those that had reproached him, and told them that they should themselves partake of the vengeance to them belonging, if they did not produce the criminals; but these de- monstrated that the people were peaceably dis- posed, and they begged forgiveness for those that had spoken amiss ; for that it was no wonder at all that in so great a naultitude there should be some more daring than they ought to be, and by reason of their younger age, foolish also ; and that it was impossible f. to distinguish those that offended from the rest, while every one was sorry for what he had done, and denied it out of fear of what would follow : that he ought, however, to provide for the peace of the nation, and to take such counsels as might preserve the city for the Romans, and rather, for the sake of a great number of iimocent people, to forgive a few that were guilty, than for the sake of a few of the wicked, to put so large and good a body of men into disorder. 9. Florus was more provoked at this, and called out aloud to the soldiers to plunder that which was called the Upper Market Place, and to slay such as they met with. So the soldiers, taking this exhortation of their commander fh a sense agreeable to their de- sire of gain, did not only plunder the place they were sent to, but forcing themselves into ' every house, they slew its inhabitants; so the citizens fled along the narrow lanes, and the soldiers slew those that they caught, and no method of plunder was omitted; they also caught many of the quiet people, and brought them before Florus. uhoiu he tirst chastised with stripes, und then crucified. Accordingly, the whole number of those that were destroyed that day, with their wives and chihlren (for they did not spare even the infants them- selves), was about three thousand and six hundred; and what made this calamity the heavier, was this new method of Roman bar- barity ; for Florus ventured then to do what no one had done before, that is, to ha\e men of the equestrian order whipped,* and nailed to the cross before his tribunal; who, although thl^ were by birth Jews, yet were they of Roman dignity notwithstanding. CHAPTER XV. CON'CEKNING BERNICE's PETITION TO FLORUS, TO SPARE THE JEWS, BUT IN VAIN; AS ALSO HOW, AFTER THE SEDITIOUS FLAME WAS QUENCHED, IT WAS KINDLED AGAIN BY FLORUS. § 1. About this very time king Agrippa was going to Alexandria, to congratulate Alexun- der upon his having obtained the government of Egypt from Nero; but as his sister Ber- nice was come to Jerusalem,- and saw the wicked practices of the soldiers, she was sorely affected at it, and frequently sent the masters of her horse and her guards to Florus, and begged of him to leave off these slaugh- ters; but he would not comply with her request, nor have any regard either to the multitude of those already slain, or to the nobility of her that interceded, but only to the advantage he should make by his plundering ; nay, this violence of the soldiers broke out to such a degree of madness, that it spent itself on the queen herself; for they did not only torment and destroy those whom they had caught under her very eyes, but indeed bad killed herself also, unless she had prevented them by flying to the palace, and had staid there all night with her guai-ds, which she had about her for fear of an insult from the sol- diers. Now she dwelt then at Jerusalem, in order to perform a vowf which she had made * Here we have examples of native Jews who were of the equestrian order among the Romans, and so ought never to have been whipped orcrucilied, according to the Roman laws, t^ee almost the like case ia St. Paul him- self. Acts xxii. 23 — -29. + This vow which Bernice (here and elsewhere called Queen, not only as a daughter and sister to two kings, Agrippa the Great, and Aijrippa junior, but the widow ot Herod, king of Chalcis) came now to accomplish at Jerusalem, was not that of a Nazarite, but such a one as religious Jews used to make, in hopes of any deliver- ance from a disease or other danger, as Josephus here intimates. However, these thirty days' abode at Jeru- salem, for fasting and preparation against the oblation of a proper sacrifice, seems to be too long, unless it were wholly v»»luntary in this great lady. It is not re- quired in trie law uf .Moses relating to Nazaritt-s. Numb, vi. ; and is very ditferent from St. Paul's time for such preparation, which was but one day. Acts xxi. 2ti. So we want already the contuinatiou of the Antiquities to ailurd us light here, as they have hitherto done, ou so many uctasions elsewhere. Perhaps in this age tne tra- ditions uf the Pharisees had obliged the Jews to this degree ol rigour, not only as to these thirty days j>n>> 628 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK n to God ; for it is usual with those that had been either afflicted with a distemper, or with a-.-.y other distresses, to make vows ; and for 'Jurty days before they are to offer their sacri- fices, to abstain from wine, and to shave the hair of their head. Which things Bernice was now performing, and stood barefoot before Florus's tribunal, and besought him [to spare the Jews]. Yet could she neither have reve- rence paid to her, nor could she escape «kh- oat some danger of being slain herself. 2. This happened upon the sixteenth day of the month Artemisius [Jyar]. Now on the next day, tlie multitude, who were in a great agony, ran together to the upper mar- ket-place, and made the loudest lamentations for those that had perished ; and the greatest part of the cries were such as reflected on Florus ; at which the men of power were affrighted, together with the high- priests, and rent their garments, and fell down before each of them, and besought them to leave off, and not to provoke Florus to some incurable pro- cedure, besides what they had already suffered. Accordingly, the multitude complied imme- diately, out of reverence to those that had de- sired it of th^m, and out of the hope they had that Florus would do them no more injuries. 3. So Florus was troubled that the distur- bances were over, and endeavoured to kindle that tlame again, and sent for the high-priests, with the other eminent persons, and said, the only demonstration that the people would not make any other innovations should be this, — that they must go out and meet the soldiers that were ascending from Cesarea, whence two cohorts were coming; and while the^e men were exhorting the multitude so to do, he sent beforehand, and gave directions to the centuiions of the cohorts that they should give notice to those that were under them, not to return the Jews* salutations; and that if they made any reply to his disadvantage, they should make use of their weapons. Now the high-priests assembled the multitude in the temple, and desFred them to go and meet the Romans, and to salute the cohorts very civilly, before their miserable case should become in- curable. Now the seditious part would not romply with these persuasions; but the con- •^ideration of those that had been destroyed n;ade them incline to those that were the boldest for action. paration, but as to the Roing barefoot all that time, — wliicli here Bernice submilted to also. For we know tbat as God's and our Saviour's yok» is usually easy, and his burden comparatively liijnt. in such positive injunctions. Mat. xi. 30, so did the Scribes and I'hari sees sometimt-s "bind upon mt-n htayy hardens, and KrifTous to b« borne." even when they themselves '•would not touch them with one of their fmuers," Mat. xxiii. 4; Luke xi. 40. However, NoKlins well observes. I)e Herod. No. 4(J4, 414. that Juvenui, in his •ixth satire, alludes to this remarkable |>enanre or siib- mi»Mou of this Bernice to Jewish discipline, and jests upon her for it; as do Tacitus, Dio, Suetonius, and Kex'.us AureHus, meotion ber a« one well known at 4. At this time it was that every priest, and every servant of God, brought out the holy vessel.', and the ornamental garment* wherein they used to minister in sacred things. The harpers also, and the singers of hymn;!, came out with their rnstruinents of music, and fell down before the multitude, and beg- ged of them that they would preserve those holy ornaments to them, and not to provoke the Romans to can y off those saeied treasures. You might also see then the high-priests them- selves, with dust sprinkled in great plenty upon their heads, with bosoms deprived of any covering but what was rent ; these be- sought every one of the eminent men by name, and the multitude in common, that they would not for a small offence betray their country to those that were desirous to have it laid waste; sayhig, "What benefit will it bring to the soldiers to have a salutation from the Jews? or what amendment of your affairs will it bring you, if you do not now go out to meet them ? and that if they saluted them civilly, all handle would be cut off from Flo- rus to begin a war; that they should thereby gain their country, and freedom from all far- ther sufferings ; and that, besides, it would be a sign of great want of command of them- selves, if they should yield to a few seditious persons, while it was fitter for them who were so great a people, to force the others to act soberly." 5. By these persuasions, which they used to the multitude and to the seditious, they restrained some by threatenings^ and others by -the reverence that was paid them. After this they led them out, and they met the sol- diers quietly, and after a composed manner, and when they were come up with them, they saluted them; but when they made noanswer, the seditious exclaimed against Florus, which was the signal givei> for falling upon them. The soldiers therefore encompassed thetu presently, and struck them with their cluhs, and as they fled away, the horsemen trampled them down ; so that a great many fell down dead by the strokes of the Romans, and more by their own violence in crushing one another. Now there was a terrible crowding about the gates, and while every body was making haste to get before another, the flight of them all was retarded, and a terrible de- struction there was among those that fell down, for they were suffocated, and broken to pieces by the multitude of those that were uppermost ; nor could any of tlSem Iw distin- gui&hed by his relations, in onier to the care of his funeral ; the soldiers also who heat them fell upon those whom they overtook without showing them any mercy, aiui thrust the multitude through the place called Beze« tha,* a.s they forced their way, i« order to get • I take this Bezetha to be that small hill adjnin.rMi to the Boi tlf aid* nt U)« Utmpla, wbaatua wma tb* Un^ CHAP. XVI. WARS OF THE JEWS. 629 in and seize upon the temple, ^nd the tower Antoniu. Florus also, being desirous to get those places into his possession, brought such, as were with him out of the king's palace, and would have compelled them to get as far as the citadel [Antonia]; but his attempt failed, for the people immediately turned back upon him, and stopped the violence of his attempt ; and as they stood upon the tops of their houses they threw their darts at the Romans, who, as they were sorely galled thereby, because those wea- pons came from above, and they were not able to make a passage through the multitude, which stopped up the narrow passages, they retired to the camp which was at the palace. 6. But for the seditious, they were afraid lest Florus should come again, and get pos- session of the temple, through Antonia; so they got immediately upon those cloisters of the temple that joined to Antonia, and cut them down. This cooled the avarice of Flo- rus; for whereas he was eager to obtain the treasures of Go(r[in the temple], and on that account was desirous of getting into Antonia, as soon as the cloisters were broken down he left otf his attempt; he then sent for the high- priests and the sanhedrim, and told them that be was indeed himself going out of the city, but that he would leave them as large a gar- rison as they shouM desire. Hereupon they promised*lhat they would make no innova- tions, in case he would leave them one band; but not that which had fought with the Jews, because the multitude bore ill-will against that band on account of \\hat they had suf- fered from it; so he changed the band as they desired, and with the rest of his forces returned to Caesarea. - CHAPTER XVI. CESTIUS SENDS NEOPi LITANUS THE TRIBUNE TO SEE IN WHAT CONDITION THE AFFAIRS OF THE JEWS WERE. AGRIPPA MAKES A SPEECH TO THE PEOPLE OF THE JEWS, THAT HE MAY DIVERT THEM FROM THEIR INTEN- TIONS OF MAKING WAR WITH THE ROMANS. § 1. However, Florus contrived another way to oblige the Jews to begin the war, and sent to Cestius and accused the Jews falsely of re- volting [from the Roman government], and imputed the beginning of the former fight to them, and pretended they had been the authors pital with five porticoes or cloisters, and beneath which was tlie sheep-pool of Bcthesda; into which an angel or messeuger, at a certain season, descended ; and where he or they, who were the " first put into the pool," were cured. John v. 1. &c. This situation of Hezetha, in Jo- •ephus, on the north side of the temple, and not far off the tower Antonia, exactly agrees to the place of the same pool at this day; only Uie remaining cloisters are but three. See Man nd re 1. page 106. The entire build- ings seem to have been Ojitled the New City; and this part, wliere was ihe hospital, peculiarly Bezetha or Be- Iheada. Se* cb. xix. sect.4. of that disturbance, wherein they were only the sufferers. Yet were not the governors of Jerusalem silent upon this occasion, but did themselves write to Cestius, as did Bernic/3 also, about the illegal practices of which Floris had been guilty against the city; who, upo.i reading both accounts, consulted with his cap- tains [what he should do]. Now soma of them thought it best for Ce^'tius to go up with hU army, either to punish the revolt, if it was rWk, or to settle the Roman affairs on a surer foundation, if the Jews continued quiet under them; but he thought it best himself to send one of his intimate friends beforehajid, to see the state of affairs, and to give him a faithful account of the intentions of the Jews. Accord- ingly, he sent one of his tribunes, whose name was Neopolitanus, who met with king Agrippa as he was returning from Alexandria, at Jam- nia, and told him who it was that sent him, and on what errands he vvas sent. 2. And here it was that the high-priests and men of power among the Jews, as well as the sanhedrim, came to congratulate the king [upon his safe returti]; and after they had paid him their respects, they lamented their own calamities, and related to him what barbarous treatment they had met with from Florus. At which barbarity Agrippa had great indignation, but transferred, after a subtle manner, his anger towards those Jews whom he really pitied, that he might beat dovvn their high thoughts of themselves, and would have them believe that they had not been so unjustly treated, in order to dissuade them from avenging themselves. So these great men, as of better understanding than the rest, and desirous of peace, because of the pos- sessions they had, understood that this rebuke which they king gave them was intended for their good; but as to the people, they came sixty furlongs out of Jerusalem, and congra- tulated both Agrippa and Neopolitanus; but the wjves of those that had been slain came running first of all and lamenting. The peo- ple also, when they heard their mourning, fell into lamentations also, and besought Agrippa to assist them : they also cried out to Neopoli- tanus, and complained of the many miseries they had endured under Florus; and they showed them, when they were come into the city, how the market-place was made desolate, and the houses plundered. They then per- suaded Neopolitanus, by the means of Agrippa, that he would walk round the city, with only one servant, as far as Siloam, that he might inform himself that the Jews submitted to all the rest of the Romans, and were only disy. pleased at Florus, by reason of his exceeding barbarity to them. So he walked round, and had sufficient experience of the good temper the people were in, and then went u-p to the temple, where he called the multitude together, and highly commended them for their fidelity to the Romans, and earnestly exhorted them to 630 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK 11. keep thet peace; and having performed such parts of divine worship at the temple as he was allowed to do, Le returned to Cestius. 3. But as for the multitude of the Jews, they addressed themselves to the king, and to the high-priests, and desired they might have leave to send ambassadors to Nero against Florus, and not by their silence afford a sus- picion that they had been the occasion of such great slaughters as had been made, and were disposed to revolt, alleging that they sltibld seem to have been the first beginners of the war, if they did not prevent the report by showing who it was that began it; and it ap- peared openly that they would not be quiet, if any body should hinder them trom sending such an embassage. But Agrippa, although he thought it too dangerous a thing for them to appoint men to go as the accusers of Florus, yet did he not think it fit fcr him to overlook them, as they were 'n a disposition for war. He therefore called the multitude together into a large gallery, and placed his sister Bernice in the houseofthe Asamoneansjthat she might be seen by them (which house was over the gal- lery, at the passage to the upper city, where the bridge joined the temple to the gallery), and spake to them as follows: — 4. * " Had I perceived that you were all zealously disposed to go to war with the Ro- mans, and that the purer and more sincere part of the people did not propose to live in peace, I had not come out to you, nor been so bold as to give you counsel; for all dis- courses that tend to persuade men to do what they ought to do is superfluous, when the hearers are agreed to do the contrary. But because some are earnest to go to war because they are young, and v'thout experience of the miseries it brings; and because some are • In this speech of king Agrippa we have an authen- tic account of the extent and strength of the Roman empire when the Jewish war began. And this speech, with other circumstances in Josephus. demonstrates how wise and I ow great a person Agrippa was. and why Jo- sephus ekewliere calls him Oce.v,ua<riuTocTOs,Oi vndsl won- derful, or admirable man, Contr A p. i. 9. He is the sanie Agrippa wlio said to Paul, "Almost thou persuad- est me to Le a C hristian," Actsxxvi.iS; and of whom JSt. Paul SHid, " He was fxnert in all the customs and. questions of the Jews," v. 3. hee another intimation of the limits ol the same Roman empire, Of the War. b. iii. ch. V. sect. 7. But what seems to me very remark- able here is this, that when Jo^iephus, in imitation of the Greeks and Romans, tor wliose use he wrote bis An- tiquities, did himself frequently compose the speeches which he put into their mouths, they arpear. by the politeness of their composition, and their flij^hts of orHtory, to be not the real t^peeche* of the persons con- cerned, who usually were no orators, but of his own elegant composition. 1 he speech before us is of ano- ther naiure. full of undeniable facts, and composed in a plain and unartful, but moving way ; so it appears to be king Agrippa'sown speech, and to have been giver Josephus by Agrippa himself, with whom .(otiephus had the (jreatest fritndship. Nor may tte omit AgrippaV constant doctrine here, that this boman empire was raided and stipported by Divit e Providence; and that therefore it was in vain for the Jews, or any others, to think of destroying it. Nor may we negle'^t to take notice of Agrippa'n solemn apptal to the anq^els, here used; the likeappexls to whirh we b«ve in t't. Paul, 1 Tim V, 21. and by the »p<istlt-s in ceiieral. in the form ol the ordination oi h thopr, C'on^titut Apost. viii.4. for it, out of an unreasonable expectation of regaining their liberty, and because others hope to get by it, and are therefore earnestly bent upon it; that in the confusion of your affairs they may gain v\hat belongs to tlios-e that are too weak to resist them, 1 have thought proper to get you all together, and to say to you what I think to be for your ad- vantage; that so the former may grow wiser, and change their minds, and that the best men may come to no harm by the ill conduct ot some others. And let not any one be tumul- tuous against me, in case what they hear me say do not please them; for as to those that admit of no cure, but are resolved upon a revolt, it will still be in their power to retain the same sentiments after my exhortation is over; but still my discourse will fall to the ground, even with relation to those that have a mind to hear me, tunless you will all keep silence. I am well aware that many make a tragical exclamation concerning the injuries that have been offered you by your procura- tors, and concerning the glorious advantages of liberty; but before I begin the inquiry, who you are that must go to war, and v\ho they are against whom you must fight, — I shall first separate those pretences that are by some connected together; for if you aim at avenging yourselves on those that have done you injury, why do you pretend tlirc to be a war for recovering your liberty? but if you think all servitude intolerable, to what pur- pose serve your complaints against your par- ticular governors? for if they treated you with moderation, it would still be equally an unworthy thing to be in servitude. Consider now the several cases that may be supposed, how little occasion there is for your going to war. Your first occasion is the accusation"< you have to make against your procurators • now here you ought to be submissive t6 those in authority, and not give them any • provocation: but when you reproach men greatly for small offences, you excite those whom you reproach to be your ad\ersaries; for this will only make them leave off hurt- ing you privately, and with some degree of modesty, and to lay what you have waste openly. Kow nothing so much damps the force of strokes as bearing them with pa- tience; and the quietness of those who are injured, diverts the injurious persons from afflicting. But let us take it for granted, that the Roman ministers are injurious to you, j and are incurably severe; yet are they not all ,1 the Romans who thus injure you; nor hath Caesar, against whom you are going to make war, injured you: it is not by their command that any wicked governor is sent to you; for they who are in t he west cannot see those that are in the east; nor indeed is it easy for them there, even to bear what is done in these parts. Now it is absurd to n)»ke war with a great manv for the sake of one; to do so with such CHAP. xvr. WARS OF THE JEWS. 631 cnigfaty people, for a small cause; and this when these people are not able to know of what you complain : nay, such crimes as we complain of may ^oon be corrected, for the Bame procurator will not continue for ever ; and probable it is that the successors will come with more moderate inclinations. But as for war, if it be once begun, it is not easily laid down again, nor borne without calamities coming therewith. However, as to the de- sire of recovering your liberty, it is unsea- gonuble to indulge it so late; whereas you ought to have laboured earnestly in old time that you might never have lost it: for the first experience of slavery was hard to be en- dured, and the struggle that you might never have been subject to it would have been just; but that slave who hath been once brought into subjection, and then runs away, is rather a refractory slave tlian a lover of liberty; for it was then the proper time for doiiig all that was possible, that you might never have admitted the Romans [into your city] when Porapey came first into the country. But so it was, that our ancestors and their kings, who were in much better circumstances than we are. both as to money and [strong] bodies, and [valiant] souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman army. And yet you who have not accustomed yourselves to obedience from one generafion to another, and who are so much inferior to those who first submitted in your circumstances, will venture to oppose the entire empire of the Romans ; while those Athenians, who, in or- der to preserve the liberty of Greece, did once set fire to their own city; who pursued Xerxes, that proud prince, when he sailed upon the sea; atul could not be contained. by the seas, hut condu«ted such an army as was too broad for Europe ; and made him run away like a fugitive in a single ship, and brake so great a part of Asia at the Lesser Sakmis, are yet at this time servants to the Romans; and those injunctions which are sent from Italy, become laws to the principal governing city of Greece, — Those Lacedemonians also, who got the great victories at Thermopylae and Platea, and had Agesilaus [for their king]» an(l searched every corner of A^i;i, are contented to admit the same lords. These Macedoni- uns also, who still fancy what irreat men their Philip and Alexander were, and see that the latter had promised them the empire over the world, these bear so great a change, and pay their obedience to those whom fortune hath advanced in their stead. — Moreover, ten thou- sand other nations there are, who had greater reason than we to claim their entire liberty, and yet do submit. You are the only people who ' think it a disgrace to be servants to those to whom all the world hath submitted. What sort of an army do you relv on ? What are the arms you depend on? Where is your fleet that may seize upon the Roman seas ? and where are those treasures which may be sufTicient for your undertakings? Do you suppose, 1 pray you, that you are to make war with the Eg\ p- tians, and with the Arabians? Will you not carefully redect upon the Roman empire? Will you not estimate your own weakness? Hath not your army been often beaten even by your neighbouring nations, while the fK)we of the Romans is invincible in all parts ot th habitalHe earth ? nay, rather, they seek fi? somewhat still beyond that; for all EuplirH- tes is not a sufficient boiuidary for them on the east side, nor the Danube on the north; and for their soutbern limit, Libya hath been searched over by them, as far as countries uninhal)ited, as is Cadiz their limit on the west; nay, indeed, they have sought for another habitable earth beyond the ocean, and have carried their arms as far as such British islands as were never known before. What therefore, do you pretend to? Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Gerinms, wiser than the Greeks, more numerous than all men upon the habitable earth ? — What confidence is it that elevates you to oppose the Romans? Perhaps it will be said. It is hard to endure slavery. Yes; but hovv much harder is it to the Greeks, who were es- teemed the noblest of all people under the sun ! These, though they inhabit in a large country, are in subjection to six burwiles of Roman rods. It is the same case with the Macedonians, who have juster reason to claim their liberty than you have. What is the case of five hundred cities of Asia? do they not submit to a single governor, and to the con- sular bundle of rods? What need 1 speak of the Heniochi, and Colchi, and the nation of Tauri, those that inhabit the Bosphorus, and the nations about Pontus, and Meotis, who formerly knew not so much as a lord of their own, but are now subject to three thousand armed men, and where forty long ships keep the sea in peace, which before was not navi- gible, and very tempestuous? How strorig a plea may Bithynia, and Cappadocia, .ind the people of Pamphylia. the Lycians, and Cili- cians, put in for liberty! but they are made tributary without an army. What are the circumstances of the Thracians, whose coun- try extends in breadth five days' journey, and in length seven, and is of a much more harsh constitution, and much more defensible than yours, and, bv the rigour of its cold, suffi- cient to keep otf armies from attacking them? do not they submit to two thousand men of the Roman garrisons? Are not the Illyrians, who inhabit the country adjoining, as far as Dalmatia and the Danube, governed by barely two legions? by which also they put a stop to the incursions of the Dacians; and for the Dalmatians, who have made such fre- quent insurrections, in order to. regain their liberty, and who could never before be so thoroughly subdued, but that they always 632 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK n. gathered their forces together again, and re- volted, yet are they now very quiet under one Uoman legion. Moreover, if great advan- tages might provoke any people to revolt, the QhuIs might do it best of all, as being so thoroughly walled round by nature ; on the east side by the Alps, on the north by the river Rhine, on the south by the Pyrenean mountains, and on the west by the ocean. Now, although these Gauls have siich ob- stacles before them to prevent any attack upon them, and have no fewer than three hundred and five nations among them, nay, have, as one may say, the fountains of domes- tic happiness within themselves, and send out plentiful streams of happiness over almost the whole world, these bear to be tributary to the Romans, and derive their prosperous con- dition from them ; and they undergo this, not ueeause they are of effeminate minds, or be- cause they are of an ignoble stock, as having borne a war of eighty years, in order to pre- serve their liberty; but by reason of the great regard they have to the power of the Romans, and their good fortune, which is of greater efficacy than their arms. These Gauls, there- fore, are kept in servitude by twelve hundred soldiers, who are hardly so many as are their cities; nor hath the gold dug out of the mines of Spain been sufficient for the support of a war to preserve their liberty, nor could their vast distance from the Romans by land and by sea do it ; nor could the martial tribes of the Lusitanians and Spaniards escape ; no more could the ocean, with its tide, which yet was terrible to the ancient inhabitants. Nay, the Romans have extended their arms beyond the pillars of Hercules, and have walked among the clouds, upon the Pyrenean mountains, and have subdued these nations ; and one legion is a sufficient guard for these peop/le, although they were so hard to be conquered, and at a distance so remote from Rome. Who is there among you that hath not heard of the great number of the Ger- mans? You have, to be sure, yourselves seen them to be strong and tall, and that frequent- ly, since the Romans have them among their captives everywhere; yet these Germans who dwell in an immense country, who have minds greater than their bodies, and a soul that despises death, and who are in rage more fierce than wild beasts, have the Rhine for the boundary of their enterprises, and are tamed by eight Roman legions. Such of them as were taken captives* became their ser- vants; and the rest of the entire nation were obliged to save themselves by flight. Do you also, who depend on the walls of Jerusalem, consider what a wall the Britons had : for the Romans sailed away to them, and subdued them while they were encompassed by the ocean, and inhabited an island that is not less than [the continent of] this habitable earth, Mid fcur legions aie a sufficient guard to so large an island : and why should I speak much more about this matter, while the Par- thians, that most warlike body of men, and lords of so many nations, and encompassed with such mighty forces, send hostages to the Romans ; whereby you may see, if you please, even in Italy, the noblest nation of the east, under the notion of peace, submitting to serve them. Now, when almost all people under the sun submit to the Roman arms, will you be the only people that make war against them ? and this without regarding the fate of the Carthaginians, who, in the midst of their brags of the great Hannibal, and the nobility of their Phenician original, fell by the hand of Scipio. Nor ind(^ed have the Cyrenians, derived from the Lacedemonians, nor the Marmaridae, a nation extended as far as the regions uninhabitable for want of water, nor have the Syrtes, a place terrible to such as barely hear it described, the Nassamons and Moors, and the immense multitude of the Numidians, been able to put a stop to the Roman valour ; and as for the third part of the habitable earth [Africa], whose nations are so many, that it is not easy to number them, and which is bounded by the Atlantic sea, and the Pillars of Hercules, and feeds an innumerable multitude of Ethiopians, as far as the Red Sea, these have the Romans sub- dued entirely. And besides the annual fruits of the earth, which maintain the multitude of the Romans for eight months in the year, this, over and above, pays all sorts of tribute, and affords revenues suitable to the necessities of the government. Nor do they, like you, esteem such injunctions a disgrace to them, although they have but one Roman legion that abides among them ; and indeed what occa- sion is there for showing you the power of the Romans over remote countries, when it is so easy to learn it from Egypt, in your neigh- bourhood? This country is extended as far as the Ethiopians, and Arabia the Happy, and borders upon India; it hath seven millions five hundred thousand men, besides the inha- bitants of Alexandria, as may be learned from the revenue of the poll-tax ; yet it is not ashamed to submit to the Roman government, although it hath Alexandria as a grand temp- tation to a revolt, by reason it is so full of people and of riches, and is besides exceeding large, its length being thirty furlongs, and its breadth no less than tep ; and it pays more tribute to the Romans in one month than you do in a year : nay, besides what it pays in money, it sends corn to Rome that sii[)port8 it for four months [in the year] : it is also walled round on all sides, either by almost impassable deserts, or seas that hnv: no havens, or by rivers, or by lakes; yet have none of these thing-s been found too strong for the Roman good fortune : however, two legions that lie in that <;ity -trc a bridle bi>th for the remoter parts of Kgypt, and for tho CHAP. XVI. WARS OF THE JEWS. 633 parts inhabited by the more noble Macedo- nians. Where then are those people whom you are to have for your auxiliaries? Must they come from the parts of the world that are uninhabited? for all that are in the habitable ^ earth are [under the] Romans. — Unless ai»y of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the Euphrates, and suppose that those of your own nation that dwell in Adiabene will come to your assistance (but certainly these will not embarrass themselves with an unjustifiable war, nor, if they should follow suih ill ad- vice, will the Parthians permit them so to do) ; for it is their concern to maintain the truce that is between them and the Romans, and they will be supposed to break the cove- nants between them, if any under their go- verrunent march against the Romans. What remains, therefore, is this, that you have re- course to divine assistance; but this is already on the side of the Romans ; for it is impos- sible that so vast an empir.e should be settled without God's providence. Reflect upon it, how impossible it is for your zealous observa- tion of your religious customs to be here pre- served, which are hard to be observed, even when you tight with those whom you are able to conquer; and how can you then most of all hope for God's assistance, when, by being forced to transgress his law, you will make him turn his face from you ? and if you do observe the custom of the Sabbath-days, and will not be prevailed on to do any thing there- on, you will easily be taken, as were your forefathers by Pompey, who was the busiest in his siege on those days on which the be- sieged rested ; but if in time of war you transgress the law of your country, I cannot tell on whose account you will afterward go to war ; for your concern is but one, that you do nothing against any of your forefa- thers ; and ho<v will you call upon God to assist you, when you are voluntarily trans- gressing against his religion? Now, all men that go to war, do it either as depending on divine or on human assistance; but since your going to war will cut off both those assis- tances, those that are for going to war choose evident destruction. What hinders you from flaying your children and wives with your own hands, and burning this most excellent uative city of yours? for by this mad prank you will, however, escape the reproach of being beaten ; but it were best, O my friends, it were best, while the vessel is still in the haven, to foresee the impending storm, and not to sec sail out of the port into the middle of the nuniciuies; for we justly pity those who fall intogreat misfortunes without foreseeingthem; but for him who rushes into manifest ruin, he gains reproaches [instead of commiseration]. But certainly no one can imagine that you can enter into a war as by an agreement,' or that when the Romans have got you under their power, they will use you with modera- tion, or will not rather, for an example to other nations, burn your holy city, and utterly de- stroy your whole nation; for those of you who shall survive the war will not be able to find a place whither to flee, since all men have the Romans for their lords already, or are afraid they shall have hereafter. Nay, indeed, the danger concerns not those Jews that dwiU here only, but those of them who dwell in other cities also; for there is no people upon the habitable earth which hlTve not some por- tion of you among them, whom your enemies will slay, in case you go to war, and on that account also; and so every city which hath Jews in it will be filled with slaughter for the sake only of a few men, and they who slay them will be pardoned ; but if that slaughter be not made by them, consider ho»v wicked a thing it is to take arms against those that are so kind to you. Have pity, therefore, if not on your children and wives, yet upon this your metropolis, and its sacred walls ; spare the temple, and preserve the holy hou^e, with its holy furniture, for yourselves; for if the Romans get you under their power, they will no longer abstain from them when their for- mer abstinence shall have been so ungratefully requited. 1 call to witness your sanctuary, and the holy angels of God, and this couniry common to us all, that 1 have not kept back any thing that is for yoin* preservation ; and if you will follow that advice which you ought to do, you will have that peace which will be common to you and to me; but if you indulge your passions, you will run those* hazards which I shall be free from." 5. When Agrippa had spoken thus, both he and his sister wept, and by their tears reprei- sed a great deal of the violence of the peoph-, but still they cried out that they would nti fight against the Romans but against Florus, on account of what they had suffered by his means. To which Agrippa replied, that what they had already done was like such as make war against the Romans; "for you have not paid the tribute which is due to Caesar ;* and you ha\e cut off the cloisters [of the temple] from joining to the tower Antonia. You will therefore prevent any occasion of revolt, if you will but join these together again, and if you will but pay your tribute ; for the citadel does not now belong to Florus, nor are you to pay the tribute money to Florus." * Jiilins Ctesar had decreed, that the Jews of Jerusa- lem shuuld pa^ an aimual tribute to the Romans, except- ini{ tlie city of Joppa, and for the Sabbatical year; as Spanheim observes from the Antiq. b 'xir: ciiap. X, sect. 6. 634 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK II CHAPTER XVII. HOW THE WAR OF THE JEWS WITH THE RO- MANS BEGAN ; AND CONCERNING MANA- UEM. § 1. This advice the people hearkened to, and went up into the temple with the king and Bernice, and began to rebuiJd the cloisters : the rulers also and senators divided themselvfes into the villages, and collected the tributes, and soon got together forty talents, which was the sum that was deficient. And thus did Agrippa then put a stop to that war which was threatened. Moreover, he attempted to per- suade the multitude to obey Florus, until Caesar should send one to succeed him ; but they were hereby more provoked, and cast re- proaches upon the Icing, and got him excluded out of the city ; nay, some of the seditious had the impudence to throw stones at him. So when the king saw that the violence of those that were for innovations was not to be restrained, and being very angry at the con- tumelies he had received, he sent their rulers, together with their men of power, to Florus, to Cesarea, that he might appoint whom he thought fit to collect the tribute in the coun- try, while he retired into his own kingdom. 2. And at this time it was that some of those that principally excited the people to go to war, made an assarilt upon a certain for- tress called Masada. They took it by treach- ery, and'slew the Romans that W'ere there, and put others of their own party to keep it. At the same time Eleazar, the son of Ananias the high-priest, a very bold youth, who was at that time governor of the temple, persuaded those that officiated in the divine service to receive no gift or sacrifice for any foreigner. And this was the true beginning of our war with the Romans : for they rejected the sacri- fice of Caesar on this account: and when many of the high-priests and principal men besought them not to omit the sacrifice, which it was customary for them to oflfer for their princes, they would not be prevailed upon. These relied much upon their multitude, for the most flourishing part of the innovators assisted them; but they had the chief regard to Elea- zar, the governor of the temple. 3. Hereupon the men of power got toge- ther, and conferred with the high-priests, as did also the principal of the Pharisees ; and thinking all was at stake, and that their caja- mities were becoming incurable, took counsel what was to be done. Accordingly they de- termined to try what they could do with the dcditious by words, and assembled the people before the brazen gate, which was that gate of the inner temple [court of the priests] which looked towards the sun-rising. And, in the first place, they showed the great indignation thcv bad at this attempt 'or a revolt, and for their bringing so grcit a war upon their country ; after which they confuted their pretence as unjustifiable, and told them that their forefathers had adorned their tem- ple in great part with donations bestowed on them by foreigners, and had always received what had been presented to them from foreign nations ; and that they had been so far from rejecting ajiy person's sacrifice (which would be the highest instance of impiety), that they had themselveei placed those donations about the temple which were still visible, and had remained there so long a time that they did now irritate the Romans to take arms against them, and invited them to make war upon them, and brought up novel rules of a strange divine worship, and determined to run the hazard of having their city condemned for impiety, while they w'ould not allow any fo- reigner but Jews only, either to sacrifice or to worship therein. And if such a law should ever be introduced in the case of a single per- son only, he would have indignation at it, as an instance of inhumanity determined against him; while they have no regard to the Romans or to Caesar, and forbade even their oblations to be received also: that however they cannot but fear, lest, by thus rejecting their sacrifices, they shall not be allowed to oflfer their own ; and that this city will lose its principality, unless they grow wiser quickly, and restore the sacrifices as formerly ; and indeed amend the injury [they have offered to foreigners] before the report of it conies to the ears of those that have been injured. 4. And as they said these things, they pro- duced those priests that were skilful in the customs of their country, who made thfe re- port, that all their forefathers had received the sacrifices from foreign nations. — But still not one of the innovators would hearken to w hat was said ; nay, those that ministered about the temple would not attend their divine ser- vice, but were preparing matters for beginning the war. So the men of power, perceiving that the sedition was too hard for them to subdue, and that the danger which would arise from the Romans would come upon them first of all, endeavoured to save them- selves, and sent ambassadors; some to Flo- rus, the chief of whom was Simon the son of Ananias; and others to Agrippa, among whom the most eminent were Saul, and Antipas, and Costobarus, who were of the king's kin- dred ; and they desired of them both that they would come with an army to the city, and cut oflF the sedition before it should be too hard to be subdued. Now this terrible message was good news to Florus ; and be- cause his design was to have a war kindled, he gave the ambassadors no answer at all. But Agrippa was equally solicitous for those that were revolting, and for those against whom the war was to be made, and was de- sirous to preserve the Jews for the Romans, CHAP. XVII. WARS OF THE JEWS. 635 and the temple and metropolis for the Jews ; he A'as also sensible that it was not for his o\V5i aflvantage that the disturbances should proceed; so he sent three thousand horsemen to the assistance of the people out of Aurani- tis, and Batanea, and Trachonitis, and these under Darius, the master of his horse ; and Philip the son of Jacimus, the general of his pnny. 5. Upon this the men of power, with the nigh-priests, as also all the p'art of the mul- titude that were desirous of peace, took cou- rage, and seized upon the upper city [Mount Sion] ; for the seditious part had the lower city and the temple in their power: so they made use of stones and slings perpetually against one another, and threw darts conti- nually on both sides; and sometimes it hap- pened that they made excursions by troops, and fought it out hand to hand, while the seditious were superior in boldness, but the king's soldiers in skill. These last strove chiefly to gain the temple, and to drive those out of it who profaned it; as did the seditious, with Eleazar (besides what they had already), labour to gain the upper city. Thus were there perpetual slaughters on both sides for seven days' time ; but neither side would yield up the parts they had seized upon. 6. Now the next day was the festival of Xylophory ; upon which the custom was for every one to bring wood for the altar (that there might never be a want of fuel for that fire which was unquenchable and always burn- ing). Upon that day they excluded the oppo- site party from the observation of this part of religion. And when they had joined to themselves many of the Sicarii, who crowded in among the weaker people (that vvas the nauje for such robbers as had under their bosoms swords called Sicae), they grew bolder, and carried their undertakings farther-; inso- much that the king's soldiers were overpow- ered by their multitude and boldness ; and so they gave way, and were driven out of the upper city by force. The others then set fire to the house of Ananias the high-priest, and to the palaces of Agrippa and Bernice ; after which they carried the fire to the place where the archives were reposited, and made haste to burn the contracts belonging to their cre- ditors, and thereby dissolve their obligations for paying their debts; and this was done, in order to gain the multitude of those who had been debtors, and that they might persuade the poorer sort to join in their insurrection with safety against the more wealthy ; so the keepers of the records fled away, and the rest set fire to them. And when they had thus burnt down the nerves of the city, they fell upon their enemies; at which time some of the men of power and of the high-priests, went into the vaults under ground, and con- cealed themselves, while others fled with the king's soldiers to the upi)er palace, and shut the gates immediately; among whom were Ananias the high-priest, and the ambassadors that had been sent to Agrippa. And now the seditious were contented with the victory they had gotten, and the buildings they bad burnt down, and proceeded no farther. 7. But on the next day, which was the fifteenth of the month Lous [Ab], they made an assault upon Antonia, and besieged the garrison which was in it two days, and then took the garrison, and slew them, and set tbe^ citadel on fire ; after which they marched to the palace, whither the king's soldiers were fled, and parted themselves into four bodies, and made an attack upon the walls. As for those that were within it, no one had the courage to sally out, because those that as- saulted them were so numerous; but they dis- tributed themselves into the breast-works and turrets, and shot at the besiegers, whereby many of the robbers fell under the walls; nor did they cease to fight one with another either by night or by day; while the seditious sup- posed that those within would grow weary for want of food ; and those without, supposed the others would do the like by the tedious- ness of the siege. 8. In the mean time one Manahem, the son of Judas, that was called the Galilean (who was a very cunning sophister, and had formerly reproached the Jews under Cyrenius, that after God they were subject to the Ro- mans^, took some of the men of note with him, and retired to Masada, where he broke open king Herod's armoury, and gave arms not only to his own people, but to other robbers also. These he made use of for a guard, and returned in the state of a king to Jerusalem ; he became the leader of the sedition, and gave orders for continuing the siege; but they wanted proper instruments, and it was not practicable to undermine the wall, because the darts came down upon them from above.. But still they dug a mine from a great distance, under one of the towers and made it totter ; and having done that they set on fire what was combustible, and left it: and when the foundations were burnt below, the tower fell down suddenly. Yet did they then meet with another wall that had been built within, for the besieged were sensible beforehand of what they were doing, and probably the tower shook as it was undernrHning ; so they provided themselves of another fortification : which when the besiegers unexpectedly saw, while they thought they had already gained the place, they were under some consternation. However, those that were within sent to Ma- nahem, and to the other leaders of the sedition, and desired they might go out upon a capi- tulation ; this was granted to the king's sol- diers and their own countrymen only, who went out accordingly; but the Romans that were left alone were greatly dejected, for they were not able to force their way through such 636 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK II. a multitude; and to desire them to give them their right hand tor their security, they thought would be a reproach to them ; and besides, if they should give it them, they durst not de- pend upon it ; so they deserted their camp, as easily taken, and ran away to the royal towers, — that called Hippicus, that called Phasaelus and that called Mariamne. But Maiiahem and his party fell upon the place whence the soldiers were fled, and slew as ^ many of them as they could catch, before they got up to the towers, and plundered what they left behind them, and set tire to their camp. This was executed on the sixth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul]. 9. But on the next day the high-priest was :;aught, where he had concealed himself in an aqueduct; he was slain, together with Heze- kiah his brother, by the robbers : hereupon the seditious besieged the towers, and kept them guarded, lest any one of the soldiers should escape. Now the overthrow of the places of strength, and the death of the high- priest Ananias, so puffed up Manahem, that he became barbarously cruel ; and, as he thought he had no antagonist to dispute the management of affairs with him, he was no better than an insupportable tyrant: but Elea- zar and his party, when words had passed be- tween them, how it was not proper when they revolted from the Romans, out of the desire of liberty, to betray that liberty to any of their own people, and to bear a lord, who, though he should be guilty of no violence, was yet meaner than themselves; as also, that, in case they were obliged to set some one over their public affairs, it was fitter they should give that privilege to any one rather than to him, they made an assault upon him in the temple; for he went up thither to worship in a pompous manner, and adorned with royal garments, and had his followers with him in their armour. But Eleazar and his party fell vio- lently upon him, as did also the rest of the people, and taking up stones to attack him withal, they threw them at the sophister, and thought that if he were once ruined the en- tire sedition would fall to the ground. Now Manahem and his party made resistance for a while; but when they perceived that the whole multitude were falling upon them, they fled which way every one was able ; those that were caught were slain, and those that hid themselves were searched for. A few there were of them who privately escaped to Masada, among whom was Eleazar, the son of Jairus, who was of kin to Manahem, and acted the part of a tyrant at Masada afterward. As for Manahem himself, he ran away to the place called Ophla, and there lay skulking in pri- vate ; but they took him alive, and drew him out before them all ; they then tortured him with many sorts of torments, and after all •lew him, as they did by those that were cap- tains under biin >il80, &nd particularly by tbel principal instrument of his tyranny, whose na«ie was Apsalom. 10. And, as 1 said, so far truly the' people assisted them, -while they hoped this might afford some amendment to the seditious prac- tices; but the others were not in haste to put an end to the war, but hoped to prosecute it with less danger, now they had slain Manahem. It is true, that when the people earnestly de- sired that they would leave off besieging the soldiers, they Were the more earnest in press- ing it forward, and this till Metilius, who was the Roman general, sent to Eleazar, and de- sired that they would give them security to spare their lives only; but agreed to deliver up their arms, and what else they had with them. The others readily complied with their petition, sent to them Gorion, the sop of Nicodemus, and Ananias, the son of Sad- duk, and Judas, the son of Jonathan, that they might give them the security of their right hands, and of their oaths: after which Metilius brought down his soldiers; which soldiers, while they were in arms, were not meddled with by any of the seditious, nor w as there any appearance of treachery : but as soon as, according to the articles of capitula- tion, they had all laid down their shields and their swords, and were under no farther sus- picion of any harm, but were going away. Elea- zar's men attacked them after a violent man- ner, and encompassed them round, and slew them, while they neither defended themselves nor entreated for mercy, but oidy cried out upon the breach of their articles of capitula- tion and their oaths. And thus were all these men barbarously murdered, excepting Meti- lius; for when he entreated for mercy, and promised that he would turn Jew, and be cir- cumcised, they saved him alive, hut none else. This loss to the Romans was but light, there being no more than a few slain out of an im- mense army ; but still it appeared to be a prelude to the Jews' own destruction, while men made public lamentation when they saw that such occasions were afforded for a war as were incurable; that the city was all over polluted with such abominations, from which it was but reasonable to expect some ven- geance, even though they should escape re- venge from the Romans; so that the city was filled with sadness, and every one of the mo- derate men in it were under great disturbance, as likely themselves to undergo punishment for the wickedness of the seditious ; for in- deed it so happened that this murder was per- petrated on the Sabbath day, on which day the Jews have a respite from their works on account of divine worship. nAP. XVIII. WARS OF THE JEWS. 637 CHAPTER XVIII. THE CALAMITIES AND SLAUGHTERS THAT CAME UPON THE JEWS. § 1. Now the people of Caesarea had slain the Jews that were among them on the very same day and hour [when the soldiers were slain], which one would think must have come to pass by the direction of Providence ; insomuch that in one hour's time above twenty thousand Jews were killed, and all Caesarea was emptied of its Jewish inhabitants ; for Florus caught such as ran away, and sent them in bonds to the galleys. Upon whjch stroke that the Jews received at Cesarea, the whole nation was greatly enraged ; so they divided themselves into several parties, and laid waste the villages of the Syrians, and their neighbouring cities, Philadelphia, and Sebonitis, and Gerasa, and Pella, and Scytho- pol's, and after them Gadara, and Hippos ; and falling upon Gaulonitis, some cities they destroyed there, and some they set on fire, and then they went to Kedasa, belonging to the Tyrians, and to Ptolemais, and to Gaba, and to Cesarea; nor was either Sebaste (Sanfiaria) or Askelon able to oppose the violence with which they were attacked ; and when they had burned these to the ground, they entirely demolished Anthedon and Gaza; many also of the villages that were about every one of those cities were jlPlndered, and an immense slaughter was made of the men who were caught in them. 2. However, the Syrians were even with the Jews in the multitude of the men whom they slew; for they killed those whom they caught in their cities, and that not only out of the hatred they bare them, as formerly, but to prevent the danger under which they were from them ; so that the disorders in all Syria were terrible, and every city was divided into two armies encamped one against another, and the preservation of the one party was in the destruction of the other ; so the day-time was spent in shedding of blood, and the night in fear, — which was of the two the more ter- rible; for when the Syrians thought they had rained the Jews, they had the Judaizers in suspicion also ; and as each side did not care to slay those whom they only suspected on the other, so did they greatly fear them when they were mingled with the other, as if they were certainly foreigners. Moreover, greedi- ness of gain was a provocation to kill the opposite party, even to such as had of old appeared very mild and gentle towards them; for they without fear plundered the effects of the slain, and carried off the spoils of those whom they slew to their own houses, as if they had been gained in a set battle ; and be Wa5 esteemed a man of honour who got the greatest ^hare. as having prevailed over the greatest number of his enemies. It was then common to see cities filled with dead bodies, still lying unburied, and those of old men, mixed with infants, all dead, and scat- tered about together; women also lay amongst them, without any covering for their naked- ness: you might then see the whole province full of inexpressible calamities, while the dread of still more barbarous practices whli:-i were threatened, was everywhere greater thdii what had been already perpetrated. 3. And thus far the conflict had been be- tween Jews and foreigners; but when they made excursions to Scythopolis, they found Jews that acted as enemies; for as they stood in battle-array with those of Scythopolis, and preferred their own safety before their relation to us, they fought against their own country- men ; nay, their alacrity was so very great, that those of Scythopolis suspected them. These were afraid, therefore, lest they should make an assault upon the city in the night- time, and to their great misfortune, should thereby make an apology for themselves tc their own people for their revolt from them. So they commanded them, that in case they would confirm their agreement, and demon- strate their fidelity to them, who were of a different nation, they should go out of the city, with their families, to a neighbouring grove : and when they had done as they were commanded, without suspecting any thing, the people of Scythopolis lay still for the in- terval of two days, to tempt them to be se- cure; but on the third night they watched their opportunity, and cut all their throats, some of them as they lay unguarded, and some as they lay asleep. The number that was slain was above thirteen thousand, and then they plundered them of all that they had. 4. It will deserve our relation what befell Simon : he was the son of one Saul, a man of reputation among the Jews. This man wag distinguished from the rest by the strength of his body, and Ihe boldness of his conduct, although he abused them both to the mis- chieving of his countrymen ; for he came every day and slew a great many of the Jews of Scythopolis, and he frequently put them to flight, and became himself alone the cause of his army's conquering. But a just punish- ment overtook him for the murders he had committed upon those of the same notion with him ; for when the people of Scythopo- lis threw their darts at them in the grove, he drew his sword, but did not attack any of the enemy; for he saw that he could do nothing against such a multitude; but he cried out, after a very moving manner, and said, — " O you people of Scythopolis, I deservedly suffer for what I have done wi.h relation to you, when I pave ycu such security of my fidelity to \ou, by slaying so many of those that were i related to me. Wherefore we very justly 638 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK II. cxperienco tlie peifuJiou^tjess of foreigners, while we a<-tecl yfler a most wicked manner against our own nation. I will therefore die, polluted wretch as I am, by mine own hands ; for it is not lit 1 should die by the hand of our enemies; and let the same action be to me both a putiishment for my great crimes, and a testiniony of my courage to my commendation, that so no one of our enemies may have it to brag of, that he it was that slew me; and no one may insult upon me as I fall." Now when he had said this, he looked round about him upon his family with eves of commiseration and of rage (that family consisted of a wife and children, and his aged parents) ; so, in the first ptece, he caught his father by his grey hairs, and ran his sword through him, — and after him be did the. same to his mother, who willingly received it; and after them he did the like to his wife and children, every one almost offer- ing themselves to his sword, as desirous to prevent being slain by their enemies; so when he had gone over all his family, he stood upon their bodies to be seen by all, and stretching out his right hand, that his action might be observed by all, he sheathed his entire sword into his own bowels. This young man was to be pitied, on account of the strength of bis body and the courage of his soul ; but since be had assured foreigners of his fidelity [against bis own countrymen] be suffered deservedly. 5. Besides this murder at Scytbopolis, the other cities rose up against the Jews that were among them : those of Askelon slew two thou- sand five hundred, and those of Ptolemais two thousand, and put not a few into bonds; those of Tyre also put a great number to death, but kept a greater number in prison ; moreover, those of Hippos and those of Gadara did the . like, while they put to death the boldest of the Jews, but kept those of whom they were most afraid in custody; as did the rest of the cities of Syria, according as they every one either bated them or were afraid of tbem ; only the Antiochians, the Sidonians, and Apamians spared those that dwelt with them, and they would not endure either to kill any of the Jews, or to put them in bonds. And perhaps they spared them, because their own number was so great that they despised their attempts. But I think that the greatest part of this fa- vour was owing to their commiseration of those whom they saw to make no innovations. As for the Gerasens, they did no harm to those that abode with them ; and for those who bad a mind to go away, they conducted them as far as their borders reached. 6. There was also a plot laid against the Jews in Agrippa's kingdom ; for he was him- nelf gone to Cestius Gallus, to Antioch, but had left one of his companions, whose "ame Was Noarus. to take care of the public h(- fkirs; which Noaru* waa of kin to king Sobemus.* Now there came certain men, seventy in number, out of Batanea, who were the most considerable for their families and prudence of the rest of the people ; these desired to have an army put into their hands, that if any tumult should happen, they might have about them a guard sufficient to restrnin such as might rise up against them. This Noarus sent out some of the king's*armed men by night, and slew all those [seventy] men; which bold action he ventured upon without the consent of Agrippa, and was such a lover of money, that be chose to be so w icked to his own countrymen, although he brought ruin on the kingdom thereby; and thus cruelly did he treat that nation, and this contrary to the laws also, until Agrippa was informed of it, who did not indeed dare to put him to death, out of regard to Sobemus ; but still he put an end to his procuratorship immediately. But as to the seditious, they took the citadel which was called Cypres, and was above Jeri- cho, and cut the throats of the garrison, and utterly demolished the fortifications. This was about the same time that the multitude of the Jews that were at Macherus persuaded the Romans who were in garrison to leave the place, and deliver it up to them. These Ro- mfans being in great fear, lest the place should be taken by force, made an agreement with them to depart upon certain conditions ; and when they had obtained the security they de- sired, they delivered up the citadel, into which the people of Macherus put a garrison for their own security, andJield it in their own power. 7. But for Alexandria, the sedition of the people of the place against the Jews was per- petual, and this from that very time when Alexander [the Great], upon finding the rea- diness of the Jews in assisting him against the Egyptians, and as a reward for such their assistance, gave them equal privileges in this city with the Grecians themselves ; — which honorary reward contimied among them un- der his successors, w ho also set apart for them a particular place that they might live with- out being polluted [by the Gentiles], and were thereby not so much intermixed with foreign- ers as before : they also gave them this far- ther privilege, that they should be called Ma- cedonians. Nay, when the Romans got pos- session of Egypt, neither the first Ca?sar, nor any one that came after him, thought of di- minishing the honours which Alexander had bestowe(i on the Jews. But still conflicts perpetually arose with the Grecians; and although the governors did every day punish many of them, yet did the sedition grow worse; but at this time especially, when there were tumults in other places also, the disor- • Of thin Soheiniis wf have mention made by Taciliis. \\<' !»Im) karn from I)io, tliat his father was kinitof lli« ArahiHKii of Hurra, [wliich Ifnif-a is mentioned by St I, like. iii. I,] both whoite teptjmonies are ouoted bore by Or. Huilaon. See Noldius. Nu.37i. CHAP. XVIII. WARS OF THE JEWS. 639 ders among thera were put into a greater n«:ne ; for when the Alexandrians had once a public assembly, to deliberate about an em- bassage they were sending to Nero, a great number of Jews came flocking to the theatre; bat when their adversaries savv them, they immediately cried out, and called them their enemies, and said they came as spies upon them ; upon which they rushed out and laid violent hands upon them; and as for the rest, they were slain as they ran away ; but there »vere three men whom they caught, and haul- ed them along, in order to have them burnt alive ; but all the Jews came in a body to defend them, who at first threw stones at the Grecians; but after that they took lamps, and rushed with violence into the theatre, and threatened that they would burn the peo- ple to a man ; and this they had soon done, unless Tiberius Alexander, the governor of the city, had restrained their passions. How- ever, this man did not begin to teach them wisdom by arms, but sent among them pri- vately some of the principal men, and thereby entreated them to be quiet, and not provoke the Roman army against them ; but the sedi- tious made a jest of the entreaties of Tiberius, and "-eproached him for so doing. 8- Now when he perceived that those who were for innovations would not be pacified till some great calamity should overtake them, he sent out upon them those two Roman le- gions that were in the city, and together with them five thousand other soldiers, who, by chance, were coma, together out of Libya, to the ruin of the Jews. They were also per- mitted not only to kill them, but to plunder them of what they had, and set fire to their houses. These soldiers rushed violently into that part of the city which was called ^^elta, where the Jewish people lived together, and did as they were bidden, though not without bloodshed on their own side also ; for the Jews got together, and set those that were the best armed among them in the fore-front, and made resistance for a great while ; but when once they gave back, they were de- stroyed unmercifully ; and this their destruc- tion was complete, some being caught in the open field, and others forced into their houses, which houses were first plundered of what was in them, and then set on fire by the Ro- iniris ; wherein no mercy was shown to the infants, and no regard had to the aged ; but they went on in the slaughter of persons of every age, till all the place was overflowed with blood, and fifty thousand of them lay dead upon heaps ; nor had the remainder been preserved, had they not betaken them- selves to supplication. So Alexander com- miserated their condition, and gave orders to the Romans to retire : accordingly, these, being accustomed to obey orders, left off kill- imr at the first intimation ; but the populace of Alexandria bare so very great hatred to the Jews, that it was difficult to recall them ; and it was a hard thing to make them leave their dead bodies. 9. And this was the miserable calamity which at this time befell the Jews at Alexan- dria. Hereupon Cestius thought tit no longer to lie still, while the Jews were everywhere up in arms ; so he took out of Antioch the twelfth legion entire, and out of each of the rest he selected two thousand, with six cohorts of footmen, and four troops of horsemen, be- sides those auxiliaries which were sent by the kings ; of which Antiochus* sent two thou- sand horsemen, and three thousand- footmen, with as many archers ; and Agrippa sent the sa^e number of footmen, and one thousand horsemen ; Sohemus also followed with four thousand, a third part whereof were horsemen, but most part were archers, and thus did he march to Ptolemais. There were also great numbers of auxiliaries gathered together from the [free] cities, who indeed had not the same skill in martial affairs, but made up in their alacrity and in their hatred to the Jews what they wanted in skill. There came also along with Cestius, Agrippa himself, both as a guide in his march over the country, and a director of what was fit to be done ; so Cestius took part of his forces, and marched hastily to Zabulon, a strong city of Galilee, which was called the City of Men, and divides the country of Pto- lemais from our nation ; this he found deserted by its men, the multitude having fled to the mountains, but full of all sorts of good things ; those he gave leave to the soldiers to plunder, and set fire to the city, although it was of ad- mirable beauty, and had its houses built like those in Tyre, and Sidon, and Berytus. Af- ter this he overran all the country, and seized upon whatsoever came in his way, and set fire to the villages that were round about them, and then returned to Ptolemais. But when the Syrians, and especially those of Berytus, were busy in plundering, the Jews plucked up their courage again, for they knew that Cestius was retired, and fell upon those that were left behind unexpectedly, and destroyed about two thousand of them. 10. And now Cestius himself marched from Ptolemais, and came to Cesarea; but he sent part of his army befdre him to Joppa, and gave orders, that if they could take that city [by surprise] they should keep it; but that in case the citizens should perceive they were coming to attack them, they then should stay for him, and for the rest .of the army. So some of them made a brisk march by the sea- side, and some by land, and so coming upon them on both sides, they took the city with ease; and as the inhabitants had made no pro- vision aforehand for a flight, nor had gotten • Spanheim notes on the place, that this latter Anti«\ chiis, who was called Fpipbanes. is mentioned by Dio, !ix. t>. 64.5; and that he is mentioned by Josepbub elfto* wht-r^ twic«' also. V T.chap, xL sect. 3; aod Antiq. b. xix. chap. viii. sect L 640 WARS OP THE JEWS. BOOK n. any thing ready for fighting, the soldiers fell upon them, and slew them all, with their fa- milies, and then plundered and hurnt the city. The number of the slain Mas eight thou- sand four hundred. In like manner Cestius sent also a considerable body of horsemen to the topaFchy of Narbatene, that adjoined to Cesarea, who destroyed the country, and slew a great multitude of its people ; they also plundered what they had, and burnt their vil- lages. 1 1. But Cestius sent Gallus, the commander of the twelfth legion into Galilee, and deli- vered to him as many of his forces as he sup- posed sufficient to subdue that nation. _He was received by the strongest city of Gauiee, which was Sepphoris, with acclamations of joy ; which wise conduct of that city occa- sioned the rest of the cities to be in quiet ; while the seditious part and the robbers ran away to that mountain which lies in the very middle of Galilee, and is situated over against Sepphoris; it is called Asamon. So Gallus brought his forces against them; but while those men were in the superior parts above the Romans they easily threw their darts upon the Romans, as they made their approaches, and slew about two hundred of them ; but when the Romans had gone round the moun- tains, and were gotten into the parts above their enemies, the others were soon beaten ; nor could they who had only light armour on sustain the force of them that fought them armed all over ; nor when they were beaten could they escape the enemy's horsemen ; in- somuch that only some few concealed them- selves in certain places hard to be come at, among the mountains, while the rest, above two thousand in number, were slain. CHAPTER XIX. WHAT CESTIUS DID AGAINST THF JEWS; AND HOW, UPON HIS BESIEGING J lli I SA [.EM, HE BETREATED FKOM THE CITY, WITHOUT ANY JUST OCCASION IN THE WORLD. AS ALSO WHAT SEVERE CALAMITIES HE UNDERWENT FROM THE JEWS IN HIS RETREAT. § 1. And now Gallus, seeing nothing more that looked towards an innovation in Galilee, retur''-?d with his army to Cesarea: but Ces- tius removed with his whole army, and march- ed to Antipatris; and when he was informed that there was a great body of Jewish forces gotten together in a certain tower called Aphek, he sent a party before to fight them ; but this party dispersed the Jews by affright ing them before it came to a battle: so they came, and finding their camp deserted, they burnt it, as wtU a» the villages that lay about it. But when Cestiu* had marched from An- tipatris to Lydda, be found tb«* city empty of its men, for the whole multitude* were gone up to Jerusalem to the feast of taberna- cles; yet did he destroy fifty of those that showed themselves, and burnt the city. ai)d so marched forwards ; and ascending by Beth- oron, he pitched his camp at a certain place called Gabao, fifty furlongs distant from Je- rusalem. 2. But as for the Jews, when they saw the war approaching to their metropolis, they left the feast, and betook themselves to their arms; and taking courage greatly from their multi- tude, went in a sudden and disorderly man- ner to the fight, with a great noise, and with- out any consideration had of the rest of the seventh day, although the Sabbath ♦was the day to which they had the greatest regard ; but that rage which made them forget the religious observation [of the Sabbath], made them too hard for their enemies in the fight : with such violence, therefore, did they fall upon the Romans, as to break into their ranks, and to march through the midst of them, making a great slaughter as they went, inso- much that unless the horsemen, and such part of the footmen as were not yet tired in the action, had wheeled round, and succoured that part of the army which was not yet bro- ken, Cestius, with his whole army, had been in danger: however, five hundred and fifteen of the Romans were slain, of which number four hundred were footmen, and the rest horse- men, while the Jews lost only twenty-two, of whom the most valiant were the kinsmen of Monobazus, kingof Adiabene, and their names were Monobazus and Kenedeus ; and next to them were Niger of Perea, and Silas of Ba- bylon, who had deserted from king Agrippa to the Jews; for he had formerly served in his army. When the front of the Jewish army had been cut oif, the Jews retired into the city; but still Simon, the son of Giora, fell upon the backs of the Romans as they were ascending up Bethoron, and put the hindmost of the army into disorder, and carried off • Here we have an pminent example of that Jewish lancnatce, which Dr. Uall truly observes, we several times dud used in the sacred writings; I mean where the words "all," or "'whole multitude," ficc. are ustd for much the greatest part only ; but not so as to include every person without exception; for when Josephus had said, that the "whole multitude" [all the males] of l.ydda were gone to the feast of tabernacles, lie imme- diately adds, that, however, no fewer than fifty of them appeared, and were slain by the Romans. (.)tlier exam- ples somewhat like this I have observed elsewhere in Josephus; but, as I think, none so remarkable as this. See V\ all's Critical Observations on the Old Testament, p. 41,50. \\ e have also in this and the next section, two emi- nent facts to be observed, vie. the fir^t example, that I remember in Josephus, of the onset of the Jews' ene- mies upon their country when their males were gone up to Jerusalem to one of their three sacred (♦■ctivals; which, during the theocracy, God bad promi.^ed to preserv*- them from. Kxod. xxxiv. 24. The srcond fact is this, the breach of the Sabbath by the seditious Jews in an olft-n- sive fight, contrary to the universal doctrine and prao. lire of their nation in these aces, and even contrary to what they themselve' afterward practised in the rest oi this war. bee the cote na Antiq. b. xvi ch. 2, sect. 4. CHAP. XIX. ( UNsv . I WARS OF THE JEWS. 641 many of the beasts that carried the weapons of war, and led them into the city; but as Cestius tarried there three days, the Jews seized upon the elevated parts of the city, and set watches at the entrances into the city, and appeared openly resolved not to rest when once the Romans should begin to march. 3. And now when Agrippa observed that even the affairs of the Romans were likely to be in danger, while such an immense multi- tude of their enemies had seized upon the mountains round about, he determined to try what the Jews would agree to by words, as thinking that he should either persuade them all to desist from fighting, or, however, that he should cause the sober part of them to separate themselves from the opposite party. So he sent Borceus and Phebus, the per- sons of his party that were the best known to them, and promised them that Cestius should give them his right hand, to secure them of the Romans' entire forgiveness of what they had done amiss, if they would throw away their arms, and come over to them: but the seditious, fearing lest the whole multitude, in hopes of security to themselves, should go over to Agrippa, resolved immediately to fall upon and kill the ambassadors : accordingly they slew Phebus before he said a word, but Borceus was only wounded, and so prevented his fate by flying away. And when the peo- ple were very angry at this, they had the seditious beaten with stones and clubs, and drove them before them into the city. 4. But now Cestius observing that the dis- turbances that were begun among the Jews afforded him a proper opportunity to attack them, took his whole army along with him, and put the Jews to flight, and pursued them to Jerusalem. He then pitched his camp upon the elevation called Scopus [or watch- tower], which was distant seven furlongs from the city ; yet did he not assault them in three days* time, out of expectation that those with- in might perhaps yield a little ; and in the mean time he sent out a great many of his soldiers into neighbouring villages, to seize upon their corn ; and on the fourth day, which was the thirtieth of the month Hyper- bereteus [Tisri], when he put his army in array, he brought it into the city. Now for the people, they were kept under by the sedi- tious ; but the seditious themselves were great- ly affrighted at the good order of the Romans, and retired from the suburbs, and retreated into the inner part of the city, and into the temple. But when Cestius was come into the city, he set the part called Bezetha, which is also called Cenopolis [or the new city], on fire; as he did also to the timber-market: after which he came into the upper city, and pitched his camp over against the royal palace ; and had he but at this very time attempted to get within the walls by force, he had won the city presently, and the war had been put an end to at once ; but Tyrannitis Priscus, the muster-master of the arniy, anu a great number of the officers of the horse, had been corrupted by Florus, and diverted him from that his attempt; and that was the occasion that this war lasted so very long, and thereby the Jews were involved in buch in- curable calamities. 5. In the mean time, many of the principal men of the city were persuaded by Anamis, the son of Jonathan, and invited Cestius into the city, and were about to open the gates for him ; but he overlooked this offer, partly out of his anger at the Jews, and partly be- cause he did not thoroughly believe they were in earnest ; whence it was that he delayed the matter so long, that the seditious per- ceived the treachery, and threw Ananus and those of his party down from the wall, and, pelting them with stones, drove them into their houses; but they stood themselves at proper distances in the towers, and threw their darts at those that were getting over the wall. Thus did the Romans make their attack against the wall for five days, but to no pur- pose. But on the next day, Cestius took a great many of his choicest men, and with them the archers, and attempted to break into the temple at the northern quarter of it: but the Jews beat them off from the cloisters, and repulsed them several times when they were gotten near to the wall, till at length the multitude of the darts cut them off, and made them retire : but the first rank of the Ro mans rested their shields upon the wall, and so did those that were behind them, and the like did those that were still more backward, and guarded themselves with what they call Testudo, [the back of] a tortoise, upon which the darts that were thrown fell, and slided otf without doing them any harm ; so the soldiers undermined the wall, without being them- selves hurt, and got all things ready for set- ting fire to the gate of the temple. 6. And now it was that a horrible fear seized upon the seditious, insomuch that many of them ran out of the city, as though it were to be taken immediately ; but the people upon this took courage, and where the wicked part of the city gave ground, thither did .they come, in order to set open the gates, and to admit Cestius as their benrfactor, who, had he but continued the siege a little longer, had certainly taken the city ; but it was, I sup- pose, owing to the aversion God had already at the city and the sanctuary, that he was hindered from putting an end to the war that very day.* • There may another very important, and rery pro- videnlial. reas.m be here assigned for this strange and foolish retreat of Cestius ; which, if Josephus had been now a. Christian, he might probably have taken notice of aNo; and that is, the aObrdin? the Jewish Christians in the city an opportunity of calling to mind the prcw dfclion and caution given then* by Christ about thirty- three \ear8 ami a half before, that " when they should kee the abomiuatiun of df solation " Hat idulatrout a «5 a42 WARS OF TUt: JEWS. BOOK U. 7. It then happened that Cestius was not conscious either how the besieged despaired of success, nor how courageous the people were for him ; and so he recalled his soldiers from the place, and by despairing of any expectation of taking it, without having received any dis- grace, he retired from the city, without any reason in the world. That when the robbers perceived this unexpected retreat of his, they resumed their courage, and ran after the hinder parts of his arui^, and destroyed a considerable number of both their horsemen and footmen ; and now Cestius lay all night at the camp, which was at Scopus; and as he went off far- ther next day, he thereby invited the enemy to follow him, who still fell upon the hind- most, and destroyed them ; they also fell upon the flank on each side of the army, and threw darts upon them obliquely, nor durst those that were hindmost turn back upon those who wounded them behind, as imagining that the tnultitude of those that pursued them was immense; nor did they venture to drive away those that pressed upon them on each side, because they were heavy with their arms, and were afraid of breaking their ranks to pieces, and because they saw the Jews were light and ready for making incursions upon them. And this was the reason why the Romans suffered greatly without being able to revenge them- selves upon their enemies; so they were galled all the way, and their ranks were put into dis- order, and those that were thus put out of their ranks were slain ; among whom were Priscus the commander of the sixth legion, and Lon- ginus the tribune, and Emilias Secundus, the commander of a troop of horsemen. So it was not without difficulty that they got to Gabao, their former camp, and that not with- out the loss of a great part of their baggage. There it was that Cestius staid two days; and was in great distress to know what he should do in these circumstances ; but when, on the third day, he saw a still greater number of enemies, and all the parts round about him .full of Jews, he understood that his delay was to his own detriment, and that if he staid any longer there, he should have still more ene- mies upon him. 8. That therefore he might fly the faster, he gave orders to cast away what might hin- der his army's march; so they killed the mules and other creatures, excepting those that car- ried their darts and machines, which they Roman armies, with the imaces of thrir idols in their ensigns, ready to lay Jerusalem desolate,] " stand where it oneht not," or. "in the holy place;" or ~ when they should see Jerusalem encomp;isse(l with armies " they should then "flee to the mountains." liy complyini; with which those Jewish Christians fled to the moiin- tains of I'erea, and escaped this destruction. See Lit. Accompl. of Proph page 69. 70. Nor was there, per- h!u>», anyone instance of a more unpoliilc. but more providential conduct than this retreat of Cestius, visible 4urini( this whole siege of Jerusalem i which yet was finividentially such a •* great tribulation, as had not been rooi the beeinnirff <f the world to that timej oo, nor •vtT should be "—Ibid, pages 7U, 7 1. retained for their own use, and this principaDy because they were afraid lest the Jews should seize upon them. He then made bis army march on as far as Bethoron. Now the Jews did not so much press upon them when thi^y were in large open places ; but when they were penned up in their descent through nar- row passages, then did some of them get be- fore, and hindered them from getting out of them ; and others of them thrust the hinder- most down into the lower places; and the whole multitude extended themselves over against the neck of the passage, and covered the Roman army with their darts. In which circumstances, as the footmen knew not how to defend themselves, so the danger pressed the horsemen still more, for they were so pelt- ed, that they could not march along the road in their ranks, and the ascents were so high, that the cavalry were not able to march against the enemy; the precipices also, and valleys into which they frequently fell, and tumbled down, were such on each side of them, that there was neither place for their flight, nor any conlrivance could be thought of for their defence ; till the distress they were at last in was so great that they betook themselves to lamentations, and to such mournful cries as men use in the utmost despair : the joyful acclamations of the Jews also, as they encou- raged one another, echoed the sounds back again, these last composing a noise of those that at once rejoiced and were in a rage. In- deed these things were come to such a pass, that the Jews had almost taken Cestius's entire army prisoners, had not the night corat' on, when the Romans fled to Bethoron, and the Jews seized upon all the places round about them, and watched for their coining out [in the morning]. 9. And then it was that Cestius, despairing of obtaining room for a public march, contri- ved how he might best run away ; and w htn he had selected four hundred of the mo^t courageous of his soldiers, he placed them at the strongest of their fortifications; and gave order, that when they went up to the morn- ing guard, they should erect their ensigns, tha'„ the Jews might be made to believe that the entire army was there still, while he himself took the rest of his forces with him, arid marched, without any noise, thirty fiirlongs. But when the Jews perceived, in the morur ing, that the camp Was empty, they ran upon those four hundred who had deluded them, and itnmediately threw their 4Mrts at them, and slew them ; and then pursued after Ces- tius. But he had already made use of a great part of the night in his flight, and still marched quicker when it was day ; insomuch that the soldiers, through (he astonishment and fear they were in, left behind them their engines for sieges, and for throwing of stones, and a great part of the instruments of war. So (he Jew» went on pursuing the Romans as CHAP. XX. WARS OF THI'. JEWS. 643 far as Antipatris; after which, seeing they could not overtake them, they came back and took the engines, and spoiled the dead bodies; and gathered the prey together which the Ro- mans had left behind them, and came back running and singing to their metropolis ; while they had themselves lost a few only, but had slain of the Romans five thousand and three hundred footmen, and three hundred and eighty horsemen. This defeat happened on the eighth day of the month Dius [Mar- hesvan], in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero. CHAPTER XX. CtSTIUS SENDS AMBASSADORS TO NERO. THE PEOPLE OF DAMASCUS #LAY THOSE JEWS THAT LIVED WITH THEM. THE PEOPLE OF JERUSALEM, AFTER [THEY HAD LEFT OFF] PURSUING CESTIUS, RETURN TO THE CITY, AND GET THINGS READY FOR ITS DEFENCE, AND MAKE A GREAT MANY GENERALS FOR THEIR ARMIES, AND PARTICULARLY JOSE- PHUS, THE WRITER OF THESE BOOKS. SOME ACCOUNT OF HIS ADMINISTRATION. § 1. After this calamity had befallen Ces- tius, many of the most emincfit of the Jews swam away from the city, as from a ship when it was going to sink; Costoburus, therefore, and Saul, who wore brethren", together with Philip, the son of Jaciinus, who was the com- mander of king Agrippa's forces, ran away from the city, and went to Cestius. But then how Antipas, who had been besieged with them in the king's palace, but would not fly away with them, was afterwards slain by the seditious, we shall relate hereafter. However, Cestius sent Saul and his friends, at their own desire, to Achaia, to Nero, to inform him of the great distress they were in; and to lay the blame of their kindling the war upon Florus, as hopnig to alleviate his own danger, by provoking his indignation against Florus. 2. In the mean time, the people of Damas- cus, when they were informed of the destruc- tion of the Rou>ans, set about the slaughter of those Jev/s that were among them; and as they had them already cooped up together in the place, of public exercises, which they had done, out of the suspicion they had of them, they thought they should meet with no dilficulty in the attempt; yet did they distrust their own wives, which were almost all of them addicted to the Jewish religion ; on which account It was that their greatest concern was, how they might conceal these things from them ; so they came upon the Jews, and cut their throats, as being in a narrow place, in immber ten thousand, and all of them unarmed, and this in one hour's time, wiihuut any body to iiyturb tbeui. . 3. But as to those who had pursued after Cestius, when they were returned back to Jerusalem, they overoore some of those that favoured the Romans by violence, and some they persuaded [by entreaties] to join with them, and got together in great numbers in the temple, and appointed a great many generals for the war. Joseph also, the son of Gorion,* and Ananus the high- priest, were chosen as governors of all affairs within the city, and with a particular charge to repair the walls of the city; for they did not ordain Eleazar, the son of Simon, to that office, although he had gotten into his possession me prey they had taken from the Romans, and the money they had taken from Cestius, to- gether with a great part of the public treasures, because they saw he was of a tyrannical temper; and that his followers were, in their behaviour, like guards about him. However, the want they were in of Eleazar's money, and the subtile tricks used by him, brought all so about, that the people were circumvented, and submitted themselves to his authority in all public affairs. 4. They also chose other generals for Idu- mea ; Jesus the son of Sapphias, one of the high-priests; and Eleazar the son of Ananias, the high-priest; they also enjoined Niger, the then governor of Idumea,f who was of a family that belonged to Perea, beyond Jordan, and was thence called the Peraite, that he should be obedient to those fore-named com- manders. Nor did they neglect the care of other parts of the country; but Joseph the son of Simon was sent as general to Jericho, as was Manasseh to Perea, and John, the Essene, to the toparchy of Thamna; Lvcidn was also added to his portion, and Joppa and Emmaus. But John, the son of Matthias, was made the governor of the toparchies of Gophnitica and Aorabatene, as was Jo'scphus, the son of Matthias, of both the Galilees. Gamala also, which was the strongest city in those parts, was put under his command. 5. So every one of the other commanders administered the affairs of his portion with that alacrity and prudence they were masters of; but as to Joseph us, when he came into Galilee, his first care was to gain the good- will of the people of that country, as sensible that he should thereby have in general good success, although he should fail in other points. And being conscious to himself that if he communicated part of his power to the • From tliis name of Joseph the son of Gorion, or Gorion the son ol Joseph, as (b. iv. chap. iii. sect U.) one of tlie Kovernors ot Jerusalem, who was slain at the beginning of the tumalts by the zealots (b. iv. ch;ip. vL sect. 1), the much later Jewish author of an history of that nation takes his title, and yet personates our true Josephus. the son of Matthias,- but the cheat is loo gross to he put upon the learned world. + We may observe here, that the Iduraeans, as having been proselytes of justice since the days ot John Hyrcaiius, during about 195 years, were now esttemoa as part of the Jewish nation, and here provided wiin a Jewish commander accordingly. See the note upoo Autiq. b. \iii. nhap. ix. sect 1 644 WARS OF THE JEWS. «OOK 11. great men, he should make them his fast friends; and that he should gain the same favour froo) the multitude, if he executed his commands by persons of their own country, and with whom they were well acquainted; he chose out seventy* of the most prudent men, and those elders in age, and appointed them t(» be rulers of all Galilee, as he chose seven judges in every city to hear the lesser quarrels; for as to the greater causes, and those wherein life and death were concerned, he enjoined they should be brought to him and the seventy elders. 6. Joseph us also, when he had settled these rules for determining causes by the law, with regard to the people's dealings one with another, betook himself to make provisions for their safety against external violence; and as he knew the Romans would fall upon Galilee, he built walls in proper places about Jotapata, and Bersabee, and Salamis; and besides these about Caphareccho, and Japha, and Sigo, and what they call Mount Tabor, and Tarichese, and Tiberias. Moreover, he built walls about the caves near the lake of Gennessar, which places lay in the Lower Galilee; the same as he did to the places of Upper Galilee, as well as to the rock called the Rock of the Acha- bari, and to Seph, and Jamnith, and Meroth; and in Gaulanitis he fortified Seleucia, and Sogane, and Gamala; but as to those of Sep- phoris, they were the only people to whom he gave leave to build their own walls, and this, because he perceived they were rich and wealthy, and ready to go to war, without stand- ing in need of any injunctions for that purpose. The case was the same with Gischala, which had a wall built about it by John the son of Levi himself, but with the consent of Jose- phus; but for the building of the rest of the fortresses, he laboured together with all the other builders, and was present to give all the • We see here, and in Josephus's account of his own life, sect. 14, how exactly he imitated his legislator Moses, or periiaps only obeyed what he took to be his perpetual law, in appointing seven lesser judges, lor smaller causes, in particular cities, and perhaps tor the tirst hearing of greater causes, with the liberty of au appeal to seventy- one bupreme judges, especially in those causes where lile and death is concerned; as Antiq.b.iv.ch. viii. sect. 14; and of bis Life, sect 14. See also Oi the War, b. iv. cli. v sect 4. Moreover, we lind 'sect. 7) that he imitated Moses, as well as the Romans, in the number and distri- bution of the subaltern oliiceis of his army, as Kxod. xviii. 25; DeuL Lid; and in bis ctiarge against the ntiences comrnun among soldiers, as Ueut. xxiii. 9; in all which be showed his great wisdum and piety, and skilful con- duct in martial affairs. Yet may we discern in his very high character of Ananus the high-priest, b. iv. ch. v. sect, i, who seems to have been the same that condemned St. James, bishop of Jerusa em, to be stoned, under Albi- Dus the procurator, that when he wrote these books of the War. he was not so mucli as an Lbionite Christian: otherwise be would not have failed, according to his usual custom, to have reckoned this his barbarous murder as a just punishment upon him for that his cruelty to the chief, or rather only Christian bishop of the circumcision. Nor, had he been then a Christian, could he immediately have spoken so movingly of the causes of the destruc- tion of Jerusalem, without one word of either the con- demnation of James, or crucifixion of Christ, as he did wb«u bs was liscomc a ChristiaD aftsrward. necessary orders for that purpose. He also got together an army out of Galilee, of more than a hundred thousand young men, all of whom he armed with the old weapons which he had collected together and prepared for them. 7. And when he had considered that the Roman power became invincible, chiefly by their readiness in obeying orders, and the constant exercise of their arms, he despaired of teaching these his men the use of their arms, which was to be obtained by experience; but observing that their readiness in obeying orders was owing to the multitude of their officers, he made his partitions in his army more after the Roman manner, and appointed a great many subalterns. He also distributed the soldiers into various classes, whom he put under captains of tens, and captains of hun- dreds, and then under captains of thousands; and besides these he had commanders of larger bodies of men. He also taught them to give the signals one to another, and to call and recall the soldiers by the trumpets, how to expand the wings of an army, and make them wheel about; and when one wing hath had success, to turn again and assist those that were hard set, and to join in the defence of what had most suffered. He also contirmally instructed them in what concerned the courage of the soul and the hardiness of the body ; and, above all, he exercised them for war, by decla- ring to them distinctly the good order of the Romans, and that they were to light with men who, both by the strength of their bodies and courage of their souls, had conquered in a man- ner the whole habitable earth. He told tbeni that he should make trial of the good order they would observe in war, even before it came to any battle, in case they would abstain from the crimes they used to indulge them- selves in, such as theft, and robbery, and rapine, and from defrauding their own country- men, and never to esteem the harm done to those that were so near of kin to them to be any advantage to themselves; for that wars are then managed the best when the warriors preserve a good conscience; but that such as are ill men in private life, will not only have those for enemies which attack them, but God himself also for their antagonist. . 8. And thus did he continue to admonish them. 2^ow he chose for the war such an army as was sufficient, i. e. sixty thousand footmen, and two hundred and fifty horse- men;! and besides these, on which he put the greatest trust, there were about four thou- sand five hundred mercenaries: he had also six hundred men as guards of his body. ^Jow the cities easily maintained the rest of his + I should think that an army of sixty thousand foot, men should requite n any more than two hundred' and Htty horsemen, and wt> had Josephus bad mure hoise- men under his coinuiand than two hundred and fiity in his future history. 1 siippi)!>e the nuni.ber of the thou-i ] sands is dropped m uur pieKent cwpitH. CRAP. XXI. WARS OF THE JEWS. army, excepting the mercenaries; for every one of the cities enumerated before sent out half their men to their army, and retained the other half at home, in order to get provisions for them; insomuch that the one part went to the war, and the other part to their work : and so those that sent out their corn were paid for it by those that were in arms, by that security which they enjoyed from them. CHAPTER XXI, CONCERNING JOHN OF GISCHALA. JOSEPHUS USES STRATAGEMS AGAINST THE PLOTS JOHN LAID AGAINST HIM, AND RECOVERS CERTAIN CITIES WHICH HAD REVOLTED FROM HIM. § 1. Now, as Josephus \vas thus engaged in the administration of the affairs of Galilee, there arose a treacherous person, a man of Gischala, the son of Levi, whose name was John. His character was that of a very cun- ning, and very knavish person, beyond the ordinary rate of the other men of eminence there; and for wicked practices he had not his fellow anywhere. Poor he was at first, and for a long time his wants were a hin- derance to him in his wicked designs. He was a ready liar, and yet very sharp in gain- ing credit to his fictions: he thought it a point of virtue to delude people, and would delude even such as were the dearest to him. He was a hypocritical pretender to humanity, but, where he had hopes of gain, he spared not the shedding of blood: his desires were ever carried to great things, and he encouraged his hopes from those mean \vicked tricks which he was the author of. He had a peculiar knack at thieving; but in some time he got certain companions in his impu- dent practices: at first they were but few, but as he proceeded on in his evil course, they became still more and more numerous. He took care that none of his partners should be easily caught in their rogueries, but chose such out of the rest as had the strongest con- stitutions of body, and the greatest courage of soul, together with great skill in martial afiairs ; so he got together a band of fo#r hundred men, who came principally out of the country of Tyre, and were vagabonds that had run away from its villages; and by the means of these he laid waste all Galilee, and irritated a considerable number, who were in great expectation of a war then suddenly to arise among them. 2. However, John's want of money had hitherto restrained him in his ambition after command, and in his attempts to advance himself; but when he saw that Josephus was highly pleased with the activity of his temper, be persuaded him, in the first place, to intrust him with the repairing of the walls of his 645 native city [Gischala] ; in which work he got a great deal of money from the rich citizens. He after that contrived a very shrewd trick, and pretending that the Jews who dwelt in Syria were obliged to make use of oil that was made by others than those of their own nation, he desired leave of Josephus to send oil to their borders; so he bought four am- phorae with such Tyrian money as was of tht value of four Attic drachmae, and sold every half-amphora at the same price; and as Galilee was very fruitful in oil, and was pecu- liarly so at that time, by sending away great quantities, and having the sole privilege so to do, he gathered an immense sum of money together, which money he immediately use»i to the disadvantage of him who gave him that privilege; and, as he supposed, that if he could once overthrow Josephus, he should himself obtain the government of Galilee; so he gave order to the robbers that were under his command, to be more zealous in their thievish expeditions, that by the rise of many that desired innovations in the country, he might either catch their general in his snares, as he came to the country's assistance, and then kill him; or if he should overlook the robbers, he might accuse him for his negli- gence to the people of the country. He also spread abroad a report far and near, that Josephus was delivering up the adminis- tration of aflfairs to the Romans; — and many such plots did he lay, in order to ruin him. 3. Now at the same time that certain young men of the village Dabaritta, who kepf guard in the Great Plain, laid snares for Ptolemy, who was Agrippa's and Bernice's steward, and took from him all that he had with him ; among which things there were a great many costly garments, and no small number of sil- ver cups, and six hundred pieces of gold; yet were they not able to conceal what they had stolen, but brought it all to Josephus, to Taricheae. Hereupon he blamed them for the violence they had offered to the king and queen, and deposited what they brought to him with Eneas, the most potent man of Ta- richeae, with an intention of sending the things back to the owners at a proper time; which act of Josephus brought him into the greatest danger; for those that had stolen the things, had an indignation at him, both because they gained no share of it for themselves, and because they perceived beforehand what was Joseph us's intention, and that he would freely deliver up what had cost them so much pains to the king and queen. These, ran away by night to their several villages, and declared to all men that Josephus was going to betray them ; they also raised great disor- ders in all the neighbouring cities, insomuch that in the morning a hundred thousand armec/ men came running together; which multitude was crowded together in the hyppodrome at Taricheae, and made a v^ry p«eTuh 646 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK ir. damour a^nst him; while some cried out, that they should depose the traitor; and others, that they should burn bina. Now John irritated a great many, as did also one Jesus, the son of Sapphias, who was then governor of Tiberias. Then it was that Josephus's friends, and the guards of his body, were so affrighted at this violent assault of the multi- tude, that they all fled away but four; and as he was asleep, they awaked hira, as the people were going to set fire to the house; and although those four that remained with him persuaded him to run away, he was nei- ther surprised at his being himself deserted, nor at the great multitude that came against him, but leaped out to them with his clothes rent, and ashes sprinkled on his head, with his hands behind him, and his sword hanging at his neck. At this sight his friends, espe- cially those of Taricheae, commiserated his condition; but those that came out of the country, and those in their neighbourhood, to whom his government seemed burdensome, reproached him, and bade him produce the money which belonged to them all imme- diately, and to confess the agreement he had made to betray them; for they imagined, from the habit in which he appeared, that he could deny nothing of what they suspected concern- 'ing him, and that it was in order to obtain pardon, that he had put himself entirely into so pitiable a posture; but this humble appear- ance was only designed as preparatory to a stratagem of his, who thereby contrived to set those that were so angry at him at vari- ance one wdth another about the things they were angry at. However, he promised he would confess all: hereupon he was permit- ted to speak, when he said, " I did neither intend to send this money back to Agrippa, nor to gain it myself; for I did never esteem one that was your enemy to be my friend, nor did I look upon what would tend to your disadvantage, to be my advantage. But, O you people of Taricheae, I saw that your city stood in more need than others of fortification for your Security, and that it wanted money, in order for the building it a wall. I was also afraid lest the people of Tiberias and other cities should lay a plot to seize upon these spoils, and therefore it was that I intended to retain this money privately, that 1 might encompass you with' a wall. But if this does not please you, Ijvill produce what was brought me, and leave it tc^you to plun- der it: but if I have conducted myself so well as to please you, you may, if you please, punish your benefactor." 4. Hereupon the people of Taricheaj loudly commended hira; but those of Tiberias, with the rest of the company, gave him hard names, &ud threatened what they would do to him ; »o both sides left off (juarreUing with Josephus, aud fell to quarrelling with one another. So he grew bold upoa the dependence he had on his friends, which were the people of Tariche», and about forty thousand in number, and spake more freely to the whole multitude, and reproached them greatly for their rashness; and told them, that with this money he would build walls, about Taricheae, and would put the other cities in a state of security also; for that they should not want money, if they would but agree for whose benefit it was to be procured, and would not suffer themselves to be irritated against him who had procured it for them. 5. Hereupon the rest of the multitude that had been deluded retired; but yet so that they went away angry, and two thousand of them made an assault upon him in their armour; and as he was already gone to his own house, they stood without and threatened him. On which occasion Josephus again used a second stratagem to escape them ; for he got upon the top of the house, and with his right hand desired them to be silent, and said to them, " I cannot tell what you would have, nor can hear what you say, for the confused noise you make:" but he said he would comply with all their demands, in case they would but send some of their number in to him that might talk with him about it. And when the prin- cipal of them, with their leaders, heard this, they came into the house. He then drew them to the most retired part of the house, and shut the door of that hall where he put them, and then had them whipped till every one of their inward parts appeared naked. In the mean time the multitude stood round the house, and supposed that he had a long dis- course with those that were gone in, about what they claimed of him. He had then the doors set open immediately, and sent the men out all bloody, which stf terribly affrighted those that had before threatened him, that they threw away their arms and ran away. 6. But as for John, his envy grew greater [upon this escape of Josephus], and hei'ramed a new plot against him; he pretended to be sick, and by a letter desired that Josephus would give him leave to use the hot baths that were at Tiberias, for the recovery of his health. Hereupon Josephus, who hitherto suspected nothing of John's plots against him, wtote to the governors of the city, that they would provide a lodging and necessaries iht John; which favours, when he- had made use of, in two daysj' time he did what he came about; some he corrupted with delusive frauds, and others with money, and so persuaded them to revolt from Josephus. This Silas, who was appointed guardian of the city hy Josephus, wrote to him immediately, and informed him of the plot against him; which epistle, when Josephus had received, he marched with great diligence all night, and came early in the morn- ing to Tiberias; at which time the rest of the multitude met him. But 'John, who suspected that his coming was not for his advantage, sent CHAP. XXI. WARS OP THE JEWS 647 however one of his friends, and pretended that he was sick, and that being confined to his bed he could not come to pay him his respects. But as soon as Josephus had got the people of Ti- berias together in the stradium, and tried to dis- course with them about the letters that he had received, John privately sent some armed men, and gave them orders to slay him. But when the people saw that the armed men were about to draw their swords, they cried out; — at which cry Josephus turned himself about, and when he saw that the swords were just at his throat, he marched away in great haste to the sea- shore, and left off that speech which he was going to make to the people, upon an elevation of six cubits high. He then seized on a ship which lay in the haven, and leaped into it, with two of his guards, and fled away into the raidst of the lake. 7. But now the soldiers he had mth him took up their arms immediately, and marched against the plotters; but Josephus was afraid lest a civil war should be raised by the envy of a few men, and bring the city to ruin; so he sent some of his party to tell them that they should do no more than provide for their own safety; that they should not kill any body, nor accuse any for the occasion they had afforded [of a disorder]. Accordingly, these men obeyed his orders, and were quiet; but the people of the neighbouring country, when they were informed of this plot, and of the plotter, got together in great multitudes to oppose John. But he prevented their at- tempt, and fled away to Gischala, his native city, while the Galileans came running out of their several cities to Josephus; and as they were now become many ten thousands of armed men, they cried out, that they were come against John the common plotter against their interest, and would at the same time burn him, and that city which had received him. Hereupon Josephus told them that he took their good-will to him kindly, but still he restrained their fury, and intended to sub- due his enemies by prudent conduct, rather than by slaying them; so he excepted those of every city which had joined in this revolt with John, by name, who had readily been shown him by those that came from every city, and caused public proclamation to be made, that he would seize upon the effects of those that did not forsake John within five days' time, and would birn both their houses and their families with fiie. Whereupon three thousand of John's party left him immedi- ately, who came to Josephus, and threw their arms down at his feet. John then betook himself, together with his two thousand Sy- rian runagates, from open attempts, to more secret ways of treachery. Accordingly, he privately sent messengers to Jerusalem, to accuse Josephus, as having too great power, ana to let them know that he would soon comii as a tyrant to thoir metropolis, unless they prevented him. This accusation tlw people were aware of beforehand, but had no regard to it. However, some of the gran- dees, out of envy, and some of the rulers also, sent money to John privately, that he might be able to get together mercenary soldiers, in order to fight Josephus; they also made a decree of themselves, and this for recalling him from his government, yet did they not think that decree sufficient; so they ^, sent withal two thousand five hundred armed men, and four persons of the highest rank amongst them ; Joazar the son of Nomicus, and Ananias the son of Sadduk ; as also Simon and Judas, the sons of Jonathan Call very able men in speaking), that these persons might withdraw the good-will of the people from Josephus. These had it in charge, that if he would voluntarily come away, they should permit him to [come and] give an accountof his conduct; but if he obstinately insisted upon continuing in his government, they should treat him as an enemy. Now, Josephus's friends had sent him word that an army was comiHg against him, but they gave him no notice be- forehand what the reason of their coming was, that being only known among some secret councils of his enemies; and by this means it was that four cities revolted from him im- mediately, Sepphoris, and Gamala, and Gis- chala, and Tiberias. Yet did he recover these cities without war; and when he had routed those four commanders by stratagems, and had taken the most potent of their warriors, he sent them to Jerusalem; and the people [of Galilee] had great indignation at them, and were in a zealous disposition to slay, not only these forces, but those that sent them also, had not these forces prevented it by running away. 8. Now John was detained afterward within the walls of Gischala, by the fear he was in of Josephus; but within a few days Tiberias revolted again, the people within it inviting king Agrippa [to return to the exercise of his authority there]; and when he did not come at the time appointedj and when a few Roman horsemen appeared that day, they ex- pelled Josephus out of the city. Now, this revolt of theirs was presently known at Tari- cheae ; and as Josephus had sent out all the soldiers that were with him to gather corn, he knew not how either to march out alone against the revolters, or to stay where he was, because he was afraid the king's soldiers might prevent him if he tarried, and might get into the city; for he did not intend to do any thing on the next day, because it was the Sabbath-day, and would hinder his proceeding. So he con- trived to circumvent the revolters by a strata- gem; and, in the first place, he ordered the gates of TarichetE to be shut, that nobody might go out and inform [those of Tiberias], for whom it was intended, what stratagem he was about: he then got together all the ships 648 that were upon the lake, which were found to be two hundred and thirty, and in each of them he put no niore than four mariners. So he sailed to Tiberias with haste, and kept at •uch a distance from the city, that it was not easy for the people to see the vessels, and ordered that the empty vessels should float up and down there, while himself, who had but seven of his guards with him, and those unarmed also, went so near as to be seen ; but when his adversaries, who were still reproach- ing him, saw him from the walls, they were so astonished that they supposed all the ships were full of armed men, and threw down their arms, and by signals of intercession they besought him to spare the city. 9. Upon this, Josephus threatened them terribly, and reproached them, that when they were the first that took up arms against the Romans, they should spend their force before- hand in civU dissensions, and do what their enemies desired above all things; and that besides, they should endeavour so hastily to seize upon him, who took care of their safety, and had not been ashamed to shut the gates of their city against him that built their walls ; that, however, he would admit of any inter- cessors from them that might make some excuse for them, and with whom he would make such agreements as might be for the city's security. Hereupon ten of the most potent men of Tiberias came down to him pre- sently, and when he had taken them into one of his vessels, he ordered them to be carried a great way off from the city. He then com- manded that fifty others of their senate, such as were men of the greatest eminence, should come to him, that they also might give him some security on their behalf. After which, under one new pretence or another, he called forth others, one after another, to make the leagues between them. He then gave order to the masters of those vessels which he had thus filled, to sail away immediately for Tari- cheae, and to confine those men in the prison there; till at length he took all their senate, consisting of six hundred persons, and about two thousand of the populace, and carried them away to Taricheae. 10. And when the rest of the people cried out, that it was one Clitus that was the chief author of this revolt, they desired him to spend his anger upon him [only] ; but Jose- phus, whose intention it was to slay nobody, commanded one Levi us, belonging to his guards, to go out of the vessel, in order to cut oflf both Clitus's hands; yet was Levius afraid to go out by himself alone, to such a large body of enemies, and refused to go. Now CUtus saw that Josephus was in a great passion in the ship, and ready to leap out of It, in order to execute the punishment him- self; he begged therefore from the shore, that he would leave him one of his hands, which Josephus agreed to, upon condition WARS OF THE JEWS, BOOK II. that he would himself cut off the other h&ndj accordingly he drew his sword, and with his right hand cut off his left, — so great was the fear he was in of Josephus himself. And thus he took the people of Tiberias prisoners, and recovered the city again with empty ships* and seven of his guard. Moreover, a few days afterward he retook Gischala, which had revolted with the people of Sep- phoris, and gave his soldiers leave to plunder it; yet did he get all the plunder together, and restored it to the inhabitants; and the like he did to the inhabitants of Sepphoris and Tiberias: for when he had subdued those cities, he had a mind, by letting them be plundered, to give them some good instruc- tion, while at the same time he regained their good- will by restoring them their money again. CHAPTER XXII. THE JEWS MAKE ALL READY FOR THE WAR; AND SIMON, THE SON OF GIORAS, FALLS TO PLUNDERING. § 1. And thus were the disturbances of Gali- lee quieted, when, upon their ceasing to pro- secute their civil dissensions, they betook themselves to make preparations for the war with the Romans. Now in Jerusalem the high-priest Ananus, and as many of the men of power as were not in the interest of the Romans, both repaired the walls, and made a great many warlike instruments, insomuch that, in all parts of the city, darts and all sorts of armour were upon the anvil. Although the multitude of the young men were engaged in exercises, without any regularity, and all places were full of tumultuous doings; yet the moderate sort were exceedingly sad; and a great many there were who, out of the pro- spect they had of the calamities that were coming upon them, made great lameutations. There were also such omens observed as were understood to be forerunners of evils, by such as loved peace, but were by those that kin- dled the war interpreted so as to suit their own inclinations; and the very state of the city, even before the Romans came against it, was that of a place doomed to destruction. However, Ananus's concern was this, to lay aside, for a while, the preparations for the war, and to persuade the seditious to consult their own interest, and to restrain the madness of those that had the name of zealots: but their violence was too hard for him ; and what end he came to we shall relate hereafter. 2. But as for the Acrabbene toparchy, • I cannot 'but think this ttratansm of Josepbum which is related both here and in his Lite, sect. 32, 'Si, to be one of the finest thitt ever was inveutad and executod by any warrior whiit»oev«r. CHAP. I. WARS OF THE JEWS. 649 Simon, the son of Gioras, got a great number of those that were fond onnnovations together, a/!(i betook hiuisult to ravage the country; nor (ii.l he only hara--.s tlie rich men's houses, but tornietited their bodie?;, and appeared <;|»eiily and beforehand to affect tyranny in bi- govcni-.iHMit. And when an army was s »ir itiLj'aiust iiiin by Aiianus, and the other rul..-'<. Ik; aii.i ids hand retired to the robbers thdt vwie at Alisada, and staid there, and plundered the country of Idumea with them, till both Ananus and his other adversaries were slain ; and until the rulers of that country were so afflicted with the multitude of those that were slain, and with the continual ravage of what they had, that they raised an army, and put garrisons into the villages, to secure them from those insults. And in this state were the affairs of Judea at that time. BOOK III. CONTAININQ THB INTBSVAL OF ABOUT ONB 7BA& • FROM VESPASIAN'S COMING TO SUBDUE THE JEWS TO THB TAKING OF GAMALA. CHAPTER L VtSPASIAN IS SENT INTO SYRIA BY NEXO, TO MAKE WAR WITH THE JEWS. § 1. When Nero was informed of the Ro- mans' ill success in Judea, a concealed con- sul cniation' and terror, as is usual in such (a.-es, fdll upon, him; although he openly locked very big, and was very angry, and saiii, that what had happened was rather owing to Liie negligence of the commander than to a.iy valoijr of the enemy: and as he thought it jit i'ov him who bare the burden of the whoie empire, to despise such misfortunes, he no.v pretended so to do, and to have a soul supt-rioi- to all such sad accidents whatsoever. Ye* aid the disturbance that was in his soul plai ;1 y appear by the solicitude he was in [lioA- to reoover his affairs again]. 2. And as he was deliberating to whom he should cOinuiit the care of the east, now it was ill so great a commotion, and who might be best able to punish the Jews for their re- bellion, and might prevent the same distem- per from seizing upon the neighbouring nations also, — he found no one but Vespasian equal to the task, ^nd able to undergo the great burden of so mighty a war, seeing he was growing an old man already in the camp, and from his youth had been exercised in warlike exploits: be was also a man that had long ago pacified the west, and made it eubject to the Romans, when it had been put into disorder by the Germans: be had also recovered to them Britain by his arms, which had been little known before;* whereby he procured to his father Claudius to have a triumph bestowed on him without any sweat or labour of his own. 3. So Nero esteemed these circumstances as favourable omens, and saw that Vespasian's age gave him sure experience, and great skill, and that he had his sons as hostages for his fidelity to himself, and that the flourishing age they were in would make them fit in- struments under their father's prudence. Perhaps also there was some interposition of Providence, which was paving the way for Vespasian's being himself emperor afterwards. Upon the whole, he sent this man to take upon him the command of the armies that were in Syria; but this not without great encomiums and flattering compellations, such as neces- sity required, and such as might mollify him into complaisance. So Vespasian sent his son Titus from Achaia, where he had been with Nero, to Alexandria, to bring back with him from thence the fifth and tenth legions, while he himself, when he had passed over the Hellespont, came by land into Syria, • Take the confirmation of this in the words of Sue- tonius, here produced by Dr. Hudson: — "In the reign of Claudius," says be, *^ Vespasian, for the sake of Nar- cissus, was sent as a lieutenant of a le^on into 3er- niany. Thence he removed into Britain, and 'ought thirty battles with the enemy." In Vesp. sect. 4. We may also here note from Josephus, that Claudius the emperor, who triumphed for the conquest of Britain, was enabled so to do by Vespasian's conduct and bravery, and that be is here styled "the Father of Vespasian." 650 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK III. wiere he gathered together the Roman forces, with a considerable number of auxiliaries from the kings in that neighbourhood. CHAPTER II. A GREAT SLAUGHTER OF THE JEWS ABOUT ASCALON. VESPASIAN COMES TO PTOLE- MAIS. 8 1. Now the Jews, after they had beaten Cestius, were so much elevated with their unexpected success, that they could not govern their zeal, but, like people blown up into a flame by their good fortune, carried the war to remoter places. Accordingly, they pre- sently got together a great multitude of all their most hardy soldiers, and marched away for Ascalon. This is an ancient city that is distant from Jerusalem five hundred and twenty furlongs, and was always an enemy to the Jews; on which account they deter- mined to make their first efibrt against it, and to make their approaches to it as near as pos- eible. This excursion was led on by three men, who were the chief of them all, both for strength and sagacity: Niger, called the Peraite, Silas of Babylon, and besides them, John the Essene. Now Ascalon was strongly walled about, but had almost no assistance to be relied on [near them], for the garrison consisted of one cohort of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, whose captain was Anto- nius. 2. These Jews, therefore, out of their anger, marched faster than ordinary, ajid, as if they had come but a little way, approached very near the city, and were come even to it; but Antonius, who was not unapprised of the attack they were going to make upon the city, drew out his horsemen beforehand, and being neither daunted at the multitude nor at the courage of the enemy, received their first attacks with great bravery; and when they crowded to the very walls, he beat them off. Now the Jews were unskilful in war, but were to fight with those who were skilful therein; they were fiDOtmen, to fight with horsemen; they were in disorder, to fight those that were united together; they were poorly armed, to fight those that were com- pletely so; they were to fight more by their rage than by sober counsel, and were exposed to soldiers that were exactly obedient, and did every thing they were bidden upon the least intimation. So they were easily beaten; for as soon as ever their first ranks were once in disorder, they were put to flight by the enemy's cavalry, and those of them that came behind such as crowded to the wall, fell upon their own party's weapons, and became one Viother's enemies; and this so long till they were all forced to give way to the attacks of the horsemen, and were dispersed all the plain over, which plain was wide, and all fit for the horsemen ; which circumstance was very com- modious for the Romans, and occasioned the slaughter of the greatest number of the Jews; for such as ran away, they could overrun them, and make them turn back; and when they had brought them back after their flight, and driven them together, they ran them through, and slew a vast number of them, insomuch that others encompassed others of them, and drove them before them whitherso- ever they turned themselves, and slew them easily with their arrows; and the great num- ber there were of the Jews seemed a solitude to themselves, by reason of the distress they were in, while the Romans had such good success with their small number, that they seemed to themselves to be the greater multi- tude; and as the former strove zealously under their misfortunes, out of the shame of a sudden flight, and hopes of the change in their success, so did the latter feel no weari- ness by reason of their good fortune; inso- much that the fight lusted till the evening, till ten thousand men of the Jews' side lay dead, with two of their generals, John and Silas; and the greater part of the remainder were -wounded, with Niger, their remaining gene- ral, who fled away together to a small city of Idumea, called Sallis. Some few also of the Romans were wounded in this battle. 3. Yet were not the spirits of the Jews broken by so great a calamity, but the losses they had sustained rather quickened their resolution for other attempts; for, overlooking the dead bodies which lay under their feet, ikey were enticed by their former glorious actions to venture on a second destruction; so when they had lain still so little a while that their wounds were not yet thoroughly cured, they got together all their forces, and came with greater fury, and in much greater num- bers, to Ascalon; but their former ill fortune followed them, as the consequence of their unskilfulness, and other deficiencies in war; for Antonius laid ambushes for them in the passages they were to go through, where they fell into snares unexpectedly, and where they were encompassed about with horsemen before they could form themselves into a regular body for fighting, and were above eight thou- sand of them slain: so all the rest of thera ran away, and with them Niger, who still did a great many bold exploits in his flight. How- ever, they were driven along together by the enemy, who pressed hard upon them, into a certain strong tower belonging to a village called Bezedel. However, Antonius and his party, that they might neither spend any con- siderable time about this tower, which was hard to be taken, nor Eu(Fer their commander, and the most courageous man of them all, to escape from them, they set the wall on firej and as the tower was burning, the Romans CHAP. III. WARS OF THE JEWS. 651 went away rejoicing, as taking it for granted that Niger was destroyed; but he leaped out of the tower into a subterraneous cave, in the innermost part of it, and was preserved; and on the third day afterward he spake out of the ground to those that with great lamentations were searching for him, in order to give him a decent funeral; and when he was come cut, he filled all the Jews with an unexpected joy, as though he were preserved by God's providence to be their commander for the time to come. 4. And now Vespasian took along with him his army from Antioch (which is the metro- polis of Syria, and, without dispute, deserves the place of the third city in the habitable earth that was under the Roman empire, * both in magnitude and other marks of pros- perity), where he found king Agrippa, with all his forces, waiting for his coming, and marched to Ptolemais. At this city also the inhabitants of Sepphoris of Galilee met him, who were for peace with the Romans, These citizens had beforehand taken care of their own safety, and being sensible of the power of the Romans, they had been with Cestius Gal- lus before Vespasian came, and had given their faith to him, and received the security of his right hand; and had received a Roman garrison ; and at this time withal they received Vespasian, the Roman general, very kindly, and readily promised that they would assist him against their own countrymen. Now the general delivered them, at their desire, as many horsemen and footmen as he thought sufficient to oppose the incursions of the Jews, if they should happen to come against them ; — and indeed the danger of losing Sepphoris would be no small one, in this war that was now beginning, seeing it was the largest city of Galilee, and built in a place by nature very strong, and might be a security of the whole nation's £fidelity to the Romans]. CHAPTER IIL K DESCBIPTION OF GALILEE, SAMARIA, AND JUDEA. § 1. Now Phoenicia and Syria encompass about the Galilees, which are two, and called the Upper Galilee and the Lower. They are bounded towards the sun- setting, with the borders of the territory belonging to Ptolemais, and by Carmel; which mountain had formerly belonged to the Galileans, but now belonged to the Tyrians; to which mountain adjoins Gaba, which is called the City of Horsemen, be- CH'.ne those horsemen that were dismissed by • Spanheim and Reland both agree, that the two CTtiea here esteemed greater than Antioch, the metro- polis of Syria, were liome and Alexatidriaj nor U there &aj (Xeawm for doubt in so pl^n a case. Herod the king dwelt therein ; they ar6 bound- ed on the south with Samaria and Scythopolis, as far as the river Jordan ; on the east with Hippene and Gadaris, and also with Gaulanitis, and the borders of the kingdom of Agrippa; its northern parts are bounded by Tyre, and the country of the Tyrians. As for that Galilee which is called the Lower, it extends in length from Tiberias to Zabulon, and ol the maritime places, Ptolemais is its neigh- bour; its breadth is from the village called Xaloth, which lies in the great plain, as far as Bersabe, from which beginning also is taken the breadth of the Upper Galilee, m far as the village Baca, which divides the land of the Tyrians from it; Its length is also from Meloth to Thella, a village near to Jordan. 2. These two Galilees, of so great largeness, and encompassed with so many nations of foreigners, have always been able to make a strong resistance on all occasions of war; for the Galileans are inured to war from their infancy, and have been always very numerous; nor hath the country been ever destitute ot men of courage, or wanted a numerous set of them; for their soil is universally rich and fruitful, and full of the plantations of trees of all sorts, insomuch that it invites the most slothful to take pains in its cultivation, by its fruitfulness; accordingly, it is all cultivated -by its inhabitants, and no part of it lies idle. Moreover, the cities lie here very thick; and the very many villages there are here, are everywhere so full of people, by the richness of their soil, that the very least of them con- tain above fifteen thousand inhabitants. 3. Li short, if any one \vill suppose that Galilee is inferior to Perea in magnitude, he will be obliged to prefer it before it in its strength: for this is all capable of cultivation, and is everywhere fruitful ; but for Perea, which is indeed much larger in extent, the greater part of it is desert, and rough, and much less disposed for the production of the milder kinds of fruits; yet hath it a moist soil [in other parts], and produces all kinds of fruits, and its plains are planted with trees of all sorts, while yet the olive-tree, the vine, and the palm-tree, are chiefly cultivated there. It is also sufficiently watered with torrents, which issue out of the mountains, and with springs that never fail to run, even when the torrents fail them, as they do in the dog-days. Now the length of Perea is from Macherus to Pella, and its breadth from Philadelphia to Jordan; its northern parts are bounded by Pella, as we have already said, as well as its western with Jordan ; the land of Moab is its southern border, and its eastern limits reach to Arabia, and Silbonitis, and besides to Philadelphene and Gerasa. 4. Now, as to the country of Samaria, it lies between Judea and Galilee; it begins at a village that is in. the great plain called Glnea, and ends at the Acrabbene toparchy. 652 WARS OF I HE JKWS. BOOK III. »ind is entirely of the same nature with Judea; for both countries are made up of hills and valleys, and are moist enough for agriculture, .t:id are very fruitful. They have abundance of trees, and are full of autumnal fruit, both that which grows wild, and that which is the jt!ect of cultivation. They are not naturally .vatered with many rivers, but derive their •uief moisture from rain-water, of which they lave no want; and for those rivers which they have, all their waters are exceeding »vveet: by reason also of the excellent grass they have, their cattle yield more milk than do those in other places; and, what is the greatest sign of excellency and of abundance, they each of them are very full of people. 5. In the limits of Samaria and Judea lies the village Anuath, which is also named Borceos. This is the northern boundary of J udea. The southern parts of Judea, if they be uieasured lengthways, are bounded by a village adjoining to the confines of Arabia; the Jews that dwell there call it Jordan. However, its breadth is extended from the river Jordan to Joppa. The dty Jerusalem is situated in the very middle; on which account some have, with sagacity enough, called that city the Navel of the country. Nor indeed is Judea destitute of such delights as come from the sea, since its maritime places extend as far as Pto- Umais: it was parted into eleven portioris, of which the royal city of Jerusalem was the supreme, and presided over all the neighbour- ing country, as the head does over the botl/. As to the other cities that were inferior to it, they presided over their several toparchies; Gophna was the second of those cities, and next to that Acrabatta, after them Thamna, and Lydda, and Emraaus, and Pella, and Idu- niea, and Engaddi, and Herodium, and Jeri- cho; and after them came Jamnia and Joppa, as presiding over the neighbouring people; and besides these there was the region of Gamala, and Gaulanitis, and Batanea, and Trachonitis, which are also parts of the king- dom of Agrippa. This [last] country begins at Mount Libanus, and the fountains of Jor- dan, and reaches breadthways to the lake of Tiberias; and in length is extended from a vilhige called Arpha, as far as Julias. Its inhabitants are a mixture of Jews and Syrians. — And thus have I, with all possible brevity, described the country of Judea, and those that he round about it. CHAPTER IV. XOSEPHUS MAKES AN ATTEMPT UPON 8EPPHO- BIS, BUT IS REPELLED. TITUS COMES WITH AOBEAT AUMY TO PTOLEMAIS. i 1 Now the auxiliaries who were sent to Mtt»t the people of Sepphoris, being a thousand horsemen, and six thousand footntien, under Placidus the tribune, pitched their camp in two bodies in the great plain. The foot werg put into the city to be a guard to it; but the horse lodged abroad in the camp. These last, by marching continually one way or other, and over-running the parts of the adjoining country, were very troublesome to Josephus and his men; they also plundered all the places that were out of the city's liberty, and intercepted such as durst go abroad. On this account it was that Josephus marched against the city, as hoping to take what he had lately encompassed with so strong a wall, before they revolted from the rest of the Gali- leans, that the Romans would have much ado to take it: by which means he proved too weak, and failed of his hopes, both as to forcing the place, and to his prevailing with the people of Sepphoris to deliver it up to him. By this means he provoked the Romans to treat the country according to the law of war; nor did the Romans, out of the anger they bore at this attempt, leave off either by night or by day, burning the places in the plain, or stealing away the cattle that were in the country, and killing whatsoever appeared capable of fighting perpetually, and leading the weaker people as slaves into captivity ; so that Galilee was all over filled with fire and blood, nor was it exempted from any kind of misery or calamity; for the only refuge they Lad AdA this, that when they were pursued, they could retire to the cities which had walls built them by Josephus. 2. But as to Titus, he sailed over from Achaia to Alexandria, and that sooner than the winter season did usually permit; so he took with him those forces he was sent for, and marching with great expedition, be came suddenly to Ptolemais, and there finding his father, together with the two legions, the fifth and tenth, which were the most eminent legions of all, he joined them to that fifteenth legioii which was with his father: eighteen cohorts followed these legions; there came also five cohorts from Cesarea, with one troop of horse- men, and five other troops of horsemen from Syria. Now these ten cohorts had severally a thousand footmen, but the other thirteen cohorts had no more than six hundred footmen a-piece, with a hundred and twenty horse- men. There were also a considerable num- ber of auxiliaries got together, that came from the kings Antiochus, and Agrippa, and Sohe- mus, each of them contributing one thousand footmen that were archers, and a thousand horsemen. Malchus also, the king of Ara- bia, sent a thousand horsemen, besides five thousand footmen, the greatest part of whom were archers; so that tiie whole army, inclu- ding the auxiliaries sent by the kings, as well horsemen as footmen when all were united together, amounted to sixty thousand, besides the servants, who, »s they followed in vasi CHAP. V. WARS OF THE JEWS. 653 numbers, so because they bad been trained up in war with the rest, ought not to be dis- tinguished from the fighting men; for as they were in their masters' service in times of peace, so did they undergo the like dangers with them in times of war, insomuch that they were inferior to none, either in skill or in strength, only they were subject to their masters. CHAPTER V. K DESCRIPTION OF THE ROMAN ARMIES AND ROMAN CAMPS; AND WHAT THE ROMANS ARE COMMENDED FOR. §•1. Now here one cannot but admire at the precaution of the Romans, in providing them- selves of such household servants, as might not only serve at other times for the common offices of life, but might also be of advantage to them in their wars; and indeed, if any one does but attend to the other parts of their military discipline, he will be forced to confess that their obtaining so large a dominion, hath been the acquisition of their valour, and not the bare gift of fortune; for they do not begin to use their weapons first in time of war, nor do they then put their hands first into motion, while they avoided so to do in times of peace; but, as if their weapons did always cling to them, they have never any truce from warlike exercises; nor do they stay till times of war admonish them to use them ; for their military exercises differ not at all from the real use of their arms, but every soldier is every day exercised, and that with great diligence, as if it were in time of war, which is the reason why they bear the fatigue of battles so easily; for neither can any disorder remove them from their usual regularity, nor can fear affright them out of it, nor can labour tire them; which firmness of conduct makes them always to overcome those that have not the same firmness ; nor would he be mistaken that should call those their exercises unbloody battles, and their battles bloody exercises. Nor can their enemies easily surprise them with the suddenness of their incursions; for as soon as they have marched into an enemy's land, they do not begin to fight till they have walled their camp about; nor is the fence they raise rashly made, or uneven; nor do they all abide in it, nor do those that are in it take their places at random; but if it hap- pens that the ground is uneven, it is first levelled: their camp is also four-square by i measure, and carpenters are ready, in great numbers, with their tools, to erect their build- ings for them.* • This description of the exact symmetry and re^^Ia- rity of the Roman army, and of the Koman encam pments, V'jtli tLe Muuding their trumpets, &c. and uider of war. 2. As for what is \vithin the camp, it is set apart for tents, but the outward circumference hath the resemblance of a wall, and is adorned with towers at equal distances, where between the towers stand the engines for throwing arrows aqd darts, and for slinging stones, and where they lay all other engines that can annoy the enemy, all ready for their several operations. They also erect four gates, ona at every side of the circumference, and those large enough for the entrance of the beasts, and wide enough for making excursions, if occasion should require. They divide the camp within into streets, very conveniently, and place the tents of the commanders in the middle; but in the very midst of all is the general's own tent, in the nature of a temple, insomuch that it appears to be a city built on the sudden, with its market-place, and place for handicraft trades, and with seats for the officers, superior and inferior; where, if any differences arise, their causes are heard and determined. The camp, and all that is in it, is encompassed with a wall round about, and that sooner than one would imagine, and this by the multitude and the skill of the labour- ers; and, if occasion require, a trench is drawn round the whole, whose depth is four cubits, and its breadth equal. 3. When they have thus secured themselves, they live together by companies, with quiet^ ness and decency, as are all their other affairs managed with good order and security. Each company hath also their wood, and their corn, and their water, brought them, when they stand in need of them; for they neither sup nor dine as they please themselves singly, but all together. Their times also for sleeping, and watching, and rising, are notified before- hand by the sound of trumpets, nor is any thing done without such a signal; and in the morning the soldiery go every one to their centurions, and these centurions to their tri- bunes, to salute them; with whom all the superior officers go to the general of the whole army, who then gives them of course the watch- word and other orders, to be by them carried to all that are under their command; which is also observed when they go to fight, and thereby they turn themselves about on the sud- den, when there is occasion for making sallies, as they come back when they are recalled, in crowds also. 4. When they are to go out of their camp, the trumpet gives a sound, at which time nobody lies still, but at the first intimation they described in this and the next chapter, is so very like to the symmetry and re<u!arity of the people of Israel in iho wilderness (see Description of the Temples, ch. ix.) that one cannot well avoid the supposal, that the one was tho ultimate pattern of the other, and that the tactics of tho ancients were taken I'.om the rules given by God to iMoses. And it is thought by some skillul in these mat- ters, that these accounts of Josepbus, as to the Roman camp and armour, and conduct in war- are preferable to tboM IB the Roman authors thcmsclvea 654 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK \ZT. take down their tents, and all is made ready for their going out; then do the trumpets sound again, to order them to get ready for the march; then do they lay their baggage suddenly upon their mules and other beasts of burden, and stand, at the place for starting, ready to march; when also they set fire to their camp, and this they do because it will be easy for them to erect another camp, and that it may not ever be of use to their ene- mies. Then do the trumpets give a sound the third time, that they are to go out in order to excite those that on any account are a little tardy, that so no one may be out of his rank when the army marches. Then does the crier stand at the general's right hand, and asks them thrice, in their own tongue, whether they be now ready to go out to war or not. To which they reply as often, with a loud and cheerful voice, saying, " We are ready." And this they do almost before the question is asked them ; they do this as filled with a kind of martial fury, and at the time that they so cry out, they lift up their right hands also. 5. When, after this, they are gone out of their camp, they all march without noise, and in a decent manner, and every one keeps his own rank, as if they were going to war. The footmen are armed with breast-plates and head- pieces, and have swords on each side; but the sword which is upon their left side is much longer than the other; for that on the right side is not longer than a span. Those footmen also that are chosen out from amongst the rest to be about the general himself, have a lance and a buckler; but the rest of the foot-soldiers have a spear and a long buckler, besides a saw and a basket, a pick-axe, and an axe, a thong of leather, and a hook, with provisions for three days ; so that a footman hath no great need of a mule to carry his burdens. The horsemen Lave a long sword on their right sides, and a long pole in their hand: a shield also lies by them obliquely on one side of their horses, with three or more darts that are borne in their quiver, having broad points, and no smaller than spears. They have also head-pieces and breast-plates, in like manner as have all the footmen. And for those that are chosen to be about the general, their armour no way differs from that of the horsemen belonging to other troops; and he always leads the legions forth, to whom the lot assigns that employmer.^. 6. This is the manner of the marching and resting of the Romans, as also these are the several sorts of weapons they use. But when they are to fight, they leave nothing without forecast, nor to be done off-hand, but counsel ia ever first taken before any work is begun, and what hath been there resolved upon is put in execution presently; for which reason tbey seldom commit any errors; and if they have been mistaken at any time, they easily csorrect those mistakes. Tbey also esteem any errors they commit upon taking counsel be- forehand, to be better than such rash success as is owing to fortune only; because such a fortuitous advantage tempts them to be in- considerate, while consultation, though it may sometimes fail of success, hath this good in it, that it makes men more careful hereafter; but for the advantages that arise from chance, they are not owing to him that gains them ; and as to what melancholy accidents happen unexpectedly, there is this comfort in them, that they had however taken the best consul- tations they could to prevent them. 7. Now they so manage their preparatory exercises of their weapons, that not the bodies of the soldiers only, but their souls, may also become stronger: they are moreover hardened for war by fear; for their laws inflict capital punishments, not only for soldiers ruimfng away from their ranks, but for slothfulness and inactivity, though it be but in a lesser degree; as are their generals more spvere than their laws, for they prevent any imputation of cruelty towards those under condemnation, by the great rewards they bestow on the valiant soldiers ; and the readiness of obeying their commanders is so great, that it is very ornamental in peace; but when they come to a battle, the whole army is but one body, so well coupled together are their ranks, so sud den are their turnings about, so sharp their hearing as to what orders are given them, so quick their sight of the ensigns, and so nim- ble are their hands when they set to work; whereby it came to pass, that what they do is done quickly, and what they suffer they bear with the greatest patience. Nor can we find any examples where they have been con- quered in battle, when they came to a close fight, either by the multitude of the enemies, or by their stratagems, or by the difficulties in the places they were in; no, nor by fortune neither, for their victories have been surer to them than fortune could haVe granted them. In a case, therefore, where counsel still goes before action, and where, after taking the best advice, that advice is followed by so active an army, what wonder is it that Euphrates on the east, the ocean on the west, the most fer- tile regions of Libya on the south, and the Danube and the Rhine on the north, are the limits of this empire. One might well say, that the Roman possessions are not inferior to the Romans themselves. 8. This account I have given the reader, not so much with the intention of commend- ing the Romans, as of comforting tfiose that have been conquered by them, and for deter- ring others from attempting innovations un- der their government. This discourse of the Roman military conduct may also perhaps be of use to such of the curious as are ignorant of it, and yet have a mind to know it. I return now from this digression. CHAP. VI. WARS OF THE JEWS. 655 CHAPTER VL PLACroUS ATTEMPTS TO TAKE JOTAPATA, AND IS BEATEN OFF. VESPASIAN MARCHES INTO GALILEE. § I. And now Vespasian, -with Ms son Titus, bad tarried some time at Ptolemais, and had put his army in order. But when Placidus, who had over-run Galilee, and had besides slain a number of those whom he had caught (which were only the weaker part of the Gali- leans, and such as were of timorous souls), saw that the warriors ran always to those cities whose walls had been built by Josephus, be marched furiously against Jotapata, which was of them all the strongest, as supposing he should easily take it by a sudden surprise, and that he should thereby obtain great honour to himself among the commanders, and bring ft great advantage to them in their future campaign; because, if this strongest place of them all were once taken, the rest would be so affrighted as to surrender themselves. But he was mightily mistaken in his undertaking; for the men of Jotapata were apprised of his coming to attack them, and came out of the city, and expected him there. So they fought the Romans briskly when they least expected it, being both many in number, and prepared for fighting, and of great alacrity, as esteem- ing their country, their wives, and their chil- dren, to be in danger, and easily put the Romans to flight, and wounded many of them, and slew seven of them;* because their retreat was not made in a disorderly manner, because the strokes only touched the surface ^ of their bodies, which were covered with their armour in all parts, and because the Jews did rather throw their weapons upon them from a great distance, than venture to come hand to hand with them, and had only light armour on, while the others were com- pletely armed. However, three men of the Jews* side were slain, and a few wounded; so Placidus, finding himself unable to assault the \ city, ran away. 2. But as Vespasian had a great mind to fall upon Galilee, he marched out from Ptole- raais, having put his army into that order wherein the Romans used to march. He • I cannot but here observe an eastern way of speak- ing, frequent amons? them, but not usual among us, where Uie word "only " or "alone" is not set down, but perhaps some way supplied in the pronunciation. Thus Josephus here says, that those of Jotapata slew seven of the Romans as they were marching off, because the Romans' retreat was regular, their bodies were covered over with their armour, and the Jews (ought at some di'tance; his meaning is clear, that these were the rea- aon» why tbey slew only, or no more than seven. I have nU' witn many the like examples in the Scriptures, in Josephus. &c.; but did not note down the particular places. This observaiiou ought to be borne in mind npoa many occabious. ordered those auxiliaries which were lightly armed, and the archers, to march first, that they might prevent any sudden insults from the enemy, and might search out the woods that looked suspiciously, and were capable of ambuscades. Next to these fol- lowed that part of the Romans who were most completely armed, both footmen and horsemen. Next tp these followed ten out of every hundred, carrying along with them their arms, and what was necessary to mea- sure out a camp withal; and after them, such as were to make the road even and straight, and if it were anywhere rough and hard to be passed over, to plane it, and to cut down the woods that hindered their march, that the army might not be in distress, or tired with their march. Behind these he set such carriages of the army as belonged both to himself and to the other commanders, with a considerable number of their horsemen for their security. After these he marched him- self, having with him a select body of foot- men, and horsemen, and pikemen. After these came the peculiar cavalry of his own legion, for there were an hundred and twenty horsemen that peculiarly belonged to every legion. Next to these came the mules that carried the engines for sieges, and the other warlike machines of that nature. After these came the commanders of the cohorts, and tri- bunes, hadng about them soldiers chosen out of the rest. Then came the ensigns encompas- sing the eagle, which is at the head of every Roman legion, the king and the strongest of all birds, which seems to them a signal ot dominion, and an omen that they shall conquer all against whom they march; these sacred ensigns are followed by the trumpeters. Then came the main army in their squadrons and battalions, with six men in depth, which were followed at last by a centurion, who, according to custom, observed the rest. As for the ser- vants of every legion, they all followed the footmen, and led the baggage of the soldiers, v/^hich was borne by the mules and other beasts of burden. But behind all the legions came the whole multitude of the mercenaries; and those that brought up the rear came last of all for the security of the whole army, being both footmen, and those in their armour also, with a great number of horsemen. 3. And thus did Vespasian march with his army, and came to the bounds of Galilee, where he pitched his camp and restrained his soldiers, who were eager for war; he also showed his army to the enemy, in order to affright them, and to afford them a season for repentance, to see whether they would change their minds before it came to a battle, and at the same time he got things ready for besieg- ing their strongholds. And indeed this signt of the general brought many to repent of their revolt, and put them all into a consternation; for those that were in Josephus's camp, which 650 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK III. was at the city called Garis, not far from hiepfboris, when they heard that the war was come near them, and that the Romans would suddenly fight them hand to hand, dispersed rnemselves and fled, not only before they rame to a battle, but before the enemy ever came in sight, while Josephus and a few others were left behind ; and as he saw that he had not an army sufficient to engage the enemy, that the spirits of the Jews were sunk, and that the greater part would willingly come to terms, if they might be credited, he already des- paired of the success of the whole war, and determined to get as far as he possibly could, out of danger; so he took those that staid alons; with him, and fled to Tiberias. CHAPTER VII. fESPASIAN, WHEN HE HAD TAKEN THE CITY GADA&A, MARCHES TO JOTAFATA. AFTER A LONG SIEGE, THE CITY IS BETRAYED BY A DESERTER, AND TAKEN BY VESPASIAN. § 1. So Vespasian marched to the city Gadara, and took it upon the first onset, because he found it destitute of any considerable number of "men grown up and fit fSr war. He came then into it, and slew all the youth, the Ro- mans having no mercy on any age whatso- ever; and this was done out of the hatred they bore the nation, and because of the in- iquity they had been guilty of in the afiair of Cestius. He also set fire, not only to the city itself, but to all the villas and small cities that were round about it; some of them were quite destitute of inhabitants; and out of some of them he carried the inhabitants as slaves into captivity. 2. As to Josephus, his retiring into that city, which he chose as the most fit for his security, put it into great fear; for the people of Ti- berias did not imagine that he would have run away, unless he had entirely despaired of the success of the war; and, indeed, as to that point, they were not mistaken about his opinion; for he saw whither the affairs of the lews would tend at last, and was sensible that they had but one way of escaping, and that was by repentance. However, although he expected that the Romans would forgive him, yet did he choose to die many times over rather than to betray his country, and to dis- honour that supreme command of the army which had been entrusted with him, or to live happily under those against whom he was sent to fight. He determined, therefore, to give an #cact account of affairs to the princi- pal men at Jerusalem by a letter, that he might not, by too much aggrandizing the power of the enemy, make them too timorous; nor, by relating that their power beneath the truth. »Bigbt encourage them to stand out when they were perhaps disposed to repent- ance. He also sent them word, that if they thought of coming to terms, they must sud- denly write him an answer; or if they re- solve upon war, they must send him an army sufficient to fight the Romans. Accordingly, he wrote these things, and sent messengers immediately to carry his letter to Jerusalem. 3. Now Vespasian was very desirous of demolishing Jotapata, for he had gotten intel- ligence that the greater part of the enemy had retired thither; and that it was, on other ac- counts, a place of great security to them. Ac- cordingly, he sent both footmen and horsemen to level the road, which was mountainous and rocky, not without difficulty to be travelled over by footmen, but absolutely impracticable for horsemen. Now 'these workmen accon> plished what they were about in four days' time, and opened a broad way for the army. On the fifth day, which was the twenty-first oi the month Artemisius (Jyar), Josephus pre- vented him, and came from Tiberias, and went into Jotapata, and raised the drooping spirits of the Jews. And a certain deserter told this good news to Vespasian, that Jose- pbus had removed himself thither, which made him make haste to the city, as suppos- ing, that with taking that he should take all Judea, in case he could but withal get Jose- phus under his power. So he took this news to be of the vastest advantage to him, and be- lieved it to be brought about by the provi- dence of God, that he who appeared to be the most prudent man of all their enemies, had of his own aecord shut himself up in a place of sure custody. Accordingly, he sent Placid us with a thousand horsemen, and Ebutius, a decurion, a person that was of eminency both in council and in action, to encompass the city round, that Josephus might not escape away privately. 4. Vespasian also, the very next day, took his whole army and followed them, and by marching till late in the evening, arrived then at Jotapata; and bringing bis army to the porthern side of the city, he pitched his camp on a certain small hill which was seven fur- longs from the city, and still greatly endea- voured to be well seen by the enemy, to put them into a consternation, which was indeed so terrible to the Jews immediately, that no one of them durst go out beyond the wall. Yet did the Romans put off the attack at that time, because they had marched all the day, although they placed a double row of batta- lions round the city, with a third row beyond them round the whole, which consisted of cavalry, in order to stop up every way for an exit; which thing, making the Jews despair of escaping, excited them to act more boldly; for nothing makes men fight so desperately in war as neceshitv . 5. Now when ail assault was n)ade the next day by the Ituuiuiis, the J.. \vs at first staid CHAP. VII. WARS OF THE JKWS 667 out of the walls, and opposed them ; and met them, as having formed themselves a camp before the city walls. But when Vespasian bad set against them the archers and slingers, and the whole multitude that could throw to 9. great distance, he permitted them to go to work, while he himself, with the footmen, jot upon an acclivity, whence the city might easily be taken. Josephus was then in fear For the city, and leaped out, and all the Jew- ish multitude with him; these fell together upon the Romans in great numbers, and drove them away from the wall, and performed a great many glorious and bold actions. Yet did they suffer as much as they made the enemy suffer; for as despair of deliverance encouraged the Jews, so did a sense of shame equally encourage the Romans. These last hud skill as well as strength; the other had oidy courage, which armed them, and made them fight furiously. And when the fight had lasted all day, it was put an end to by the coming on of the night. They had wounded a great many of the Romans, and killed of them thirteen men; of the Jews* side seven- teen were slain, and six hundred wounded. 6. On the next day the Jews made another attack upon the Romany, and went out of the walls, and fought a much more desperate battle with them than before; for Jhey were now become more courageous than formerly, a!id that on account of the unexpected good opposition they had marie the day before, as they found the Romans also to fight more desperately; for a sense of shame inriamed tliese into a passion, as esteeming their failure of a sudden victory to be a kind of defeat. Thus did the Romans try to make an impres- sion upon the Jews till the fifth day continu- ally, while the people of Jotapata made sallies out, and fought at the walls most desperately; nor were the Jews affrighted at the strength of the enemy, nor were the Romans discou- [ raged at the difficulties they met with in (taking the city. 7. Now Jotapata is almost all of it built . upon a precipice, having on all the other sides of it every way valleys immensely deep and steep, insomuch that those who would look down would have their sight fail them before it reaches to the bottom. It is only to be come at on the north side, where the utmost part of the city is built on the mountain, as it ends obliquely at a plain. This mountain .Josephus had encompassed with a tvall when ne fortified the eitv, that its top miyht not be capable of being seized* upon by the enemies. The city is covered all round with other mountains, and can no way be seen till a man comes just upon it. And this was the strong situation of Jotapata. 8. VespHsian, therefore, in order to try how he might overcome the natural strength of tne place, as well as the bohl defence of the Jews, made a reaolulion to prosecute the siege with vigour. To that end he called the com- manders that were under him to a council of war, and consulted with them which waj the assault might be managed to the best advan- tage; and when the resolution was there taken to raise a bank against that part of the wall which was practicable, he sent his whole army abroad to get the materials together So when they had cut down all the trees oi the mountains that adjoined to the city, and had gotten together a vast heap of stones, besides the wood they had cut down, some of them brought hurdles, in order to avoid the effects of the darts that were shot from above them. These hurdles they spread over their banks, under cover whereof they formed their bank, and so were little or nothing hurt by the darts that were thrown upon them from the wall, while others pulled the neighbour- ing hillocks to pieces, and perpetually brought earth to them; so that while they were busy three sorts of ways, nobody was idle. How- ever, the Jews cast great stones from the walls upon the hurdles which protected the men, with all sorts of darts also; and the noise of what could not reach them was yet so ter- rible, that it was some impediment to the workmen. 9. Vespasian then set the engines for throw- ing stones and darts round about the city; the number of the engines was in all a hun- dred and sixty; and bade them fall to work, and dislodge those that were upon the wall. At the same time such engines as were intended for that purpose, threw at once lances upon them with great noise, and stones of the weight of a talent were thrown by the engines that were prepared for that purpore, together with fire, and a vast multitude of arrows, which made the wall so dangerous, that the Jews durst not only not to come upon it, but durst not come to those parts within the walls which were reached by the engines; for the multitude of the Arabian archers, as well also as all those that threw darts and slung stones, fell to work at the same time with the engines. Yet did not the others lie still when they could not throw at the Romans from a higher place; for they then made sal- lies out of the city like private robbers, by parties, and pulled away the hurdles that covered the workmen, and killed them when they were thus naked; and when those work- men gave way, these cast away the earth that composed the bank, and burnt the wooden parts ui" it, together with the hurdles, till at length Vespasian perceived that the intervals there were between the works were of disad- vantage to him; for those spaces of ground afforded the Jews a place for assaulting tCe Romans. So he united the hurdles, and at the same time joined one part of the army to the other, which prevented the private exmir- sions of the Jews. 10. And when the bank was now raised, •2 T- 658 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK III. and brought nearer than ever to^^he battle- ments that belonged to the walls, Josephus thought it would be entirely wrong in him if he could make no contrivances in opposi- tion to theirs, and that might be for the city's preservation; so he got together his work- men, and ordered them to build the wall higher; and when they said that this was im- possible to be done while so many darts were thrown at them, he invented this sort of cover for them: — He bade them fix piles, and ex- pand before them raw hides of oxen newly killed, that these hides, by yielding and hol- lowing themselves when the stones were thrown at them, might receive them, for that the other darts would slide off them, and the fire that was thrown would be quenched by the moisture that was in them; and these he set before the workmen; and under them these workmen went on with their works in safety, and raised the wall higher, and that both by day and by night, till it was twenty cubits high. He also built a good nuniber of towers upon the wall, and fitted it to strong battlements. This greatly discouraged the Romans, who, in their own opinions, were al- ready gotten within the walls, while they were now at once astonished at Josephus's contri- vance, and at the fortitude of the citizens that were in the city. il. And now Vespasian was plainly irri- tated at the great subtilty of this stratagem, and at the boldness of the citizens of Jotapa- ta; for taking heart again upon the building of this wall, they made fresh sallies upon the Romans, and had every day contiicts with them by parties, together with all such con- trivances as robbers make use of, and with the plundering of all that came to hand, as also with the setting fire to all the other works; and this till Vespasian made his army leave off fighting them, and resolved to lie round the ci'ty, and to starve them into a surrender, as supposing that either they would be forced to petition him for mercy by want of provi- sions, or if they should have the courage to hold out till the last they should perish by famine: and he concluded he should conquer them the more easily in fighting, if he gave them an interval, and then fell upon them when they were weakened by famine; but still he gave orders that they should guard ftgainst their coming out of the city. 12. Now the besieged had plenty of corn within the city, and indeed of all other neces- saries, but they wanted water, because there was no fountain in the city, the people being there usually satisfied with rain water; yet it is a rare thing in that country to have rain in summer, and at this season, during the siege, they were in great distress for some contri- vance to satisfy their thirst; and they were very sad at this time particularly, as if they were already in want of water entirely, for Josepbu* seeing that the city abounded with other necessaries, and that the men were of good courage, and being desirous to protract the siege to the Romans longer than they expected, ordered their drink to be given them by measure; but this scanty distribution of water by measure was deemed by them as a thing more hard upon them than the want of it; and their not been able to drink as much as they would, made them more desirous of drinking than they otherwise had been; nay, they were so much disheartened hereby as if they were come to the last degree of thirst. Nor were the Romans unacquainted with the state they were in, for when they stood over against them, beyond the wall, they could see them running together, and taking their water by measure, which made them throw their javelins thither, the place being within their reach, and kill a great many of them. 13. Hereupon Vespasian hoped that their receptacles of water v^'ould in no long time be emptied, and that they would be forced to de- liver up the city to him; but Josephus being minded to break such his hope, gave command that they should wet a great many of their clothes, and hang them out about the battle- ments, till the entire wall was of a sudden all wet with the running down of the water. At this sight the Romans were discouraged, and under consternation, when they saw them able to throw away in sport so much water, when they supposed them not to have enough to drink themselves. This made the Roman general despair of taking the city by their want of necessaries, and to betake himself again to arms, and to try to force them to surrender, which was what the Jews greatly desired; for as they despaired of either them- selves or their city being able to escape, they preferred a death in battle before one by hunger and thirst. 14. However, Josephus contrived another stratagem besides the foregoing, to get plenty of what they wanted. — There was a certain rough and uneven place that could hardly be ascended, and on that account was not guarded by the soldiers; so Josephus sent out certain persons along the western parts of the valley, and by them sent letters to whom he pleased of the Jews that were out of the city, and procured from them what necessaries soever they wanted in the city in abundance ,• he enjoined them also to creep generally along' by the watch as they came into the city, and to cover their backs with such sheep-skins as had their wool upon them, that if any one should spy them in thft night-time, they might be believed to be dogs. This was done till the watch perceived their contrivance, and en- compassed that rough place about themselves. 15. And now it was that Josephus perceived that the city could not hold out long, and that his own life would be in doubt if he con- tinued in it; so be con>ulted how he and the most potent men of the city might fly out of CHAP. VII. WARS OF THE JEWS. 659 it. When tbe multitude understood this, they came all round about him, and begged of him not to overlook them while they entirely ■ depended on him, and him alone; for that there was still hope of the city's deliverance if he would stay with them, because every body would undertake any pains with great cheer- fulness on his account, and in that case there would be some comfort for them also, though they ehould be taken: that it became him nei- ther to fly from his enemies, nor to desert his friends, nor to leap out of that city, as out of a ship that was sinkin^*^ in a storm, into which he came when it was quiet and in a calm; for that by going away he would be the cause of drowning the city, because nobody would then venture to oppose the enemy when he was once gone, upon whom they wholly confided. \6. Hereupon Joseph us avoided letting them know that he was to go away to provide for his own safety, but told them that he would fro out of the city for their sakes; for that if ho staid with them, he should be able to do them little good while they were in a safe c(»!uiition; and that if they were once taken, he should oidy perish with them to no pur- pose; but that if he were once gotten free from this siege, he should be able to bring them very great relief; for that he would then inunediately get the Galileans together, out of the country, in great multitudes, and draw the Romans off their city by another war. That he did not see what advantage he could oring to them now, by staying among them, out only provoke the Romans to besiege them more closely, as esteeming it a most valuable thing to take him ; but that if they were once informed that he was fled out of the city, they would greatly remit of their eagerness against it. Yet did not this plea move the people, but inflamed them the more to hang about him. Accordingly, both the children and the old men, and the women with their infants, came mourning to him, and fell down before him, and all of them caught hold of his feet, and held him fast, and besought him, with great lamentations, that he would take his '"tehare with them in their fortune; — and I think they did this, not that they envied his deliverance, but that they, hoped for their own; for they could not think they should suffer any great misfortune, provided Jose- phus would but stay with them. 17. Now, Josephus thought, that if he resolved to stay, it would be ascribed to their entreaties; and if he resolved to go away by force, he should be put into custody. His commiseration also of the people under their lamentations, had much broken that of his eagerness to leave them; so he resolved tostay, and arming himself with the common despair of the citizens, he said to them, " Now is the time to begin to fight in earnest, when there is no hope of deliverance left. It is a brave thing to prefer glory before life, and to set about some such noble undertaking as may be remembered by late posterity." Having said this, he fell to work immediately, and made a sally, and dispersed the enemies' out- guards, and ran as far as the Roman camp itself, and pulled the coverings of their ^ents to pieces, that were upon their banks, and set fire to their works. And this was the man- ner in which he never left off fighting, nei- ther the next day nor the day after it, but went on with it for a considerable number of both days and nights. 18. Upon this, Vespasian, when he saw the Romans distressed by these sallies (although they were n<?hampd to be made to run away by the Jews; and when at any time they made the Jews run away, their heavy armour would not let them pursue them far; while the Jews, when they had performed any action, and before they could be hurt them- selves, still retired into the city), ordered his armed men to avoid their onset, and not to fight it out with men under desperation, while nothing is more courageous than despair; but that their violence would be quenched when they saw they failed of their purposes, as fire is quenched when it wants fuel; and that it was most proper for the Romans to gain their victories as cheap as they could, since they are not forced to fight, but only to enlarge their own dominions. So he repelled the Jews in great measure by the Arabian archers, and the Syrian slingers, and by those that threw stones at them, nor was there any intermission of the great number of their offensive engines. Now, the Jews suffered greatly by these engines, without being able to escape from them ; and when these engines threw their stones or javelins a great way, and the Jews were within their reach, they pressed hard upon the Romans, and fought desperately, without sparing either soul or body, one part succouring another by turns, when it was tired down. 1 9. When, therefore, Vespasian looked upon himself as in a manner besieged by these sal- Ues of the Jews, and when his banks were now not far from the walls, he determined to make use of his battering ram. This battering ram is a vast beam of wood like the mast of a ship; its fore-part is armed with a thick piece of iron at the head of it, which is so carved as to be like the head of a ram, whence its name is taken. This ram is slung in the air by ropes passing over its middle, and is hung like the balance in a pair of scales from another beam, and braced by strong beams that pass on both sides of it in the nature of a cross. When this ram is pulled backward by a great number of men with united force, and then thrust forward by the same men, with a mighty noise, it batters the walls with that iron part which is prominent; nor is there any tower so strong, 0/ walls so broad, that can resist any more than its first batteries. 360 WARS OF THE JEWS but all are rorced to yield to it nt last. This was the experiment which the Roman general betook himself to when he was eagerly bent upon taking the city, and found lying in the field so long to be to his disadvantage, because the Jews would never let him be quiet. So these Romans brought the several enginesforgallingan enemy nearer to the walls, that they might reach such as were upon the wall, and endeavoured to frustrate their attempts; these threw stones and javelins at them ; in the like manner did the archers and slingers come both together closer to the wall. This brought matters to such a pass that none of the Jews durst mount the walls, and then it was that the other Romans brought the battering ram that was cased with hurdles all over, and in the upper part was secured with skins that covered it, and this both for the security of themselves and of the engine. Now, at the very first stroke of this engine, the wall was shaken, and a terrible clamour was raised by the people within the city, as if they were already taken. 20. And now, when Josephus saw this ram still battering the same place, and that the wall would quickly be thrown down by it, he resolved to elude for a while the force of the engine. With this design he gave orders to fill sacks with chaff, and to hang them down before that place where they saw the ram al- ways battering, that the stroke might be turn- ed aside, or that the place might feel less of the strokes by the yielding nature of the chaff. This contrivance very much delayed the attempts of the Romans, because let them remove their engine to what part they pleased, those that were above it removed their sacks, and placed them over against the strokes it made, insomuch that the wall was no way hurt, and this by diversion of the strokes, till the Romans made an opposite contrivance of long poles, and by tying hooks at their ends, cut off the sacks. Now, when the battering-ram, thus recovered its force, and the wall having been but newly built, was giving way, Jose- phus and those about him, had afterward im- mediate recourse to lire, to defend themselves withal; whereupon they took what materials soever they had that were but dry, and made a sally three ways, and set fire to the machines, and the hurdles, and the banks of the Ro- mans themselves; nor did the Romans well know how to come to their assistance, being at once under a consternation at the Jews' ooidness, and being prevented by the flames from coming to their assistance; for the ma- terials being dry with the bitumen and pitch mat were among them, as was brimstone also, me tire caught hold of every thing imme- oiateiy; and what cost the Romans a great flea; ot pains, was in one hour consumed. 'zi. And here a certain Jew appeared worthy of our relation and commendation ; he was toe ton of Satiieas, and was called Eleazar, BOO^ Til. and was born at Saab, in Galilee. This man took up a stone of vast bigness, and threw it down from the wall upon the ram, and this with so great a force that it broke off the head of the engine. He also leaped down and took up the head of the ram from the midst of them, and without any concern, car- ried it to the top of the wall, and this, while he stood as a fit mark to be pelted by all his enemies. Accordingly, he received the strokes upon his naked body, and was wounded with five darts; nor did he mind any of them while he went up to the top of the wall, where he stood in sight of them all, as an instance of the greatest boldness: after which he threw himself on a heap with his wounds upon him, and fell down, together with the head of the ram. Next to him, two brothers showed their courage; their names were Netir and Philip, both of them of the village Ruma, and both of them Galileans also ; these men leaped upon the soldiers of the tenth legion, and fell upon the Romans with such a noise and force as to disorder their ranks, and put to flight all upon whomsoever they made their as- saults. 22. After these men's performances, Jose- phus, and the rest of the multitude with him, took a great deal of fire, and burnt both the machines, and their coverings, with the works belonging to the fifth, and to the tenth legion, which they put to flight; when others fol- lowed them immediately, and buried those in- struments and all their materials under ground. However, about the evening the Romans erected the battering ram again, against that part of the wall which had suffered before; where a certain Jew that defended the city from the Romans, hit Vespasian with a dart in his foot, and wounded him a little, the dis- tance being so great, that no mighty impression could be made by the dart thrown so far olf. However, this caused the greatest disorder among the Romans; for when those who stood near him saw his blood, they were dis- turbed at it, and a report went abroad, through the whole army, that the general was wound- ed, while the greatest part left the siege, and came running together with surprise and fear to the general; and before them all came Ti- tus, out of the concern he had for his father, insomuch that the multitude were in great confusion, and this out of the regard they had for their general, and by reason of the agony that the son was in. Yet did the father soon put an end to the son's fear, and to the dis- order the army was under, for being superior to his pains, and endeavouring soon to be seen by all that had been in a fright about him, he excited them to fight the Jews more briskly; for now every body was willing to expose himself to danger iunnediately, iii order to avenge their gen«Tal; and tiien tney encouraged one another with loud voices, aud ran hastily to the walls. CHAP. VII. WARS OF TfU: .;i;ivfi 661 23. But still Josephus and those with him, iltlioiigh they fell down dead one upon uDotfier by the darts and stones v.liich the -Migines threw upon them, yet «.!>: u.t they lie^ert the wnll, but fell upon those who managed the ram, under the protection of the Qui'iles, with fire, and iron weapons, and stones; and these could do little or nothing, out fell themselves perpetually, while they were seen by those whom they could not see, for the light of their own flame shone about tliein, and made them a most visible mark to the enemy, as they were in the day-time, while the engines could not be seen at a great distance, and so what was thro>vn at them was hard to be avoided; for the force with which these engines threw stones and darts made them hurt several at a time, and the violent noise of the stones that were cast by the engines was so great, that they carried away the pinnacles of the wall, and broke off the corners of the towers; for no body of men could be so strong as not to be overthrown to the last rank by the largeness of the stones; and any one may learn the force of the engines by what happened this very night; for as one of those that stood round about Jose- phus was near the wall, his head was carried away by such a stone, and his skull was flung as far as three furlongs. In the day-time also, a woman with child had her belly so violently struck, as she was just come out of her house, that the infant was carried to the distance of halt a furlong; so great was the force of that engine. The r.oise of the instruments them- selves was very terrible, the sound of the darts and stones that were thrown by them, was so also; of the same sort was that noise the dead bodies made, when they were dashed against the wall; and indeed dreadful was the clamour which these things raised in the women within the city, which was echoed back at the same time by the cries of such as were slain; while the whole space of ground whereon they fought ran with blood, and the wall might have been ascended over by the bodies of the dead carcasses; the mountain;; also contributed to increase the noise by their echoes ; nor was there on that night any thing of terror wanting that could either affect the hearing or the sight: yet did a great part of those that fought so hard for Jotapata fall niarifully, as were a great part of them wounded. However, the morning watch was come ere the wall yielded to the machines employed against it, though it had been bat- tered without intermission. However, those within covered their bodies with their armour, and raised works over-against that part which was tlirown down, before those engines were Uid by which the Romans were to ascend into the city. •24. in the morning Vespasian got his army together, in order to take the city [by storm], alter a little recreation upon the hard pains they hat? *'eeri at the night before; and as he was desirous to draw off those that opposed him from the places where the wall had been thrown down, he made the most courageous of the horsemen get off their horses, and placed them in three ranks over-against those ruins of the walls, but covered with their armour on every side, and with poles in their hands, that so these might begin their ascent as soon as the instruments for such ascent were laid; behind them he placed the flower of the footmen; but for the rest of the horse, he ordered them to extend themselves over- against the wall, upon the whole hilly coun- try, in order to prevent any from escaping out of the city when it should be taken; and behind these he placed the archers round about, and commanded them to have all their darts ready to shoot. The same command he gave to the slingers, and to those that managed the engines, and bade them to take up other ladders and have them ready to lay upon those parts of the wall which were yet untouched, that the besieged might be engaged in trying to hinder their ascent by them, and leave the guard of the parts that were thrown down, while the rest of them should be overborne by the darts cast at them, and might afford his men an entrance into the city. 25. But Josephus, understanding the raean- ing of Vespasian's contrivance, set the old men, together with those that were tired out, at the sound parts of the wall, as expecting no harm from those quarters, but set the strongest of his men at the place where the wall was broken down, and before them all, six men by themselves, among whom he took his share of the first and greatest danger. He also gave orders, that when the legions made a shout they should stop their ears, that they might not be affrighted at it, and that to avoid the multitude of the enemies' darts, they should bend down on their knees, and cover themselves with their shields, and that they should retreat a little backward for a while, till the archers should have emptied their quivers; but that, when the Romans should lay their instruments for ascending the walls, they should leap out on the sudden, and with their own instruments should meet the enemy, and that every one should strive to do his best, in order not to defend his own city, as if it were possible to be preserved, but in order to revenge it, when it was already destroyed; and that they should set before their eyes how their old men were to be slain, and their chihiren and their wives to be killed immediately by the enemy; and that they would beforehand spend all their fury, on accou4)t of the calamities just coming upon them, and pour it out on the actors. 26. And thus did Josephus dispose of both his bodies of ujen ; but then for the useless part of the citizens, the women and children, when they saw lUeir city encompassed by a threefold 662 army (for none of the usual guards that had been fighting before were removed), when they also saw not only the walls thrown down, but their enennes with swords in their hands, us also the hilly country above them shining with their weapons, and the darts in the hands of the Arabian archers, they made a final and lamentable outcry of the destruction, as if the misery were not only threatened, but actually coine upon them already. But Joseph us ordered the women to be shut up in their houses, lest they should render the warlike actions of the men too effen)inate, by making them commiserate their condition, and com- manded thera to hold their peace, and threatened them if they did not, while he came himself before the breach, where his allotment was; for all those who brought ladders to the other places, he took no notice of them, but earnestly waited for the shower of arrows that was coming. 27. And now the trumpeters of the several Roman legions sounded together, and the army made a terrible shout; and the darts, as by order, flew so fast that they intercepted the light. However, Josephus's men remembered the charges he had given them, they stopped their ears at the sounds, and covered their bodies against the darts; and as to the en- gines that were set ready to go to work, the Jews ran out upon them, before those that should have used them were gotten upon them. And now, on the ascending of the soldiers, there was a great conflict, and many actions of the hands and of the soul were ex- hibited, while the Jews did earnestly endea- vour, in the extreme danger they were in, not to show less courage than those who, without being in danger, fought so stoutly against them; nor did they leave struggling with the Romans^'till they either fell down dead themselves, or killed their antagonists. But the Jews grew weary with defending themselves continually, and had not enow to come in their places to succour them, — while, on the side of the Romans, fresh men stiil succeeded those that were tired ; and still new men soon get upon the machines for ascent, in the room of those that were thrust down; those encouraging one another, and joining side to side with their shields, which were a protection to them, they became a budy of men not to be broken; and as this band thrust away the Jews, as though they were themselves but one body, they began alri'ady to get upon the wall. 2i<. Then did Josephus take necessity for bis counsellor in this utmost distress (which necessity is very sagacious in invention, when it is irritated by despair), and gave orijers to pour scalding oil upon those whose shields protected them. WhereujUiii lliey soon got it ready, being many that brought it, and what they brou.^ht biiiii,' a ynut quantity al*o, Mud poured it on all &k.cs upon the WARS OF THE JEWS, BOOK UI. Romans, and threw down upon them their vef*- sels as they were still hissing from the heat of the fire: this so burnt the Romans, that it dispersed that united band, who now tum- bled down from the wall with horrid pain?, for the oil did easily run down the whole body from head to foot, under their entire armour, and fed upon their tiesh like flame itself, its fat and unctuous nature rendering it soon heated and slowly cooled; aiul as the men were cooped up in their head-pieces and breast- plates, they could no way get free from this burning oil; they could only leap and roll about in their pains, as they fell down from the bridges they had laid. And as they were thus beaten back, and retired to their own party, who still pressed them forward, they were easily wounded by those that were behind them. 29. However, in this ill success of the Ro- mans, their courage did not fail them, nor did the Jews want prudence to oppose them; for the Romans, although they saw their own men thrown down, and in a miserable condition, yet were they vehemently bent against those that poured the oil upon them, while every one reproached the man before him as a coward, and one that hindered him from exerting himself; and while the Jews made use of another stratagem to prevent their ascent, and poured boiling fenugreek upon the boards, in order to make them slip and fall down ; by which means neither could those that were coming up, nor those that were going down, stand on their feet; but some of them fell backward upon the ma- chines on which they ascended, and were trodden upon ; many of them fell down on the bank they had raised, and when they were fallen upon it were slain by the Jews; for when the Romans could not keep thtir feet, the Jews being freed from fighting hanu to hand, had leisure to throw their darts at them. So the general called otf those sol- diers in the evening that had suffered i^o sorely, of whom the number of the slain was not a few, while that of the wounded was still greater; but of the people of Jotapata no more than six men were killed, althouj,h more than three hundred were carried vlf wounded. This fight happened on tlie twentieth day of the tnonth JJesius [SivaiiJ. 30. Hereupon Vespasian comforted his army on occasion of what had happened, and as he found them angry indeed, but rather waul- ing somewhat to do than any furthL-r exhoria- tions, he gave orders to raise the banks still higher, and to erect three towers, each fifty feet high, and that they should cover them with plates of iron on every side, that they might be both firm by their weight, and not easily liable to be set on fire. These towera he set upon the banks, and placed upon them such as could shoot darts and arrows, with the lighter eu^uies tor turowing stones and darU CHAP. VII. WARS OF THE JEWS. 663 also; and besides these, he set upon them the stoutest men among the slingers, who not being to be seen by reason of the height they stood upon, and the battlements that protected them, might throw their weapons at those that were upon the wall, and were easily seen by them. Hereupon the Jews, not being easily able to escape those darts that were thrown down upon their heads, nor to avenge themselves on those whom they could not see, and perceiving that the height of the towers was so great, that a dart which they threw with their hand could hardly reach it, and that the iron plates about them made it very hard to come at them by fire, they ran away from the walls, and fled hastily out of the city, and fell upon those that shot at them. And thus did the people of Jotapata resist the Romans, v.'hile a great number of them were every day killed, without their being able to retort the evil upon their enemies; nor could they keep them out of the city without danger to them- selves. ^ 31. About this time it was* that Vespasian sent out Trajan against a city called Japha, that lay near to Jotapata, and that desired inno- vations, and was puffed up with the unex- pected length of the opposition of Jotapata. This Trajan was the commander of the tenth legion, and to him Vespasian committed one thousand horsemen, and two thousand foot- men. When Trajan came to the city, he found it hard to be taken, for besides the natural strength of its situation, it was also secured by a double wall: but when he saw the people of this city coming out of it, and ready to fight him, he joined battle wth them, and after a short resistance which they made, he pursued after them; and as they fled to their first wall, the Romans followed tbem so closely, that they fell in together rt'ith them: but when the Jews were endea- vouring to get again within their second wall, their fellow-citizens shut them out, as being afraid that the Romans would force them- selves in with them. It was certainly God, tlierefore, who brought the Romans to punish the Galileans, and did then expose the people of the city every one of them manifestly to be destroyed by their bloody enemies; for they .fell upon the gates in great crowds, and ear- • oestly calling to those that kept them, and that by their names also, yet had they their throats cut in the very midst of their suppli- cations; for the enemy shut the gates of the first wall, and their own citizens shut the gates »f the second, so they were enclosed between two walls, and were slain in great numbers together; many of tbem were run through by swords of their own men, and many by their own swords, besides an immense num- ber that were slain by the Romans; — nor had they awy courage to revenge themselves; for ttiere was added to the consternation they \Yvrc in troii: the e;ie.uv, tacir being betrayed by their own friends, which quit€ broke their spirits: and at last they died, cursing not the Romans, but their own citizens, till they were all destroyed, being in number twelve thou- sand. So Trajan gathered that the city was empty of people that could fight, and although there should a few of them be therein, he supposed that they would be too timorous to venture upon any opposition; so he reserved the taking of the city to the general. Accor- dingly he sent messengers to Vespasian, and desired him to send his son Titus to finish the victory he had gained. Vespasian here- upon imagining there might be some pains still necessary, sent his son with an army of five hundred horsemen, and one thousand footmen. So he came quickly to the city, and put his army in order, and set Trajan over the left wing, while he had the right him- self, and led them to the siege: and when the soldiers brought ladders to be laid against the wall on every side, the Galileans opposed them from above for a while; but soon afterward they left the walls. Then did Titus's men leap into the city, and seized upon it presently; but when those that were in it were gotten together, there was a fierce battle between them; for the men of power fell upon the Romans in the narrow streets, and the women threw whatsoever came next to hand at them, and sustained a fight with them for six hours' time; but when the fighting men were spent, the rest of the multitude had their throats cut, partly in the open air and partly in their own houses, both young and old together. So there were no males no»v remaining, besides infants, who with the women were carried as slaves into captivity; so that the number of the slain, both now in the city and at the for- mer fight, was fifteen thousand, and the cap- tives were two thousand one hundred and thirty. This calamity befel the Galileans on the twenty-fifth day of the month Desius [Sivan]. 32. Nor did the Samaritans escape their share of misfortunes at this time; for they assembled themselves together upon the moun- tain called Gerizzim, which is with them a holy mountain, and there they remained; which collection of theirs, as well as the cou- rageous minds they showed, could not but threaten somewhat of war; nor were they rendered wiser by the miseries that ha<l come upon their neighbouring cities. They also, notwithstanding the great success the Romans had, marched on in an unreasonable manner, depending on their own weakness, and were disposed for any tumult upon its first appear- ance. Vespasian therefore thought it best to prevent their motions, and to cut off the founda- tion of their attempts; for although all Sama- ria had ever garrisons settled among them, yet did the number of those that were come to mount Gerizzim, and their conspiracy toce" ther, give ^Tound to fear what they wou:i 364 WARS OF THE JEWS, BOOK in be at; he therefore sent thither Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion, with six hun- dred horsemen and three thousand footmen, who did not think it safe to go up to the mountain and give them battle, because many of the enemy were on the higher part of the ground; so he encompassed all the lower part of the mountain with his army, and watched them all that day. Now it happened that the Samaritans, who were now destitute of water, were indamed with a violent heat (for it was summer-time, and the multitude had not provided themselves with necessaries), in- somuch that some of them died that very day with heat, while others of them preferred sla- very before such a death as that was, and fled to the Romans; by whom Cerealis understood that those who still stayed there were very much broken by their misfortunes. So he went up to the mountain, and having placed his forces round about the enemy, he, in the first place, exhorted them to take the security of his right hand, and come to terms with him, and thereby save themselves ; and assured them, that if they would lay down their arms, be would secure them from any harm ; but when he could not prevail with them, he fell upon them and slew them all, being in number eleven thousand and six hundred. This was done on the twenty-seventh day of the month Desius [Sivan]. And these were the calami- ties that befell the Samaritans at this time. 33. But as the people of Jotapata still held out manfully, and bore up under their miseries beyond all that could be hoped for, on the forty- seventh day [of the siege] the banks cast up by the Romans were becoa)e higher than the wall; on which day a certain deserter went to Vespasian, and told him how few were left in the city, and how weak they were, and that they had been so worn out with perpetual watching, and also perpetual fighting, that they could not now oppose any force that came against them, and that they might be taken by stratagem, if any one would attack them; for that about the last watch of the night, when they thought they might have some rest from the hardships they were under, and when a morning sleep used to come upon them, as they were thoroughly weary, he said the watch used to fall asleep: accordingly his advice wu3, that they should make their attack at that hour. But Vespasian bad a suspicion about this deserter, as knowing how laithful the Jews were to one another, and how much they despised any punishments that could be inflicted on them ; this last, because one ot the people of Jotapata had undergone all sorts of torujents, and though they made him pass through a fiery trial of his enemies in bis ex- amination, yet would he inform them nothing of the affairs within the city, and as he was cr«icified, smiled at them! llowever, the pro- bability there was in the relation itself did partly confirm the truth of what the deserter told them,- and they thought he might pro- bably speak the truth. However, Vespasian thought they should be no great sufferers it the report was a sham ; so he commanded them to keep the man in custody, and pre- pared the army for taking the city. 34. According to which resolution they marched without noise, at the hour that had been told them, to the wall; and it was Titus himself that first got upon it, with one of his tribunes, Domitius Sabinus, and had a few of the fifteenth legion along with him. So they cut the throats of the watch, and entered the city very quietly. After these came Cerealis the tribune, and Placidus, and led on those that were under them. Now when the cita- del was taken, and the enemy were in the very midst of the city, and when it was already day, yet was not the taking of the city known by those that held it; for a great many of them were fast asleep, and a great mist, which then by chance fell upon the city, hindered those that got up^rom distinctly seehig the case they were in, till the whole Roman army was gotten in, and they were raised up only to find the miseries they were under; and as they were slaying, they perceived the city was taken. And for the Romans, they so well re- membered what they had suffered during the siege, that they spared none, nor pitied any, but drove the people down the precipice from the citadel, and slew them as they drove them down; at which time the difficulties ol the place hindered those that were still able to light from defending themselves ; for as they were distressed in the narrow streets, and could not keep their feet sure along the pre- cipice, they were overpowered with the crowd of those that came fighting them dovra from the citadel. This provoked a great many, even of those chosen men that were about Josephus, to kill themselves with their own hands; for when they saw that they could kill none of the Romans, they resolved to prevent being killed by the Romans, and got together in great numbers, in the utmost parts of the city, and killed themselves. 35. However, such of the watch as at the first perceived they were taken, and ran away as fast as they could, went up into one ot the towers on the north side of the city, and for a while defended themselves there; but as they were encompassed with a multitude ot enemies, they tried to use their right hands when it was too late, and at length they cheer- fully offered their necks to be cut off by those that stood over them. And the Romans might have boasted that the conclusion of that hiege was without blood [on their side], if there had not been a centurion, Antonius, who was fclaui at the taking of the city. His death was vc casioned by the following treachery: for thcie was one of those that were fled into tliC ca- verns, which were a great number, who Vte- sired that this Antonius would reach hmi Lt6 en A p. viir. WARS OF THE JEWS. 655 right hand for his security, and would assure him that he would preserve him, and give him b-s assistance in getting up out of the cavern; accordingly, he incautiously reached him his right hand, when the other man prevented him, c:id stabbed him under his loins with a spear, and killed him immediately. 36. A* d on this day the Romans slew all the n^ultitude that appeared openly; but on the following days they searched the hiding- places, and fell upon those that were under ground, and in the caverns, and went thus through every age, excepting the Infants and the women, and of ti^M there were gathered together as captives twelve hundred; and as for those that were slain at the taking of the city, and in the former fights, they were num- bered to be forty thousand. So Vespasian gave order that the city should be entirely demolished, and all the fortifications burnt down. And thus was Jotapata taken, in the thirteenth year of the reign of Nero, on the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz]. CHAPTER VIII. I IIOWJOSEPHUS WAS DISCOVERED BY A WOMAN, I ^ AND WAS WILLING TO DELIVER HIMSELF UP ' ' TO THE ROMANS; AND WHAT DISCOURSE HE HAD WITH HIS OWN MEN, WHEN THEY ENDEAVOURED TO HINDER HIM; AND WHAT HE SAID TO VESPASIAN, WHEN HE WAS BROUGHT TO HIM; AND AFTER WHAT MAN- NER VESPASIAN USED HIM AFTERWARDS. § 1. And now the Romans searched for Jose- phus, both out of the hatred they bore him, and because their general was very desirous to have him taken; for he reckoned that if he were once taken, the greatest part of the war would be oVer. They then searched among the dead, and looked into the most concealed recesses of the city; but as the city was first taken, he was assisted by a certain superna- tural providence; for he withdrevv himself from the enemy when he was in the midst of them, and leaped into a certain deep pit, whereto there adjoined a large den at one side of it, which den could not be seen by those that were above ground; and here he met with forty persons of eminence that had con- cealed themselves, and with provisions enough to satisfy them for not a few days. So in the day-time he hid himself from the enemy, who had seized upon all places; and in the night- time he got up out of the den, and looked about for some way of escaping, and took exact notice of the watch : but as all places were guarded everywhere on his account, that there was no way of getting off unseen, he went down again into the den. Thus he concealed himself two days; but on the third day, when they had taken a woman who had be^.n with them, he was discovered. Whereupon Vespa- sian sent immediately and zealously two tri- bunes, Paulinus and Gallicanus, and ordered them to give Josephus their right hands as a security for his life, and to exhort him to come up. 2. So they came and invited the man to come up, and gave him assurances that his life should be preserved; but they did not prevail with him ; for he gathered suspicions from the probability there was that one who had done so many things against the Romans must suf- fer for it, though not from the mild temper of those that invited him. However, he was afraid that he was invited to come up, in order to be punished, until Vespasian sent besides these a third tribune, Nicanor, to him; he was one that was well known to Josephus, and had been his familiar acquaintance in old time. When he was come, he enlarged upon the natural mildness of the Romans towards those they have once conquered; and told him, that he had behaved himself so valiantly, that the commanders rather admired than hated him; that the general was very desirous to have him brought to him, not in order to punish him, for that he could do though he should not come voluntarily, but that he was determined to preserve a man of his courage. He moreover added this, that Vespasian, had he been resolved to impose upon him, would not have sent to him a friend of his own, nor put the fairest colour upon the vilest action, by pretending friendship and meaning perfi- diousness; nor would he have himself acqui- esced, or come to him, had it been to deceive him. 3. Now, as Josephus began to hesitate with himself about Nicanor's proposal, the soldiery were so angry, that they ran hastily to set fire to the den ; but the tribune would not permit them so to do, as being very desirous to take the man alive. And now, as Nicanor lay hard at Josephus to comply, and he understood how the multitude of the enemy threatened him, he called to mind the dreams which he had dreamed in the night-time, whereby God had signified to him beforehand both the future calamities of the Jews, and the events that concerned the Roman emperors. Now Josephus was able to give shrewd conjectures about the interpretation of such dreams as have been ambiguously delivered by God. Moreover, he was not unacquainted with the prophecies contained in the sacred books, as being a priest himself, and of the posterity of priests: and just then was he in an ecstacy; and setting before him the tremendous images of the dreams he had lately had, he put up a secret prayer to God, and said, — "Since it pleaseth thee, who hast created the Jewish nation, to depress the same, and since all their good fortune is gone over to the Romans; and since thou bast made choice of this soul of mine to foretel what is t( come to pass 666 WARS i)l THE JEWS. BOOK lir. hereafter, I willingly give them my hands, and am content to live. And I protest openly, that I do not go over to the Romans as a deserter of the Jews, but as a minister from thee." 4. When he had said this, he complied with Nicanor's invitation. But when those Jews who had fled with him, understood that he yielded to those that invited him to come up, they came about him in a body, and cried out, "Nay, indeed, now may the laws of our fore- fathers, which God ordained himself, well groan to purpose; that God we mean who hath created the souls of the Jews of such a temper, that they despise death. O Joseph us! art thou still fond of life; and canst thou bear to see the light in a state of slavery? How soon hast thou forgotten thyself! How many hast thou persuaded to lose their lives for liberty ! Thou hast therefore had a false repu- tation for manhood, and a like false repu- tation for wisdom, if thou canst hope for preservation from Ihose against whom thou hast fought so zealously, and art however wil- ling to be preserved by them, if they be in ear- nest. But although the good fortune of the Romans hath made thee forget thyself, we ought to take care that the glory of our fore- fathers may not be tarnished. We will lend thee our right hand and a sword ; and if thou \vilt die willingly, thou wilt die as general of the Jews; but if unwillingly, thou wilt die as a traitor to them." As soon as they said this, they began to thrust their swords at him, and threatened they would kill him, if he thought of yielding himself to the Romans. 5. Upon this, Joseph us was afrajd of their attacking him, and yet thought he should be a betrayer of the commands of God if he died before they were delivered. So he began to talk like a philosopher to them in the distress he was then in, when he said thus to them: — " O my friends, why are we so ear- nest to kill ourselves? and why do we set our soul and body, which are such dear compa- nions, at such variance? Can any one pretend that I am not the man I w^as formerly? Nay, the Romans are sensible how that matter stands well enough. It is a brave thing to <!ie in war; but so that it be according to the law of war, by the hand of conquerors. If, therefore, I avoid death from the sword of the Romans, I am truly worthy to be killed by my own sword, and my own hand; bftt if they admit of mercy, and would spare their enemy, how much more ought we to have mercy upon ourselves, and to spare ourselves! for it is certainly a foolish thing to do that to ourselves which we quarrel with thetn for doing to us. I confess freely, that it is a brave thing to die for liberty; but still so that it be ill war, and done by those who take that liberty from us; but at present our enemies do neither meet us in buttle, nor do tliey kill us. Now, be is cqimlly u rowurd who will not die .'when he is obliged to die, and he who will 6ie when he is not obliged so to do. What are we afraid of, when we will not go up to I the Romans? Is it death? If so, what we are j afraid of, when we but suspect our enemies I will inflict it on us, shall we inflict it on our- selves for certain? But it may be said, we ! must be slaves. And are we then in a clear state of liberty at present? It may also be said, that it is a manly act for one to kill him- self. No, certainly, but a most unmanly one; as I should esteem that pilot to be an arrant coward who, out of fear of a storm, should sink his ship of his own accord. Now, self- murder is a crime most remote from the com- mon nature of all animals, and an instance of impiety against God our Creator: nor indeed is there any animal that dies by its own contrivance, or by its own means; for the desire of life is a law engraven in them all; on which account we deem those that openly take it away from us to be our ene- mies, and those that do it by treachery, are punished for so doing. And do not you think that God is very angry when a man does injury to what he hath bestowed on him? for from him it is that we have received our being; and we ought to leave it to his dis- posal to take that being away from us. The bodies of all men are indeed mortal, and are created out of corruptible matter; but the soul is ever immortal, and is a portion of the Divinity that inhabits our bodies. Besides, if any one destroys or abuses a dtpodtum he hath received from a mere man, he is esteemed a wicked and perfidious person; but then if any one cast out of his body this divine (Jeposilum, can we imagine that he who is thereby affronted does not know of it? More- over, our law justlv ordnins tlmt slave-- <' 1^. run away from their master shall be punis.he(l, though the masters they ran away from may have been wicked masters to them. And shall we endeavour to run away from God, who is the best of all masters, and not think ourselves highly guilty of impiety? Do not you know that those who depart out of this life, according to the law of nature, and pay that debt which was received from God when he that lent it us is pleased to require it back, enjoy eternal fame? that their houses and their posterity are sure, that their souls are pure and obedient, and obtain a most holy place in heaven, from whence, in the revolu- tion of ages they are again sent into pure bodies; while the souls of those whose hauls have acted madly against themselves, are received by the darkest place in liades, and while God, who is their father, punishes those that offend against either of them ii their posterity? for which reason God hales such doings, and the crime is punished by our most wise legi.-lator. Accordingly our laws determine, that the bodies of such aa kill thmitelveh »hout(i be exposed till the 6'H \P. VIII. WARS OF THE JEWS. 667 sun be set, without burial, although at the e:tiiie time it be allowed by them to be lawful to bury our enemies [sooner]. The laws of ot'ier nations also enjoin such men's hands to be cut off when they are dead, which had been made use of in destroying themselves when alive, while they reckoned that as the body is alien from the soul, so is the hand alien from the body. It is, thereibre, my friends, a right thing to reason justly, and not add to the calamities which men bring npon us, impiety towards our Creator. If we have a mind to preserve ourselves, let us do it ; for to be preserved by those our enemies, to whom we have given so many demonstrations of our courage, is nu way in* glorious; but if we have a mind to die, it is good to die by the hand of those that have conquered us. For my part, I will not run over to our enemies* quarters, in order to be a traitor to myself; for certainly I should then be much more foolish than those that deserted to the enemy, since they did it, in order to save themselves, and I should do it for my own destruction. However, 1 heartily wish the Romans may prove treacherous in this matter: fftr if, aft^r their offer of their right hand for security, I be slain by them, I shall die cheerfully, and carry away with me the sense of their pertidiousness, as a conso- lation greater than victory itself." 6. Now these and many tlie like motives did Josephus use to these men, to prevent their murdering themstlves; but desperation had shut their ears, as having long ago devoted themselves to die, and they were irritated at Josephus. They then ran upon him with their swords in their hands, one from one quarter, and another from another, and called hima cow- ard, and every one of them appeared openly as if he were ready to smite him ; but, he calling to one of them by name, and looking like a general to another, and taking a third by the hand, and maki.ig a fourth ashamed of himself, by praying him to forbear, and being in this condition distracted with various pas- sions (as he well might in the great distress he was then in), he kept off every one of their swords from killing him, and was forced to do like such wild beasts as are encompassed about on every side, who always turn them- selves against those that la.>t touched them. Nar, some of their right hands were debili- tated by the reverence they bare to their ge- neral in these his fatal calamities, and their swords dropped oui of their hands; and not a4"ew of them there were, who, when they aimed to smite hiui with their swords, were not f thoroughly either willing or able to do it. 7. However, in this extreme distress, he was not destitute of his usual sagacity; but trusting himself to the providence of God, he put his life into hazard [in ttie manner foi- lo.nng]: — "And now," s,ii;i lie, "since it is restulved amang you luat }uu will die. come on, let us commit our mutual deaths to determination by lot. He whom the lot falls to first, let him be killed by him that hath the second lot, and thus fortune shall make its progress through us all; nor shall any of us perish by his own right hand, for it would be unfair if, when the rest are gone, somebody should repent and save himself." This pro- posal appeared to them to be very just; and 1 when he had prevailed with them todetermnie I this matter by lots, he drew one of the lots for I himself also. He who had the tirst lot laid I his neck bare to him that had the next, as i supposing that the general would die among j them immediately; for they thought death, ["if Josephus might but die with them, was I sweeter than life: yet was he with another i left to the last, whether we must say it hap- i pened so by chance, or whether by the provi- I dence of God: and as he was very desirous ! neither to be condemned by the lot, nor, if he had been left to the last, to imbrue his right hand in the blood of his Countryman, he per- suaded him to trust his fidelity to him, and to live as well as himself. 8. Thus Josephus escaped in the war with the Romans, and in this his own war with his friends, and was led by Nicanor to Vespa- sian; but now all the Romans ran together to see him, and as the multitude pressed one upon another about their general, there was a tumult of a various kind ; while some re- joiced that Josephus was taken, and some threatened him, and some crowded to see him very near; but those that were more remote cried out to have this their enemy put to death, while those that were near called to mind the actions he had done, and a d^p concern appeared at the change of his fortune. Nor were there any of the Roman command- ers, how much soever they had been enraged at him before, but relented when they came to the sight of him. Above all the rest, Titus's own valour, and Josephus's own patience under his atfiictions, made him pity him, as did also the commiseration of his age, when he recalled to mind that but a little while ago he wa^ghting, but lay now in the hands of his enemies, whicb made him con- sider the power of fortune, and how quick is the turn of affairs in war, and Low no state of men is sure ; for which reason he then made a great many luuve to be of the same pitiful temper with himself, and induced them to commiserate Josephus. He was also of great wei^^ht in persuading his father to pre- serve him. However, Vespasian gave strict orders that he should be kept witb great cau- tion, as though he would, in a very little time, send him to Nero. 9. When Josephus heard him giVe those orders, he said that he had somewhat in his miiui that he would willingly say to himself alone. When, therefore, they were all ordered to withuraw, excepting Titus and two of their 668 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK m. friends, he said, "Thou, O Vespasian, thinkest I no more than that thou hast taken Josephus himself captive; but I come to thee as a messenger of greater tidings; for had not 1 been sent by God to thee, 1 knew what was the law of the Jews in this case,* and how it becomes generals to die. Dost thou send me to AVero? For why? Are Nero's successors till they couie to thee siill alive? Thou, O Vespasian, art Caesar and emperor, thou, and j this thy son. Bind me now still faster, anu keep me for thyself, for thou, O Cajsar, art not only lord over me, but over the land and the sea, and all n^ankind ; and certainly 1 deserve to be kept in closer custody than 1 am now in, in order to be punished, if 1 rashly affirm any thing of God." When he had said this, Vespasian at present did not believe him, but supposed that Josephus said this as a cun- ning trick, in order to his own preservation; but in a little time he was convinced, and be- lieved what he said to be true, God himself erecting his expectations, so as to think of obtaiung th j empire, and by other signs fore- s^io-^ 3g hij advancement. He also found Jjaiphus to have spoken truth on other occa- sions; for one of those friends that were present at that secret conference, said to Josephus, " I cannot but wonder how thou ttyulciest not foretell to the people of Jotapata that J^'^y should be taken, nor couldest foretell iiiik t,-a,>tivity which hath happened to thyself, unless what thou now sayest be a vain thing, in order to avoid the rage that is risen against thyself." To which Josephus replied, " I did foretell to the people of Jotapata that they would be taken on the forty-seventh day, and that 1 ihould be caught alive by the Romans." Kow when Vespasian had inquired of the captives privately about these predictions, he found them to be true, and then he began to believe those that concerned himself. Yet did he not set Josephus at liberty from his bands, but bestowed on him suits of clothes, and other precious gifts; he treated him also in a very obliging manner, and continued so to do, Titus still joining his interest in the honours that were done him% CHAPTER IX. HDVI lOPPA WAS TAKEN, AND TIBERIAS DELIVERED UP. § 1. Now Vespasian returned to Ptolemais on the fourth day of the month Panemus [TamuzJ, and from thence he came to * I do not know where to find the law or Muses here mentioned by Josephus, and afterwards hy l,I»-aziir. b. viu ch viii. sect 7, and almost impla-d in ii. i. cn. xm •ecC iU, by Josephus's coiuiuendation of Pbasaeius tur doini(BOi t mean whereby Jewish generals and people were ublixed lu kill themselves, rather than go intu «la- ▼«ry under tieallMroa. 1 doubt tbis wvuld bave been Jo Cesarea, which 4ay by the sea-side. This was a very great city of Judea, and for the greatest part inhabited by Greeks; the citizens here received both the Roman army and its gene- ral with all sorts of acclamations and rejoi- cings, and this partly out of the good-will they bore to the Romans, but principally out of the hatred they bore to those that were conquere(i by them ; on which account, they came cia- mouiing against Josephus in crowds, and tie- sired he might be put to death; but Vespasian passed over this petition concerning him, us otfered by the injudicious nmltitude, with a bare silence. Two of the legions also he placed at Cesarta, that they might there take t'heir winter-quarters, as perceiving the city very fit for such a purpose; but he placed the tenth and the fifth at Scythopolis, that he might not distress Cesarea with the entire army. This place was warm, even in winter, as it was suffocating hot in the summer-tinie, by reason of its situation in a plain, and near to the sea [of Galilee]. 2. In the mean time there were gathered together, as well such as had seditiously got out from among their enemies as those that had escaped out of the denK)lished cities, which were in all a great number, and repaired Joppa, which had been left desolate by Cestius, that it might serve them for a place of refuge; and because the adjoining region had been laid waste in the war, and was not capable of supporting them, they determined to go off to sea. They also built themselves a great many piratical ships, and turned pirates upon the seas near to Syria, and Pha;- nicia, and Egypt, and made those seas onnavi- gable to all men. Now as soon as Vej^pasian knew of their conspiracy, he sent both foot- men and horsemen to Joppa, which was un- guarded in the night-time; however, those that were in it perceived that they should be attacked, and were afraid of it ; yet did they not errdeavour to keep the Romans out, but fled to their ships, and lay at sea all night, out of the reach of their darts. 3. Now Juppa is not naturally a haven, for it ends in a rough shore, where all the rest of it is straight, but the two ends beiiQ towards each other, where there are deep precipices, and great stones that jut out into the sea, atid where the chains wherewith An- dromeda was bound have left their footsteps, which attest to the antiquity of that fable; but the north wind opposes and beats upon the shore, and dashes mighty waves against the rocks which receive them, and rendets the haven more dangerous than the country they hud deserted. Now as those people of Joppa were tlfiiiing ulji>ut in this sea, in the morning there tell a violent wind U[ on them; better than " sell-murder; ' and I believe it was rather some vam di'drine. or inifti. relation, of the riRid Hha» riseei*, or ' t-tri.vs. <>i i n. iI.uiih. than u just CMnbe(|neuMi from aD> law ul (>od it(l.\eird by Atones. CflAl*. IX, WARS OF TFTE JEWS. 60>) tt is railed by those tliat sail there " the black JU)rth wind," and there dashed their ships one «gainst another, and dashed soir.e ef them against the rocks, and carried many of them by force, vvhtle they strove against the oppo- site waves, into the main sea; for the shore was so rocky, -and had so many of the enemy upon it, that they were afraid to come to land; nay, the waves rose se very high, that they drowned them; nor was there any place whither they could fly, nor any way to save themselves: while they were thrust out of the sea, by the violence of the wind, if they staid where they were, and out of the city by the vio- lence of the Romans; and much lamentation there was when the ships were dashed against ■one another, and a terrible noise when they M'ere broken to pieces; and some of the mul- titude that were in them were covered with the waves, a«d so perished, and a great many were embarrassed with shipwrecks; but some of them thought, that to die by their own swords was lighter than by the sea, and so they killed themselves before they were drowned; although the greatest part of them were carried by the waves, and dashed to pieces against tfcie abrupt parts of the rocks, insomuch that the sea was bloody a long way, ap.d the maritime parts were full of dead bodies; for the Romans came upon those that were carried to the shore, and destroyed them ; and the number of the bodies that were thus thrown cat of the sea was four thousand and two hundred. The Romans also took the city without opposition, and utterly destroyed it. 4. And thus was Joppa taken twice by the Romans in a little time; but Vespasian, in order to prevent these pirates from coming thither any more, erected a camp there, where the citadel of Joppa had been, and left" a body /)t horse in it, with a few footmen; that these last might stay there and guard the camp, and the horsemen might spoil the country that lay round it, and might destroy the neigh- bouring villages and smaller cities. So these troops overran the country, as they were ordered to do, and every day cut to pieces and laid desolate the whole region. 5. But now, when the fete of Jotapata was related at Jerusalem, a great many at the first disbelieved it, on account of the vastness of the calamity, and because they had no eye- witness to attest the truth of what was related about it; for not one person was saved to be a messenger of that news, but a fame was spread abroad at random that the city was taken, as such fame usually spreads bad news about. However, the truth was known by degrees, from the places near Jotapata, and appeared to all to be too true. Yet were there fictitious stories added to what was really done; for it was reported that Josephus was slain at the taking of the city; which piece of news tilled Jerusalem full of sorrow. In eve/y house also, and among all to wbom any of the slain were allied, there was a lamentation for them ; but the mourning lor the commander was a public one; and some mourned for those that had lived with them, others for their kindred, others for their friends, and others for their brethren, but ail mourned for Josephus: insomuch that the lamentation did not cease in the city before the thirtieth day; and a great many hired mourners,* with their pipes, who should begin the melancholy ditties for them. 6. But as the truth came out in time, it appeared how the affairs of Jotapata really stood ; yet it was found that the death of Jose- phus was a fiction; and when they understood that he was alive, and was among the Romans, and that the commanders treated him at another rate than they treated captives, they were as vehemently angry at him now as they had shown their good-will before, when he appeared to have been dead. He >vas also abused by some as having been a coward, and by others as a deserter; and the city was full of indignation at him, and of reproaches cast upon him; their rage was also aggravated by their afflictions, and more inflamed by their ill success; and what usu- ally becomes an occasion of caution to wise men, I mean affliction, became a spur to them to venture on farther calamities, and the end of one misery became still the beginning of another; they therefore resolved tb fall on the Romans the more vehemently, as resolv- ing to be revenged on him in revenging them- selves on the Romans. And this was the state of Jerusalem as to the troubles which now came upon it. 7. But Vespasian, in order to see the king- dom of Agrippa, while the king persuaded himself so to do (partly, in order to his treat- ing the general and his army in the best and most splendid manner his private affairs woul^ enable him to do, and partly that he might, by their means, correct such things as were amiss in bis government), he removed from that Cesarea which was by the sea-side, and went to that which is called Cesarea Phi- lippi;t and there he refreshed his army for twenty days, and was himself feasted by king Agrippa, where he also returned public thanks to God for the good success he had had in his undertakings. But as soon as he was informed that Tiberias was fond of innova- tions, and that Turicheae had revolted, both which cities were parts of the kingdom of Agrippa, and was satisfied within himself that the Je ws were every where perverted [from their * These ynblic nonrners, hired Bpon the sapposfid death of Josephus, and the real death of many more, llustrate some passages in the Bible, which suppoaa the same custom, as Matt. rii. 17; where the reader Skaj consult the notes of Grotius. + Of this Cesarea Philippi. twice mentioned in our New Testament (.Matt.xvi. 13; Mark viii.-27), tb«ic ais coins still extao;, as Spauh«im here iaforou ut. 670 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK III. obedience to their governors], he thought it sea- so.iable to make an expedition against those cities, and that for the sake of Agrippa, and in order to bring his cities to reason. So he sent away his son Titus to [the other] Cesarea, that be might bring the army that lay there to Scythopolis, which is the largest city of Deca- polls, and in the neighbourhood of Tiberias, whither he came, and where he waited for his son. He then came with three legions, and pitched his camp thirty furlongs off Tiberias, at a certain station easily seen by the innova- tors; it is named Sennabris. He also sent Valerian, a decurion, with fifty horsemen, to speak peaceably to those that were in the city, and to exhort them to give him assurances of their fidelity; for he had heard that the peo- ple were desirous of peace, but were obliged by some of the seditious part to join with them, and so were forced to fight for them. When Valerian had marched up to the place, and was near the wall, he alighted off his horse, and made those that were with him do the same, that they might not be thought to come to skirmish with them; but before they could come to a discourse one with another, the most potent men among the seditious j made a sally upon them armed; their leader j was one whose name was Jesus, the son of Shaphat, the principal head of a band of rob- i bers. Now Valerian, neither thinking it safe to fight contrary to the commands of the ge- I neral, thotigh he were secure of a victory, and ' knowing that it was a very hazardous under- taking for a few to fight with many, for those that were unprovided to fight those that were ready, and being on other accounts surprised at this unexpected onset of the Jews, he ran away on foot, as did five of the rest in like manner, and left their horses behind them; which horses Jesus led away into the city, and rejoiced as if they had taken them in battle, and not by treachery. 8. Now the seniors of the people, and such as were of principal authority among them, fearing what would be the issue of this 'matter, tied to the camp of the Romans ; they then took their king along with them, and fell down before Vespasian to supplicate his fa- vour, and besought him not to overlook then), nor to impute the madness of a few to the whole city, to spare a people that had been ever civil and obliging to the Romans; but to bring the authors of this revolt to due punishment, who hau hitherto so watched them, that though they were zealous to give them the security of their right hands of a long time, yet could they not accomplish the same. With these suppli- cations the general complied, although he were very angry at the whole city about the carrying off his horses, and this because he saw that Agrippa was 'under a great concern tor them. So when Vespasian and Agrippa had accepted of their right hands by way of secu- rity, J«Mis »Bd his party thought it not sale £or them to continue at Tiberias, go they ran away to Taricheae. The next day Vespasian sent Trajan before, with some horsemen to the citadel, to make trial of the multitude, whe- ther they were all disposed for peace; and as soon as he knew that the people were of the same mind with the petitioner, he took hia army, and went to the city; upon which the citizens opened to him their gates, and met him with acclamations of joy, and called him their saviour and benefactor. But as the army was a great while in getting in at the gates,^ they were so narrow, Vespasian commanded the south wall to be broken down, and so made a broad passage for their entrance^ However, he charged them to abstain from rapine and injustice, in order to gratify the king; and on his account spared the rest of the wall, while the king undertook for them that they should continue [faithful to the Ro- mans] for the time to come. And thus did he restore this city to a quiet state, after it had been grievously afiiicted by the sedition. CHAPTER X. HOW TARICHE^ WAS TAKEN. A DESCRIPTION OF THE RIVER JORDAN, AND OF THE COUNTRY OF GENNESARETH. § 1. And now Vespasian pitched his camp> between this city and Taricheie, but fortified his camp more strongly, as suspecting that he should be forced to stay there, and have a long war; for all the innovators had gotten together at Tarichete, as relying upon the str^gth of the city, and on the lake that lay by it. This lake is called by the people of the country the Lake of Gennesareth, The city itself is situated like Tiberias, at the bot- tom of a mountain ; and on those sides which are not washed by the sea, had been strongly fortified by Josephus, though not so strojigly « as Tiberias; for the wall of Tiberias had been built at the beginning at the Jews' revolt, when he had great plenty of money, and great power, but Taricheie partook only the remains of that liberality. Yet had they a great num- ber of ships gotten ready upon the lake, that, in case they were beaten at land, they miglit retire to them ; and they were so fitted up, that they might undertake a sea-fight also. But as the Romans were building a wall about their camp, Jesus and his party were neither affrighted at their number nor at the good order they were in, but made a sally upon them ; and at the very first onset the builders of the wall were dispersed; and these pulled what little they had before built to pieces; but as soon as they saw the armed men getting together, and before they had suffered any thing themselves, they retired to their own uieu. But then the Ruuiaiis CHAP. X. WARS OF THE JEWS. 671 pursued them, and drove them into their ships, where they launched out as far as might give them an opportunity of reaching the Romans with what they threw at them, and then cast anchor, and brought their ships close, as in a line of battle, and thence fought the enemy from the sea, who were themselves at • land. But Vespasian hearing that a great mul- titmie of them were gotten together in the plain that was before the city, he thereupon pent his son, with six hundred chosen horse- men to disperse them. 2. But when Titus perceived that the enemy •was very numerous, he sent to his father, and informed him that he should want more forces. But as he saw a great many of the horsemen eager to fight, and that before any succours could come to them, and that yet sonie of them were privately undei; a sort of consternation at the multitude of the Jews, he stood in a place whence he might be heard, and said to them, "My brave Romans! for it is right for me to put you in mind of what nation you are, in the beginning of my speech, that so you may not be ignorant who you are, and who they are against whom we are going to tight. For as to us, Romans, no part of the habitable earth hath been able to escape our hands hitherto; but as for the Jews, that I may speak of them too, though they have been already beaten, yet do they not give up the cause; and a sad thing it would be for us to gro <,v weary under good success, when they bear up under their misfortunes. As to the alacrity which you show publicly, I see it, and rejoice at it; yet am I afraid lest the multitude of the enemy should bring a con- cealed fright upon some of you; let such a one^ consider again, who we are that are to fight; and who those are against whom we are to fight. Now these Jews, though they be very bold and great despisers of death, are but a dis- orderly body, and unskilful in war, and may rather be called a rout than an army; while I need say nothing of our skill and our good order; for this is the reason why we Romans alone are exercised for war in time of peace, that we may not think of number for number when we come to fight with our enemies; for what advantage should we reap by our conti- nual sort of warfare, if we must still be equal in number to such as have not been used to war! Consider farther, that you are to have a coiidict with men in effect unarmed, while you are well armed; with footmen, while you are horsemen; with those that have no good gene- ral, while you have one, and as these advan- 'tages make you in effect matnfold more than you are, so do their disadvantages mightily diuiiiiiah their number.' Now it is not the multirude of men, though they be soldiers, that njanage- wars with success, but it is their bra- very itiut doeii it, though they be but a few; for a lew are easily set in battle array, and can eaaiiv assist one another, while ovar-numerous armies are more hurt by themselves than by their enemies. It is boldness and rashness, the effects of madness, that conduct of the Jews. Those passions indeed make a great figure when they succeed, but are quite extin- guished upon the least ill success; but we are led on by courage, and obedience, and forti- tode, which shows itself indeed in our good fortune, but still does not for ever desert us in our ill fortune. Nay, indeed, your fighting is to be on greater motives than those of the Jews; for although they run the hazard of wai for liberty, and for their country, yet what can be a greater motive to us than glory? and that it may never be said, that after we have got dominion of the habitable earth, the Jews are able to confront us. We must also reflect upon this, that there is no fear of our suffer- ing any incurable disaster in the present case; for those that are ready to assist us are many, and at hand also; yet it is in our power to seize upon this victory ourselves; and I think we ought to prevent the coming of those my father is sending to us for our assistance, that our success may be peculiar to ourselves, and of greater reputation to us; and I cannot but think this an opportunity wherein my father, and I, and you, shall be all put to the trial, whether he be worthy of his former glorious performances, whether I be his son in reality, and whether you be really my soldiers: for it is usual for my father to conquer; and for myself, I should not bear the thoughts of returning to him if I were once uiken by the enemy; and. how will you be able to avoid being ashamed, if you do not show equal courage with your commander, when he goes before you into danger? For you know very well that I shall go into the danger first, and make the first attack upon the enemy. Do not you therefore desert me, but persuade yourselves that God will be assist- ing to my onset. Know this also before we begin, that we shall now have better success than we should have, if we were to fight at a distance." 3. As Titus was saying this, an extraordi- nary fury fell upon the men: and as Trajan was already come before the fight began, with four hundred horsemen, they were uneasy at it, because the reputation of the victory would be diminished by being common to so many. Vespasian had also sent both Antonius and Silo, with two thousand archers, and had given it them in charge to seize upon the mountain that was over-against the city, and repel those that were upon the wall; which archers did as they were commanded, and prevented those that attempted to assist them that way; and now Titus made his own horse march first against the enemy, as did the others with a great noise after him, and extended themselves upon the plain as wide as the enemy w ho con- fronted them; by which means they appeared much mbre numerous than they reuiiy were. ^72 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK III. Now the Jews, although they were surprised at their onset, and at their good order, made resistance against their attacks for a little while; but when they \vere pricked with tbeir long poles, and overborne by the violent noise of the horsemen, they came to be tram- pled under their feet ; many also of them were slain on every side, which made them disperse themselves and run to the city, as fast as every one of them was able. So Titus pressed upon the hindmost, and slew them; and of the rest, some he fell upon as they stood on heaps, and some he prevented, and met them in the mouth, and run them through; many also he leaped upon as they fell one upon another, and trod them down, and cut off all the retreat they had to the wall, and turned them back into the plain, till at last they forced a passage by their multitude, and got away, and ran into the city. 4. But now there fell out a terrible sedi- tion among them within the city; for the in- habitants themselves, who had possessions there, and to whom the city belonged, were not disposed to tight from the very beginning; and now the less so, because they had been beaten: but the foreigners, who were very numerous, would force them to tight so much the more, insomuch that there was a clamour and a tumult among them, as all mutually angry one at another; and when Titus heard this tumult, for he was not far from the wall, he cried out, " Fellow soldiers, now is the time; and why do we make any delay, when God is giving up the Jews to us? Take the victory which is given you: do not you hear what a noise they make? Those that have escaped our hands are in an uproar against one another. We have the city if we make haste; but besides haste, we must undergo some labour, and use some courage; for no great thing uses to be accomplished without danger; accordingly, we must not only pre- vent their uniting again, which necessity will soon compel them to do, but we must also prevent the coming of our own men to our assistance, that, as tew as we are, we may con- quer so great a multitude, and may ourselves alone take the city. 5. As soon as ever Titus had said this, he leaped upon his horse, and rode apace down to the lake; by which lake he marched, and entered into the city the first of them all, as did the others soon after him. Hereupon those that were upon the walls were seized with a terror at the boldness of the attempt, nor durst any one venture to fight with hinj, or to hinder him; so they left guarding the city, and some of those that were about Jesus fled over the country, while others of them ran down to the lake, and met the enemy in the teeth, and some were slain as they were getting up into ships, but others of them, M they atttfiupted to overtake those that were •IreaUv Kone aboard. There vvm m1>.o u great slaughter made in the city, while those foreigners that had not fied away alreaav, made opposition; but the natural inhabitants were killed without fighting: for in hopes of Titus's giving them his right hand for their se- curity, and out of the consciousness that they had not given any consent to the war, they avoided fighting, till Titus had slain the authors of this revolt, and then put a stop to any further slaughters, out of commiseration of these inhabitants of the place ; but for those that had fled to the lake, upon seeing the city taken, they sailed as far as they possibly could from the enemy. 6. Hereupon Titus sent one of his horse- men to his father, and let him know the good news of what he had done; at which, as was natural, he was very joyful, both on account of the courage and glorious actions of his son; for he thought that now the greatest part of the war was over. He then came thiiher himself, and set men to guard the city, and gave them command to take care that nobody got privately out of it, but to kill such as attempted so to do; and on the next day he went down to the lake, and commanded that vessels should be fitted up, in order to pursue those that had escaped in the ships. These vessels were quickly gotten ready accordingly, because there was great plenty of materials, and a great number of artihcers also. 7. Now this lake of Gennesareth is so called from the country adjoining to it. Its breadth is forty furlongs, and its length one hundred and forty; its waters are sweet, and very agreeable for drinking, for they are finer, than the thick waters of other fens; the lake is also pure, and on every side ends direct ly at the shores and at the sand; it is also ot a temperate nature when you draw it up, and of a more gentle nature than river or lountam water, and yet always cooler than one could expect in so diffuse a place as this is. IS'ow when this water is kept in the open air, it is as cold as that snow which the country people are accustomed to make by night in summer. There are several kinds of fish in it, different both to the taste and the sight from , those elsewhere: it is divided into two parts by the river Jordan. Now Panium is thought to be the fountain of Jordan, but in reality it is carried thither after an occult manner from the place called Phiala: this place lies as you go up to Trachonitis, and is a hundred and twenty fuilongs from Cesarea, and is not far out of the road on the right hand; and indeed it hath its name of Phiala [vial or bowl] very justly, from the roundness of its circumfer- ence, as being round like a wheel; its water continues always up to its edges, vvitlmut either sinking or running over; and uh tlii"; origin of Jordan was formerly not kni)w:i, it WHS discovereii ko to be when Philip \vii> t f».. trarch of Traehunitis; for he hau ebatl itirowu CHAP. X. WARS OF THE JEWS. 678 info Phiala, and it was found at Panium, w nere the ancients thought the fountain-head of toe river was, whitber it had been there- lore ciirr?e(i [by the waters]. As for Paniura Itself, its natural beauty had been improved hv the royal liberality of Agrippa, and adorned at his expenses. Now Jordan's visible stream arises frcm this cavern, and divides the marshes and fens of the lake Semechonitis: when it hath run another hundred and twenty furlongs, it first passes by the city Julias, and then passes through the middle of the lake Gennesareth; after which it runs a long way over a desert, and then makes its exit into the lake Aspbaltitis. 8. The country also that lies over-against this lake hath the same name of Gennesareth ; ts nature is wonderful as well as its beauty; its soil is so fruitful that all sorts of trees can ^row upon it, and the inhabitants accordingly plant all sorts of trees there; for the temper of the air is so well mixed, that it agrees very vve4l with those several sorts, particularly wal- nuts, which require the coldest air, flourish there in vast plenty; there are palm-trees also, which grow best in hot air; fig-trees also and >lives grow near them, which yet require an air that is more temperate. One may call this place the ambition of nature, where it forces those plants that are naturally ei^emies to one another to agree together: it is a happy con- tention of the seasons, as if every one of thera laid claim to this country; for it not only nou- rishes different sorts of autumnal fruit beyond men's expectation, but preserves them a great while; it supplies men with the principal fruits, with grapes and figs continually, during ten months of the year,* and the rest of the fruits as they become ripe together, through the whole year; for besides the good tempe- rature of the air, it is also watered from a most fertile fountain. The people of the country call it Capharnaum. Some have thought it to be a vein of the Nile, because it produces the Coracin fish as weU as that lake does which is near to Alexandria. The length of this country extends itself along the banks of this lake that bears the same name, for thirty furlongs, and is in breadth twenty; and this is the nature of that place. 9. But now, when the vessels were gotten ready, Vespasian put upon ship-board as many of his forces as he thought sufficient to be too hard for those that were upon the • It may be worth oar while to observe here, that near this lake of Gennesareth grapes and figs hang on the trees ten months of the year. We may observe also, that in Cyril of Jerusalem, CatecheS. xviiL sect. 3. which was delivered not long before Easter, there were no fresh leaves of fig-trees, nor bunches of fresh grapes in Judea; 8<i that when -St. Mark says, ch. xi. ver. 13, that our Saviour, soon after the same time of the jear, came and "found leaves" on a fig-tree near Jerusalem, but "no fiss, because the time of" new *• figs " ripening " was not yet," he says very true; nor were they therefore other than v'd leaves which our Saviour saw, and old figs wiiich tie expected, and which even with us commonly oaiu^ a the trees all winter long. lake, and set sail after them. Now these which were driven into the lake could neither fly to the land, where all was in their ene- mies' hand, and in war against them, nor could they fight upon the level by sea, for their ships were small and fitted only for piracy; they were too weak to fight with Vespa- sian's vessels, and the mariners that were in them were so few, that they were afraid to come near the Romans, who attacked them in great numbers. However, as they sailed round about the vessels, and sometimes as they came near them, they threw stones at the Romans when they were a good way off, or came closer and fought them; yet did they receive the greatest harm themselves in both cases. As for the stones they threw at the Romans, they only made a sound one after another, for they threw them against such as were in their armour, while the Roman darts could reach the Jews themselves; and when they ventured to come rear the Romans, they became sufferers themselves before they could do any harm to the other, and were drowned, they and their ships together. As for those that endeavoured to come to an actual fight, the Romans ran many of them through with their long poles. Sometimes the Romans leaped into their ships, with swords in their hands, and slew them; but when some of them met the vessels, the Romans caught them by the middle, and destroyed at once their ships and themselves who were taken in them. And for such as were drowning in the sea, if they lifted their heads up above the water they were either killed by darts, or caught by the vessels, but if, in the desperate case they were in, they attempted to swim to their enemies, the Romans cut off either their heads or their hands; and indeed they were destroyed after various manners everywhere, till the rest, being put to flight, were forced to get upon the land, while the vessels encompassed them about [on the sea]: but as many of these were repulsed when they were getting ashore, they were killed by the darts upon the lake; and the Romans leaped out of their vessels, and destroyed a great many more upon the land : o.ne might then see the lake all bloody, and full of dead bodies, for not one of thera escaped. And a terrible stink, and a very sad sight there was on the following days over that country; for as for the shores, they were full of shipwrecks, and of dead bodies all swelled; and as the dead bodies were , inflamed by the sun, and putrefied, they cor- rupted the air, insomuch that the misery was not only the object of commiseration to the Jews, but to those that hated them, and had been the authors of that misery. This was the upshot of the sea-fight. The number o* the slain, including those that were killed in the city before, was six thousand and five hundred. 674 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK IV. 10. After this fight was over, Vespasian sat upon his tribunal at Taricheae, in order to distinguish the foreigners from the old in- habitants ; for those foreigners appear to have begun the war, 80 he deliberated with the Other commanders, whether he ought to save those old inhabitants or not. And when those commanders alleged that the dismission of them would be to his own disadvantage, because, when they were once set at liberty, they would not be at rest, since they would be people destitute of proper habitations, and woulci be able to compel such as they fled to, to fight against us, Vespasian acknowledged that they did not deserve to be saved, and that if they had leave given them to fly away, they would make use of it against those that gave them that leave. But still he considered with himself after what manner they should be slain;* for if he had them slain there, he suspected the people of the country would thereby become his enemies; for that to be Eure they would never bear it, that so many that had been supplicants to him should be killed; and to otier violence to them, after he had given them assurances of their lives, he could not himself bear to do it. How- ever, his friends were too hard for him, and pretended that nothing agahist Jews could be any imp'ety, and that he ought to prefer what was profitable before what was fit to be done, where both could not be made consistent. So he gave them an ambiguous liberty to do IS they advised, and permitted the prisoners tc go along no other road than that which leti to Tiberias only. So they readily be lieved what they desired to be true, and went along securely, with their effects, the way which was allowed them, while the Romans seized upon all the road that led to Tiberias, that none of them might go out of it, and shut them up in the city. Then came Ves- pasian, and ordered them all to stand in the stadium, and commanded them to kill the old men, together with the others that were useless, who were in number a thousand and two hundred. Out of the young men he chose six thousand of the strongest, and sent them to Nero, to dig through the Isthmus, and sold the remainder for slaves, being thirty thousand and four hundred, besides such as he made a present of to Agrippa ; for as to those that belonged to his kingdom, he gave him leave to do what he pleased with them; however, the king *old these also for sla^s; but for the rest of the multitude, who were Trachonites, and Gaulanites, and of Hippos, and some of Gadara, the greatest part of them were seditious persons and fugitives, who were of such shameful characters that they preferred war before peace. These pri- soners were taken on the eighth day of the month Gorpiseus [Elul]. BOOK IV. OONTAININQ THE INTERVAL OF ABOUT ONB TBAX. FROM THE SIEGE OF GAMALA TO THE COMING OF TITUS TO BESIEGE JERUSALEM. CHAPTER L THE SIEGE AND TAKING OF GAMALA. § 1. Now all those Galileans who, after the taking of Jotapata, had revolted from the Ro- did, upon the conquest of Taricheaj, • ThU is the most cruel and barbarous action that Vespasian ever did in this whole war, as he did it wish great reluctance also. It was done both after public assurance Kiven of sparing the prisoners' lives, and when all knew and conlessed that these prisoners were no way Kuilt^ of any sedition against the Itonians. Nor iiid«rd did 1 iius now give ^i<t ci<nseut, so fur as apt>ears, deliver themselves up to them again. And th* Romans received all the fortresses and the cities, excepting Gischala and those that had seized upon mount Tabor; Gamala also nor ever act of himself so barbarously j nay. soon arte this, Titus grew quite weary oi shedding blood and o- punishing the innocent with the K"il»i'' a"'' K^ve iht people of Gischala leave to keep the Jewish iSabhath b. iv. ch ii sect 3.6. in the midst of their siese. Noi was Vespasian disposed to du what he did. till his officer pi^rsuaded hiui, and that from two principal topic* viz that noJhinn could he uiijnst that was done a<ains Jews; and tliat when both cunnot he consistent, advan taKe must prevail over justice.— Aduirahle court duo triues these' CHAP. I. WARS OF THE JEWS. 675 whicb is a city over against Taricheae, but on the other side of the lake, conspired vfith thera. This city lay upon the borders of Agrippa's kingdom, as also did Sogana and Seleucia. And these were both parts of Gau- lanitis: for Sogana was a part of that called the Upper Gaulanitis, as was Gamala of the Lower; while Seleucia was situated at the lake Semechonitis, which lake is thirty furlongs in breadth, and sixty in length; its marshes reach as far as the place Daphne, which in other respects, is a delicious place, and hath such fountains as supply water to what is called Little Jordan, under the temple of the golden calf,* where it is sent into Great Jor- dan. Now Agrippa had united Sogana and Seleucia by leagues to himself, at the very beginning of the revolt from the Romans; yet did not Gamala accede to them, but relied upon the difficulty of the place, which was greater than that of Jotapata, for it was situ- ated upon a rough ridge of a high mountain, with a kind of neck in the middle: where it begins to ascend, it lengthens itself, and declines as much downward before as behind, insomuch that it is like a camel in figure, from whence it is so named, although the peo- ple of the country do not pronounce it accu- rately. Both on the side and the face there are abrupt parts divided from the rest, and ending in vast deep valleys; yet are the parts behind, where they are joined to the moun- tain, somewhat easier of ascent than the other; but then the people belonging to the place have cut an oblique ditch there, and made that hard to be ascended also. On its acclivity, which is straight, houses are built, and those very thick and close to one another. The city also hangs so strangely, that it looks as if it would fall down upon itself, so sharp is it at the top. It is exposed t^the south; and its ■ southern mount, which reaches to an immense height, was in the nature of a cita- del to the city; and above that was a preci- pice, not walled about, but extending itjeif to an immense depth. There was also a spring of water within the wall, at the utmost limits of the city. 2. As this city was naturally hard to be taken, so had Josephus, by building a wall about it, made it still stronger, as also by ditches and mines under ground. The peo- ple that were in it were made more bold by the nature of the place than the people of Jotapata had been, but it had much fewer fighting men in it; and they had such a confi- dence in the situation of the place, that they thought the enemy could not be too many for them; for the city had been filled with those • Here w< have the exact situation of one of Jerobo- am's "golden calves," at the exit of Little Jordan, into <Treat Jordan, near a place culled Daphne, but of old Dan. "iee the note on Antiq.b. viii.ch.viii.8ect.4 But Kelaiid suspects that even here we should read Dan ii5tead of Daphne, there being nowheie else any men- tion ufa. pliux called Daphne hereahouU. that had fled to it for safety, on aceoiint of its strength; on which account they had been able to resist those whom Agrippa sent to besiege it for seven months together. 3. But Vespasian removed from Eramaus, where he had last pitched his camp before the city Tiberias (now Emmaus, if it be inter- preted, may be rendered "a warm bath," for therein is a spring of warm water, useful for healing), and came to Gamala; yet was its situation such that he was not able to encom- pass it all round with soldiers to watch it; but where the places were practicable, he set men to watch it, and seized upon the mountain which was over it. And as the legions, according to their usual custom, were fortifying their camp upon that mountain, he began to cast up banks at the bottom, at the part towards the east, where the highest tower of the whole city was, and where the fifteenth legion pitched their camp; while the fifth legion did duty over-against the midst of the city, and whilst the tenth legion filled up the ditches and val- leys. Now at this time it was that as king Agrippa was come nigh the walls, and was endeavouring to speak to those that were on the walls about a surrender, he was hit with a stone on his right elbow by one of the sling- ers; he was then immediately surrounded with his own men. But the Romans v^re excited to set about the siege, by their indig- nation on the king's account, and by their fear on their own account, as concluding that those men would omit no kinds of barb?irity against foreigners and enemies, who were so enraged against one of their own nation, and one that advised them to nothing but what was for their own advantage. 4. Now when the banks were finished, which was done on the sudden, both by the multitude of hands, and by their being accus- tomed to such work, they broughtthe machines ; but Chares and Joseph, who were the most potent men of the city, set their armed men in order, though already in a fright, because they did not suppose that the city could hold out long, since they had not a sufficient quantity either of water, or of other neces- saries. However, these their leaders encou- raged them, and brought them out upon the wall, and for a while indeed they drove away those that were bringing the machines; but when those machines threw darts and stones at them, they retired into the city; then did the Romans bring battering rams to three several places, and made the wall shake [and fall]. They then poured in over the parts of the wall that were thrown down, with a mighty sound of trumpets and noise of armour, and with a shout of the soldiers, and brake in by force upon those that were in the city; but these men fell upon the Romans for some time, at their first entrance, and pre- vented their going any farther, and with great courage beat them back; and the Romans 676 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK ir. wete so overpowered by the greater multi- 1 tude of the people, who beat them on every side, that they were obliged to run into the upper parts of the city. Whereupon the peo- ple turned about, and fell upon their enemies, who had attacked th^m and thrust them down to the lower parts,, and as they were distressed by the narrowness and difficulty of the place, slew them; and as these Romans could neither beat those back that were above them, nor escape the force of their own men that were forcing their way forward, they were com- pelled to fly into their enemies' bouses, which were low; but these houses being thus full of soldiers, whose weight they could not bear, fell down suddenly ; and when one house fell, it shook down a great many of those that were under it, as did those do to such as were un- der them. By this mealis a vast number of the Romans perished; for they were so ter- ribly distressed, that, although they saw the houses subsiding, they were compelled to leap upon the tops of them; so that a great many were ground to powder by these ruins, and a great many of those that got from under, them lost some of their liinbs, but still a greater number were suffocated by. the dust that arose from those ruins. The people of Gaxcala supposed this to be an assistance afforded them by^God, and without regarding, what damage they suffered themselves, they pressed forward, and thrust the enemy upon the tops of their houses ; and when they stumbled in the sharp and narrow streets, and were perpetually tumbling down, they threw their stones or darts at them, and slew them. Now the very ruins afforded them stones enow; and for iron weapons, the dead men of the enemy's side afforded them what they wanted; for drawing the swords of those that were dead, they made use of them to despatch such as were only half dead; nay, there were a great number who, upon their falling down from the tops of the houses, stabbed themselves, aad died after that maiuier: nor indeed was it easy for those that were beaten back to fly away; for they were so unacquainted with the ways, and the dust was so thick, that they wandered about without knowing one another, and fell down dead among the crawd. 5. Those therefore that wece able to find the ways out of the city retired. But now Vespasian always staid among those that were bard set; for he was deeply affected with seeing the ruins of the city falling upon bis army, and forgot to take care of his own pre- wjrvation. He went up gradually towards the highest parts of the city before he was aware, and was left in the midst of dai:gers, having only a very few with him; for even bis son Titus was not with him at that time, having: been then sent into Syria to Muciauus. However, he thought it not safe to fly, nor did be esteem it a fit thing for him to do; Uit calling to mind the actions he had done from his youth, and recollecting bhj couruije, as if he had been excited by a divine turv, ue covered hiin«elf and those that were wilu iiii>* with their shields, and formed a tt'stuu(.i« ovc» both their bodies and their armour, and boies up against the enemy's attacks, who cainc running down froriQ the top of the city; aijd without showing any dread at the niuhitudt: of the men or of their darts, he endured all, until the enemy took notice of that (liviue courage that was within him, a<»d remitted of their attacks; and when they pressed les* aiealously upon him,, he retired, though with- out showing his back to them, till he was gotten out of the walls of the city. ISow a great number of the Romans fell in this bat- tle, among whom was Ebutius, the decurion, a man who appeared not only in this engage- ment, wherein he fell, but everywhere, and in former engagements, to be of the truest courage, and one that had done very great mischief to the Jews. But there was a cen- turion, whose- name was Gallus, who, during this disorder, being eneompassed about, he and ten other soldiers privately crept into the house of a certain person, where he heard them talking at supper wha-t the people in- tended to do against the Ronaans, or about themselves (for both the man himself and those with hiuj were Syrians). So he got up in the night-time, and cut all their throats, and escaped^ together with his soldiers, to the Romans. C. And now Vespasian comforted his army^ which was iiiuch dejected, by reflecting ou their ill success, and because they had never before fallen into such a calamity, and, besides this, because they were greatly ashamed that they had left their general alone in great dangers. As to what concerned him- self, he avoided tjgssay any thing, that he nnght by no means seem to complain of it; but he said that " we ought to bear manfully what usually falls out in war, and tld,<, by consi- dering what the luiture of war is, and how it can never be that we must conquer without bloodshed ou our own side; for there stands about us that fortune which is of its owi> nature mutable; that while they had killed so many ten thousands of the Jews, they had now paid their small share of the reokoning to fate;, and as it is the part of weak people to be too much pnffed up with good siu-cess, so is it the part of cowards to be too luur.ix affrighted at that whicli is ill; for the change from the one to the otber is sudden on both aides ; ami he is the best warrior who is of a sober mind under misfortunes, that he may continue in that temper, and eheerfully recover what hath Ix'eii lo.-^t loiuu'rly; and as for what had now happi ued, it was neither owing to their ouii riU.uiU)aey, nor to tho valour of the .U\\~, iml the (lUiieully of tha place was tlie oecaaion ul their uuvuntage, and of our disappoiutmtint. Uyou reflecting ogf> CHAP. I. WARS OF THE JEWS. 677 wbich matter one might blame your zeal as pertertly ungovernable; for when the enemy had ref.ired to their highest fastnesses, you ought to have restrained yourselves, and not, by presenting yourselves at the top of the city, to be exposed to dangers; but upon vojr having obtained the lower parts of the city, you ought to have provoked those that had retired thither to a safe and settled bat- tle; whereas, in rushing so hastily upon vic- tory, you took no care of your own safety. But this incautiousness in war, and this mad- ness of zeal, is not a R^an maxim. While we perform all that we attempt by skill and good order, that procedure is only the part of barbarians, and is what the Jews chiefly sup- port themselves by. We ought therefore to return to our own virtue, and to be rather angry than any longer dejected at this unlucky misfortune; and let every one seek for his own consolation from his own hand; for by this "means he will avenge those that have been destroyed, and punish those that have killed them. For myself, I will endeavour, as I have now done, to go first before you against your enemies in every engagr.ment, and to be the Irist that retires from it." 7. So Vespasiart encouraged his army by this speech; but for the people of Gamaia. it happened that they took courag'i ^br a little while, upon such great and unaccountable success as they had had. But when thny con- sidered with themselves that they had now no hopes of any terms of accommodation, and reflecting uppn it that they could not get away, and that their provisions began already to be short, they were exceedingly mst down, and their courage tailed them; yet d;d they not neglect what might be for their D'"eserv3- tion, so far as they were able, but the most courageous among them guarded those parts of the wail that were beaten down, while the more ii'firm did the same to the rest of the wall that stili remained round the city. And as the Romans raised their banks, and attempted to get into the city a second time, a great many of them fled out of the city through impracticable valleys, where no guards were placed, as also through subterraneous caverns; while those that were afraid of being caught, and for that reason staid in the city, perished for want of food ; for what food they had was b.'ought together from all quarters, and reserved for. the fighting men. 8. And these were the hard circumstances the people of Gamala were in. But now Vespasian went about other work by the by, during this siege, and that was to subdue those that had seized upon Mount Tabor, a I place that lies in the middle between the great 1 plain and Scythopolis, whose top is elevated I 0.6 high as thirty furlongs,* and is hardly to I * Thrs« nnml>»Ts in Josephiis of thirty furlongs' i ASCtrni to tiie top oi' Muunt I abur. wliciiier we estimate I it by y*iuding and graiaial, or by per euili ar altitude, be ascended on its north side ; its top is a plain of twenty-six furlongs, and all encompassed with a wall. Now, Josephus erected this so long a wall in forty days' time, and furnished it with other materials, and with water from below, for the inhabitants only made use of rain water; as therefore there was a great multitude of people gotten together upon this mountain, Vespasian sent Placidus, with six hundred horsemen, thither. Now, as it was impossible for him to ascend the mountain, he invited many of them to peace, by thS offer of his right hand for their security, and of his intercession for them. Accordingly they came down, but with a treacherous design, as well as he had the like treacherous design upon them on the other side; for Pla- cidus spoke mildly to them, as aiming to take them when he got them into the plain; they also came down, as complying with his pro- posals, but it was in order to fall upon him ' when he was not aware of it: however, Pla- cidus's stratagem was too hard for theirs; for when the Jews began to tight, he pretended to run away, and when they were in pursuit of the Romans, he enticed them a great way j along the plain, and then made his horsemen turn hack; whereupon he beat them, and slew ' a .i^rnat number of them, and cut off the retreat of the rest of the multitude, and hin- '■ dered their return. So they left Tabor, and iitrd to Jerusalem, while the people of the ••ountrv came to terms with him, for their water tailed them, and so they delivered up the ioountain and themselves to Placidus. y. But of the people of Gamala, those that were of the bolder sort fled away and hid incmselves, while the more infirm perished by iiaraine; but the men of war sustained the siege till the two-and-twentieth day of the month Hyperberetaeus [Tisri], when three sol- diers of the fifteenth legion, about the morn- 'jQg-watch, got under a high tower that was near, and undermined it without making any noise ; nor when they either came to it, which vraa in the night-time, nor when they were under It, did those that guarded it perceive them, rnese soldiers then, upon their coming, avoided maKiiig a noise, and when they had rolled and of twenty-six furlongs' circumference upon the top,| as also fifteen lurloujjs for this ascent in Folybius, with Geiainus's perpendicular altitude of almost fuurteenfur- 'on^s here noted by Dr. Hudson, do none of tiiem agree with the authentic testimony of Mr. Maundrel, an eye- witness (pasje il:^), who says he *as not an iionr iu jjet- tin;; up to tiie tup of this Mount Tabor, and that tliearea 3*" the top is an oval of about two turlongs in length, and i one in breadth. >o I rather suppose Josephus wrote CAree furlongs lor the ascent or altitude, instead of thirty ; and six furlongs for ttie circumference at the top, instead of twenty-six.— since a ntountain of only three furlongs' perpendicular altitude may easily require near an hour'a iMent ; and the ci-cnmference ot an oval of the foregoing quantity, Ik tear SIX turlongs. Nor certainly cou:d such a va>t circumference as twenty-six furlongs, or tbreo mi'es aad a qii.irter, at that height be encompassed with a wall, including a trench and other fortifications (per baps those still remaining ibid), in the small interval <>■ forty days, as Josephus bore savs tbey were by hiwae'L 678 WARS OF THE JEWS, BOOK IT away five of its strongest stones, they went away hastily; whereupon the tower fell down on a sudden, with a great noise, and its guard fell headlong with it; so that those that kept guard at other places, were under such dis- turbance, that they ran away ; the Romans also slew many of those that ventured to op- pose them, among whom was Joseph, who was slain by a dart, as he was running away over that part of the wall that was broken down : but as those that were in the city were greatly af- frighted at the noise, they ran hither and thither, and a great consternation fell upon them, as though all the enemy had fallen in at once upon them. Then it was that Chares, who was ill, and under the physicians' hands, gave up the ghost, the fear he was in greatly contributing to make his distemper fatal to him. But the Romans so well remembered their former ill success, that they did not enter the city till the three and twentieth day of the fore-mentioned month. 10. At which time Titus, who was now re- turned, out of the indignation he had at the destruction the Romans had undergone while he was absent, took two hundred chosen horse- men, and some footmen with him, and entered vi^ithout noise into the city. Now, as the watch perceived that he was coming, they made a noise, and betook themselves to their arms; and as this his entrance was presently known to tl^ose that were in the city, some of them caught hold of their children and their wives, and drew them after them, and fled away to the citadel, with lamentations and cries, while others of them went to meet Titus, and were killed perpetually; but so many of them as were hindered from running up to the cita- del, not knowing what in the world to do, fell among the Roman guards, while the groans of those that were killed were prodigiously great everywhere, and blood ran down over all the lower parts of the city, from the upper. But then Vespasian himself came to his assistance against those that had fled to the citadel, and brought his whole army with bim; now this upper part of the city was every way rocky, and difficult of ascent, and ele- vated to a vast altitude, and very full of people on all sides, and encompassed with precipices, whereby the Jews cut oiF those that came up to them, and did much mischief to others by their darts, and the large stones which they rolled down upon them, while they were them- selves so high that the enemy's darts could hunjly reach them. However, there arose such a divine storm against them as was instru- mental to their destruction; this carried the Roman darts upon thern, and made those which they threw return back, and drove them obliquely away from them : nor could the Jews indeed stand, upon their precipices, by reason of the violence of the wind, having no- thing that was stable to statu! upon, nor cuuld they see those that were a^cenchng up to them; •o the Roicanii gut up and mrrounded them, and some they slew Wfore they could defend themselves, and others as they were delivering up themselves; and the remembrance of those that were slain at theii former entrance into the city increased their rage against them now; a great number also of those that were surrounded on every side, and despaired o£ escaping, threw their children and their wives, and themselves also, down the precipices, into the valley beneath, which, near the citadel, had been dug hollow to a vast depth; but so it happened, that the anger of the Romans appeared not to be so extravagant as was the madness of those that were now taken, while the Romans slew but four thousand, whereas the number of those that had throwm them- selves down was found to be five thousand: nor did any one escape except two women, who were the daughters of Philip, and Philip himself was the son of a certain eminent man called Jacimus, who had been general of king Agrippa's army; and these did therefore escape, because they lay concealed from the sight of the Romans when the city was taken; for otherwise they spared not so much as the infants, of whom many were flung down by them from the citadel. And thus was Ga- mala taken on the three and twentieth d-jy of the month Hyperberetaeus [Tisri], whereias the city had first revolted on the four and twen- tieth day of the month Gorpiieus [Elul], CHAPTER II. THE SURRENDER OF THE SMALL CITY 07 GISCHALA; JOHN FLIES FROM IT TO JERU- SALEM. § 1. Now, no place of Galilee remained t' be taken but the small city of Gischala, whos^ inhabitants yet were desirous of peace; few they were generally husbandmen, and ahvayi applied themselves to cultivate the fruits o\ the earth. However, there were a great number that belonged to a band of robbers, that were already corrupted, and had crept in among them, and some of the governing part of the citizens were sick of the same distem- per. It was John, the son of a certain man whose name was Levi, that drew them into this rebellion, and encouraged them in it. He was a cunning knave, and of a temper that could put. on various shapes; very rash in expecting great things, and very sagacious in bringing about what he hoped for. It was known to every body that he was fond of war, in order to thrust himself into authority; and the seditious part of the people of Gischala were under his management, by whose means the populace, who seemed ready to send am- bassadors in order to a surrender, waited for tlie coming of tl?e Romans in battle array. Vespasian sent agiiinst them Titus, with a thousand horsemen, but withdrew the tenth CHAP. II. WARS OF THE JEWS, 679 legion to Scytbopolis, while he returned to Cesarea, with the two other legions, that he might allow them to refresh themselves after their long and hard campaign, thinking withal that the plenty which was in those cities would improve their bodies and their spirits, against the difficulties they were to go through after- wards; for he saw there would be occasion for great pains about Jerusalem, which was not yet taken, because it was the royal city, and the principal city of the whole nation; OJid because those that had run away from the war in other places got all together thither. It was also naturally strong, and the walls that were built round it made him not a little concerned about it. Moreover, he esteemed the men that were in it to be so courageous and bold, that even without the consideration of the walls, it would be hard to subdue them; for which reason he took care of and exer- cised his soldiers beforehand for the work, as they do wrestlers before they begin their undertaking. 2. Now Titus, as he rode up to Gischala, found it would be easy for him to take the city upon the first onset; but knew mthal, that if he took it by force, the multitude would be destroyed by the soldiers without mercy. (Now he was already satiated with the shedding of blood, and pitied the major piu-t, who would then perish, without distinc- tion, together with the guilty.) So he was rather desirous the city might be surrendered up to him on terms. Accordingly, when he fiHW the wall full of those men that were of the corrupted party, he said to them, — That ho* could not but wonder what it wa? they depended on, when they alone staid to fight the iloiuans, after every other city was taken by thein? especially when they have seen cities much better fortified than theirs is, overthrown by a single attack upon them; while as many as have intrusted themselves to the security of the Romans' right hands, which he now offers to them, without regard- ing their former insolence, do enjoy their own possessions in safety; for that while they had hopes of recovering their liberty, they might be pardoned; but that their continuance still in their opposition, when they saw that to be impossible, was inexcusable; for that, if they will not comply with such humane offers, and right hands for security, they should have experience of such a war as would spare nobody, and should soon be made sensible that their wall would be but a tride, when battered by the Roman machines; in depend- ing on which, they demonstrate themselves to be the only Galileans that were no better tlan arrogant slaves and captives. 3. Now none of the populace durst not only make a reply, but durst not so much as get upon the wall, for it was all taken up by the robbers, who were ako the guard at the gates, in order to prevent any of the rest from going out, in order to propose terms of sub- mission, and from receiving any of the horse- men into the city. But John returned Titus this answer, — That for himself he was content to hearken to his proposals, and that he would either persuade or force those that refused them. Yet he said, that Titus ought to have such regard to the Jewish law, as to gran them leave to celebrate that day, which wa. the seventh day of the week, on which it wa* unlawful not only to remove their arms, but even to treat of peace also; and that even the Romans were not ignorant how the period of the seventh day was among them a cessation from all labours; and that he who should compel them to transgress the law about that day, would be equally guilty with those that were compelled to transgress it: and that this delay could beof no disadvantage to him; for why should any body think of doing any thing in the night, unless it was to fly away? which he might prevent by placing his camp round about them: and that they should think it a great point gained, if they might not be obliged to transgress the laws of their country; and that it would be a right thing for him, who designed to grant them peace, without their expectation of such a favour, to preserve the laws of those they saved invio- lable. Thus did this man put a trick upon Titus, not so much out of regard to the seventh day as to his own preservation, for he was afraid lest he should be quite deserted if the city should be taken, and had his hopes of life in that night, and in his flight therein. Now this was the work of God, who there- fore preserved this John, that he might bring on the destruction of Jerusalem ; as also it was his work that Titus was prevailed with by this pretence for ^ delay, and that he pitched his camp farther off the city at Cydessa. This Cydessa was a strong medi- terranean village of the Tyrians, which always ffated and made war against the Jews; it had also a great number of inhabitants, and was well fortified; which made it a proper place for such as were enemies to the Jewish nation. 4. Now, in the night time, when John saw that there was no Roman guard about the city, he seized the opportunity directly, and, taking with him not only the armed men that were about him, but a considerable number of those that had little to do, together with their families, he fled to Jerusalem. And indeed, though the man was making haste to get away, and was tormented with fears of being a captive, or of losing his life, yet did he prevail with himself to take out of the city along with him a multitude of women and children, as far as twenty furlongs;* biH there he left them as he proceeded farther on his journey, where those that were left behind made sad lamentations; for the farther every one was come from his own people, the nearer 680 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK IT. they thought themselves to be to their ene- mies. They also affrighted themselves with this thought, that those who would carry them into captivity were just at hand, and still turned themselves back at the mere noise they made themselves in this their hasty flight, as if those from whom they fled were just upon them. Many also of them missed their ways ; and the earnestness of such as aimed to outgo the rest, threw down many of them. And mdeed there was a miserable destruction made of the women and children; while some of them took courage to call their husbands and kinsmen back, and to beseech them, with the bitterest lamentations, to stay for them; but John's exhortation, who cried out to them to save themselves, and fly away, prevailed. He said also, that if the Romans should seize upon those whom they left behind, they would be revenged on them for it. So this multi- tude that run thus away was dispersed abroad, according as each of them was aile to run, one faster or slower than another. 5. Now on the next day Titus came to the wall, to make the agreement; whereupon the people opened their gates to him, and came out to him, with their children and wives, and made acclamations of joy to him, as to one that had been their benefactor, and had deli- vered the city out of custody; they also informed him of John's flight, and besought him to spare them, and to com« in and bring the rest of those that were for innovations to punishment; but Titus, not so much regard- ing the supplications of the people, sent part of his horsemen to pursue after John, but they could not overtake him, for he was got- ten to Jerusalem before; they also slew six thousand of the women and children who went out with him, but returned back and Drought with them almost three thousand. However, Titus wa« greatly displeased that he had not been able to bring this John, who had deluded him, to punishment ; yet he hai captives enough, as well as the corrupted part of th«» city, to satisfy his anger, when it missed of John. So he entered the city in the midst of acclamations of joy ; and when he had given orders to the soldiers to pull^ down a small part of the wall, as of a city taken in War, he repressed those that hatt disturbed the city rather by threatenings than by executions ; for he thought that many would accuse inno- cent persons, out of their own animosities and quarrels, if he should attempt to distinguish those that were worthy of punishment from the rest ; and that it was better to let a guilty person alone in his fears, than to destroy with him any one that did not deserve it ; for that probably such a one might be taught pru- dence, by the fear of the punishment he had deservfd, and have a shame upon him for his former offences, when he had been forgiven ; but that the punishment of such as have been mice put to death could never be retrieved. However, he placed a garrison in the city for its security, by which means he should restrain those that were for innovations, and should leave those that were peaceably disposed iu greater security. And thus was ail Galileir taken ; but this not till after it had cost the Romans much pains before it could be take» by them. CHAPTER HI. concerning john op gischala. concern- in« the zealots, and the high-priest ananus ; as also how the jews raised seditions one against another [in je- rusalemJ. § I. Now, upon John's entry into Jerusa- lem, the whole body of the people were in an uproar, and 'ten thousand of them crowded about every one of the fugitives that were come to them, and inquired of them what miseries had happened abroad, when their breath was so short, and hot, and quick, that of itself it declared the great distress they were in; yet did they talk big under their misfortunes, and pretended to say that they had not fled away from the Romans, but came thither in order to fight them with less hazard ; for that it would be an unreasonable and a fruitless thing for them to expose them^ selves to desperate hazards about GischaFa, and such weak cities, whereas they ought to lay up their weapons and their zeal, and re- serve it for their metropolis. But when they related to them the taking of Gischala, and their decent departure, as they pretended, from that place, many of the people under- stood it to be no better than a flight; and especially when the people were told of those' that were made captives, they were in great confusion, and guessed those things to be plain indications that they should be taken also ; but for John, he was very little con- cerned for those whom he had left behind him,, but went about among all the people, and persuaded them to go to war, by the hopes he gave them. He afiirmed that the affairs of the Romans were in a weak condition, and extolled his own power. He also jested upon the ignorance of the unskilful, as if those Romans, although they should take to them- selves wings, could never fly over the wall of Jerusatem, who found such great difficulties in taking the villages of Galilee, and had broken their engines of war against their walls. , 2. These harangues of Jol)n's corrupted a great part of the young men, and pnflod them up for the war; but as to the most prudent part, and those in y«'ars, th«'rc was not a man of them but forc-iw wli it \\ •>; coming, and made lamentation on that atvount, as if the CHAP. III. WARS OF THE JEWS. 681 ra*.v was already undone, and in this confu- sion were the people; but then it must be nhserved, that the multitude that came out of the country were at discord before the Jeru- salem sedition began; for Titus went from Gischala to Cesarea; and Vespasian from Cesarea to Jamnia and Azotus, and took them both; and when he had put garrisons into them be came back with a great number of the people, who were come over to him, upon his giving them his right hand for their pre- servation. There were besides disorders and civil wars in every city; and all those that were at quiet from the Romans turned their hands one against another. There was also a bitter contest between those that were fond of war, and those that were desirous of piace. At the first this quarrelsome temper ciught hold of private families, who could not J glee among themselves; after which those people that were the dearest to one another, biiike through all restraints with regard to each other, and every one associated with those of his own opinion, and began already to stand in opposition one to another; so that seditions arose everywhere, while those that were for innovations, aiid were desirous of war, by their youth and boldness, were too hard for the aged and the prudent men; and, in the first place, all the people of every place betook themselves to rapine; after which they got together in bodies, in order to rob the people of the country, insomuch that for barbarity and iniquity those of the same nation did no way differ from the Romans; nay, it seemed to be a much lighter thing to be ruined by the Romans than by themselves. 3. Now the Roman garrisons, which guarded the cities, partly out of their uneasiness to take such trouble upon them, and partly out of the hatred they bare to the Jewish nation, did little or nothing towards relieving the miserable, till the captains of these troops of robbers, being satiated with rapines in the country, got all together from all parts, and became a band of wickedness, and all toge- ther crept into Jerusalem, which was now become a city without a governor, and, as the ancient custom was, received without distinc- tion all that belonged to their nation; and these they then received, because all men supposed that those who came so fast into the city, came out of kindness, and for their assist- ance, although these very men, besides the seditions they raised, were otherwise the direct cause of the city's destruction also; for as they were an unprofitable and a useless multitude, they spent those provisions beforehand, which might otherwise have been sufficient for the fighting men. Moreover, besides the bring- ing on of the war, they were the occasion of sedition and famine therein. 4. There were, besides these, other robbers that came out of the country, and came into the city, and joining to them those that were [worse than themselves, omitted no kind of I barbarity ; for they did not measure their courage by their rapines and plunderings only, but proceeded as far as murdering men; and this not in the night-time or privately, or with regard to ordinary men, but did it openly in the day-time, and began with the most emi- nent persons in the city; for the first man they meddled with was Antipas, one of th royal lineage, and the most potent man in th whole city, insomuch that the public trea- sures were committed to his care; him they took and confined, as they did in the next ; place to Levias, a person of great note, with I Sophas, the son of Raguel ; both of whom , were of royal lineage also. And besides these, they did the same to the principal men of the country. This caused a terrible consterna- tion among the people; and every one con- tented himself with taking care of his own safety, as they would do if the city had been taken in war. 5. But these were not satisfied with the bonds into which they had put the men fore- mentioned ; nor did they think it safe for them to keep them thus in custody long, since they were men very powerful, and had nume- rous families of their own that were able to avenge them. Nay, they thought the very people would perhaps be so moved at these unjust proceedings, as to rise in a body against them : it was therefore resolved to have them slain. Accordingly, they sent one John, who was the most bloody-minded of them all, to do that execution : this man was also called "the son of Dorcas,"* in the language of our country. Ten more men went along with him into the prison, with their swords drawn, and so they cut the throats of those that were in custody there. The grand lying pretence these men made for so flagrant an enormity was this, that these men had had conferences with the Romans for a surrender of Jerusalem to them ; and so they said they had slain only such as were traitors to their common liberty. Upon the whole, they grew the more insolent upon this bold prank of theirs, as though they had been the benefac- tors and saviours of the city. 6. Now, the people were come to that degree of meanness and fear, and these robbers to tha degree of madness, that these last took upon them to appoint high-priests.f So when they * This name Dorcas in Greek, -was Tabitha in Hebrew or Sjriac, a* Acts ix. S6. A c-oordingl}', some of the manu- ficriptp Fet it clown here Tabetha or Tabeta. Nor can the context in Josephus be made out but by supposing the reading to have been this : " The son of Tabitha ; which in the language of our country, denotes Dorca^ [or a doe]. t Here we may discorer the utter disgrace and ruin of the high-priesthood among the Jews, when unde- serring. ignoble, and vile persons were advanced to t^t office by the seditious ; which sort of high-priests, as Jo?ephus well remarks here, were thereupon obliged to comply with and assist thore that advanced them in their impious practices. The names of these higb- priests, or rather ridiculous and profane persons, were Jesus the son of Damneus, Jesus the son of Gamaliel, 652 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK IV. htu\ disannulled the succession, according to lijose tamilies out of whom the high-priests used to be made, tbey ordained certain un- known and ignoble persons for that office, that they mighthave tbeir assistance in their wicked undertakings; for such as obtained this highest of all honours, without any desert, were forced to comply with those that bestowed it on them. They also set the principal men at va- riance one with another, by several sorts of contrivances and tricks, and gained the oppor- tunity of doing what they pleased, by the mutual quarrels of those who might have obstructed their measures; till at length, when they wfc.-^ satiated with the unjust actions they had doii»i towards men, they transferred their contumelious behaviour to God himself, and came into the sanctuary with polluted feet. 7. And now the multitude were going to rise against them already; for Ananus, the ancientest of the high-priests, persuaded them to it. He was a very prudent man, and had perhaps saved the city if he could but have es- caped the hands of those that plotted against him. Those men made the temple of God a strong hold for them, and a place whither they might resort, in order to avoid the trou- bles they feared from the people; the sanctu- ary was now become a refuge, and a shop of tyranny. They also mixed jesting among the luiseries they introduced, which was more in- tolerable than what they did; for, in order to try what surprise the people would be under, and how far their own power extended, they undertook to dispose of the high-priesthood by casting lots for it, whereas, as we have said already, it was to descend by succession in a family. The pretence they made for this strange attempt was an ancient practice, while they said that of old it was determined by lot; but in truth, it was no better than a dissolu- tion of an undeniable law, and a cunning con- trivance to seize upon the government, derived from those that presumed to appoint govern- ors as they themselves pleased. 8. Hereupon they sent for one of the pon- tilical tribes, which is called Eniachim,* and cast lots which of it should be the high-priest. By fortune, the lot so fell as to demonstrate their iniquity after the plainest manner, for it fell upon one whose name was Phannias, the son of Samuel, of the village Aphtha. He was a man not only unworthy of the high- priesthood, but that did not well know what the high-priesthood was; such a mere rustic Matthias the son of Theophilim, and that prodigious ignoramus Phannias, the sun of Samuel; all whom we shall meet with in Josephus's future history of this war; nur do we meet with any other so much as pretended high-priests alter Phannias, till Jerusalem was taken and deiWoyed. * This tiihe or course of the hi^h-pricats, or priests here called i:niachim, seems to the learned Mr Lowlh, one well versed in Josephus, Ut be that in 1 Chron.xxiv. 1£, *• the course of Jakim," w'«?re some c >pies have • the course of tliatim;" and I think this to be by no oicaus au improbable conjecture. was he 1 yet did they hale this man, withoufJ his own consent, out of the country, as if they were acting a play upon the stage, and adorned him with a counterfeit face; they also put upon him the sacred garments, and upon every occasion instructed him what he was to do. This horrid piece of wickedness was spoft and pastime with them, but occa- sioned the other priests, who at a distance saw their law made a jest of, to shed tears, and sorely lament the dissolution of such a sacred dignity. 9. And now the people could no longer bear the insolence of this procedure, but did altogether run zealously, in order to over- throw that tyranny; and indeed they were Gorian the son of Josephus, and Symeon the son of Gamaliel,! who encouraged them, by going up and down when they were assem- bled together in crowds, and as they saw them alone, to bear no longer, but to inflict punish- ment upon these pests and plagues of their freedom, and to purge the temple of these bloody polluters of it. The best esteemed also of the high- priests, Jesus the son of Gamala, and Ananus the son of Ananus, when they were at their assemblies, bitterly reproach- ed the people for their sloth, and excited them against the zealots; for that was the name they went by, as if they were zealous in good luidertakings, and were not rather zealous in the worst actions, and extravagant in them beyond the example of others. 10. And now, when the multitude were gotten together to an assembly, and every one was in indignation at these men's seizing upon the sanctuary, at their rapine and murders, but had not yet begun their attacks upon them (the reason of which was this, that they ima- gined it to be a difficult thing to suppress these zealots, as indeed the case was), Anauus stood in the midst of them, and casting his eyes frequently at the temple, and having a flood of tears in his eyes, he said, — "Cer- tainly it had been good for me to die before I had seen the house of God full of so many abominations, or these sacred places that ought not to be trodden upon at random, tilled with the feet of these blood-shedding villains; yet do I, who am clothed with the vestments of the high-priesthood, and am called by that most venerable name [of high-priest], still live, and am but too fond of living, and can- not endure to undergo a death which would be the glory of my old age; and if I were the only person concerned, and, as it were, in a desert, I would give up my life, and that alone + This Symeon, the son of Gamaliel, is mentioned as the president of the Jewish sanhedrim, and one that perished in the destruction of Jerusalem, by the Jewish rohbins, as Keland obserres on this place. He also tells us t!iut those rabbins mention one Jesus the sun of (ia- niala, as once a hij.'h-priest, — but this long before the destruction of Jerusalem; so that if he were the same person with this Jesus the son of (iamala, in Josephus, he must have lived to be very old, or thty have been very bad chronologers. CHAP. Til. WARS OF THE JEWS, 688 for God's sake; for to what purpose is it to live among a people insensible of their calami- ties, and where there is no notion remaining of any remedy for the miseries that are upon them? for when you rse seized upon, you bear itl and when you are beaten, you are silent 1 and when the people are murdered, nobody dare so much as send out a groan openly! O bitter tyranny that we are under! But why do I complain of the tyrants? Was it not you, and your sufferance of them, that nave nourished them? Was it not you that overlooked those that first of all got together, for they were then but a few, and by your silence made them grow to be many; and by conniving at them when they took arms, in effect armed them against yourselves? You ought to have then prevented their first attempts, when they fell a reproaching your relations; but by neglecting that care in time, you have encouraged these wretches to plun- der men. When houses were pillaged, nobody said a word, which was the occasion why they carried off the owners of those houses; and when they were drawn through the midst of the city, nobody came to their assistance. They then proceeded to put those whom you had betrayed into their hands, into bonds, I do not say how many, and of what characters those men were whom they thus served, but certaiidy they were such as were accused by none, and condemned by none; and since nobody succoured them when they were in bonds, the consequence was, that you saw the same persons slain. We have seen this also; so that still the best of the herd of brute ani- mals, as it were, have been still led to be sacrificed, when yet nobody said one word, or moved his right hand for their preservation. Will you. bear, therefore, — will you bear to see your sanctuary trampled on? and will you lay steps for these profane wretches, upon which they may mount to higher degrees of insolence? Will not you pluck them down from their exaltation? for even by this time, they had proceeded to higher enormities, if they had been able to overthrow any thing greater tjian the sanctuary. They have seized upon the strongest place of the whole city; you may call it the temple, if you please, though it be like a citadel or fortress. Now, while you have tyranny in so great a degree walled in, and see your enemies over your heads, to what purpose is it to take counsel? and what have you to support your minds withal? Perhaps you wait for the Romans, that they may protect our holy places: are our matters then brought to that pass? and are we come to that degree of misery, that our enemies themselves are expected to pity us? O wretched creatures! will not you rise up, and turn upon those that strike you? which you may observe in wild beasts themselves, llmt they will avenge themselves on those that strike them. Will not you cull to mind, evt-ry one of you, the calamities you yourselves have suffered? nor lay before your eyes whai afflictions you yourselves have undergone? and will not such things sharpen your souls to revenge? Is therefore that most honour- able and most natural of our passions utterly lost, I mean the desire of liberty? Truly, we are in love with slavery, and in love wit!i those that lord it over us, as if we had receive*^ that principle of subjection from our ances tors! yet did they undergo many and great wars for the sake of liberty, nor were they so far overcome by the power of the Egyptian^, or the Medes, but that they still did what they thought lit. notwithstanding their com- mands to the contrary. And what occasion is there now for a war with the Romans? (I meddle not with determining whether it be an advantageous and profitable war or not.) What pretence is there for it? Is it not that we may enjoy our liberty? Besides, shall we not bear the lords of the habitable earth to be lords over us, and yet bear tyrants of our own country? Although I must say that sub- mission to foreigners may be borne, because fortune hath already doomed us to it, while submission to wicked people of our own nation is too unmanly, and brought upon us by our own consent. However, since I have had occasion to mention the Romans, I will not conceal a thing that, as I am speaking, comes into my mind, and affects me consider- ably; — it is this, that though we should be taken by them (God forbid the event should be so!) yet can we undergo nothing that will be harder to be borne than what these men have already brought upon us. How then can we avoid shedding of tears, when we see the Roman donations in our temples, while we withal see those of our own nation taking our spoils, and plundering our glorious metropolis, and slaughtering our men, from which enor- mities those Romans themselves would have abstained? to see those Romans never going beyond the bounds allotted to profane f>er- sons, nor venturing to break in upon any of our sacred customs; nay, having horror on their minds when they view at a distance those sacred walls, while some that have been born in this very country, and brought up in our customs, and called Jews, do walk about in the midst of the holy places, at the very time when their hands are still warm with the slaughter of their own countrymen. Besides, can any one be afraid of a war abroad, and that with such as will have comparatively much greater moderation than our own people have? For truly, if we may suit our words to the things they represent, it is probable one may hereafter find the Romans to be the suppH^rters of our laws, and those within ourselves the sub- verters of them. And now I am persuaded that everyone of you herecomes satisfied before 1 speak, that these overthrowers of our liber- ties deserve to be destroyed, and that nobody CS4 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK IV. can so much as devise a punishment that iney have not deserved by what they have Oone, and that you are all provoked against tnem by those their wicked actions, whence you have suffered so greatly. But perhaps niaay ot you are affrighted at the multitude Dl those zealots, and at their audaciousness, us well as at the advantage they have over us in their being higher in place than we are; tor these circumstances, as they have been occasioned by your negligence, so will they become still greater by being still longer neglected; for their multitude is every day augmented, by every ill man's running away to those that are like to themselves, and their audaciousness is therefore inflamed, because they meet with no obstruction to their designs. And for their higher place, they will make use of it for engines also, if we give them time to do so; but be assured of this, that if we go np to fight them, they will be made tamer by their own consciences, and what advantages they have in the height of their situation, they will lose by the opposition of their reason; perhaps also God himself, who hath been iffronted by them, will make what they throw it us return against themselves, and these .mpious wretches will be killed by their ovra darts: let us but make our appearance be- fore them, and they will come to nothing. However, it is a right thing, if there should be any danger in the attempt, to die before these holy gates, and to spend our very lives, if not for the sake of our children and wives, yet for God's sake, and for the sake of his sanctuary. I will assist you, both with my counsel and with my hand; nor shall any sagacity of ours be wanting for your support; nor shall you Bee that I will be sparing of my body neither." 11. By these motives Ananus encouraged the multitude to go against the zealots, although he knew how difficult it would be to disperse them, because of their multitude, and their youth, and the courage of their souls; but chiefly because of their consciousness of what they had done, since they would not yield, as not so much as hoping for pardon at the last for those their enormities. How- ever, Ananus resolved to undergo whatever sufferings might come upon him, rather than overlook things, now they were in such great confusion. So the multitude cried out to iiim to lead them on against those whom be Had described in his exhortation to them ; and every one of them was most readily dis- posed to run any hazard whatsoever on that account. 12. Now while Ananus was choosing out his men, and putting those that were proper for his purpose in array for fighting, the lea- ! lots got information of his undertaking (for there were some who went to them, and told them all that the people were doing) and were irritated at it; and leapiiig out of the temple in crowds, mu\ by parties, spared none whom they met with. Upon this, Ananus got the populace together on the sudden, who were more numerous indeed than the zealots, but inferior to them in arms, because they had not been regularly put into array for fighting: but the alacrity that every body showed, sup- plied all their defects on both sides, the citi- zens taking up so great a passion as was stronger than arms, and deriving a degree of courage from the temple, more forcible than any multitude whatsoever; and indeed these citizens thought it was not possible for them to dwell in the city, unless they could cut off the robbers that were in it. The zealots also thought that unless they prevailed, there would be no punishment so bad, but it would be inflicted on them. So their conflicts were conducted by their passions ; and at the first they only cast stones at each other in the city, and before the temple, and threw their jave- lins at a distance; but v.hen either of them were too hard for the other, they made use ot their swords; and great slaughter was made on both sides, and a great number were wounded. As for the dead bodies of the people, their relations carried them out to their own houses; but when any of the zeal- ots were wounded, he went up into the tern- pie, and defiled that sacred floor with his blood, insomuch that one may say it was their blood alone that polluted our sanctuary. Now in these conflicts the robbers always sallied out of the temple, and were too hard for theii enemies ; but the populace grew very angry and became more and more numerous, and reproached those that gave back, and those behind would not afford room to those that were going off, but forced them on again, till at length they made their whole body to turn against their adversaries, and the robbery could no longer oppose them, but were forced gradually to retire into the temple ; when Ananus and his party fell into it at the same time together with them.* This horribly af- frighted the robbers, because it deprived them of the first court; so they fled into the inner court immediately, and shut the gates. Now, Ananus did not think fit to make any attack against the holy gates, although the other throw their stones and darts at them fronj above. He also deemed it unlawful to intro- duce the multitude into that court before they were purified; he therefore chose out of them all by lot, six thousand armed men, and placed them as guards in the cloisters; so there was a succession of such guards one after * It is worth noting here, that this Ananus, ib.e best ot the Jews at this time, and the higli-priest, who was 80 very uneasy at the profanation ol the Jewisu couna ol the temple hy the zealots, did not however scruple the profanation of the "court <if the (Jentiies;" as in our Saviour's days it was very niucti profaned hy the Jews, and made a market-place, nay, a "den of thieve*. " without scruple, Mat. xxi. 12 13; iMark xi. i.>, lo, 17. Accordiii)(iy, Jusephu.<t hiuiAelf, when he speaks of tho two inner courts, calls them hoth mym. »r lioiy pitnei: / 'tut. Ko far as 1 reineuiher, never K'^es^tliat character bi[ itie court of the UeuUlea. See b. v. cb. ix. sect. i. CHAP. 17. WARS OF THE JEWS. 685 another, and every one was forced to attend in his course; although many of the chief of the city were dismis.-ed by those that then took on them the j.overnment, upon their hiring some of the poorer sort, and sending them to- keep the giwrd in their stead. 13. Now it was John who, as we told you, ran away from Gischala, and was the occa- sion of all these being destroyed. He was a man of great craft, and bore about him in his soul a strong passion after tyranny, and at a distance was the adviser in these actions; and indeed at this time he pretended to be of the people's opinion, and went all about with Ananus when he consulted the great men every day, and in the night-time also when he went round the watch; but he divulged their secrets to the zealots; and every thing that the people deliberated about was by his means known to their enemies, even before it had been well agreed upon by themselves; and by way of contrivance how he might not be brought into suspicion, he cultivated the greatest friendship possible with Ananus, and with the chief of the people; yet did this overdoing of his turn against him, for he flattered them so extravagantly, that he was but the more suspected; and his constant attendance everywhere, even when he was not invited to be present, made him strongly suspected of betraying their secrets to the enemy; for they plainly perceived that they understood all the resolutions taken against them at their con- sultations. Nor was there any one whom they had so much reason to suspect of that discovery as this John; yet was it not easy to get quit of him, so potent was he grown by his wicked practices. He was also sup- ported by many of those eminent men, who were to be consulted upon all considerable affairs; it was therefore thought reasonable to oblige him to give them assurance of his good- will upon oath; accordingly John took such an oath readily, that he would be on the people's side, and would not betray any of their counsels or practices to their enemies, and would assist them in overthrowing those that attacked them, and that both by his hand and his advice. So Ananus and his party believed his oath, and did now receive him to their consultations without farther suspicion; nay, so far did they believe him, that they sent him as their ambassador into the temple to the zealots, with proposals of accommoda- tion; for they were very desirous to avoid the pollution of the temple as much as they pos- sibly could, and that no one of their nation should be slain therein. 14. But now this John, as if his oath had been made to the zealots, and for confirmation of his good-will to them, and not against them, went into the temple, and stood in the ihidsi, of them, and spake as follows: that he had run many hazards on their account, and m order to let them know of every thing tb°t was secretly contrived against them by Ananus and his party ; but that both he and they should be cast into the most immi- nent danger, iniless some providential assist- ance were afforded them; for that Ananus made no longer delay, but had prevailed with the people to send ambassadors to Vespasian to invite him to come presently and take the city ; and that he had appointed a fast for the next day against them, that they might obtain admission into the temple on a religious account, or gain it by force, and fight with them there ; that he did not see how long they could either endure a siege, or how they could fight against so many enemies. He added farther, that it was by the providence of God he was himself sent as an ambassador to them for an accommodation; for that Ananus did therefore offer them such proposals, that he might come upon them when they - were unarmed ; that they ought to choose one of these two methods; either to intercede with those that guarded them, to save their lives, or to provide some foreign assistance for themselves; that if they fostered themselves with the hopes of pardon, in case they were subdued, they had forgotten what desperate things they had done, or could suppose, that as soon as the actors repented, those that had suffered by them must be presently reconciled to them ; while those that have done injuries, though they pretend to repent of them, are frequently hated by the others for that sort of repentance; and that the sufferers, when they get the power into their hands, are usually still more severe upon the actors; that the friends and kindred of those that had been destroyed would alway be laying plots against them, and that a large body of people were very angry on account of their gross breaches of their laws and [illegal] judicatures, inso- much that although some part might commi- serate them, those would be quite overborne by the majority. CHAPTER IV. m THE IDUMEAN8 BEtXG SENT FOR BY THE ZTEA LOTS, CAME IMMEDIATELY TO JERUSALEM AND WHEN THEY WERE EXCLUDED OUT OF THE CITY, THEY LAY ALL NIGHT THERE. JESUS, ONE OP THE HIGH-PRIESTS, MAKES A SPEECH TO them; AND SIMON THE IDUMEAN MAKES A REPLY TO IT § 1. Now, by this crafty speecn, John made the zealots afraid ; yet durst not he directly name what foreign assistance he meant, but in a covert way only intimated* at the Idumeans; but now that he might particu- larly irritate the leaders of the zealots, he calumniated Ananus, that ,he was about a 686 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK IV. piece of barbarity, and did in a special man- uer threaten them. These leaders were Ele- azar, the son of Simon, who seemed the most plansible man of them all, both in considering what was fit to be done, and in the execution of what he had determined upon, and Zacha- rias, the son of Phalek; both of whom derived their families from the priests; Now, when these two men had heard, not only the common threatenings which belonged to them all, but those peculiarly levelled against themselves; and besides, how Ananus and his party, in order to secure their own domi- nion, had invited the Romans to come to them, for that also was part of John's lie, they hesitated a great while what they should do, considering the shortness of the time by which they were straitened; because the peo- ple were prepared to attack them very soon, and because the suddenness of the plot laid against them had almost cut off their hopes of getting any foreign assistance; for they might be under the height of their afflictions before any of their confederates could be informed of it. However, it was resolved to call in the Idumeans; so they wrote a short letter to this effect: — That Ananus had imposed on the people, and was betraying their metropolis to the Romans; that they them- selves iiud revolted from the rest, and were in custody in the temple, on account of the pre- servation of their liberty; that there was but a small time left, wherein they might hope for their deliverance; and that unless they would come immediately to their assistance, they should themselves be soon in the power of Ananus, and the city would be in the power of the Romans. They also charged the messengers to tell many more circum- stances to the rulers of the Idumeans. Now, there were two active men proposed for the carrying of this message, and such as were well able to speak, and to persuade them that things were in this posture, and, what was a qualification still more necessary than the former, they were very swift of foot; for they knew well enough that these would /inmediately comply with their desires, as being ever a tumultuous and disorderly nation, always on the watch upon every niotioi^ delighting in mutations; and upon your flat- tering them ever so little, and petitioning them, they soon take their arms, and put themselves into motion, and make haste to a battle, as if it were to a feast. There was indeed occiision for quick dispatch in the carrying of this message; in which point the messengers were no way defective. Both their names were Ananias; and they soon came to the rulers of the Idumeans. 2. Now, these rulers were greatly surprised at the contents of tlie letter, and at what those that frame with it further told them; where- upon they ran about the nation like madmen, vui made proclantation that the people should come to war; so a multitude was suddenly got together, sooner indeed than the time appointed in the proclamation, and every body caught up their arms, in order to main- tain the liberty of their metropolis; and twenty thousand of them were put into battle-array, and came to Jerusalem, under four commanders, John, and Jacob the son of Sosas; and besides these were Simon, the son of Cathlas, and Phineas, the son of Clusothus. 3. Now this exit of the messengers was not known either to Ananus, or to the guards; but the approach of the Idumeans was known to him; for as he knew of it before they came, he ordered the gates to be shut against them, and that the walls should be guarded. Yet did not he by any means think of fight- ing against them, but, before they came to blows, to try what persuasions would do. Accordingly, Jesus, the eldest of the high- priests next to Anarms, stood upon the tower that was over-against them, ami said thus: — " Many troubles indeed, and those of various kinds, have fallen upon this city, yet in none of them have I so much wondered at her for- tune as now, v»hen you are come to assist wicked men, ajid this after a manner very extraordinary; for 1 see that you are come to support the vilest of men against us, and this with so great alacrity, as you could hardly put on the like, in case our metropolis had called you to her assistance against barba- rians; and if I had perceived that your army was composed of men like unto those who invited tiiem, I had not deemed your attempt so absurd; for nothing does so much cement the minds of men together as the alliance there is between their manners; but now for these men who have invited you, if you were to examine them one by one, every one of them would be found to have deserved ten thousand deaths; for the very rascality and ofiscouring of the whole country, who have spent in debauchery their own substance, and, by way of trial beforehand, have madly plun- dered the neighbouring villages and cities, in the upshot of all, have privately run together into this holy city. They are robbers, who by their prodigious wickedness have profaned this most sacred floor, and who are to be now seen drinking themselves drunk in the sanc- tuary, and expending the spoils of those whom they have slaughtered upon their unsatiable bellies. As for the multitude that is with you, one may see them so decently adorned in their armour, as it would become them to be, had their metropolis called them to her assistance against foreigners. What can a man call this procedure of yours but the sport of fortune, when he sees a whole nation com- ing to protect a sink of wicked wretches? I have for a good while been in doubt what it could possibly be that should move you to do this so suddenly; becuuhe certainly you would CHAP. IV. WARS OF THE JEWS. 687 not take on your armour on the behalf of robbers, and against a people of kin to you, without some very great cause for your so doing; but we have an item that the Romans are pretended, and that we are supposed to be going to betray this city to them; for some of your men have lately make a clamour about those matters, and have said they are come to set their metropolis free. Now, we cannot but admire at these wretches in their devising such a lie as this against us; for they knew there was no other way to irritate against us men that were naturally desirous of liberty, and on that account the best disposed to fight against foreign enemies, but by framing a tale as if we were going to betray that most desirable thing, liberty. But you ought to consider what sort of people they are that raise this calumny, and against what sort of people that cajumny is raised, and to gather the truth of things, not by fictitious speeches, but out of the actions of both parties; — for what occasion is there for us to sell ourselves to the Romans, while it was in our power not lo have revolted from them at the first, or, when we had once revolted, to have returned under their dominion again, and this while the neighbouring countries were not yet laid waste? whereas it is not an easy thing to be reconciled to the Romans, if we were desirous of it, now they have subdued Galilee, and are thereby become proud and insolent ; and to endeavour to please them at the time when they are so near us, would bring such a reproach upon us as were worse than death. As for myself indeed, I should have preferred peace with them before death; but now we have once made war upon them, and fought with them, I prefer death with reputation, before living in captivity under them. But farther, whether do they pretend that we, who are the rulers of the people, have sent thus privately to the Romans, or hath it been done by the common suffrages of the people? If it be ourselves only that have done it, let them name those friends of ours that have been sent, as our servants to manage this treachery. HUth any one been caught as he went out on this errand, or seized upon as he came back? Are they in possession of our letters? How could we be concealed from such a vast num- ber of our fellow citizens, among whom we are conversant every hour, while what is done •privately in the country is, it seems, known by the zealots, who are but few in number, and under confinement also, and are not able to come out of the temple into the city? Is this the first time t^iat they are become sensible how they ought to be punished for their in- solent actions? For while these men were freo from the fear they are now under, there w'J5 no suspicion raised that any of us were traitors. But if they lay this charge against th»; people, this must have been done at a pu;ui'^ cuueultation, and nut one uf the people must have dissented from the rest of the as- sembly: in which case the public fame of this matter would have come to you sooner tha.j any particular indication. But how couiJ that be? Must there not then have been ambassadors sent to confirm the agreements? And let them tell us who this ambassador was, that was ordained for that purpose. But this is no other than a pretence of such men as are loath to die, and are labouring to escape those punishments that hang over them ; for if fate had determined that this city was to be betray- ed into its enemies' hands, no other than these men that accuse us falsely could have the im- pudence to do it, there being no wickedness wanting to complete their impudent practices but this only that they become traitors. And now you Idumeans are come hither already with your arms; it is your duty, in the first place, to be assisting to your metropolis, and to join with us in cutthig off those tyrants that have infringed the rules of our regular tribunals, that have trampled upon our laws, and made their swords the arbitrators of right and wrong ; for they have seized up- on men of great eminence, and under no accusation, as they stood in the midst of the market-place, and tortured them with putting them into bonds, and, without bearing to hear what they had to say, or what supplications they made, they destroyed them. You may, if you please, come into this city, though not in the way of war, and take a view of the marks still remaining of what I now say, and may see the houses that have been depopulated by their rapacious hands, with those wives and families that are in black, mourning for their slaughtered relations; as also you may hear their groans and lamentations all the city over; for there is nobody but hath tasted of the in- cursions of these profane wretches, who have proceeded to that degree of madness, as not only to have transferred their impudent rob- beries out of the country, and the remote cities, into this city, the very face and head of the whole nation, but out of the city into the temple also; for that is now made their re- ceptacle and refuge, and the fountain-head whence their preparations are made against us. And this place, which is adored by the habitable world, and honoured by such as only know it by report, as far as the ends of the earth, is trampled upon by these wild beasts born among ourselves. They now triumph in the desperate condition they are already in, when they hear that one people is going to fight against another people, and one city against another city, and that your nation hath gotten an army together against its own bowels. Instead of which procedure, it were highly fit and reasonable, as I said before, for you to join with us in cutting off these wretches, and in particular to be revenged on them for putting this very cheat upon you; 1 mean, for having the impudence to invite 688 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK IV you to assist tbem, of whom they ought to have stood in fear, as ready to punish them. But if you have some regard to these men's invitation of you, yet may you lay aside your arms, and come into the city under the notion of our kindred, and take upon you a middle name between that of auxiliaries and of ene- mies, and so become judges in this case. How- ever, consider what these men will gain by being called into judgment before you, for such undeniable and such flagrant crimes, who would not vouchsafe to hear such as had no accusations laid against them to speak a word for themselves. However, let them gain this advantage by your coming. But still, if you will neither take our part in that indignation we have at these men, nor judge between us, the third thing I have to propose is this, that you let us both alone, and neither insult upon our calamities, nor abide with these plotters against their metropolis: for though you should have ever so great a suspicion that some of us have discoursed with the Romans, it is in your power to watch the passages into the city; and in case any thing that we have been accused of is brought to light, then to come and defend your metropolis, and to inflict punishment on those that are found guilty; for the enemy cannot prevent you who are so near to the city. But if, after all, none of these propo- sals seem acceptable and moderate, do not you wonder that the gates are shut against you, while you bear your arms about you." 4. Thus spake Jesus; yet did not the mul- titude of the Idumeans give any attention to what he said, but were in a rage, because they did not meet with a ready entrance into the city. The generals also had indignation at the offer of laying down their arms, and looked upon it as equal to a captivity to throw them away at any man's injunction whomso- ever. But Simon, the son of Cathlas, one of their commanders, with much ado quieted the tumult of his own men, and sstood so that *he high-priests might hear him, and said as fol- lows: — "I can no longer wonder that the patrons of liberty are under custody in the temple, since there are those that shut the gates of our common city* to their own nation, and at the same time are prepared to admit the Romans into it; nay, perhaps, are disposed to crown the gates with garlands at their coming, while they speak to the Idumeans from their own towers, and enjoin them to throw down their arms which they ha^e taken op for the preservation of its libejly; and while they will not intrust the guard of our * Tbis appellation of Jerusalem given it \^T9 by SinaoD, the general of the Iduineani, "the common city" of the Idumeanii, who were proselytesuf justice, as Well as of the oriiiiial native .lews, Kieatly coniirms that nuxim of the rabhins, here set down by Keland, that * Jerusalem was not asHigried, or appropriated, to the tribe of Ueiijaniin or Judali, but every tribe hud equal right to it [at their comitiK to worship tliere at the seve- aU fc»Uv*lsJ." See a lilUe belore, ch.iJi. sect. 3. metropolis to their kindred, profess to make them judges of the^ditferences that are among them; nay, while they accuse some men of having slain others without a legal trial, they do themselves condemn a whole nation, after an ignominious manner, and have now walled up that city from their own nation, which used to be open even to all foreigners that came to worship there. We have indeed come in great Laste to you, and to a war against our own countrymen ; and the reason why we have made such haste is this, that we may preserve that freedom which you are so unhappy as to betray. You have probably been guilty of the like crimes against those whom you keep in custody, and have, I suppose, collected toge- ther the like plausible pretences against them also that you make use of against us: after which you have gotten the mastery of those within the temple, and keep them in custody, while they are only taking care of the public affairs. You have also shut the gates of the city in general against nations that are the most nearly related to you; and while you give such injurious commands to others, you complain that you have been tyrannized over by them, and tix the name of unjust gover- nors upon such as are tyrannized over by yourselves. Who can bear this, your abuse of words, while they have a regard to the contrariety of your actions, unless you mean this, that those Idumeans do now exclude you out of our metropolis, whom you exclude from the sacred offices of your own country? One may indeed justly complain of those that are besieged in the temple, that when they had courage enough to punish those tyrants, whom you call eminent men, and free from any accusations, because of their being your com- panions in wickedness, they did not begin with you, and thereby cut off beforehand the most dangerous parts of this treason. But if these men have been more merciful than the public necessity required, we that are Idu- means will preserve £his house of God, and will fight for our common country, and will oppose by war as well those that attack them from abroad, as those that betray them from within. Here will we abide before the walls in our armour, until either the Romans grow weary in waiting for you, or you becon)e friends to Uberty, and repent of what you have done against it." 5. And now did the Idumeans make an acclamation to what Simon had said; but Jesus went away sorrowful, as seeing that the Idumeans were against all moderalo counsels, and that the city .was besieged on both sides; nor indeed were the minds of the Idumeans at rest; for they were in a rage at the injury that had been offered them by their exclusion out of the city; and when tliey thought the zealots had been strong, but saw nothing of theirs to support them, they were iu doubt about the mutter, and many of them CHAP. y. "WARS OF THE JEWS. 689 repented that they had come thither. But the shame that would attend them in case they r«!turned without doing any thing at all, so far overcome that their repentance, that they ?ay all night before the wall, though in a very bad encampment; for there broke out a pro- digious storm in the night, with the utmost violence, and very strong winds, with the largest showers of rain, with continual light- nings, terrible thunderings, and amazing con- cussions and bellowings of the earth, that was in an earthquake. These things were a manifest indication that some destruction was coming upon men, when the system of the world was put into this disorder ; and any one would guess that these wonders foreshowed some grand calamities that were coming. 6. Now the opinion of the Idumeans and of the citizens was one and the same. The Idumeans thought that God was angry at their taking arms, and that they would not escape punishment for their making war upon their metropolis. Ananus and his party thought that they had conquered without fighting, and that God acted as a general for them ; but truly they proved both ill conjectures at what was to come, and made those events to be ominous to their enemies, while they were themselves to undergo the ill effects of them ; for the Idumeans fenced one another by unit- ing their bodies into one band, and thereby kept themselves warm, and connecting their shields over their heads, were not so much hurt by the rain. But the zealots were more deeply concerned for the danger these men were in than they were for themselves, and got together, and looked about them, to see whether they could devise any means of as- sisting them. The hotter sort of them thought it best to force their guards with their arms, and after that to fall into the midst of the city, and publicly open the gates to those that came to their assistance ; as supposing the guards would be in disorder, and give way at such an unexpected attempt of theirs, espe- cially as the greater part of them were un- armed and unskilled in the affairs of war ; and that besides, the multitude of the citizens would not be easily gathered together, but confined to their houses by the storm; and that if there were any hazard in their under- taking, it became them to suffer any thing whatsoever themselves, rather than to over- look so g^eat a multitude as were miserably perishing on their account. But the more prudent part of them disapproved of this for- cible method, because they saw not only the guards about them very numerous, but the walls of the city itself carefully watched, by reason of the Idumeans. They also supposed that Ananus would be everywhere, and visit the guards every hour; which indeed was done upon other nights, but was omitted that night, not by reason of any slothfulncss of Ananug, but by the overbearing appointment of fate, that so both he himself might perish, and the multitude of the guards might perish with him; for truly, as the night was far gone, and the storm very terrible, Ananus gave the guards in the cloisters leave to go to sleep; while it came into the heads of the zealots to make use of the saws belonging to the temple, and to cut the bars of the gates to pieces. The noise of the w'jid, and that not inferior sound of the thunder, did here also conspire with their desTgns, that the noise of the saws was not heard by the others. 7. So they secretly went out of the temple to the wall of the city, and made use of their saws, and opened that gate which was over against the Idumeans. Now at first there came a fear upon the Idumeans themselves, which disturbed them, as imagining that Ananus and his party were coming to attack them, so that every one of them had his right hand upon his sword, in order to defend him- self; but they soon came to know who they were that came to them, and were entered the city. And had the Idumeans then fallen upon the city, nothing could have hindered them from destroying the people, every man of them, such was the rage they were in at that time ; but they first of all made haste to get the zealots out of custody, which those that brought them in earnestly desired them to do, and not overlook those for whose sake they were come, in the midst of their distresses, nor to bring them into a still greater danger ; for that when they had once seized upon the guards, it would be easy for them to fall upon the city ; but that if the city were once alarmed, they would not then be able to overcome those guards, because as soon as they should perceivB they were there, they would put themselves in order to fight them, and would hinder their coming into the temple. CHAPTER V. THE CRUELTY OP THE IDUMEANS, WHEN THEY WERE GOTTEN INTO THE TEMPLE, DURING THE storm; and op THE ZEALOTS. CON- CERNING THE SLAUGHTER OP ANANUS, AND JESUS, AND ZACHARIAS; and HOW TEE IDUMEANS RETIRED HOME. § 1. This advice pleased the Idumeans, and they ascended through the city to the temple. The zealots were also in great expectation of their coming, and earnestly waited for them. When therefore these were entering, they also came boldly out of the inner temple, and mixing themselves with the Idumeans, they attacked the guards; and some of those that were upon the watch, but were fallen asleep, they killed as they were asleep ; but as those that were now awakened made a cry, the whole multitude arose, and in the amazement they were in caught hold of their arms immediately 2X 690 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK IV. and betook themselves to their own defence ; and so long as they thought they were only the zealots who attacked them, they went on boldly, as hoping to overpower them by their numbers; but when they saw others pressing in upon them also, they perceived the Idume- ans were got in; and the greatest part of them laid aside their arms, together with their cou- rage, and betook themselves to lamentations. But some few of the younger sort covered themselves with tHSir armour, and valiantly received the Idumeans, and for a while pro- tected the multitude of old men. Others, indeed, gave a signal to those that were in the city of the calamities they were in ; but when these were also made sensible that the Idumeans were come in, none of them durst come to their assistance; only they returned the terrible echo of wailing, and lamented their misfortunes. A great howling of the women was excited also, and every one of the guai^ds were in danger of being killed. The zealots also joined in the shouts raised by the Idumeans; and the storm itself rendered the cry more terrible; nor did the Idumeans spare any body; for as they are naturally a most barbarous and bloody nation, and had been distressed by the tempest, they made use of their weapons against those that had shut the gates against them, and acted in the same manner as to those that supplicated for their lives, and to those that fought them, inso- much that they ran through those with their swords who desired them to remember the relation there was between them, and begged of them to have regard to their common tem- ple. Now there was at present neither any place for flight nor any hope for preservation; but as they were driven one upon another in heaps, so were they slain. Thus the greater part were driven together by force, as there was now no place of retirement, and the mur- derers were upon them; and, having no other way, threw themselves down headlong into the city; whereby, in my opinion, they under- went a more miserable destruction than that which they avoided, because that was a volun- tary one. And now the outer temple was all of it overflowed with blood; and that day, as H came on, saw eight thousand five hundred dead bodies there. 2. But the rage of the Idumeans was not satiated by these slaughters; but they now betook themselves to the city, and plundered every house, and slew every one they met; and for the other multitude, they esteemed it needless to go on with killing them, but they sought for the high-priests, and the generality went with the greatest zeal against them ; and as soon as they caught them they slew them, and then standing upon their dead bodies, in way of jest,^upbraided Ananus with his kind- neMi to the people, and Jesus with his speech ntndc to them from the wail. Nay, they pro- evwded to that degree of impiety, as to ouHt away their dead bodies without burial, althougti the Jews used to take so much care of the burial of men, that they took down those that were condemned and crucified, and buried them before the going down of the sun. I should not mistake if I said that the death of Ananus was the beginning of the destruction of the city, and that from this very day may be dated the overthrow of her wall, and the ruin of her affairs, whereon they saw their high-priest, and the procurer of their preser- vation, slain in the midst of their city. He was on other accounts also a venerable, and a very just man; and besides the grandeur of that nobility, and dignity, and honour, of which he was possessed, he had been a lover of a kind of parity, even with regard to the meanest of the people; he was a prodigious lover of liberty, and an admirer of a demo- cracy in government; and did ever prefer the public welfare before his own advantage, and preferred peace above all things; for he was thoroughly sensible that the Romans were not to be conquered. He also foresaw that of necessity a war would follow, and that unless the Jews made up matters with them very dexterously, they would be destroyed: to say all in a word, if Ananus had survived they had certainly compounded matters; for be was a shrewd man in speaking and per- suading the people, and had already gotten the mastery of those that opposed his designs, or were for the war. And the Jews had then put abundance of delays in the way of the Romans, if they had had such a general as he was. Jesus was also joined with him; and although he was inferior to him upon the comparison, he was superior to the rest; and 1 cannot but think that it was because God had doomed this city to destruction, as a pol- luted city, and was resolved to purge his sanctuary by fire, that he cut off these their great defenders and well-wishers, while those that a little before had worn the sacred gar- ments, and had presided over the public wor- ship,* and had been esteemed venerable by those that dwelt on the whole habitable earth when they came into our city, were cast out naked, and seen to be the food of dogs and wild beasts. And I cannot but imagine that virtue herselfgroaned at these men's case, and lamented that she was here so terribly con- quered by wickedness. And this at last was the end of Ananus and Jesus. 3. Now after the*e were slain, the zealots and the multitude of the Idumeans fell u[)on the people as upon a flock of profane animals, and cut their throats; and, for the ordinary sort, they were destroyed in what place soever they caught them. But for the noblemen and the youth, they first caught them and bound them, and shut them up in prison, and • Ko<rf*4»ti S-c»irzti»., or "worldly worship," ae tao :ii;lhoi lo tlie Hebrews calls the katkctuary myiT »»«>*>*' Mc», "A wotldly saDctuaiy.*' CHAP. V. WARS OF THE JEWS. put off their slaughter, in hopes that some of them would turn over to their party; but not one of them would comply with their desires, but all of them preferred death before being enrolled among such wicked wretches as acted against their own country. But this refusal of theirs brought upon them terrible torments; for they were so scourged and tortured, that their bodies were not able to sustain their torments, till at length, and with difficulty, they had the favour to be slain. Those whom they caught in the day-time, were slain in the night, and then their bodies were carried out and thrown away, that there might be room for other prisoners; and the terror that was upon the people was so great, that no one had courage enough either to weep openly for the dead man that was related to him, or bury him; but those that were shut up in their own bouses, could only shed tears in secret, and durst not even groan without great caution, lest any of their enemies should hear them; for if they did, those that mourned for others soon underwent the same death with those whom they mourned for. Only in the night- time they would take up a little dust and throw it upon their bodies; and even some that were the most ready to expose them- selves to danger, would do it in the day-time: and there were twelve thousand of the better sort who perished in this manner. 4. And now these zealots and Idumeans were quite weary of barely killing men, so they had the impudence of setting up licti'- tious tribunals and judicatures for that pur- pose; and as they intended to have Zacharias,* the son of Baruch, one of the most eminent of the citizens, slain, — so what provoked them against him was, that hatred of wickedness and love of liberty which were so eminent in him: he was also a rich man, so that by taking him off, they did not only hope to seize his effects, but also to get rid of a man that had great power to destroy them. So they * Some commentators are ready to suppose that this "Zacharias, the son ot Uaruch." here most unjustly slain by the Jews in the temple, was the very same per- son with '• Zacharias, the son of Barachias." whom our Saviour says the Jews " slew between the temple and the altar," Malt xxiii.3-j. This is a somewhat strange expo- sition: since Zechariah the prophet was really "the son of Barachiah," and '-grandson ot Iddo" (Zecb.i. I); and how he died, we have no other account, than that before us in St Matthew: while this '• Zacharias" was "trie son of Baruch." Since the slaughter was p:\st when our Saviour spake those words, the Jwws then had already slain him, whereas tliis slaughter of " Zacharias, the son Baruch," in Josephus. was then*about thirty-four years future. And since that slau^jhter was "between the temple and the altar," in the court of the priests, one of the most sacred and remote parts of the whole temple; I while this was, in Josephus's own words, in the middle f of the temple, and mucii tiie most probable in the court « of Israel only (for we have no intimation that the zealots ' had at this time profaned the court ot the priests. See b. V. ch. i. secti). Nor do I believe that our Josephus. wii-j always insists on the peculiar sacreilness 'if the inmost court, and of the holy house that was in it, would hn' f omitted so material an a4({»avalion of this barbarous r'urile-, fis perprtratc-d in a plae s ■ vt r> holy, had that hceii the true place of it See Antiq b. xi cb. vii. sect i. aad tbfc note here on h. v. cW i. .>ect i. called together, by a public proclamation, seventy of the principal men of the populace, for a show, as if they were real judges, while they had no proper authority. Before these was Zacharias accused of a design to betray their polity to the Romans, and having trai- torously sent to Vespasian for that purpose. Now there appeared no proof or sign of what he was accused; but they affn-med them- selves that they were well persuaded that so it was, and desired that sifth their affirmation might be taken for sufficient evidence. Now when Zacharias clearly saw that there was no way remaining for his escape from them, as having been treacherously called before them, and then put in prison, but not with any intention of a legal trial, he took great liberty of speech in that despair of life he was under. Accordingly he stood up, and laughed at their pretended accusation, and in a few words confuted the crimes laid to his charge; after which he turned his speech to his accusers, and went over distinctly all their transgressions of the law, and made heavy lamentations upon the confusion they had brought public affairs to: in the mean time the zealots grew tumultuous, and had much ado to abstain from drawing their swords, although they designed to preserve the appearance and show of judicature to the end. They were also desi- rous, on other accounts, to try the judges, whether they would be mindful of what was just at their own peril. Now the seventy judges brought in their verdict, that the per- son accused was not guilty, — as choosing rather to die themselves with him, than to have his death laid at their doors; hereupon there arose a great clamour of the zealots upon his acquittal, and they all had indigna- tion at the judges, for not understanding that the authority that was given them was but in jest. So two of the boldest of them fell upon Zacharias in the middle of the temple, and slew him; and as he fell down dead they bantered him, and said, " Thou hast al»o our verdict, and this will prove a more sure acquittal to thee than the other." Tiiey also threw him down out of the temple immt-di- ately into the valley beneath it. Mu. cover, they struck the judges with the hacks of tbeir swords, by way of abuse, and thru.sc them out of the court of the temple, and spared their lives with no other design than tiiat, when they were dispersed among the peo|)lt in the city, they might become their messen- gers, to let them know they were no better than slaves. 5. But by this time the Idumeans repented of their coming, and were displeased at what had been done; and when they were assem- bled together by one of the zealots, who had come privately to them, he declared to them what a number of wicked pranks they had themselves done in conjunction with those that invittfd them, and gave a particular accoua« 692 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK IT. of what mischiefs had been done against their metropolis. — He said, that they had taken arms, as though the high-priests were betray- ing their metropolis to the Romans, but had found no indication of any such trea- chery; but that they had succoured those that had pretended to believe such a thing, while they did themselves the works of waj and tyranny, after an insolent manner. It had been indeed their business to have hin- dered them from such their proceedings at the first, but seeing they had once been partners with them in shedding the blood of their own countrymen, it was high time to put a stop to such crimes, and not continue to afford any more assistance to such as are sub- verting the laws of their forefathers ; for that if any had taken it ill that the gates had been shut against them, and they had not been permitted to come into the city, yet that those who had excluded them have been punished, and Ananus is dead, and that almost all those people had been destroyed in one night's time. That one may perceive many of them- selves now repenting for what they had done, and might . see the horrid barbarity of those that had invited them, and that they had no regard to such as had saved them ; that they were so impudent as to perpetrate the vilest things, under the eyes of those who had sup- ported them, and that their wicked actions would be laid to the charge of the Idumeans, and would be so laid to their charge, till somebody obstructs their proceedings, or sepa- rates himself from the same wicked action ; that they therefore ought to retire home, since the imputation of treason appears to be a calumny, and that there was no expectation of the coming of the Romans at this time, and that the government of the city was se- cured by such walls as cannot easily be thrown down; and, by avoiding any further fellow- ship with these bad men, to make some ex- cuse for themselves, as to what they had been so far deluded, as to have been partners with them hitherto. CHAPTER VI. HOW THE ZEALOTS, WHEN THEY WERE FREE FROM THE IDUMEANS, SLEW A GREAT MANY MORE OF THE CITIZENS ; AJID HOW VESPA- SIAN DISSUADED THE ROMANS, WHEN THEY WERE VERY EARNEST TO MARCH AGAINST THE JEWS, FROM PROCEEDING IN THE WAR AT THAT TIME. § 1. The Idumeans complied with these persuasions; and in the first place, they set those that were in the prison at liberty, being about two thousand of the populace, who thereupon fled away immediately to Simon, on« whom we shaP tipeak of presently. After which these Idumeans retired from Jerusalem, and went home ; which departure of theirs was a great surprise to both parties ; for the peo- ple, not knowing of their repentance, pulled up their courage for a while, as eased of so many of their enemies, while the zealots grew more insolent, not as deserted • y their confe- derates, I'tit as freed from such men as might hinder their designs, and put some stop to their wickedness. Accordingly, they made no longer any delay, nor took any deliberation in their enormous practices, but made use of the shortest methods for all their executions ; and what they had once resolved upon, they put in practice sooner than any one could imagine ; but their thirst was chiefly after the blood of valiant men, and men of good fami- lies ; the one sort of whom they destroyed out of envy, the other out of fear; for they thought their whole security lay in leaving no potent men alive; on which account they slew Gorion, a person eminent in dignity, and on account of his family also ; he was also for democracy, and of as great boldness and free- dom of spirit as were any of the Jews who- soever; the principal thing that ruined him, added to his other advantages, was his free- speaking. Nor did Niger of Perea escape their hands ; he had been a man of great valour in their war with the Romans, but was now drawn through the middle of the city, and, as he went, he frequently cried out, and showed the scars of his wounds ; and when he was drawn out of the gates, and despaired of his preservation, he besought them to grant him a burial ; but as they had threatened him beforehand not to grant him any spot of earth for a grave, which he chiefly desired of them, so did they slay him [without permitting him to be buried]. Now when they were slaying him, he made this imprecation upon them, that they might undergo both famine and pestilence in this war, and besides all that, they might come to the mutual slaughter of one another; all which imprecations God confirmed against these impious men, and was what came most justly upon them, when not long afterward they tasted of their own mad ness in their mutual seditions one against ano ther. So when this Niger was killed, thcii fears of being overturned were diminished, and indeed there was no part of *the people but they found out some pretence to destroy them ; for some were therefore slain, because they had had diflerences with some of them ; and as to those that "had not opposed them in times of peace, they watched seasonable op- portunities to gain some accusation against them ; and if any one did not come near them at all, he was under their suspicion as a proud man; if any one came with boldness, he was esteemed a contemner of them; and if any one came as aiming to oblige them, he was supposed to have some treacherous plot against them ; while the only punishment of CHAP. YI» WARS OF THE JEWS. 693 crimes, whether they were of the greatest or smallest sort, was death. Nor could any one escape, unless he were very inconsiderable, either on account of the meanness of his birth, or on account of his fortune. 2. And now ail the rest of the commanders of the Romans deemed this sedition among their enemies to be of great advantage to them, and were very earnest to march to the city ; and they urged Vespasian as their lord and general in all cases, to make haste, and said to him, That " the providence of God is on our side, by setting our enemies at variance against one another : that still the change in such cases may be sudden, and the Jews may quickly be at one again, either because they may be tired out with their civil miseries, or repent them of such doings." But Vespasian replied, that they were greatly mistaken in what they thought fit to be done, as tliose that, upon the theatre, love to make a show of their hands, and of their weapons, but do it at their own hazard, without considering what was for their advantage, and for their security ; for that if they now go and attack the city immediately, they shall but occasion their enemies to unite together, and shall convert their force, now it is in its height, against themselves ; but if they stay a while they shall have fewer enemies, because they will be consumed in this sedition : that God acts as a general of the Romans better than he can do, and is giving the Jews up to them without any pains of their own, and granting their army a victory without any danger; that therefore it is their best way, while their enemies are destroying each other with their own hands, and falling into the greatest of misfortunes, which is that of sedi- tion, to sit still as spectators of the dangers they run into, rather than to fight hand to hand with men that love murdering, and are mad one against another. " But if any one imagines that the glory of victory, when it is gotten without fighting, will be more insipid, let him know this much, that a glorious suc- cess, quietly obtained, is more profitable than the dangers of a battle; for we ought "to esteem those that "do what is agreeable to tem- perance and prudence, no less glorious than those that have gained great reputation by their actions in war: that he shall lead on his army with greater force when their enemies are diminished, and his own army refreshed after the continual labours they had under- gone. However, that this is not a proper time to propose to ourselves the glory of victory ; for that the Jew^s are not now employed in making of armour or building of walls, nor indeed in getting together auxiliaries, while the advantage will be on their side who give them such opportunity of delay ; but that the Jews are vexed to pieces every day by their civil wars and dissensions, and are under greater misfortunes than, if they were once taken, eould be inflicted on them by us. Whether, therefore, any one hath regard to what is for our safety, he ought to suffer these Jews to destroy one another ; or whether he hath regard to the greater glory of the action, we ought by no means to meddle with these men, now they are afflicted with a distemper at home; for should we now conquer them, it would be said the conquest was not owing to our bravery, but to their sedition." 3. And now the commanders joined in their approbation of what Vespasian had said, and it was soon discovered how wise an opi- nion he had given; and indeed many there were of the Jews that deserted every day, and fled away from the zealots, although their flight was very diflicult, since they had guarded every passage out of the city, and slew every one that was caught at them, as taking it for granted they were going over to the Romans ; yet did he who gave them money get clear off, while he only that gave them none was voted a traitor. So the upshot was this, that the rich purchased their flight by money, while none but the poor were slain. Along all the roads also vast numbers of dead bodies lay in heaps, and even many of those that were so zealous in deserting, at length chose rather to perish within the city ; for the hopes of burial made death in their own city appear of the two less terrible to them. But these zealots came at last to that degree of barbarity, as not to bestow a burial either on those slain in the city, or on those that lay along the roads ; but as if they had made an agreement to cancel both the laws of their country and the laws of nature, and, at the same time that they defiled men with their wicked actions, they would pollute the Divi- nity itself also, they left the dead bodies to putrefy under the sun : and the same punish- ment was allotted to such as buried any, as to those that deserted, which was no other than death ; while he that granted the favour of a grave to another, would presently stand in need of a grave himself. To say all in a word, no other gentle passion was so entirely lost among them as mercy ; for what were the greatest objects of pity did most of all irritate these wretches, and they transferred their rage from the living to those that had been slain, and fi-om the dead to the living. Nay, the terror was so very great, that he who sur- vived called them that were first dead happy, as being at rest already ; as did those that were under torture in the prisons, declare, that, upon this comparison, those that lay unburied were the happiest. These men, there- fore, trampled upon all the laws of man, and laughed at the laws of God : and for the ora- cles of the prophets, they ridiculed them as the tricks of jugglers ; yet did these prophets foretell many things concerning [the rewards of] virtue, and [punishments of] vice, which when these zealots violated, they occasioned the fulfilling ©f those very propheciea belomgiwg 694 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK IV. to their own country: for there was a certain ancient oracle of those men, that the city should then be taken and the sanctuary burnt, by right of war, when a sedition should invade the Jews, and their own hand should pollute the temple of God.* Now, while these zealots did not [quite] disbelieve these predictions, they made themselves the instru- ments of their accomphshment. CHAPTER YIL HOW JOHN TYRANNIZED OVER THE REST ; AND WHAT MISCHIEFS THE ZEALOTS DID AT MASADA. HOW ALSO VESPASIAN TOOK GADARA; AND WHAT ACTIONS WERE PER- FORMED BY PLACID us. § 1. By this time John was beginning to tyrannize, and thought it beneath him to accept of barely the same honours that others had ; and joining to himself by degrees a party of the most wicked of them all, he broke off from the rest of the faction. This was brought about by his still disagreeing with the opinions of others, and giving out injunctions of his own, iit a very imperious manner; so that it was evident he was setting up a monarchical power. Now some sub- mitted to him out of their fear of him, and others out of their good- will to him; for he was a shrewd man to entice men to him, both iby deluding them and putting cheats upon them. Nay, many there were that thought the^' should be safer themselves, if the causes of their past insolent actions should now be reduced to one head, and not to a great many. His activity was so great, and that both in action and counsel, that he had not a few guards about him; yet was there a great party of his antagonists that left him; among whom envy at him weighed a great deal, while they thought it a very heavy thing to be in sub- jection to one that was formerly their equal. But the main reason that moved men against him was the dread of monarchy, for they could not hope easily to put an end to his power, if he had once obtained it; and yet they knew that he would have this pretence • This prediction, that the citv (Jerusalem) should then '- DC taken, and the sanctuary burnt by rit;ht of war, wiif I. a Bcdiliun should invade the Jews, and their oah hands should pollute that temple;" or as it is, b. vi. ch. II. sect 1, "when any one bhuuld begin to slay his ci^untrymen in the city," is wanting in our present copies oi the Old Testament. See Essay on Hik Old 1 esta- nicnl, p. 104— li;;i. But this prediction, as Josephus well remarks heie, thuugW^ with other predictions of the prophets, it was now laughed at by the seditious. «ras by their very means soon exactly tullilled. How- ever, 1 cannot but ht re take notice of Grutius's positive asM-rtion upon Mat xxvi y, here quotea by Dr. Hud- son, that •• it ought to he taken lor granted, as a certain truth, that many predictions ot the Jewish prophets Vftn preserved, nut in writing, but by iuein.>ry." VVhere- M, it M«oit to me so far from certain, that 1 think it has > Dor pr*l -*Mlity at all. always against them^ that they had opposed him when he was first advanced; while every one chose rather to suffer any thii^g whatso- ever in war, than that, when they had been in a voluntary slavery for some time, they should afterward perish. So the sedition was divided into two parts, and John reigned in opposition to his adversaries over one of them: but for their leaders, they watched one another, nor did they at all, or at least very lit- tle, meddle with arins in their quarrels ; but they fought earnestly agauist the people, and con- • tended one with another which of them should bring home the greatest prey. But because the city had to struggle with three of the greatest misfortunes, war, and tyranny, and sedition, it appeared, upon the comparison,' that the war was the least troublesome to the populace of them all. Accordingly, they ran away from their own houses to foreigners, and obtained that preservation from the Romans, which they despaired to obtain among their own people. 2. And now a fourth misfortune arose, in order to bring our nation to destruction. There was a fortress of very great strength not far from Jerusalem, which had been built by our ancient kings, both as a repository for their effects in the hazards of war, ana for the preservation of their bodies at the same time. It is called Masada. Those that were called SicariihBd taken possession of it formerly; but at this time they overran the neighbour- ing countries, aiming only to procure to them- selves necessaries; for the fear they were then in prevented their further ravages; but when once they were informed that the lioinan army lay still,andthattheJewsweredivided betwee»i sedition and tyranny, they boldly undertook greater matters; and at the feast of unleavened bread, which the Jews celebrate in meniory of their deliverance from the Egyptian bond- age, when they were sent back into the couiu try of their forefathers, they came down by night, without being discovered by those that could have prevented them, and overran a certain small city called Engaddi: — in which ei^pedition they prevented those citizens that could have stopped them, before they could arm themselves and light them. They also dispersed them, and cast them out of the city, , As for such as could not run away, being women and children, they slew of them above seven hundred. Afterward, when they had carried every thing out of their houses, and had seized upon all the fruits that were in a nourishing condition, they brought them into Alasada. And indeed these men laid all the villages that were about the fortress waste, and made the whole country desolate; while there came to them every day from all parts, not a few men as corrupt as themselves. At this time all the other region» of Juiiea that had hitherto been at rebt were ni mutton, by nte«ii9 of the robbtiiii. Now uk u is m a Lumuit oo<iy, CH\P. VII. WARS OF THE JEWS. 695 if the principal part be inflamed, all the mem- bers are subject to the same distemper, so by means of the sedition and disorder that was in the metropolis had the wicked men that were in the country opportunity to ravage the same. Accordingly, when every one of them had plundered their own villages, they then retired into the desert; yet were these men that now got together and joined in the conspiracy by parties, too small for an army, and too many for a gang of thieves: and thus did they fall upon the holy places* and the cities; yet did it now so happen that they were sometimes very ill treated by those upon whom they fell with such violence, and were taken by them as men are taken in war: but still they pre- vented any farther punishment as do robbers, who as soon as their ravages [are discovered], run their way. Nor was there now any part of Judea that was not in a miserable condi- tion, as well as its most eminent city also. 3. These things were told Vespasian by deserters; for although the seditious watched all the passages out of the city, and destroyed all, whosoever they were, that came thither, yet were there some that had concealed them- selves, and, when they had fled to the Romans, persuaded their general to come to their city's assistance, and save the remainder of the peo- ple; informing him withal, that it was upon account of the people's good- will to the Romans thdt many of them were already slain, and the Burvivors in danger of the same treatment. Ve-spaaian did indeed already pity the calami- ties tiiese men were in, and arose, in appear- mce, as though he was going to besiege Jerusalem, — but in reality to deliver them Vom a [worse] siege they were already under. However he was obliged at first to overthrow what remained elsewhere, and to leave nothing out of Jerusalem behind him that might interrupt him in that siege. Accordingly he marched against Gadara, the metropolis of Perea, which was a place of strength, and 2ntered that city on the fourth day of the .ijonth Dystrus [Adar]; for the men of power had sent an en)bassage to him, without the knowledge of the seditious, to treat about i surrender; which they did out of the desire they had of peace, and for saving their effects, Dccause many of the citizens of Gadara were rich men. This embassy the opposite party Knew nothing of, but discovered it as Vespa- sian was approaching near the city. How- ever, they despaired of keeping possession "i)f the city, as being inferior in number to • By these Ji;-*, or "holy places." as distinct from cities, must be meant '* prosfuci.ie." or •■ tiouses ot |;inyiT" out of cities: of wtiicii we tiiid mention made in the New i'estament and other auih »rs. !See Lu-.e vi. 12; Arts xvi l.'J, l(i; ->ntiq.b.xiv.ch.x. sectiJ; Josephiis's L.tt. !>ert. o4. "In qua te quajro prosencha," Juvenal t-if. in. ver 896. They were siiiiated sometimes by the 6"d»» ot riTei*, Acts xvi. \i, or by tlie sea-side, Antiij L. XIV. ch X. sect. 'i3. So did the seveiitv-two interpreter'* gv> ; I pray every murnint; by the sea-siiie, i>efure ihe> went to their work, b. xil oh. ii. sect lat their enemies who vrere wthm the city, and seeing the Romans very near to the city; so they resolved to fly, but thought it dishonour- able to do it without shedding some blood, and revenging themselves on the a^ithors of this surrender; so they seized upon Dolesus (a person not only the first in rank and family in that city, but one that seemed the occasion of sending such an embassy) and slew him, and trea*^ed his dead body after a barbarous man- ner, so very violent was their anger at him, and then ran out of the city. And as now the Roman army was just upon them, the people of Gadara admitted Vespasian with joyful acclamations, and received from him the security of his right hand, as also a garri- son of horsemen and footmen, to guard them against the excursions of the runagates; for as to their wall, they had pulled it down- before the Rotnans desired them so to do, that they might thereby give them assurance that they were lovers of peace, and that, if they had a mind, they could not now make war against them. 4. And now Vespasian sent Placidus against those that had fled from Gadara, with five hundred horsemen, and three thousand foot- men, while he returned himself to Cesarea, with the rest of the army. But as soon as these fugitives saw the horsemen that pursued them just upon their backs, and before they came to a close fight, they ran together to a certain village, which was called Btthnnna- bris, where finding a great multitude of young men, and arming them, partly by their own consent and partly by force, they .""ashly and suddenly assaulted Placidus and the troops that were with him. These horsemen at the first onset gave way a little, as contriving to entice them farther off the wall; and when they had drawn them into a place lit for their purpose, they made their horse encompass them round, and threw their darts at them. So the horsemen cut off the flight of the fugi- tives, while the foot terribly destroyed those that fought against theiTi; for those Jews did no more than show their courage, and then were destroyed; for as they fell upon the Romans when they were joined close together, and, as it were, walled about with their entire armour, they were not able to find any place where the darts could enter, nor were they any way able to break their ranks, while they were themselves run through by the Roman darts, and, like the wildest of wild beasts, rushed upon the points of the others' swords; so some of them were destroyed, as cut with their enemies' sworijp upon their faces, and others were dispersed by the horsemen. o. Now Placidus's concern was to exclude them in their flight from getting into the vil- lage; and causing his horse to march coiiti- nucilly on that side of thetn, he then turned short upon the(n, and at the satne time hiti men made use of thtiir darts, and easily took 696 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK IV their aim at t'nose that were the nearest to them, as they made those that were farther off turn 6ack by the terror they were in, till at last the most courageous of them brake through those horsemen, and fled to the wall of the village. And now those that guarded the wall were in great doubt what to do ; for they could not bear the thoughts of excluding those that came from Gadara, because of their own people that were among them ; and yet, if they should admit them, they expected to perish with them, which came to pass accord- ingly ; for as they were crowding together at the wall, the Roman horsemen were just ready to fall in with them. However, the guards prevented them, and shut the gates, when Placidus made an assault upon them, and, fighting courageously till it was dark, he got possession of the wall, and of the peo- ple that were in the city, when the useless multitude were destroyed ; but those that were more potent ran away ; and the soldiers plundered the houses, and set the village on fire. As for those that ran out of the village, they stirred up such as were in the country, and exaggerating their own calamities, and telling them that the whole army of the Ro- mans were upon them, they put them into great fear on every side ; so they got in great numbers together, and fled to Jericho, for they knew no other place that could afford them any hope of escaping, it being a city that had a strong wall, and a great multitude of inhabitants. But Placidus, relying much upon his horsemen and his former good suc- cess, followed them, and slew all that he over- took, as far as Jordan; and when he had driven the whole multitude to the river side, where they were stopped by the current (for it had been augmented lately by rains, and was not fordable), he put his soldiers in array over against them ; so the necessity the others were in, provoked them to hazard a battle, because there was no place whither they could flee. They then extended themselves a very great way along the bank of the river, and sustained the darts that were thrown at them as well as the attacks of the horse- men who beat many of them, and pushed them into the current. At which fight, hand to hand, fifteen thousand of them were slain, while the number of those that were unwil- lingly forced to leap into Jordan was prodi- gious. There wiere besides, two thousand and two hundred taken prisoners. A mighty prey was taken also, consisting of astes, and sheep, and camels, and oxen. 6. Now this destruction that fell upon the Jews, as it was not inlvrior to any of the rest in itself, so did it still appear great* r than it really was ; and this, because not only the whole of the country through which they fled was filled with slaughter, and Jordan could not be passed over, by reason of the dead podiei that were in it, but because the lake Asphaltitis was also full of dead bodies, that were carried down into it by the river. And now placidus, after this good success that he had, fell violently upon the neighbouring smaller cities and villages ; when he took Abila, and Julias, and Bezemoth, and all those that lay as far as the lake Asphaltitis, and put such of the deserters into each of them as he thought proper. He then put his soldiers on board the ships, and slew such as had fled to the lake, insomuch that all Perea had either surrendered themselves, or were taken by the Romans, as far as Macherus. CHAPTER Vni. HOW VESPASIAN, UPON HEARING OF SOME COMMOTIONS IN GALL,* MADE HASTE TO FINISH THE JEWISH WAR. A DESCRIPTION OF JERICHO, AND OF THE GREAT PLAIN : WITH AN ACCOUNT BESIDES OF THE LAKE ASPHALTITIS. § 1. In the mean time, an account came that there were commotions in Gall, and that Vin- dex, together with the men of power in that country, had revolted from Nero ; which affair is more accurately described elsewhere. This report thus, related to Vespasian, excited him to go on briskly with the war ; for he foresaw already the civil wars which were coming upon them, nay, that the very government was in danger ; and he thought, if he could first re- duce the eastern parts of the empire to peace, he should make the fears for Italy the lighter; while therefore the winter was his hinderance [from going into the field], he put garrisons into the villages and smaller cities for their security ; he put decurions also into the villa- ges, and centurions into the cities ; he besides this rebuilt many of the cities that had bec'n laid waste ; but at the beginning of the spring he took the greatest part of his army, and led it from Cesarea to Antipatris, where he spent two days in settling the affairs of that city, and then, on the third day, he marched on, laying waste and burning all the neighbour- ing villages. And when he had laid waste all the places about the toparchy of Thaninas, he passed on to Lydda and Jamnia; and when both those cities had come over to him, he placed a great many of those that had come over to him [from other places] as in- habitants therein, and then came to Emmans, where he seized upon the passages which led thence to their metropolis, and fortified his camp, and leaving the fifth legion therein, he came to the toparchy of Bethletcphon. He then destroyed that place, and the neiph- bouring places, by fire, and fortified, nt proper places, the strong holds all about Idumoa; * Gr.GaI»tia, and so •Ttrywbere. CHAP. VIII. "WAES OF THE JEWS. 697 and when he had seized upon two villages, which were in the very midst of Idumea, Betaris and Caphartobas, he slew above ten thousand of the people, and carried into ca|>- tivity above a thousand, and drove away the rest of the multitude, and placed no small part of his own forces in them, who over-ran and laid waste the whole mountainous coun- try; while, he with the rest of his forces, returned to Emmaus, whence he came down through the country of Samaria, and hard by the city by others called Neapolis (or Sichem), but by the people of that country Mabortha, to Corea, where he pitched his camp, on the second day of the month Daesius [Sivan]; and on the day following he came to Jericho ; on which day Trajan, one of his commanders, joined him with the forces he brought out of Perea, all the places beyond Jordan being subdued already. 2. Hereupon a great multitude prevented their approach, and came out of Jericho, and fled to those mountainous parts that lay over- against Jerusalena, while that part which was left behind was in a great measure destroyed : they also found the city desolate. It is situ- ated in a plain; but a naked and barren mountain, of a great length, hangs over it, which extends itself to the land about Scytho- polis northward, but as far as the country of Sodom and the utmost limits of the lake Asphaltitis southward. This mountain is all of it very uneaven and uninhabited, by reason of its barrenness : there is an opposite mountain that is situated over-against it, on the other side of Jordan : this last begins at Julias and the northern quarters, and extends itself southward as far as Somorrhon,* which is the * bounds of Petra, in Arabia. In this ridge of mountains there is one called the Iron Moun- tain, that runs in length as far as Moab. Now the region that lies in the middle between these ridges of mountains, is called the Great Plain ; it reaches from the village Ginnabris, as far as the lake Asphaltitis ; its length is two hun- dred and thirty furlongs, and its breadth a hundred arid twenty, and it is divided in the midst by Jordan. It hath two lakes in it; that of Asphaltitis, and that of Tiberias, whose natures are opposite to each other; for the former is salt and unfruitful ; but that of Tibe- rias is sweet and fruitful. This plain is much burnt up in summer-time, and, by reason of the extraordinary heat, contains a very unwholesome air ; it is all destitute of water excepting the river Jordan, which water of Jordan is the occasion why those plantations of palm-trees that are near its banks, are more flourishing, and much more fruitful, as are those * Whether this Somorrhon, or Somorrha, ought not to be here written Gomorrha, as some MSS. in a manner have it (for the place meant by Josephus seems to be near Segor, or Zoar, at the very south of the Dead Sea, hard by which stood Sodom and Gomorrha), can- not now be certainly determined; but seems by no means improbable. that are remote from it not so flourishing, or fruitful. 3. Notwithstanding which, there is a foun- tain by Jericho, that runs plentifully, and is very fit for watering the ground: it arises near the old city, which Joshua, the son of Nun, the general of the Hebrews, took the first of all the cities of the land of Canaan, by right of war. The report is, that this fountain, at the beginning, caused not only the blasting of the earth and the trees, but of the children born of women ; and that it was entirely of a sickly and corruptive nature to all things whatsoever, but that it was made gentle, and very wholesome and fruitful, by the prophet Elisha. This prophet was fami- liar with Elijah, and was his successor, who when he once was the guest of the people of Jericho, and the men of the place had treated him very kindly, he both made them amends as well as the country, by a lasting favour; for he went out of the city to this fountain, and threw into the current an earthen vessel full of salt ; after which he stretched out his righteous hand unto heaven, and, pouring out a mild drink-ofiering, he made this sup- plication, — That the current might be molli fied, and that the veins of fresh water might be opened : that God also would bring into the place a more temperate and fertile air for the current, and would bestow upon the peo pie of that country plenty of the fruits of the earth, and a succession of children ; and tha* this prolific water might never fail them while they continued to be righteous.f To these prayers EUsha joined proper operation of his hands, after a skilful manner, and changed the fountain ; and that water, which had been the occasion of barrenness and famine before, from that time did supply a numerous posterity, and afforded great abun dance to the country. Accordingly, the power of it is so great in watering the ground, tha* if it do but once touch a country, it affords a sweeter nourishment than other waters do when they lie so long upon them, till they are satiated with them. For which reason, the advantage gained from other waters, when they flow in great plenty, is but small, while that of this water is great when it flows even in little quantities. Accordingly, it water a larger space of ground than any other waters do, and passes along a plain of seventy fur longs long, and twenty broad ; wherein i* affords nourishment to those most excellen gardens that are thick set with trees. There are in it many sorts of palm-trees that are watered by it, different from each other in taste and name ; the better sort of them, when they are pressed, yield an excellent kind of honey, not much inferior in sweetness to other t This excellent prayer of Elisha is wanting in our copies, 2 Kings ii. 21, 22, though it be referred to alsf in the Apostolical Constitutions, b. vii. ch. 37 ; and tJl succofis of it is mentioned in them all. VJ " (598 WARS OF THL JEWS. BOOK IV. honey. This country withal produces honey from bees: it also bears that balsam which is the most precious of all the fruits in that place, cypress-trees also, and those that bear myrobalanuin; so that he who should pro- nounce this place to be divine would not be mistaken, wherein is such plenty of trees pro- duced as are very rare, and of the most excel- lent sort. And indeed, if we speak of those other fruits, it will not be easy to light on any climate in the habitable earth that can well be compared to it, — what is here sown comes up in such clusters: the cause of which seems to me to be the warmth of the air ajid the fer- tility of the waters; the warmth calling forth the sprouts, and making them spread, and the moisture making every one of them take root firmly, and supplying that virtue which it stands in need of in summer-time. Now this country is then so sadly burnt up, that no- body cares to come at it; and if the water be drawn up before sun-rising, and after that ex- posed to the air, it becomes exceeding cold, and becomes of a nature quite contrary to the ambient air: as in winter again it becomes warm; and if you go into it, it appears very gentle. The ambient air is here also of so good a temperature, that the people of the country are clothed in linen only, even when enow covers the rest of Judea. This place is one hundred and fifty furlongs from Jerusa- lem, and sixty from Jordan. The country, as far as Jerusalem, is desert and stony; but that as far as Jordan and the lake Asphal- titis lies lower indeed, though it be equally desert and barren. But so much shall suffice to have been said about Jericho, and of the great happiness of its situation. 4. The nature of the lake Asphaltitis is also worth describing. It is, as I have said already, bitter and unfruitful. It is so light [or thick] that it bears up the heaviest things that are thrown into it; nor is it easy for any one to make things sink therein to the bottom, if he had a mind so to do. Accordingly, when Vespasian went to see it, he commanded that some who could not swim, should have their hands tied behind them, and be thrown into the deep, when it so happened that they all swam as if a wind had forced them up- wards. Moreover, the chang* of the colour of this lake is wonderful, for it changes its appearance thrice every day; and as the rays, of the sun fall differently upon it, the light is variously reflected. However, it casts up black clods of bitumen in many parts of it; these swiru at the lop of tlie water, and re- Bemble both in shape and bigness headless bulls: and when the labourers that belong to the lake come to it, and catch hold of it as it bangs together, they draw it into their ships; but when the ship is full, it is not easy to cut off the rest, for it is so tenacious as to make the ship hang upon its clods till they set it looM with the menstrual blood of women, and vvith urine, to which alone it yields. This bitumen is not only useful for the caulkir.g of ships, but for the cure of men's bodies: ac- cordingly, it is mixed in a great many medi- cines. The length of this lake is live hundred and eighty furlongs, where it is extended as far as Zoar, in Arabia ; and its breadth is a hundred and fifty. The country of Sodom borders upon it.* It was of old a most happy land, both for the fruits it bore and the riches of its cities, although it be now all burnt up. It is related how, for the impiety of its inhabitants, it was burnt by lightning; in consequence of which there are still the remainders of that divine fire; and the traces [or shadows] of the five cities are still to be seen, as well as the ashes growing in their fruits, which fruits have a colour as if they were fit to be eaten; but if you pluck them with your hands, they dissolve into smoke and ashes. And thus what is related of this land of Sodom hath these marks of credibility which our very sight dfibrds us. CHAPTER IX. THAT VESPASIAN, AFTER HE HAD TATIEN GADARA, MADE PREPARATION FOR THK SIEGE OF JERUSALEM; BUT THAT, UPON HIS HEARING OF THE DEATH OF NERO, HJC CHANGED HIS INTENTIONS: AS ALSO, CON- CERNING SIMON OF GERASA. § 1. And now Vespasian had fortified all the places round about Jerusalem, and erected citadels at Jericho and Adida, and placed gar- risons in them both, partly out of his own Romans, and partly out of the body of bin auxiliaries. He also sent Lucius Annius t# Gerasa, and delivered to him a body of horse- men, and a considerable number of footmea So when he had taken the city, which he di/ at the first onset, he slew a thousand of thos» young men who had not prevented him bj flying away; but he took their families cap- tive, and permitted his soldiers to plundei them of their etfects; after which he set fire to their houses, and went away to the adjoin- ing villages, while the men of power fled away, and the weaker part were destroyed, and what was remaining was all burnt down. And now the war having gone through all the mountainous country, and all the plain country also, those tl)at were at Jerusalem were deprived of the liberty of going out of the city ; for as to such as had a mind to de- sert, tiiey were watclied by the zealots; and as to such as were not yet on the side of the Romans, their army kept them in, by encom^ passing the city round about on all sides. 2. 2^ow us Vespasian was returned io I • See Uio note on b t. ch xiii. sect, d. CHAP. IX. WARS OF THE JEWS. 699 Cesarea, and was getting ready with all his army to march directly to Jerusalem, he w^as Informed that Nero was dead, after he had reigned thirteen years and eight days. But as to any narration after what manner he abused his power in the government, and committed the management of affairs to those vile wretches, Nymphidius and Tigellinus, his unworthy ireedmen; and how he had a plot laid against him by them, and was deserted by all his guards, and ran away with four of his most trusty freedmen, and slew himself in the sub- urbs of Rome; and how those that occasioned his death were, in no long time, brought themselves to punishment; how also the war in Gall ended; and how Galba was made emperor,* and returned out of Spain to Rome; and how he was accused by the soldiers as a pusillanimous person, and slain by treachery in the middle of the market-place at Rome, Rnd Otho was made emperor; with his expedi- tion against the commanders of Vitellius, and his destruction thereupon; and besides what troubles there were under Vitellius, and the fight that was about the Capitol; as also how Antonius Primus and Mucianus slew Vitel- lius, and his German legions, and thereby put an end to that civil war, — I have omitted to give an exact account of them, because they are well known by all, and they are described by a great number of Greek and Roman authors; yet for the sake of the connection of matters, and that my history may not be incoherent, I have just touched upon every thing briefly. Wherefore Vespasian put off at first his expedition against Jeru- salem, and stood waiting whither the empire would be transferred after the death of Nero. Moreover, when he heard that Galba was made emperor, he attempted nothing till he also should send him some directions about the war: however, he sent his son Titus to him, to salute him, and to receive his com- mands about the Jews. Upon the very same errand did king Agrippa sail along with Titus to Galba; but as they were sailing in their long ships by the coasts of Achaia, for it was winter-time, they heard that Galba was slain, before they could get to him, after he had reigned geven mi/nths and a? :nany days. After whom Otho took the government, and undertook the management of public affairs. So Agrippa resolved to go on to Rome without any terror on account of the change in the government; but Titus, by a divine impulse, sailed back from Greece to Syria, and came in great haste to Cesarea, to his father. And now they were both in sus- pense about the public affairs, the Roman • Of these Roman affairs and tumults under Galba. Ot.uO,and Viteljiu*, here only touched upon by Josephus. flee Tacitus, Suetonius, and Dio. more largely. How- i "r. we may observe with Ottius, that Jusephus writes tiie name ot the second of them not Otto, with mai.y oU:ers. but Utho, with the coins. See also the note on tt \i.iect ^ empire being then in a fluctuating condition, and did not go on with their expedition against the Jews, but thought that to make any attack upon foreigners was now unseasonable, on account of the solicitude they were in for their own country. 3. And now there arose another war at Jerusalem. There was a son of Giora, one Simon, by birth of Gerasa, a young man, not so cunning indeed as John [of Gischala], who had already seized upon the city, but superior in strength of body and courage; on which account, when he had been driven away from that Acrabattene toparchy, which he once had, by Ananus the high-priest, he came to those robbers who had seized upon Masada. At first they suspected him, and only permitted him to come with the women he brought with him into the lower part of the fortress, while they dwelt in the upper part of it themselves. However, his manner so well agreed with theirs, and he seemed so trusty a man, that he went out with them, and ravaged and destroyed the country with them about Masada; yet when he persuaded them to undertake greater things, he could not prevail with them so to do; for as they were accustomed to dwell in that citadel, they were afraid of going far from that which was their hiding-place; but he affecting to tyrannize, and being fond of great- ness, when he had heard of the death of Ananus, left them, and went into the moun- tainous part of the country. So he proclaimed liberty to those in slavery, and a reward to those already free, and got together a set oJ wicked men from all quarters. 4. And as he had now a strong body of men about him, he over-ran the villages that lay in the mountainous country, and when there were still more and more that came to him, he ventured to go down into the lower parts of the country, and since he was now become formidable to the cities, many of the men of power were corrupted by him; so that his army was no longer composed of slaves and robbers, but a great many of the populace were obedient to him as to their king. He then over-ran the Acrabattene toparchy, and ♦he places that reached as far as the Great Idumea; for he built a wall at a certain village called Nain, and made use of that as a fortress for his own party's security; and at te valley called Paran, he enlarged many ot e caves, and many others he found readv for his purpose; these he made use of as r'.posi- tories for his treasures, and receptacles for his prey, and therein he laid up the fruito that he had got by rapine; and many of b'.s partisans had their dwelling in them; and he made no secret of it that he was exercising his men beforehand, and making prefiarations for the assault of Jerusalem. 5. Whereupon the zealots, out of the dread they were in of his attacking them, and being willing to prevent one that was growing up lo 700 WAES OF THE JEWS. BOOK ir oppose them, went out against him with their weapons. Simon met them, and joining bat- tle with them, slew a considerable number of them, and drove the rest before him into the city: but durst not trust so much upon his forces as to make an assault upon the walls ; but he resoived first to subdue Idumea, and as he had now twenty thousand armed men, he marched to the borders of their country. Hereupon the rulers of the Idumeans got toge- ther on the sudden the most warlike part of their people, about 'twenty-five thousand in number, and permitted the rest to be a guard to their own country, by reason of the incur- sions that were made by the Sicarii that were at Masada. Thus they received Simon at their botders, where they fought him and conti- nued the battle all that day; and the dispute lay whether they had conquered him or been conquered by him. So he went back to Nain, as did the Idumeans return home. Nor was it long ere Simon came violently again upon their country ; when he pitched his camp at a cer- tain village called Thecoe, and sent Eleazar, one of his companions, to those that kept gar- rison at Herodium, and in order to persuade them to surrender that fortress to him. The garrison received this man readily, while they knew nothing of what he came about; but as soon as he talked of the surrender of the place, they fell upon him with their drawn swords, till he found he had no place for flight, when he threw himself down from the wall into the valley beneath ; so he died immediately: but the Idumeans, who were already much afraid of Simon^s power, thought fit to take a view of the enemy's army before Uiey hazarded a battle with him. 6. Now, there was one of their comman- ders, named Jacob, who offered to serve them readily upon that occasion, but had it in his mind to betray them. He went therefore from the village Alurus, wherein the army of the Idumeans were gotten together, and came to Simon, and at the very first he agreed to betray his country to him, and took assurances upon oath from him that he should always have him in esteem, and then promised him that he would assist him in subduing all Idumea under him ; upon which account he was feasted after an obliging manner by Simon, and elevated by his mighty promises ; and when he was returned to hiis own men, he at first belied the army of Simon, and sa^ it was manifold more in number than what it was; after which, he dexterously persuaded the commanders, and by degrees the whole multitude, to receive Simon, and to surrender the whole government up to him wit*iout fighting ; and as he was doing this, he invited Simon by his messengers, and promised him to disperse the Idumeans, which he performed also ; for as soon as their army was nigh them, he first of all got upon his horse, and fled, togetb«r with those whom he had corrupted ; hereupon a terror fell upon the whole multf tude; and before it came to a close fight, they broke their ranks, and every one retired to his own home. 7. Thus did Simon unexpectedly march into Idumea, without bloodshed, and made a sudden attack upon the city Hebron, and took it ; wherein he got possession of a great deal of prey, and plundered it of a vast quan- tity of fruit. Now, the people of the coun- try say, that it is an ancienter city, not only than any in that country, but than Memphis in Egypt, and accordingly its age is reckoned at two thousand and three hundred years. They also relate that it had been the habita- tion of Abram, the progenitor of the Jews> after he had removed out of Mesopotamia ; and they say that his posterity descended from thence into Egypt, whose monuments are to this very time shown in that small city t the fabric of which monuments are of the most excellent marble, and wrought after the most elegant manner. There is also there shown, at the distance of six furlongs from the city, a very large turpentine-tree ;* and the report goes, that this tree has continued ever since the creation of the world.^ Thence did Simon make his progress over all Idumea, and did not only ravage the cities and villages, but laid waste the whole country; for, besides those that were completely armed, he had forty thousand men that followed him, inso- much that he had not provisions enough to suffice such a multitude. Now, besides this want of provisions that he was in, he was of a barbarous disposition, and bore great anger at this nation, by which means it came to pasa that Idumea was greatly depopulated ; and as one may see all the woods behind despoiled of their leaves by locusts, after they have been there, so was there nothing left behind Simon's army but a desert. Some places they burnt down, some they utterly demolished, and whatsoever grew in the country, they either trod it down or fed upon it, and by their marches they made the ground that was cultivated, harder and more untractable than that which was barren. In short, there was no sign remaining of those places that had been laid waste, that ever they had had a being. 8. This success of Simon excited the zea- lots afresh ; and though they were afraid to fight him openly in a fair battle, yet did they lay ambushes in the passes, and seized upon his wife, with a considerable number of her attendants ; whereupon they came back to the city rejoicing, as if they had taken Simon himself captive, and were in present expecta- tion that he would lay down his arms, and * Some of the nncients mil this famous tree, or grovej. an oak; ollierR, a turpentine-tree, or grove. It Las been very famous In kU tlie i^apt nges, and is fo, I sup- poHc, at this dny, nn<l that particularly for an eminent mart, or meeting of merchants Ujore every year, m th* travellcrB lnfi>rm uk CHAP. IX. WARS OF THE JEWS. 701 make supplication to them for his wife ; but instead of indulging any merciful affections, he grew very angry at them for seizing his beloved wife ; so he came to the wall of Jeru- salem, and, like wild beasts when they are wounded, and cannot overtake those that wounded them, he vented his spleen upon all persons that he met with. Accordingly, he caught all those that were come out of the city-gates, either to gather herbs or sticks, who were unarmed and in years; he then tormented them and destroyed them, out of the immense rage he was in, and was almost ready to taste the very flesh of their dead bodies. He also cut off the hands of a great many, and sent them into the city to astonish his enemies, and in order to make the people fall into a sedition, and desert those that had been the authors of his wife's seizure. He also enjoined them to tell the people that Si- mon swore by the God of the universe, who sees all things, that unless they will restore him his wife, he will break down their wall, and inflict the like punishment upon all the citizens, without sparing any age, and with- out making any distinction between the guilty and the innocent. These threatenings so greatly affrighted, not the people only, but the zealots themselves also, that they sent his wife back to him, — when he becerae a little milder, and left off his perpetual blood-shed- ding. 9. But now sedition and civil war prevailed, not only over Judea, but in Italy also; for now Galba was slain in the midst of the Roman market-place ; then was Otho made emperor, and fought against Vitellius, who set up for emperor also; for the legions in Germany had chosen him : but when he gave battle to Valens and Cicinna, who were Vitellius's generals, at Betriacum, in Gall, Otho gained the advantage on the first day ; but on the second day Vitellius's soldiers had the victory: and after much slaughter, Otho slew himself, when he had heard of this defeat at Brixia, and after he had managed the public affairs three months and two days.* Otho's army also came over to Vitel- lius's generals, and he came himself down to Rome with his army; but in the mean time Vespasian removed from Cesarea, on the fifth day of the month Daesius [Sivan], and marched against those places of Judea which were not yet overthrown. So he went up to the mountainous county, and took those two toparchies that were called the Gophnitick and Acrabattene toparchies. After which he took Bethel and Ephraim, two small cities ; and when he had put garrisons into them, he rode as far as Jerusalem, in which march he took many prisoners, and many captives. But Cerealis, one of his commanders, * Suetonius differs harJly three days from Josephus, and says Otho perished on the ninety-fifth day of his Teisn. In Othon. See the note, ch. xi. sect. 1. took a body of horsemen and footmen, and laid waste that part of Idumea which was called the Upper Idumea, and attacked Caphethra, which pretended to be a small city, and took it at the first onset, and burnt it down. He also attacked Capharabim, and laid siege to it, for it had a very strong wall/ and when he expected to spend a long tim in that siege, those that were within opened ^ their gates on the sudden, and came to beg ' pardon, and surrendered themselves up to him. When CereaHs had conquered them he went to Hebron, another very ancient city. I have told you already, that this city is situated in a mountainous country not far off Jerusa- lem ; and when he had broken into the city by force, what multitude and young men were left therein he slew, and burnt down the city ; so that as now all the places were taken, excepting Herodium, and Masada, and Mache- rus, which where in the possession of the robbers, so Jerusalem was what the Romans at present aimed at. 10. And now, as soon as Simon had set his wife free, and recovered her from the zea- lots, he returned back to the remainders of Idumea, and driving the nation all before him from all quarters, he compelled a great number of them to retire to Jerusalem ; he followed them himself also to the city, and encompassed the wall all round again ; and when he lighted upon any labourers that were coming thither out of the country, he slew them. Now this Simon, who was without the wall, was a greater terror to the people than the Romans themselves, as were the zealots who were within it more heavy upon them than both of the other; and during this time did the mischievous contrivances and courage [of John] corrupt the body of the Galileans; for these Galileans had advanced this John, and made him very potent, who made them a suitable requital from the authority he had obtained by their means ; for he permitted them to do all things that any of them desired to do, while their inclination to plunder was insatiable, as was their zeal in searching the houses of the rich ; and for the murdering of the men, and abusing of the women, it was sport to them. They also devoured what spoils they had taken, together with their blood, and indulged themselves in feminine wantonness, without any disturbance, till they were satiated therewith : while they decked their hair, and put on women's' garments, and were besmeared over with ointments ; and that they might appear very comely, they had paints under their eyes, and imitated, not only the ornaments, but also the lusts of women, and were guilty of such intolerable . uncleanness, that they invented unlawful plea- sures of that sort. And thus did they roll themselves up and down the city, as in a bro- thel-house, and defiled it entirely with their impure actions : nay, while their faces lookad 702 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK IV, like the faces of women, they killed with their right hands; and when their gait was eflfe- ' minate, they presently attacked men, and ^ became warriors, and drew their swords from under their finely- dyed cloaks, and ran every body through whom they alighted upon. However, Simon waited for such as ran away from John, and was the more bloody tf the two: and he who had escaped the tyrant within the wall, was destroyed by the other that lay before the gates. So that all attempts of flying and deserting to the Romans were cut oflf, if any had a mind so to do. 11. Yet did the army that was under John raise a sedition against him; and all the Idumeans separated themselves from the tyrant, and attempted to destroy him, and this out of their envy at his power and hatred of his cruelty; so they got together, and slew many of the zealots, and drove the rest before them into that royal palace that was built by Grapte, who was a relation of Izates, the king of Adiabene ; the Idumeans fell in with them and drove the zealots out thence into the tem- ple, and betook themselves to plunder John's elfects; for both he himself was in that palace, and therein had he laid up the spoils he had acquired by his tyranny. In the mean time, the multitude of those zealots that were dispersed over the city ran together to the temple unto those that had fled thither, and John prepared to bring them down against the people and the Idumeans, who vi^ere not so much afraid of being attacked by them, (because they were themselves better soldiers than they), as at their madness, lest they should privately sally out of the temple and get among them, and not only destroy them, but set the city on fire also. So they assembled themselves together, and the high-ppests with them, and took counsel after what manner they should avoid their assault. Now it was God who turned their opinions to the worst advice, and thence they devised such a remedy to get themselves free, as was worse than the disease itself. Accordingly, in order to overthrow John, they determined to admit Simon, and earnestly to desire the introduction of a second tyrant into the city; which reso- lution they brought to perfection, and sent Matthias, the hij^h priest, to beseech this Si- mon to come in to them, of whom they had so often been afraid. Those also that had fled trom the -zealots in Jerusalem joined in this request to him, out of the desire they hac of preserving their houses and their effects. Accordingly, he, in an arrogant manner, grant- ed them tiis lordly protection, and came into the city, in order to deliver it from the zealots. The people also made jovlul acclamations to him, as their saviour and tlieir preserver; but when he was come in with his army, he took caic to secure his own authority, and looked U|M>u those that bad inviteU biiii to be no less his enemies than those against whom the invi- tation was intended. 12. And thus did Simon get possession of Jerusalem, in the third year of the war, in the month Xanthicus [Nisa!)]; whereupon John, with hjs multitude of zealots, as being both prohibited from coming out of the temple, and having lost their power in the city (for Simon and his party had plundered them of what they had), were in despair of deliverance. Simon also made an assault upon the temple, with the assistance of the people, while the others stood upon the cloisters and the battle- ments, and defended themselves from their assaults. However, a considerable number of Simon's party fell, and many were carried off wounded ; for the zealots threw their darts easily from a superior place, and seldom failed of hitting their enemies ; but having the advan- tage of situation, and having withal erected four very large towers aforehand, that their darts might come from higher places, one at the north-east corner of tl.e court, one above the XystuSjthe third at another corner over against the lower city, and the last was erected above the top of the Pastophoria, where one of the priests stood of course, and gave a signal be- forehand, with a trumpet,* at the beginning of every seventh day, in the evening twilight, as also at the evening when the day was finished, as giving notice to the people when they were to leave olf work, and when they were to go to work again. These men also set their engines to cast darts and stones withal, upon those towers, with their archers and slingers. And now Simon made his assault upon the temple more fai'.tly, by reason that the greatest part of his men grew weary of that work; yet did he not leave off his oppo- sition, because his army was superior to the others, although the darts which were thrown by the engines were carried a great way, and slew many of those that fought for him. CHAPTER X. HOW THE SOLDIERS, BOTH IN JUDKA AND EGYPT, PROCLAIMED VESPASIAN EMPEROR; AND HOW VESPASIAN RELEASED J0SEPHU8 FROM HIS BONDS. § 1. Now, about this very time it was that heavy calamities came about Rome on all sides; for Vitellius wa§ come from Germany with his soldiery, and drew along with him a • This beginning and cndinR the observation of the Jewish (ieventh L>ay,ur iiabhath, with a priest's blowing of a trumpet, is reinarKable, and nowhtre elso men- tioned, that 1 know of. Nor is tteland's conjecture tem improbable, that tliis was the very placr, that had pux> zled our commentators so Ion?, called '• Mu.sach Sub- bati," the "■ divert ol the ^abltath," it that be the truo reading, a Kin^s xvi. IS; brcaiise here llie pri'iiwr priest stoud dry, unler a ''covniii;:." to pmcUuii the begins ning and ending of every Jewish !«abbalh. CHAP. X. WARS OF THE JEWS, 703 g^eat multitude of other men besides. And when the spaces allotted for soldiers could not contain them, he made all Rome itself his camp, and filled all the houses with armed men; which men, when they saw the riches of Rome with those eyes which had never seen such riches before, and found themselves shone rouncfc about on all sides with silver and gold, they had much ado to contain their covetous desires, and were ready to betake themselves to plunder, and to the slaughter of such as should stand in their way. And this was tbe state of affairs in Italy at that time. 2. But when Vespasian had overthrown all the places that were near to Jerusalem, he returned to Cesarea, and heard of the troubles that were at Rome, and that Vitellius was emperor. This produced indignation in him, although he well knew how to be governed, «s well as to govern, and could not with any satisfaction own him for his lord who acted so madly, and seized upon the government as if it were absolutely destitute of a gover- nor. And as this sorrow of his was violent, he was not able to support the torments he was under, nor to apply himself farther in other wars when his native country was laid waste; but then, as much as his passion exci- ted him to avenge his country, so much was he restrained by the consideration of his dis- tance therefrom; because fortune might pre- vent him, and do a world of mischief before he could himself sail over the sea to Italy, especially as it was still the winter season; so he restrained his anger, how vehement soever it was, at this time. 3. But now his commanders and soldiers met in several companies, and consulted openly about changing the public affairs; — and, out of their indignation, cried out, how "at Rome there are soldiers that live deli- cately, and when they have not ventured so much as to hear the fame of war, they ordain whom they please for our governors, and in hopes of gain make them emperors; while you, who have gone through so many labours, and are grown into years under your helmets, give leave to others to use such a power, when yet you have among yourselves one more worthy to rule than any whom they have set up. Now what juster opportunity shall they ever have of requiting their gene- rals, if they do not make use of this that is now before them? while there is so much Juster reason for Vespasian's being emperor than for Vitellius; as they are themselves more deserving than those that made the other emperors; for that they have undergone as great wars as have the troops that come from Germany; nor are they inferior in war to those that have brought that tyrant to Rome, nor have they undergone smaller labours than they; for that neither will the Roman senate, Dor people, bear such a lascivious emperor as Vitellius, if he be compared with their chaste Vespasian; nor will they endure a most bar- barous tyrant, instead of a good governor, nor choose one that hath no child,* to preside over them, instead of him that is a father, because the advancement of men's own chil- dren to dignities is certainly the greatest security kings can have for tbemselve?. Whether, therefore, we estimate the capacity of governing from the skill of a person in years, we ought to have Vespasian, — or whether from the strength of a young man, we ought to have Titus; for by this means we shall have ilie advantage of both their ages, for that they will afford strength to those that shall be made emperors, they having already three legions, besides other auxiliaries from the neighbouring kings, and will have farther all the armies in the east to support them, as also those in Europe, so far as they are out of the distance and dread of Vitellius, besides such auxiliaries as they may have in Italy itself; that is, Vespasian's brother,f and his other son [Domitian]; the one of whom will bring in a great many of those young men that are of dignity, while the other is intrusted with the government of the city, which office of his will be no small means of Vespasian's obtaining the government. Upon the whole, the case may be such, that if we ourselves make farmer delays, the senate may choose an emperor, whom the soldiers, who are the saviours of the empire, will have in contempt." 4. These were the discourses the soldiers had in their several companies; after which they got together in a great body, and, encou- raging one another, they declared Vespasian einperor,J and exhorted him to save the government which was now in danger. Now Vespasian's concern had been for a consider- able time about the public, yet did not he intend to set up for governor himself, though his actions showed him to deserve it, while he preferred that safety which is in a private life before the dangers in a state of such dig- nity; but when he refused the empire, the • The Roman authors that now remain, say Vitellius bad children; whereas Josephus introduces here ttie Raman soldiers in Judea saying he had none. Which of these assertions was the truth I know not Spanbeim thinks \\e has s;iven a peculiar reason for calling Vitel- lius "childless," though he really had children. Oiss. de Num. p. 649, 6.30; to which it appears very difficult Ui give our assent- + This brother of Vespasian was Flavins Sabinus. as Suetonius informs as, in Vitell.8.15; and in Vespa8.s.2. He is also named by Josephus presently, ch.xL8 4. t It is plain by the nature of the thing, as well as by Josephus and Eutropius, that Vespasian was first of all saluted emperor in Judea, and not till some time after- ward in I' gypt Whence Tacitus's and Suetonius's pre- sent copies must be corrected, when they both say that be was first proclaimed in i-gypt, and that on the kalends of July, while they still say it was the filth erf the Nones or Ides of the same July before he was pro- claimed in Judea. I suppose the month they tUm intended was June, and not July, as thr copies now b^ra it; nor does Tacitus's coherence imply less. See Essay oa the Uevelation, page 13Q 704 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK IT commanders insisted the more earnestly upon his acceptance ; and the soldiers came about him, tvith their drawn swords in their hands, and threatened to kill him, unless he would now hve according to his dignity. And when he had shown his reluctance a great while, and had endeavoured to thrust away this dominion from him, he at length, being not able to persuade them, yielded to their solici- tations that would salute him emperor. 5. So upon the exhortations of Mucianus and the other commanders, that he would accept of the empire, and upon that of the rest of the army, who cried out that they were wilUng to be led against all his opposers, he was in the first place intent upon gaining the dominion over Alexandria, as knowing that Egypt was of the greatest consequence, in order to obtain the entire government, because of its supplying corn [to Romejl; which corn, if he could be master of, he hoped to dethrone Vitellius, supposing he should aim to keep the empire by force (for he would not be able to support himself, if the multitude at Rome should once be in want of food) ; and because he was desirous to join the two legions that were at Alexandria to the other legions that were with him. He also considered with himself, that he should then have that coun- try for a defence to himself against the uncer- tainty of fortune; for Egypt* is hferd to be entered by land, and hath no good havens by sea. It hath on the west the dry deserts of Libya; and on the south Syene, that divides it from Ethiopia, as well as the cataracts of the Nile, that cannot be sailed over ; and on the east the Red Sea, extending as far as Coptus ; and it is fortified on the north by the land that reaches to Syria, together with that called the Egyptian Sea, having no havens in it for ships. And thus is Egypt walled about on every side. Its length between Pelusium and Syene is two thousand furlongs, and the passage by sea from Plinthine to Pelusium, is three thousand six hundred furlongs. Its river Nile is navigable as far as the city called Elephantine, the forenamed cataracts hinder- ing ships from going any farther. The haven ;iIso of Alexandria is not entered by the mari- ners without difficulty, even in times of peace ; for the passage inward is narrow, and full of rocks, that lie under the water, which oblige the mariners to turn from a straight direction : its left side is blocked up by works made by man's hands on both sides ; on its right side lies the island called Pharus, which is situated just before the entrance, and supports a very great tower, that affords the sight of a fire to such as sail within three hundred furlongs of it, that ships may cast anchor a great way off in the night-time, by reason of the diflSculty of sailing nearer. About this island are built B* Here we haro Jin tnthentic description of the bounds and circiimstoncea of Egypt in the days of Tanpasian and Titus. very great piers, the handywork of men, against which when tlie sea dashes itself, and its waves are broken against those boun- daries, the navigation becomes very trouble- some, and the entrance through so narrow a passage is rendered dangerous: yet is the haven itself, when you are got into it, a very safe one, and of thirty furlongs in largeness ; into which is brought what the country wants, in order to its happiness ; as also what abundance the country affords more than it wants itself, is hence distributed into all the habitable earth. 6. Justly, therefore, did Vespasian desire to obtain that government, in order to corro- borate his attempts upon the whole of the empire; so he immediately sent to Tiberius Alexander, who was then governor of Egypt and of Alexandria, and informed him what the army had put him upon, and how he, being forced to accept of the burden of the government, was desirous to have him for his confederate and supporter. Now as soon a» ever Alexander had read this letter, he readily obliged the legions and the multitude to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, both whom willingly complied with him, as already acquainted with the courage of the man, from that his conduct in their neighbourhood. Accordingly Vespasian, looking upon himself as already intrusted with the government, got all things ready for his journey [to Rome]. Now fame carried this news abroad more suddenly than one could have tnought, that he was emperor over the east, upon which every city kept festivals, and cele- brated sacrifices and oblations for such good news; the legions also that were in Mysia and Pannonia, who had been in commotion a little before, on account of this insolent attempt of Vitellius, were very glad to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, upon his coming to the empire. Vespasian then removed from Cesarea to Berytus, where many embas- sages came to him from Syria, and many from other provinces, bringing with them from every city crowns, and the congratulations of the people. Mucianus came also, who was the president of the province, and told him with what alacrity the people [received the news of his advancement], and how the peo- ple of every city had taken the oath of fidelity to him. 7. So Vespasian*s good fortune succeeded to his wishes everywhere, and the public affairs were, for the greatest part, already in his hands; upon which he considered that he had not arrived at the government without Divine Providence, but that a righteous kind of fate had brought the empire under his power ; for as he called to mind the other sigt>nls, which had been a great many everywhere, that fore- told he should obtain the government, so did he remember what Josrphus had said to him when he ventured to foretel his coming to the CHAP. XI. WAIt^ Of THE JF.VVS. 705 empire while Nero was alive; so hfe was much concerned that this man was still in bonds with him. He then called for Mucianus, to- gether with his other commanders and friends, and, in the first place, he informed them what a valiant man Joseph us had been, and what great hardships he had made him undergo in the siege of Jotapata. After that he related those predictions of his* which he bad then suspected as fictions, suggested out of the fear he was in, but which had by time been demonstrated to be divine. " It is a shame- ful thing (said he) that this man who hath foretold my coming to the empire beforehand, and been the minister of a divine message to me, should still be retained in the condition of a captive or prisoner." So he called for Josephus, and commanded that be should be set at liberty ; whereupon the commanders promised themselves glorious things, from this requital Vespasian made to a stranger. Titus was then present with his father, and said, " O father, it is but just that the scandal [of a prisoner] should be taken otf Josephus, to- gether with his iron chain; for if we do not barely loose his bonds, but cut them to pieces, he will be like a man that had never been bound at all." For that is the usual method as to such as have been bouniJ without a cause. This advice was agreed to by Vespasian also; so there came a man in, and cut the chain to pieces; while Josephus received this testimony of his integrity for a reward, and was more- over esteemed a person of credit as to futu- rities also. CHAPTER XL THAT tJPON THE CONQUEST AND SLAUGHTER OF VITELLIUS, VESPASIAN HASTENED HIS JOURNKY TO ROMIi; BUT TITUS HIS SON RETURNED TO JERUSALEM. § 1. And now, when Vespasian bad given aiifiwers to the embassages, and had disposed * of the places of power justly,! and according • As Daniel was preferred by Darius and Cyrus, on account of his having foretold the destruction of the Ba- bylonian monarchy by theii means, and the consequent exaltation of the Vledes and Persians, Uan v. vi.; or rather, as Jeremiah, when tie was a prisoner, was set at liberty, and honourably treated by Nebuzaradan, at the command of Nehuchadnezzar. on account of liis having foretold the d»-structiou of Jerusalem l>v the Babylo- iiiiins,Jer. xl. 1—7; so was <mr J osepiius set ai liberty and bonouraOly treated, on ui-e..u;il of iii> liaviii;; loieiold tl>e advanceii.ersi of Vt-spa^ia;. an'l Titus to tt»e Roman empire. All these are m<i«t eminent instances of tne interposition of Divine Providence, and of the certainty of diriB» predictions in the great revolutions of the four monarchies. Several sucU-like examples, there are, both JD the sacred and other hi tones; as in t le case of Jo- ecph in Kpyot. and of Jaldua ihe his'b - priest, in the days of Alexander lUe Gieat. tScc. ■♦ This is well oh .erved by Josephus. that Vespasian, In ordtr to secnr»* his success. aiHi esiah isn his ^overn- iTPPt at lirsi, Misriboifii n^otfio-s aii't plairs upon the fot,t of jii.>Ui-<?. a.«l i>e»l<»wl Jiieiu on -"Uch *.t m nt .i. . I cerT<<d them, and were brtfi ht lor lueni. V\ hicb wise to every one's deserts, he came to Antioch, and consulting which way he had best take, he preferred to go to Rome, rather tha:i to march to Alexandria, because he saw that Alexandria was sure to him already, but that the atfairs at Rome were put into disorder by Vitellius; so he sent Mucianus to Italy, and committed a considerable army both of horse- men and footmen to him; yet was Mucianr;* afraid of going by sea, because it was the middle of winter; so he led his army on foot through Cappadocia and Phrygia. 2. In the mean time Antoiiius Primus took the third of the legions that were in Mysia, for he was president of that province, and made haste, in order to fight Vitellius; where- upon Vitellius sent away Cecinna, with a great army, having a mighty confidence in him, because of his having beaten Otho. Thid Cecinna marched out of Rome in great haste, and found Antonius about Cremona in Gall, which city is in the holders of Italy; but when he saw there that the enemy were nu- merous and in good order, he durst not fight them ; and as he thought a retreat dangerous, so he began to think of betraying his army to Antonius. Accordingly, he assembled the centurions and tiibimes that were under his command, and persuaded them to go over to Antonius, and thi.s by diminishing the repu- tation of Vitellius, and by exaggerating the power of Vespasian. He also told them, that with the one there was no more than the bare name of dominion; but with the other was the power of it; and that it was better for them to prevent necessity, and gain favour, and, while they were likely to be overcon)e in battle, to avoid the danger beforehand, and go over to Atitonius willingly; that Vespasian was able of himself to subdue what had not yet submitted, without their a.ssijt^:ice, while Vitellius could not preserve what he had already with it. 3. Cecinna said this, and much more to the same purpose, and persuaded them To com^ ply with him ; and both he and bis army deserted; but still the very same night the soldiers repented of what they had done, and a fear seized on them, lest perhaps Vitellius who sent them should get the better; ,ai>d drawing their swords, they assaulted Cecinna, in order to kill him; and the thing had been done by them, if the tribunes had not fallen upon their knees, and besought them not to do it: so the soldiers did nut kill him, but put him in bonds, as a trait«)r, and were about to send him to Vitellius. When [Antonius] Primus heard of this, he raised up his men immedi- ately, and made them put on their armour, and led them against those that had revolted ; hereupon they put themselves in order of battle, conduct in a mere heathen, ought to put those rulers "* and ministers of state to shame, who professing Chris- tianity, act otherwise, and thereby expose themselTea uid their kingdoms to vice and destruction. 2Y 706 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK IV. and made resistance for a while, but were soon beaten, and fled to Cremona; then did Primus take his horsemen, and cut off their entrance into the city, and encompassed and destroyed a great multitude of them before the city, and fell into the city together with the rest, and gave leave to his soldiers to plunder it. And here it was that many strangers, who were merchants, as well as many of the people of that country, perished, and among them Vitellius's whole army, being thirty thousand and two hundred, while Antonius lost no more of those that came with him from Mysia than four thousand and five hundred ; he then loosed Cecinna, and sent him to Ves- pasian, to tell him the good news. So he came, and was received by him ; and covered the scandal of his treachery by the unexpected honours he received from Vespasian. 4. And now, upon the news that Antonius was approaching, Sabinus took courage at Rome, and assembled 'those cohorts of soldiers that kept watch by night, and in the night- time seized upon the capitol ; and as the day came on, many men of character came over to him, with Domitian, his brother's son. whose encouragement was of very great weight for the compassing the government. Now, Vitellius was not much concerned at this Primus, but was very angry with those that had revolted with Sabinus; and thirsting, out of his natural barbarity, after noble blood, he sent out that part of the army which came along with him to fight against the capitol; and many bold actions were done on this side and on the side of those that held the temple. But at last, the soldiers that came from Ger- many, being too numerous for the others, got the hill into their possession, where Domitian, with many other of the principal Romans, providentially escaped, while the rest of the multitude were entirely cut to pieces, and Sabinus himself was brought to Vitellius and then slain: the soldiers also plundered the temple of its ornaments, and set it on fire. But now within a day's time came Antonius, with his army, and were met by Vitellius and bis army; and having had a battle in three several places, the last were all destroyed. Then did Vitellius come out of the palace, in his cups, and satiated with an extravagant and luxurious meal, as in the last extremity, and being drawn along through the multitude, and abused with all sorts of torments, had bis head cut off in the midst of Rome, having retained the government eight months and five days;* and had he lived much longer, I cannot but think the empire would not • Tne numbers in Josephus, ch. ix. sect. 2, 9, for Galba 7 months 7 days, for Otho 3 months 2 days, and here for Vitellius 8 months 5 days, do not a^ree with any Roman historians; who also disai^ree amont; themselves. Aud. indeed, ScaliKer justly complains, as Dr. Hudson observes on chap, ix.sect.2. that this period Is very con- fnsed stMl uncertain in the ancient authors. They were probably some of them 2onte<nporary together fur som« have been 'sufficient for his lust. Of the others that were slain, were numbered abova fifty thousand. This battle was fought on the third day of the month Apelleus [Casleu]; on the next Mucianus came into the city with his army, and ordered Antonius and his men to leave off killing; for they were still searching the houses, and killed many of Vitellius's soldiers and many of the populace, as supposing them to be of his party, prevent- ing by their rage any accurate distinction between them and others. He then produced Domitian, and recommended him to the mul- titude, until his father should come himself: so the people being now freed from their fears, made acclamations of joy for Vespasian, as for their emperor, and kept festival-days for bis confirmation, and for the destruction of Vitellius. 5. And now, as Vespasian was cotne to Alexandria, this good news came from Rome, and at the same time came embassies from aU his own habitable earth, to congratulate him upon his advancement; and though this Alex- andria was the greatest of all cities next tc Rome, it proved too narrow to contain tiie multitude that then came to it. So upon tiis confirmation of Vespasian's entire govern- ment, which was now settled, and upon the unexpected deliverance of the public alFairs of the Romans from ruin, Vespasian turned bis thoughts to what remained unsubdued i.-i Judea. However, he himself made haste to go to Rome, as the winter was uow alrno>t over, and soon set the affairs of AIexan<iri;» in order, but sent his son Titus, with a select part of his army, to destroy Jerusalem So Titus marched on foot as far as Nicopoiis, which is distant twenty furlongs from Alex- andria; there he put his army on board some long ships, and sailed upon the river along the Mendesian Nomus, as far as the city Thrauis; there he got out of the ships, and walked on foot, and lodged all night at a small city called Tanis. His second station was Hera- cleopolis, and his third Pelusium; he then refreshed his army at that place for two days; and on the third passed over the mouths of the Nile at Pelusium; he then proceeded one station over the desert, and pitched his camp at the temple of the Casian Jupiter,f and on the next day at Ostracine. This station had no water; but the people of the country make use of water brought from other places. After this he rested at Rbinocolura, and from thence he went to Raphia, which was bis fourth station. This city is the beginning of time; one of tha best evidences we have, I mean Ptolemy's Canon, omits them all, as if they did not all together reign one whole year, nor had a siuKle Thoth, I or New Year's Day (which then fell upon August 6K in their entire reiRns. Dio, also, who Siiys that Vitellius reigned a year within ten days, does yet estimate all their reigns tot;ether at no more than one year, one month, j and two (lays. I + There are coins of this Casian Jupiter still I as Spanhttim h«re informs us. CHAP. I. WARS OF THE JEWS. 707 Syria. For his fifth station he pitched his camp at Gaza; after which he came to As- caion, and thence to Jamnia, and alter that to Joppa, and from Joppa to Cesarea, having taken a resolution to gather all his othei forces together at that place. BOOK V. CONTAIXIXG THE INTERVAL OP NEAR SIX MONTHS. FROM THE COMING OF TITUS TO BESIEGE JERUSALEM, TO THE GREAT EXTREMITY TO WHICH THE JEWS WERE REDUCED. CHAPTER I. CONCERNING THE SEDITIONS AT JERUSALEM, AND WHAT TERRIBLE MISERIES AFFLICTED THE CITY BY THEIR MEANS. § 1. When therefore Titus had marched over that desert which lies between Egypt and Syria, in the manner forementioned, he came to Cesarea, baring resolved to set his forces in order at that place, before he began the war. Nay, indeed, while he was assisting his father at Alexandria, in settling that govern- ment which had been newly conferred upon them by God, it so happened that the sedition at Jerusalem was revived, and parted into three factions, and that one faction fought against the other; which partition in such evil cases may be said to be a good thing, and the effect of divine justice. Now as to the attack the zealots made upon the people, and which I esteem the beginning of the city's destruction, it hath been already explained after an accurate manner; as also whence it arose, and to how great a mischief it was in- creased ; but for the present sedition, one should not mistake if be called it a sedition begotten by another sedition, and to be like a wild beast grown mad, which, for want of food from abroad, fell now upon eating its own flesh. 2. For Eleazar, the son of Simon, who made the first separation of the zealots from the people, and made them retire inty the temple, appeared very angry at John's inso- lent attempts, which he made every day upon the people; for this man never left off mur- dering: but the truth was, that he could not bear to submit to a tyrant who set up after bini. So he being desirous of gaining the entire power and dominion to himself, revolte(i from John, and took to hia assistance Judas tiic son of Cbeldas, und Simon the ion of Ezron, who were among the men of greatest power. There was also with him Hezekiah the son of Chobar, a person of eminence. Each of these were followed by a great many of the zealots; these seized upon the inner court of the temple,* and laid their arms upon the holy gates, and over the holy fronts of that court; and because they had plenty of provisions, they were of good courage, for there was a great abundance of what was con- gecraied to sacred uses, and they scrupled not the making use of them; yet were they afraid, on account of theip small number; and when they bad laid up their arms there, they did not stir from the place they were in. Now as to John, what advantage he had above Eleazar in the multitude of his followers, the like disadvantage he had in the situation he was in, since he had his enemies over his bead; and as he could not make any assault upon them without some terror, so was his anger too great to let them be at rest; nay, although he suffered more mischief from Elea- zar aiid bis party than he could inflict upon them, yet would he not leave off assaulting them, insomuch that there were continual sal- lies made one against another, as well as darts thrown at one another, and the temple was defiled everywhere with murders. 3. But now the tyrant Simon, the son of Gioras, whom the people had invited in, out of the hopes they had of his assistance in the great distresses they were in, having in his power the upper city, and a great part of the lower, did now make more vehement assaults upon John • This app«an to be the first time that the zealots ventured to pollute this most sacred court of the temple, which was the court of the pritsls, wherein the t^m^ie itself and the altar stood. So that the conj»-ctur»; of those that would interpret that Zacbarias, who wab slain " between the temple and the altar" several montbs before, b. iv. ch. v. sect 4. as if be were slain there Ijy these zealots, is groundless, as I have noted oq tluU place already. 708 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK T. and his party, because they were fought against from above also; yet was he beneath their situation, when he attacked them, as they were b^;neath the attacks of the others above them. Whereby it came to pass, that John did both receive and inflict great damage, and that easily, as he was fought against on both sides; and the same advantage that Eleazar and his party had over him, since he was beneath them, the same advantage had he, by his higher situation, over Simon. On which account he easily repelled the attacks that were made from beneath, by the weapons thrown from their hands only , but was obliged to repel those that threw darts from the temple above him, by his engines of war; for he had such engines as threw darts, and javelins, and stones, and that in no small number, by which he did not only defend himself from such as fought against him, but slew moreover many of the priests, as they were about their sacred minis- tratioqs; for notwithstanding these men were mad with all sorts of impiety, yet did they still admit those that desired to offer their sacri- fices, although they took care to search the people of their own country beforehand, and both suspected and watched them; while they were not so much afraid of strangers, who, although they had gotten leave of them, how cruel soever they were, to come into that court, were yet often destroyed by this sedi- tion : for those darts that were thrown by the engines came with that force, that they went all over the buildings, and reached as far as the altar, and the temple itself, and fell upon the priests, and those* that were about the sacred offices; insomuch that many persons who came thither with great zeal from the ends of the earth, to offer sacrifices at this cele- brated place, which was esteemed holy by all mankind, fell down before their own sacrifices themselves, and sprinkled that altar which was venerable among all men, both Greeks and Barbarians, with their own blood ; till the dead bodies of strangers were mingled to- gether with those of their own country, and those of profane persons with those of the priests, and the blood of all sorts of dead car- casses stood in lakes in the holy courts them- selves. And now, " O most wretched city, what misery so great as this didst thou suffer from the Romans, when they came to purify thee from thy intestine hatred! For thou couldst be no longer a place .tit for God, nor couldst thou longer continue in being, after thou hadst been a sepulchre for the bodies of thine own people, and hadst made the holy house ilsfcU'a burying-place in this civil war of thine! \ ct Wittyst thou again grow better, if perchance thou wilt hereafter appease the anger of that Gwu who lit tiie author of thy destruction."f • TheLeritefc 4 Thu Vtt au excellent rr fleet ion of JoKrphiiit, inchid- ioy Mt4 iiupe» of the restorutiun of th«* Jfws .upon tiicir npeutanc*. S«e Autiq. b. iv. cli. viii. sect. 4b, wmch But I must restrain myself from these pas- sions by the rules of history, since this is net a proper time for domestic lamentations, but for historical narrations; I therefore return to the operations that follow in this sedition. 4. And now there were three treacherous factions in the city, the on* parted from the other. Eleazar and his party, that kept the sacred first-fruits, came against John in their cups. Those that were with John plundered the populace, and went out with zeal against Simon. This Simon had his supply of pro- visions from the city, in opposition to the se- ditious. When, therefore, John was assaulted on both sides, he made his men turn about, throwing his darts upon those citizens that came up against him, from the cloisters he had in his possession, while he opposed those that attacked him from the temple by his en- gines of war; and if at any time he was freed from those that were above him, which hap- pened frequently, from their being drunk and tired, he sallied out with a great number upon Simon and his party; and this he <iid always in such parts of the city as he could come at, till he set on fire those houses that were full of corn, and of all other provisions. J The same thing was done by Simon, whtu, upon the other's retreat, he attacked the city also; as if they had, on purpose, done it to serve the Romans, by destroying what the city had laid up against the siege, and by thus cutting off the nerves of their own power. Accordingly, it so came to pass, that all the places that were about the temple were burnt down, and were become an intermediate de- sert space, ready for fighting on both sides; and that almost all the corn was burnt, which would have been sufficient for a siege of many years. So they were taken by the means of the famine, which it was impossible they should have been, unless they had thus pre- pared the way for it by this procedure. 5. And now, as the city was engaged in a war on all sides, from these treacherous crowds of wicked men, the people of the city, be- tween them, were like a great l>ody torn in pieces. The aged men and the women were in such distress by their internal calamities, that they wished for the Romans, and earnestly hoped for an external war, in order to their delivery from their domestic miseries. The citizens themselves were under a terrible consternation and fear; nor had they any is the grand " Hope of Israel," as Manasseh-ben-lsrael, the tamous Jewish rabbi, styles it. iu his small but re- markable treatise on that subject ot which the JewisU prophets are everywhere full. See the principal ot those prophecies collected together at the end of the Essay on the Revelation, pa^e 322, &c. t This destruction of such a vast quantity of com and other provisiun.*, as was suflicient tor many year*, was the direct occasion of that terrible famine, wuicQ consumed incredibli; number<of Jews in Jeiiisalem dur- ing its siege. Nor probably could the llumans h<i%ft taken this city, after all, had not these seditious Jew* been so infatuated as thus madly to destroy, wnai Jo- •epbus here Justly styles " The nerves of their powei.* CHAP. II. WARS OF THE JEWS. 709 ORHorturity of taking counsel, and of chang- JMtr their conduct; nor were there any hopes of coming to un agreement with their ene- mies; nor could such as had a mind flee a nay; for guards were set at all places, and ihc heads of the rpl)bers, although they were seditious one against another in other respects, yet did they agree in killing those that were for peace with the Romans, or were suspected of an inclination to desert to them, as their common enemies. They agreed in nothing but this, to kill those that were innocent. The noise also of those that were lighting was incessant, both by day and by night; but the lamentations of those that njourned exceeded the otiier; nor was there ever any occasion for them to leave off their lamentations, because their calamities came perpetually one upon another, although the deep consterna- tion they were in prevented their outward wailing; but being constrained by their fear to conceal their inward passions, they were inwardly tormented, without daring to open Iheir lips in groans. Nor was any regard paid to those that were still alive, by their rela- Sions; nor was there any care taken of burial for those that were dead; the occasion of both which was this, that every one despaired of hinjself; for those that were not among the seditious had no "great desires of any thing, as expecting for certain that they should very soon be destroyed; but for the seditious them- selves, they fought against each other, whiJe they trod upon the dead bodies as they lay heaped one upon another, and taking up a mad rage from those dead bodies that were under their feet, became the fiercer thereupon. They, moreover, were still inventing somewhat or other that was pernicious against themselves', and when they had resolved upon any thing, they executed it without mercy, and omitted no method of torment or of barbarity. Nay, John abused the sacred materials,* and employed them in the construction of his engines of war; for the people and the priests had formerly determined to support the tem- ple, and raise the holy bouse twenty cubits higher; for king Agrippa had at a very great expense, and with very great pains, brought thither such materials as were proper for that purpose, being pieces of timber very well worth seeing, both for their straightness and their largeness: but the war coming on, and interrupting the work, John had them cut, and prepared for the building him towers, he iinding them long enough to oppose from them those his adversaries that fought him from the temple that was above him. He also bad them brought and erected bthind the inner court over-against the west end of the ^is timber, we see. was designed for the rebuildini; -* twenty additiunal cubits of the h.ly house above ♦fltired. which bad fallen down some years belore. r 0t* cote on Aatic| b. xv. cb. zi. sect 3 cloisters 'vhere alone he could erect them ;t whereas, the other sides ot that court had so many steps as would not let them come nigh enough the cloisters. 6. Thus did John hope to be too hard for his enemies by these engines constructed by his impiety; but God himself demonstrated that his pains would prove pf no use to him, by bringing 'the Romans upon him before he had reared any of his towers; for Titus, when he had gotten together part of his forces about him, and had ordered the rest to meet him at Jerusalem, marched out of Cesarea. He had with him those three legions that had accompanied his father when he laid Judea waste, together with that twelfth legion which had been formerly beaten with Cestius ; which legion, as it was otherwise remarkable for its valour, so did it march on now with greater alacrity to avenge themselves on the Jews, as remembering what they had formerly suffered from them. Of these legions he ordered the fifth to meet him, by going through Emmaus, and the tenth to go up by Jericho ; he also moved himself, together with the rest ; besides whom marched those auxiliaries that came from the kings, being now more in number than before, together with a considerable number that came to his assistance from Syria. Those also that had been selected out of these four legions, and sent with Mucianus to Italy, had their places filled up out of these soldiers that came out of Egypt with Titus, who were two thousand men, chosen out of the armies at Alexandria. There followed him also three thousand drawn from those that guarded the river Euphrates; as also, there came Tiberius Alexander, who was a friend of his, most valuable, both for his good-will to him and for his prudence. He had formerly been governor of Alexandria, but was now thought worthy to be general of the army [under Titus]. The reason of this was, that he had been the first who encouraged Vespasian very lately to accept this his new dominion, and joined himself t» him with great fidelity, when things were uncertain, and fortune had not yet declared for him. He also followed Titus as a counsellor, very useful to him in this war, both by his age and skill in such affairs. CHAPTER n. HOW TITUS MARCHED TO JERUSALEM, AND HOW HE WAS IN DANGER AS HE WAS TAKING A VIEW 'of the CITY. OP THE PLACE ALSO WHERE HE PITCHED HIS CAMP. § 1. Now, as Titus was upon his march into the enemy's country, the auxiliaries that f There being no g^ate on the ■west, and only on the west sid'* of the court of the priests, and fo no steps there, this was the only side that the seditious, under this John of Gischala, could bring their engines close 710 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK V- were sent by the kings marched first, having all the other auxiliaries with them ; after whom followed those that were to prepare the roads and measure out the camp; then came the cosumander's baggage, and after that the other soldiers, who were completely armed to sup- port them; then came Titus himself, having with him another select body; and then came the pikemen; after whom came the horse belonging to that legion. All these came before the engines; and after these engines, followed the tribunes and the leaders of the cohorts, with their select bodies; after these came the ensigns, with the eagle; and before those ensigns came the trumpeters belonging to them; next these came the main body of the army in their ranks, every rank being six deep; the servants belonging to every legion came after these; and before these last their baggage; the mercenaries came last, and those that guarded them brought up the rear. Now Titus, according to the Roman usage, went in the tront of the army after a decent man- ner, and marched through Samaria to Gophna, a city that had been formerly taken by his father, and was then garrisoued by Roman soldiers: and when he had lodged there one night, he marched on in the morning; and when he had gone as far as a day's march, he pitched his camp at that valiey which the Jews, in their own tongue, caii "the Vailey of Thorns," near a certain village eaiied Gabaothsaul, which signilies "the Hill of Saul," beiiig dislaJit from Jerusalem about thirty fui longs. There it was that he chose out six hundred select horsemen, and went to take a view of the city, to observe what strength it was of, and how courageous the Jews were; whether, when they saw him, and before they cajne to a direct battle, they would be affrighted and submit; for he had been informed, what was really true, that the people who were fallen under the power of the seditious and the robbers, were greatly desirous of peace; but being too weak to rise up against the rest, they lay still. 2. Now, so long as he rode along the straight road which Ld to the wall of the city, nobody appeared out of the gates; but when be went out of that road, and declined towards the tower Psephinus, and led the band of horsemen obliquely, an immense number of the Jews leaped out suddenly at' the towers called the " Women's Towers," through that gate which was over-against the monuments of queen Helena, and intercepted his horse; and standing directly opposite to those that still ran along the road, hindered them from joining those that had declined out of it. They intercepted Titus also, with a few others. Now it was here impossible for to the cloisters of that court end-ways, though upon the floor of the court of Iflmel. fee the ochcme of that temple, in the description of the temples hereto beloDgiujf. him to go forward, because all the places had trenches dug in them from the wall, to pre- serve the gardens round about, and were full of gardens obliquely situated, and of many hedges; and to return back to his own men, he saw it was also impossible, by reason of the multitude of the enemies that lay between them; many of whom did not so much as know that the king* was in any danger, but supposed him still among them. So he per- ceived, that his preservation must be wholly owing to his own courage, and turned his horse about, and cried out aloud to those that were about him to follow him, and ran with violence into the midst of his enemies, in order to force his way through them to his own men. And hence we may principally learn, that both the success of wars, and the dangers that kings f are in, are under the providence of God; for while such a number of darts were thrown at Titus, when he had neither his head-piece on, nor his breast-plate (for, as I told you, he went out not to fight, but to view the city), none of them touched his body, but went aside without hurting him; as if all of them missed him on purpose, and only made a noise as they passed by him. So he diverted those perpetually with his sword that came on his side, and overturned many of those that directly met him, and made his horse ride over those that were overthrown. The enemy indeed made a great shout at the boldness of Caesar,f and exhorted one another to rush upon him. Yet did these against whom he marched fly away, and go off from him in great numbers; while those that were in the same danger with him kept up close to him, though they were wounded both on their backs and on their sides; for they had each of them but this one hope of escaping, if they could assist Titus in opening himself a way, that he might not be encompassed round by his enemies before he got away from them. Now, there were two of those that were with him, but at some distance; the one of whom the enemy encompassed round, and slew him with their darts, and his horse also; but the other they slew as he leaped down from his horse, and carried off his horse with them. But Titus escaped with the rest, and came • We may here note, that Titus is here called " a kin^," and " Cojsar," by Josephus, even wliile he was no nu')ie than the emperor's son, and general ot the Roman uriiiy, and his father Vespasian was still ahve; just as the New Testaiuent says " Archelaus reigned," or "was kinj;" (Matt iL 22), though he was properly no more tt'au eili- narch, as Jost-phus assures us, AnUq. b. xviii. ch. xi. sect 4. Of the U'ar. b. ii. ch vi. sect 3. Thus also the Jews called the emperors " Kings," though they neve» took that title to thetuseives: " VVe have no kiuk; buV C'Ksar," John xix. 16. *' Submit to the king as supreme,'* 1 Pet. ii. 1:1, 17; which is also the lantiua^e of the Apos< tulical Constitutions, ii. 11, M; iv. 13; v. ii); vi. '2, Uo; vii. 16; viii 2, i-ii and elsewhere in the New Testa- ment, IVIatt. X. IH; xvti ioi 1 I'uu.ii. 2; and in Josephus al>o; thouffh I suspect Josephus particularly esteemed I itus as joint.i.iuK wi.h his fatlit-r ever since his ditiua (Irt-uniH that df dared them both such, h.iii.ch. viii. sect Vf. + Se^ tue above note. CHAP. n. "WARS OP THE JEWS. 711 «afe to the camp. So this success of the Jews' first attack raised their minds, and gave them an ill-grounded hope; and this ^ort inclination of fortune, on their side, made them very courageous for the future. S. But now, as soon as that legion that had been at Emmaus was joined to Caesar at night, he removed thence, when it was day, and came to a place called Scopus; from whence the city began already to be seen, and a plain view might be taken of the great temple. Accordingly, this place, on the north quarter of the city, and adjoining thereto, was a plain, and very properly named Scopus [the pro- spect]; and was no more than seven furlongs distant from it. And here it was that Titus ordered a camp to be fortified for two legions that were to be together; but ordered another camp to be fortified, at three furlongs* farther distance behind them, for the fifth legion ; for he thought that, by marching in the night, they might be tired, and might deserve to be covered from the enemy, and with less fear might fortify themselves: and, as these were now beginning to build, the tenth legion, who came through Jericho, was already come to the place, where a certain part of armed men had formerly lain, to guard that pass into the city, and had been taken before by Vespasian. These legions had orders to encamp at the distance of six furlongs from Jerusalem, at the mount called the mount of Olives,* which ^ves over-against the city on the east side, and IS parted from it by a deep valley, interposed between them, which is named Cedron. 4. Now, when hitherto the several parties in the city had been dashing one against another perpetually, this foreign war, now suddenly come upon them after a violent man- ner, put the first stop to their contentions one against another; and, as the seditious now saw with astonishment the Romans pitching three several camps, they began to think of an awkward sort of concord, and said one to another, — "What do we here, and what do we mean, when we suffer three fortified walls to be built to coop usin, that we shall not be able to breathe freely? while the enemy is securely building a kind of city in opposition to us, and while we sit still within our own walls, and become spectators only of what they are doing, with our hands idle, and our armour laid by, as if they were about somewhat that was for our good and advantage. We are, it eeeins," so did they cry out, "only coura- geous against ourselves, while the Romans are likely to gain the city without bloodshed by our sedition." Thus did they encourage one another when they were gotten together, • This situation of the Mount of Olives, on the east )f Jerusalem, at about the distance of five or six furlonj;s, with the valley of Cedron interposed between that moun- tain and the city, are tbini^s well known butli in the Old ini] New Testament, in Josepbus elsewhere, and in all ^)ccUfscriptiou» of Fal< stine. and took their armour immediately, and ran out upon the tenth legion, and fell upon the Romans with great eagerness, and with a prodigious shout, as they were fortify- ing their camp. These Romans were caujsht in different parties, and this in order to per- form their several works, and on that account had in great measure laid aside their arms; for they thought the Jews would not have ventured to make a sally upon them ; and had they been disposed so to do they supposed their edition would have distracted them. So they were put into disorder unexpectedly; when some of them left their works they were about, and immediately marched off, while many ran to their arms, but were smitten and slain before they could turn" back upon the enemy. The Jews became still more and more in num- ber, as encouraged by the good success of those that first made the attack; and, while they had such good fortune, they seemed, both to themselves and to the enemy, to be many more than they really were. The dis- orderly way of their fighting at first put the Romans also to a stand, who had been con- stantly used to fight skilfully in good order, and with keeping their ranks, and obeying the orders that were given them; for which reason the Romans were caught unexpectedly, and were obliged to give way to the assnults that were made upon them. Now when these Romans were overtaken, and turned back upon the Jews, they put a stop to their career; yet, when they did not take care enough of them- selves through the vehemency of their pursuit, they were wounded by them; but, as still more and more Jews sallied out of the city, the Romans were at length brought into con- fusion, and put to flight, and ran away from their camp. Nay, things looked as though the entire legion would have been in danger, unless Titus had been informed of the case they were in, and had sent them succours immediately. So he reproached them for their cowardice, and brought those back that were running away, and fell himself upon the Jews on their flank, with those select troops that were with him, and slew a considerable num- ber, and wounded more of them, and put them all to flight, and made them run away hastily down the valley. Now as these Jews suffered greatly in the declivity of the valley, so, when they were gotten over it, they turned about, and stood over-against the Romans, having the valley between them, and there fought with them. Thus did they continife the fight till noon ; but, when it was already a little after noon, Titus set those that came to the assist- ance of the Romans with him, and those that belonged to the cohorts, to prevent the Jews from making any more sallies, and then sent the rest of the legion to the upper part of the mountain, to fortify their camp. 5. This march of the Romans seemed tO the Jews to be a flight; and as the watcbmao, 712 "WARS OP THE JETVS. BOOK y. ■who was placed upon the wall, gave a signal by shaking his garment, there came out a fresh multitude of Jews, and that with such mighty violence, that one might compare it to the running of the most terrible wild beasts. To say the truth, none of those that opposed them could sustain the fury with which they made their attacks; but, as if they had been cast out of an engine, they Drake the enemies' ranks to pieces, who were put to flight, and ran away to the mountain ; none, but Titus himself, and a few others with him, being left in the midst of the accli- vity. Now these others, who were his friends, despised the danger they were in, and were ashamed to leave their general, earnestly exhorting him to give way to these Jews that are fond of dying, and not to run into such dangers before those that ought to stay before him; to consider what his fortune was, and not, by supplying the place of a common soldier, to venture to turn back upon the ene- my so suddenly; and this because he was general in the war, and lord of the habitable earth, on whose preservation the public affairs do all depend. These persuasions Titus seemed not so much as to hear, but opposed those that ran upon him, and smote them on the face; and, when he had forced them to go back, he slew them; he also fell upon great numbers as they marched down the hill, and thrust them forward; while those men were so amazed at his courage and his strength, that they could not fly directly to the city, but declined from him on both sides, and pressed after those that fled up the hill; yet did he still fall upon their flank, and put a stop to their fury. In the mean time, a disorder and a terror fell again upon those that were fortifying their camp at the top of the hill, upon their seeing those beneath thetn running away, insomuch that the whole legion was dispersed, while they thought that the sallies of the Jews upon them were plainly insupportable, and that Titus was himself put to flight; because they took it for granted that, if he had staid, the rest would never have fled for it. Thus were they encompassed on every side by a kind of panic fear, and some disj)ersed themselves one way, and some another, till certain of them saw their general in the very midst of an action, and, being under great concern for him, they loudly pro- claimed the danger he was in to the entire legion ; and now shame made them turn back, and they reproached one another, that they did worse than run away, by deserting Caesar. So they used their utmost force against the Jews, and declining from the straight declivity, they drove them in heaps mto the bottom of the valley. Then did the Jews turn about and fight them ; but as they were themselves retiring, and now, because the Romans had the advantage of the ground, and were above the Jews, they drove them all into the valley. Titus also pressed upon those that were near him, and sent the legion again to fortify their camp; while he, and those that were with him before, opposed the enemy, and kept them from doing farther mischief; insomuch that, if I may be allowed neither to add any thing out of flattery, nor to diminish any thing out of envy, but to speak the plain truth, Caesar did twice deliver that entire legion when it was in jeo- pardy, and gave them a quiet opportunity of fortifying their camp. CHAPTER HI. HOW THE SEDITION WAS AGAIN REVIVED WITHIN JERUSALEM, AND YET THE JEWS CONTRIVED SNARES FOR THE ROMANS. HOW TITUS ALSO THREATENED HIS SOLDIERS FOR TH3IR UNGO- VERNABLE RASHNESS. § 1. As now the war abroad ceased for a while, the sedition within was revived ; and on the feast of unleavened bread, which was now come, it being the fourteenth day of the month Xanthicus [Nisan], when it is believed the Jews were first freed -from the Egyp- tians, Eleazar and his party opened the gates of this [inmost court of the temple, and ad- mitted such of the people as were desirous to worship God into it.* But John made use of this festival as a cloak for his treacherous designs, and armed the most inconsiderable of his own party, the greater part of whom were not purified, with weapons concealed under their garments, and sent them with great zeal into the temple, in order to seize upon it ; which armed men, when they were gotten in, threw their garments away, and presently appeared in their armour. Upon which there was a very great disorder and disturbance about the holy house ; while the people who had no concern in the sedition, supposed that this assault was made against all without distinction, as the zealots thought * Here we see the true occasion of those vast num- bers of Jews that were in Jerusalem during this siege by Titus, and perished therein; that the siege began at the feast of the passover, when such prodigious multi- tudes of Jews and proselytes of the gate were come from all parts of Judea, and from other countries, in order to celebrate that great festival. See the note. b. vi. ch. ix. sect. 3. Tacitus himself informs us, that the number of men, women, and children, in Jerusalem, when it was besieged by the Romans, as he had been informed, was 600,000. This information must have been taken from the Romans; for Josephus never men- tions the numbers of those that were Iwsiegod, only he lets us know, that of the vulvar, carried dead out of the gates, and buried at the public charges, was the like number of 600,000, ch. xiii. sect. 7. However, when Cestius Gallus came trsit to the siege, thnt sum in Taci- tus is no way disagreeable to Josephus's history, though they were become much more numerous when Titus encompa.'<sed the city at the passover. As to the num- ber that perished during the siege. Josephus ns«ures us, as wo shall see hereafter, they were 1,100,000. he^idca 97,000, captives. But Tacltus's history of the last part of this siege is not now extant: so we cannot compar* his parallel numbers with those of Josephus. CHAP. III. WARS OP THE JEWS. 713 H W.S9 made against themselves only. So tbese left off guarding the gates any longer, and leijped down from their battlements netbre they came to an engagement, and fled away into the subterranean caverns of the temple; while the people that stood trem- hliiig at the altar, and about the holy house, were rolled on heaps together, and trampled upon, and were beaten both with wooden and with iron weapons without mercy. Such, ti\-o, as had differences with others, slew many persons that were quiet, out of their own private enmity and hatred, as if they were opposite to the seditious; and all those that bad formerly offended any of these plot- ters, were now known, and were now led away to the slaughter; and, when they had done abundance of horrid mischief to the guiltless, they granted a truce to the guilty, and let those go off that came out of the caverns. These followers of John also did now seize upon this inner temple, and upon all the war- like engines therein, and then ventured to oppose Simon. And thus that sedition, which had been divided into three factious, was now reduced to two. 2. But Titus, intending to pitch his camp nearer to the citythan Scopus, placed as many of his choice horsemen and footmen as he thought sulRcient, opposite to the Jews, to prevent their sallying out upon them, while ne gave orders for the whole army to level tne distance, as far as the wall of the city, so they threw down all the hedges and walls which the inhabitants had made about their gardens and groves of trees, and cut down ail the fruit-trees that lay between them and the wall of the city, and tilled up all the hollow places and the chasms, and demolished the rocky precipices with iron instruments; and thereby made all the place level from Se(4)us to Herod's monuments, which adjoined to the pool called the Serpent's Pool. 3. Now at this very time, the Jews con- trived the following stratagem against the Romans. The bolder sort of the seditious went out at the towers, called the Women's Towers, as if they had been ejected out of the city by those who were for peace, and rambled about as if they were afraid of being assaulted by tbe Romans, and were in fear of one another; while those that stood upon the wall, and se.Mued to be of the people's side, cried out aloud for peace, and entreated they might have security for their lives given them, and called for tbe Romans, promising to open the gates to them ; and as they cried out after that manner, they threw stones at their own people, as though they would drive them away from the gates. These also pretended tiiat they were excluded by force, and that thcv petitioned those that were within to let t: 11 in, and rushing upon the Romans per- p^ccally, with violence, they then cai';e back, %ua Mcmed to be in great disorder. Now the Roman soldiers thought this cunnitjg stratagem of theirs was to be believed real, and thinking they had the one party under their power, rfnd could punish them as they pleased, and hoping that the other party would open their gates to them, set to the execution of their designs accordingly. But for Titus himself, he had this surprising conduct of the Jews in suspicion; for whereas he had invited thera to come to terms of accommodation, by Josephus, but one day before, he could then receive no civil answer from them; so he ordered the soldiers to stay where they were. However, some of them that were set in the front of the works prevented him, and catch- ing up their arms ran to the gates; where- upon those that seemed to have been ejected at the first retired; but as soon as the soldiers were gotten between the towers on each side of the gate, the Jews ran out and encompassed thera round, and fell upon them behind, while that multitude which stood upon the wall, threw a heap of stones and darts of all kinds at them, insomuch that they slew a con- siderable number, and wounded many more; for it was not easy for the Romans to e?cape, by reason those behind them pressed them forward; besides which, the shame they were under for being mistaken, and the fear they were in of their commanders, engaged them to persevere in their mistake; wherefore they fought with tbeir spears a great whi.'e, and rerei'.^ed many blows from the Jews, though in'ieed they gave tiiem as many blows again, ana at last repelled those that had encom- passed tbem about, while the Jews pursued them as they retired, and followed thera. and tnrew darts at them as far as ttie monuments of queen Heierta. 4. After this these Jews, without keeping any decorum, grew insolent upon their good fortune, and jested upon the Romans, for being deluded by the trick "they had put upon them, and making a noise with beating their shields, leaping for gladness, and made joyful exclamations; while these soldiers were re- ceived with threatenings by their officers, and with indignation by Caesar himself [who spake to them thus] : These Jews, who are only conducted by their madness, do every thing with care and circumspection ; they contrive stratagems, and lay ambushes, and fortune gives success to their stratagems, because they are obedient, and preserve their good-will and fidelity to one another ; while the Romans, to whom fortune uses to be ever subservient, by reason of their good order, and ready sub- mission to their commanders, have now had Ul success by their contrary behaviour, and by not being able to restrain their hands firom action, theyJiave been caught; and that which is the most to their reproach, they have gone on without their commanders, in the very pre- sence of CsEsar. "Truly," says Titus, " the laws of war cannot but groan heavily, as will 714 WAKS OP THE JEWS, «OOK V. my father also himself, when he shall be informed of this wound that hath been given us, since he, who is grown old in wars, did never make so great a mistake. Our laws of war do also ever inflict capital punishment on those that in the least break into good order, while at this time they have seen an entire army run into disorder. However, those that have been so insolent shall be made imme- diately sensible, that even they who conquer among the Romans without orders for fight- ing, are to be under disgrace." When Titus had enlarged upon this matter before the commanders, it appeared evident that he would execute the law against all those that were concerned ; so these soldiers' minds sunk down in despair, as expecting to be put to death, and that justly and quickly. However, the other legions came round about Titus, and entreated his favour to these their fellow soldiers, and made supplication to him, that he would pardon the rashness of a few, on account of the better obedience of all the rest; and promised for them that they should make amends for their present fault, by their more virtuous behaviour for the time to come. 6. So Caesar complied with their desires, and with what prudence dictated to him also ; for he esteemed it fit to punish single persons by real executions, but that the punishment of great multitudes should proceed no farther than reproofs; so he was reconciled to the soldiers, but gave them a special charge to act more wisely for the future; and he con- sidered with himself how he might be even with the Jews for their stratagem. And now when the space between the Romans and the wall had been levelled, which was done in four days; and as he was desirous to bring the baggage of the army, with the rest of the multitude that followed him, safely to the camp, he set the strongest part of his army over-against that wall which lay on the north quarter of the city, and over-against the west- em part of it, and made his army seven deep, with the footmen placed before them, and the horsemen behind them, each of the last in three ranks, whilst the archers stood in the midst in seven ranks. And now as the Jews were prohibited by so great a body of men, from making sallies upon the Romans, both the beasts that bare the burdens, and belonged to the three legions, and the rest of the mul- titude, marched on without any fear. But as for Titus himself, he was but about two furlongs distant from the wall, at that part of it where was the comer,* and over-against that tower which was called Psephinus, at which tower the compass of the wall belonging to the north bended, and extended itself over- against the west; but the other part of the army fortified themselves at the tower called • Perhapn, says Dr. Hudson, here was that gate, Mlled the " Gate of the Corner," in 2 Chron. xxvi. 9 ■m eh. It. Mot. 2. Hippicus, and was distant, in like manner, but two furlongs from the city. However, the tenth legion continued in its own place, upon the Mount of Olives. CHAPTER IV. THE DESCRIPTION OF JERUSALEM. § 1. The city of Jerusalem was fortified with three walls, on such parts as were not encom- passed with unpassable valleys; for in such places it bad but one wall. The city was built upon two hills which are opposite to one another, and have a valley to divide them asunder; at which valley the corresponding rows of houses on both hills end. Of these hills, that which contains the upper city is much higher, and in length more direct. Accordingly, it was called the " Citadel," by king David; he was the father of that Solo- mon who built this temple at the first; but it is by us called the " Upper Market-place." But the other hill, which was called " Acra," and sustains the lower city, is of the shape of a moon when she is horned; over-against this was a third hill, but naturally lower than Acra, and parted formerly from the other by a broad valley. However in those times when the Asamoneans reigned, they filled up that valley with earth, and had a mind to join the city to the temple. They then took off part of the height of Acra, and reduced it to he of less elevation than it was before, that the temple might be superior to it. Now the Valley of the Cheese-mongers, as it was called, and was that which we told you before distin- guished the hill of the upper city from that of theiower, extended as far as Siloam; for that is the name of a fountain which hath sweet water in it, and this in great plenty also. But on the outsides, these hills are surrounded by deep valleys, and by reason of the preci- pices to them belonging on both sides, they are everywhere unpassable. 2. Now, of these three walls, the old one was hard to be taken, both by reason of the valleys, and of that hill on which it was built, and which was above them. But besides that great advantage, as to the place where they were situated, it was also built very strong; because Bavid and Solomon, and the follow- ing kings, were very zealous about this work. Now that wall began on the north, at the tower called " Hi{)picu8," and extended at far as the " Xistus," a place so called, and then, joinifig to the council-house, ended at the west cloister of the temple, liut if we go the or her way westward, it began at the same place, and extended through a place called "Beth>o," to the gate of tne Essens; and after that it went southward, having its bending ui>uvt: thu luuntuin Silutiui, wh«re it CHAP. IV. WARS OF THE JEWS. 715 aisc bends again towards the east at Solomon's pool, and reaches as for as a certain place uhich they called " Ophlas," where it was joined to the eastern cloister of the temple. The second wall took its beginning from that gate which they called " Gennath," which belonged to the first wall; it only encompassed the northern quarter of the city, and reached as far as the tower Antonia. The beginning of the third wall was at the tower Hippicus, whence it reached as far as the north quarter of the city, and the tower Psephinus, and then was so far extended till it came over- against the monuments of Helena, which Helena was queen of Adiabene, the daughter of Izates: it then extended farther to a great length, and passed by the sepulchral caverns of the kings, and bent again at the tower of the corner, at the monument which is called the "Monument of the Fuller," and joined to the old wall at the valley called the " Val- ley of Cedron." It was Agrippa who encom- passed the parts added to the old city with this wall, which had been all naked before; for as the city grew more populous, it gradu- ally crept beyond its old limits, and those parts of it that stood northward of the temple, and joined that hill to the city, made it con- siderably larger, and occasioned that hill, which is in number the fourth, and is called " Bezetha," to be inhabited also. It lies over- against the tower Antonia, but is divided from it by a deep valley, which was dug on pur- pose, and that in order to hinder the founda- tions of the tower of Antonia from joining to this hill, and thereby affording an opportunity for getting to it with ease, and hindering the security that arose from its superior eleva- tion; for which reason also that depth of the ditch made the elevation of the towers more remarkable. This new-built part of the city was called " Bezetha," in our language, which, if interpreted in the Grecian language, may be called "the New City." Since, therefore, its inhabitants stood in need of a covering, the father of the present king, and of the same name with him, Agrippa, began that wall we spoke of; but he left off building it when he had only laid the foundation, out of the fear he was in of Claudius Caesar, lest he should suspect that so strong a wall was built in order to make some innovation in public affairs; for the city could no way have been taken if that wall had been finished in the manner it was begun ; as its parts were con- nected together by stones twenty cubits long, and ten cubits broad, which could never have either been easily undermined by any iron tools, or shaken by any engines. The wall was, however, ten cubits wide, and it would pro- Dably have had a height greater than that, had not his zeal who began it been hindered from exerting itself. After this it was erected with fjreat diligence by t-he Jews, as high as twent\ cubits, above which it bad batilemeuto of two cubits, and turrets of three cubits' altitude, insomuch that the entire altitude extended as far as twenty-five cubits. 3. Now the towers that were upon it were twenty cubits in breadth and twenty cubits in height; they were square and solid, as was the wall itself, wherein the niceness of the joints and the beauty of the stones were no way inferior to those of the holy house itself. Above this solid altitude of the towers, which was twenty cubits, there were rooms of great magnificence, and over them upper rooms, and cisterns to receive rain-water. They were many in number, and the steps by which you ascended up to them were every one broad ; of these towers then the third wall had ninety, and the spaces between them were each two hundred cubits; but in the middle wall were forty towers, and the old wall was parted into sixty, while the whole compass of the city was thirty-three furlongs. Now the third wall was all of it wonderful; yet was the tower Psephinus elevated above it at the north-west comer, and there Titus pitched his own tent ; for being seventy cubits high, it both afforded a prospect of Arabia at sun-rising, as well as it did of the utmost limits of the Hebrew possessions at the sea westward. Moreover it was an octagon, and over-against it was the tower Hippicus ; and hard by two others were erected by king Herod, in the old wall. These were for largeness, beauty, and strength, beyond all that were in the habitable earth ; for besides the magnanimity of his nature, and his mag- nificence towards the city on other occasions, he built these after such an extraordinary manner, to gratify his own private affections, and dedicated these towers to the memory of those three persons who had been the dearest to him, and from whom he named them. They were his brother, his friend, and his wife. This wife he had slain, out of his love [and jealousy], as we have already rela- ted ; the other two he lost in war, as they were courageously fighting. Hippicus, so named from his friend, was square ; its length and breadth were each twenty-five cubits, and its height thirty, and it had no vacuity in it. Over this solid building, which was composed of great stones united together, there was a reservoir twenty cubits deep, over which there was a house of two stories, whose height was twenty-five cubits, and divided into several parts ; over which were battlements of jtwo cubits, and turrets all round of three cubits high, insomuch that the entire height added together amounted to fourscore cubits. The second tower, which he named from his bro- ther Phasaelus, had Its breadth and its height equal, each of them forty cubits; over which was its solid height of forty cubits; over which a cloister went round about, whose height was ten cubits, and it was covered from enemies by ]»r«ast-work8 and bulwarks. 716 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK V. There was also built over that cloister another tower, parted into magniticent rooms and a place for bathing; so that this tower wanted nothing that might make it appear to be a royal palace. It was also adorned with battlements and turrets, more than was the foregoing, and the entire altitude was about ninety cubits; the appearance of it resembled the tower of Pharus, which exhibited a fire to such as sailed to Alexandria, but was much larger than it in compass. This was now converted to a house, wherein Simon exer- cised his tyratniical authority. The third tower was Mariamne, for that was his queen's name; it was solid as high as twenty cubits; its breadth and its length were twenty cubits, and were equal to each other ; its upper buildings were more magniticent, and had greater variety than the other towers had ; for the king thought it most proper for him to adorn that which was denominated from his wife, better than those denominated from men, as those were built stronger than this that bore his wife's name. The entire height of this tower was fifty cubits. 4. Now as these towers were so very tall, they appeared much taller by the p'lace on which they stood: for that very old wall wherein they were, was built on a high hii'i, and was itseif a kind of elevation that; was stih thirty cubits taller; over which were the towers situated, and iheieby were made mucn higaer to appearance. The largeness aiso ot the stones was wonderml, for they were not made of common on.all stones, nor of such large ones only as men couid carry, but they were oi while marb'e, cut out of the rock ; eacn stone was twenty cuoits in iengtb, and ten in breadth, and five in depth. They were so ecacuy urutea to one another, that each tower loosed nice one entn-e rock of stone, so grow- intr naturally, and afterwards cut by the hands ot tiie arfincers into their present shape and coDuers ; so little or not at all did their joints or connexion appear. Now as these towers were themselves on the north side of tne wall, the king had a palace inwardly thereto adjoined, which exceeds all my ability to describe it ; for it was so -^^ curious as to want no cost or skill iqp^ construction, but was entirely walled about to the height of thirty cubits, and was adorned with towers- at equal distances, and with large bed-chambers, that would contain beds for a hundred guests a-pioce, in which the variety of the stones is not to be expressed ; for a large quantity of those that were rare of that kind was collected together. Their roofs were also wonderful, both for the length of the beams and the splen- dour of their ornaments, ^he number of the rooms was also very great, and the variety of the figures that were about them was prodi- gious ; their furniture was complete, and the greatest part of the vessels that were put in thtm wa> of silver tmi gold. There were besides many porticoes, one beyond another, round about, and in each of those portiCoesj curious pillars; yet were all the courts tnttt were exposed to the air everywhere greeii. There were moreover several groves of trees, and long walks through them, with deep canals, and cisterns, that in several parts were filled with brazen statues, throiigh which the water ran out. There were withal many dove-courts* of tame pigeons about the ca- nals; but, indeed, it is not possible to give a complete description of these palaces; and the very remembrance of them is a torment to one, as putting one in mind what vastly rich build- ings that fire which was kindled by the rob- bers hath consumed; for these were not burnt by the Romans, but by these internal plotters, as we have already related, in the beginning of their rebellion. That fire began at the tower of Antonia, and went en to the palaces, and consumed the upper parts of the three towers themselves. CHAPTER V. A DESCRIPTION OF THE TEMPIE. § 1. Now this temple, as I have already said, was built upon a strong hill. At first the plain at the top was hardly Buflicient for the holy house and the altar, for the ground about it was very uneven, and like a precipice; but when king SoJomon, who was the person that built the temple, had built a wall to it on its east side, there was then added one cloister founded on a bank cast up for it, and on the other parts the holy house stood naked; hue in future ages the people added new banks,f and the hill became a larger plain. They then broke down the wall on the north side, and tooK in as much as suiliced afterward for the compass of the entire teniple; and when they had built walls oh three sides of the tem- ple round about, from the bottom of the hill, and had performed a work that was greater than could be hoped for (ir, which work long * These dove-courts in Joseplius, built by Herod the Great, are, in the opinion of Keland, the very i5r.me that are mentioned by the Talmudists, and named by them "Herod's dove-oourts." Nor is there any reason to suppose otherwise, since in both accounts they wwre expressly tame pigeons which were kept in them. t ^ee the depcription of the temples horcto belong- ing, ch. XV. But note, that what Josephua here says of the original scantiness of this Mount Jloriah, that it was quite too little for the temple, and that at first it held only one cloister, or court of Solomon's building, and that the foundations were forced to he added long afterwards by degrees, to render it capable of the clois- ters for the other courts, 4c., is without all foundation in the Scriptures, and not at all confirmed by his exacter account in the Antiquities. All that in, or can be true, is this : — That wlien the court of the Gentiles was lon^ afterwards to be enccmpassetl with doisters. the south- ern foundation for those cloisters Vas found not to be large or firm ejiough, and was raised, and that additional foundat'-jn supported by great pillars and arches under ground, which Josephus speaks of elsewhere, Antiq. b. XV. ch. xi. sect. 3, and which Mr. Maundrel saw, and AModbM, p. 100, M •xUuX undwr ground «t Hum Uny. ^, CHAP. V. WARS OF THE JEWS. 717 a^es were spent by them, as well as all their sacred treasure? were exhausted, which were still replenished by those tributes which were Bent to God from the whole habitable eartb), they then encompassed their upper courts with cloisters, as well as they [afterward] did the lowest [court of the] temple. The lowest part of this was erected to the height of three hundred cubits, and in some places more; yet did not the entire depth of the foundations appear, for they brought earth, and tilled up the valleys, as being desirous to make them on a level with the narrow streets of the city; whereia they made use (rf stones of forty cubits in magnitude; for the great plenty of money they then had, and the liberality of the people, made this attempt of theirs to succeed to an incredible degree; and what could not be so much as hoped for as ever to be accom- plished, was, by perseverance and length of time, brought to perfection, 2. Now, for the works that were above these foundations, these were not unworthy of such foundations; for all the cloisters were double, and the pillars to them belonging were twenty-five cubits in height, and supported the cloisters. These pillars were of one entire stone each of them, and that stone was white marble; and the .roofs were adorned with cedar, curiously graven. The natural magnificence, and excellent polish, and the harmony of the joints in these cloisters, afforded a prospect that was very remarkable; nor was it on the outside adorned with any work of the painter or engraver. The clois- ters [of the outmost court] were in breadth thirty cubits, while the entire compass of ii was, by measure, six furlongs, including the tower of Antonia; those entire courts that were exposed to the air were laid with stones of all sorts. When you go through these [first] cloisters, unto the second [court of the] temple, there was a partition made of stone all round, whose height was three cubits: its ^construction was very elegant; upon it stood pillars, at equal distances from one another, declaring the law of purity, some in Greek, and some in Roman letters, that " no foreigner should go within that sanctuary;" for that lecond [court of the] temple was called " the Sanctuary," and was ascended to by fourteen iteps from the first court. This court was four- 'quare, and had a wall about it peculiar to itself; he height of its buildings, although it was on *he outside forty cubits,* was hidden by the • What J osephus seems here to mean is this:— That thene pillars, supporting the cloisters in the second court, had '■'»^ir foundations or lowest parts as deep as the floor of ibe first Of lowest court; but that so far of those low- est parts as were equal to the elevation of the upper floor above the lowest, were, and must be, hidden on the inride by the Krouiid or rock itself, on which that upper court was buiit; so tliat forty cubits visible below, were; iLJuced to twenty-tive visible above, and implies th« 'ttrrrrace of tbetr heights to he filtt-cn cubits. The m«>n diHiciilty lies here, how fourteen or tiitetn steps •iioa^a (iTv ad &*«cut uf tilteaa vubiti, ba.f a «ubit steps, and on the inside that height was but twenty-five cubits; for it being built over- against a higher part of the hill with steps, it was no farther to be entirely discerned within, being covered by the hill itself. Beyond these fourteen steps there was the distance of ten cubits : this was all plain, whence there were other steps, each of five cubits a-piece^ thai led to the gates, which gates on the north and south sides were eight, on each of those sides four, and of necessity two on the east; for since there was a partition built for the women on that side, as the proper place wherein they were to worship, there was a necessity of a second gate for them ; this gate was cut out of its wall, over-against the first gate. There was also on the other sides one southern and one northern gate, through which was a pas- sage into the court of the women ; for as to the other gates, the women were not allowed to pass through them ; nor when they went through their own gate could they go beyond their own wall. This place was allotted to the women of our own country, and of other countries, provided they were of the same nation, and that equally ; the western part of this court had no gate at all, but the wall was built entire on that side ; but then the clois- ters which were betwixt the gates, extended from the wall inward, before the chambers; for they were supported by very fine and large pillars. These cloisters were single, and, excepting their magnitude, were no way inferior to those of the lower court. 3. Now nine of these gates were on every side covered over with gold and silver, as were the jambs of their doors and their lintels; but there was one gate that was without [the inward court of] the holy house, which was of Corinthian. brass, and greatly excelled those that were only covered over with silver and gold. Each gate had two doors, whose height was severally thirty cubits, and their breadth fifteen. However, they had large spaces within of thirty cubits, and had on each side rooms, and those, both in breadth and in length, built Uke towers, and their height was above forty cubits. Two pillars did also support these rooms, and were in circumference twelve cubits. Now the magnitudes of the other gates were equal one to another; but that over the Corinthian gate, which opened on the east over-against the gate of the holy house itself, was much larger ; for its height was fifty cubits ; and its doors were forty cubits ; and it was adorned after a most costly manner, as having much richer and thicker plates of silver and gold upon them than the other. These nine gates had that silver and gold poured upon them by Alexander, the seeminis: sufficient for a single step. Possibly there were fourteen or fifteen steps at the partition- wall, and fourteen or fifteen more thence into the court itself^ which would bring the whole near to the just pro- portioo. S«« B«ct. 3, in/ra. But X d«t«rmin« sstiilnc. 718 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK Ts father of Tiberius. Now there were fifteen steps, which led away from the wall of the court of the women to this greater gate; whereas those that led thither from the other gates were five steps shorter. 4. As to the holy house itself, which was placed in the midst [of the inmost court], that most sacred part of the temple, it was ascended to by twelve steps; and in front its height and its breadth were equal, and each a hundred cubits, though it was behind forty cubits narrower; for on its front it had what n)ay be styled shoulders on each side, that passed twenty cubits farther. Its first gate was seventy cubits high, and twenty-five cu- bits broad; but this gate had no doors; for it represented the universal visibility of heaven, and that it cannot be excluded from any place. Its front was covered with gold all over, and through it the first part of the house, that was more inward, did all of it appear; which, as it was very large, so did all the parts about the more inward gate appear to shine to those that saw them; but then, as the entire house was divided into two parts within, it was only the first part of it that was open to our view. Its height extended all along to ninety cubits in height, and its length was fifty cubits, and its breadth twenty; but that gate which was at this end of the first part of the house was, as we have already observed, all over covered with gold, as was its whole wall about it: it had also golden vines above it, from which clusters of grapes hung as tall as a man's height; but then this house, as it was divided into two parts, the inner part was lower than the appearance of the outer, and had golden doors of fifty-five cubits altitude, and sixteen in breadth ; but before these doors there was a veil of equal largeness with the doors. It was a Babylonian curtain, embroidered with blue, and fine linen, and scarlet, and purple, and of a contextut^ that was truly wonderful. Nor was this mixture of colours without its mystical interpretation, but was a kind of image of the universe; for by the scarlet there seeujed to be enigmatically signified fire, by the fine flax the earth, by the blue the air, and by the purple the sea; two of them having their colours the foundation of this resemblance; but the fine flax and the purple have their own origin for that foundation, the earth producing tbe one, and the sea the other. This cur- tain had also embroidered upon it all that was nj>«tical in the heavens, excepting that of the [twelve] signs, representing living creatures. •C 5. When any persons entered into the tem- ple, its floor received them. This part of the temple therefore was in height sLxty cubits, ■nd its length the same; whereas its breadth was but twenty cubits; but still that sixty C'ibits in length was divided again, and the fir»t part of it cut oif at forty cubits, und ha(i U it three things that were very woiiderlu! i4|d &ia«u« anong all naukind; the uanti]^- stick, the table [of shew-bread], and the altar of incense. Now, the seven lamps signified the seven planets ; for so many there were springing out of the candlestick. Now, the twelve loaves that were upon tbe table signi- fied the circle of the zodiac and the year; but the altar of incense, by its thirteen kinds of sweet-smelling spices with which the sea re- plenished it, signified that God is the possessor of all things that are both in the uninhabitable and habitable parts of the earth, and that they are all to be dedicated to his use. But the inmost part of the temple of all was of twenty cubits. This was also separated from the outer part by a veil. In this there was no- thing at all. It was inaccessible and invio- lable, and not to be seen by any; and was called the Holy of Holies. Now, about the sides of the lower part of the temple there were little houses, with passages out of one into another; there were a great many of them, and they were of three stories high ; there were also entrances on each side into them from the gate of the temple. But the supe- rior part of the temple had no such little houses any farther, because the temple was there narrower, and forty cubits higher, and of a smaller body than the lower parts of it. Thus we collect that the whole height, in- cluding the sixty cubits from the floor, amounted to a hundred cubits. 6. Now the outward face of the temple in its front wanted nothing that was likely to surprise either men's minds or their eyes: for it was covered all over with plates of gold of great weight, and, at the first rising of the sun, reflected back a very fiery splendour, and made those who forced themselves to lock upon it to turn their eyes away, just as they would have done at the sun's own rays. But this temple appeared to strangers, when they were at a distance, like a mountain covered with snow; for, as to those parts of it that were not gilt, they were exceeding white. On :^ its top it had spikes with sharp points, to pre-^ vent any pollution' of it by birds sitting upon it. Of its stones, some of them were forty- five cubits in length, five in height, and six in breadth. Before this temple stood the altar, fifteen cubits high, and equal both in length and breadth; each of which dimensions was fifty cubits. The figure it was built in was a square, and it had corners like horns ; and the passage up to it was by an insensible ac- clivity. It was formed without any iron tool, nor did any such iron tool so much as touch it at any time. There was a wall of partition, about a cubit in height, made of fine stones, and so as to be grateful to the sight; this encompassed the holy house and the altar, and kept the people that were on the outside off from the priests. Moreover, those that had the gonorrha'a and the leprosy were excluded out of the city entirely; wo- man also, when tbi:ir owursea weru upon them. ^^w^ CHAP. V. WARS OF THE JEWS. 719 were shut out of the temple: nor when they were free from that impurity, were they allovA'ed to go beyond the limit before- mentioned; men also, that were not thoroughly pure, were prohibited to come into the inner [court of the] temple: nay, the priests them- selves that were not pure, were prohibited to «ome into it also. 7. Now all those of the stock of the priests that could not minister by reason of some defect in their bodies, came within the partition together with those that had no such imperfec- tion, and had their share with them by reason of their stock, but still made use of none except their own private garments; for nobody but he that officiated had on his sacred gar- ments; but then these priests that were with- out any blemish upon theni, went up to the altar clothed in fine linen. They abstained chiefly from wine, out of this fear, lest other- wise they should transgress some rules of their ministration. The high-priest did also go up with them; not always indeed, but on the seventh days and new moons, and if any festivals belonging to our nation, which we celebrate every year, happened. When he officiated, he had on a pair of bj^eeches that reached beneath his privy parts to his thighs, and bad on an inner garment of linen, together with a blue garment, round, without seam, with fringe-work, and reaching to the feet. There were also golden bells that hung upon the fringes, and pomegranates intermixed among them. The bells signified thunder, and the pomegranates lightning. But that girdle that tied the garment to the breast, was embroidered with five rows of various rolours of gold, and purple, and scarlet, as also if fine linen and blue ; with which colours, ve told you before, the veils of the temple vere embroidered also. The like embroidery ivas upon the ephod; but the quantity of gold (herein was greater. Its figure was that of a stoinacher for the breast. There were upon it two golden buttons like small shields, which buttoned the ephod to the garment: in these buttons were enclosed two very large and very excellent sardonyxes, having the names )f the tribes of that nation engraved upon them; on the other part were hung twelve ttones, three in a row one way, and four uj the other; a sardius, a topaz, and an eme- rald: a carbuncle, a jasper, and a sapphire; m agate, an amethyst, and a ligure; an onyx, I beryl, and a chrysolite; upon every one of which was again engraved one of the fore- raentioned names of the tribes. A mitre ilso of fine linen encompassed his head, which was tied by a blue riband, about which there was another golden crown, in which was engraven the sacred name [of GodJ: it consists of four vowels. However, the high-priest did not wear these garments at orl.t'f lines, but a more plain huhit; he only dc. .. >'. ;. ■) !4e went into the most saorud part of the temple, which he did but once u-yenf, on that day when our custom is for all of ua to keep a fast to Goc. And thus much con- cerning the city and the temple; but for the customs and laws hereto relating, we shall speak more accurately another time; for there remain a great many things thereto relating, which have not been here touched upon. 8. Now, as to the tower of Antonia, it was situated at the corner of two cloisters of the court of the temple; of that on the west, and that on the north; it was erected upon a rock of fifty cubits in height, and was on a gitat precipice; it was the work of king Herod,, wherein he demonstrated his natural magna- nimity. In the first place, the rock itself was covered over with smooth pieces of stone, from its foundation, both for ornament, and that any one who would either try to get up or to go down it, might not be able to hold Lis feet upon it. Next to this, and before you come to the edifice of the tower itself, there was a wall three cubits high; but within that wall all the space of the tower of Antonia itself was built upon, to the height of forty cubits. The inward parts had the largeness and form of a palace, it being parted into all kinds of rooms and other conveniences, such as courts, and places for bathing, and broad spaces for camps; insomuch that, by having all conve- niences that cities wanted, it might seem to be composed of several cities, but by its mag- nificence, it seemed a palace; and as the entire structure resembled that of a tower, it contained also four other distinct towers at its four corners; whereof the others were but fifty cubits high ; whereas that which lay upon the south-east corner was seventy cubits high, that from thence the whole temple might be viewed; but on the corner where it joined to the two cloisters of the temple, it bad passages down to them both, through which the guard (for there always lay in this tower a Roman legion) went several ways among the cloisters, with their arms, on the Jewish festivals, in order to watch the people, that they might not there attempt to make any innovations; for the temple was a fortress that guarded the city, as was the tower of Antonia a guard to the temple; and in that tower were the guards of those three.* There was also a peculiar fortress belonging to the upper city, which was Herod's palace; but for the hill Bezetha, it was divided from the tower of Antonia, as we have already told you; and as that hill on which the tower of Antonia stood, was the highest of these three, so did it adjoin to the new city, and was the only place that hindered the sight of the temple on the north. And this shall suffice at present to have spokan about the city and the walls about it, because • These three guards that lay in the fewer of AntODf» must be those that guarded the cir,, \\y<f t«<!i(^Ie, and t^ tower of Aiitouu 720 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK V. I haTC proposed to myself to make a more accurate description of it elsewhere. CHAPTER VI. CONCERNING THB TYRANTS SIMON AND JOHN. HOW ALSO, AS TITUS WAS GOING ROUND THE WALL OP THB CITY, NICANOR WAS WOUNDED BY A DART ; WHICH ACCIDENT PROVOKED TITUS TO PRESS ON THE SIEGE. § 1. Now the warlike men that were in the ,city, and the multitude of the seditious that were with Simon, were ten thousand, besides the Idumeans. Those ten thousand had fifty commanders, over whom this Simon was su- preme. The Idumeans that paid him homage were five thousand, and had eight commanders, among whom those of greatest fame were Jacob, the son of Sosas, and Simon, the son of Cathlas. John, who had seized upon the temple, had six thousand armed men, under twenty, commanders ; the zealots also that had come over to him, and left off their opposition, were two thousand four hundred, and had the same commander that they had formerly, Eleazar, together with Simon, the son of Arinus. Now, while these factions fought one against another, the people were their prey on both sides, as we have said already ; and that part of the people who would not join with them in their wicked practices, were plunder- ed by both factions. Simon held the upper city, and the great wall as far as Cedron, and as much of the old wall as bent from Siloam to the east, and which went down to the palace of Monobazus, who was king of the Adiabeni, beyond Euphrates; he also held that fountain, and the Acra, which was no other than the lower city ; he also held all that reached to the palace of queen Helena, the mother of Monobazus: but John held the temple, and the parts thereto adjoining, for a great way, as also Ophla, and the valley called " the Valley of Cedron ;" and when the parts that were interposed between their pos- sessions were burnt by them, they left a space wherein they might fight with each other ; for this internal sedition did not cease even when the Romans were encamped near their very walls. But although they had gjrown wiser at the first onset the Romans made upon them, this lasted but a while; for they return- ed to their former madness, and separated one from another, and fought it out, and did every thing that the besiegers could desire them to do; for they never suffered any thing that was worse from the Romans than they made each other suffer; nor was there any misery endured by the city after these men's actions that could be esteemed new. But it was most of all unhappy before it was overthrown, while those that took it did it a gn'^ater kind- ness; for I venture to afiirm, that the sedition destroyed the city, and the Romans destroyed the sedition, which it was a much harder thing to do than to destroy the walls ; so that we may justly ascribe our misfortunes to our own people, and the just vengeance taken on them to the Romans ; as to which matter let every one determine by the actions on both sides. 3. Now, when affairs within the city were in this posture, Titus went round the city on the outside with some chosen horsemen, and looked about for a proper place where he might make an impression upon the walls; but as he was in doubt where he could pos- sibly make an attack on any side (for the place was no way accessible where the valleys were, and on the other side the first wall ap- peared too strong to be shaken by the engines), he thereupon thought it best to make his as- sault upon the monument of John the high- priest; for there it was that the first fortifi- cation was lower, and the second was not joined to it, the builders neglecting to build the wall strong where the new city was not much inhabited ; here also was an easy pas- sage to the third wall, through which he thought to take the upper city, and, through the tower of* Antonia, the temple itself. But at this time, as he was going round about the city, one of his friends, whose name was Ni- canor, was wounded with a dart on his left shoulder, as he approached, together with Jo- sephus, too near the wall, and attempted to discourse to those that were upon the wall, about terms of peace; for he was a person known by them. On this account it was that Caesar, as soon as he knew their vehe- mence, that they would not bear even such as approached them to persuade them to what tended to their own preservation, was pro- voked to press on the siege. He also at the same time gave his soldiers leave to set the suburbs on fire, and ordered that they should bring timber together, and raise banks against the city ; and when he had parted his army into three parts, in order to set about those works, he placed those that shot darts and the archers in the midst of the banks that were then raising ; before whom he placed those engines that threw javelins, and darts, and stones, that he might prevent the enemy from sallying out upon their works, and might hinder those that were upon the wall from being able to obstruct them. So the trees were now cut down immediately, and the suburbs left naked. But now while the timber was carrying to raise the banks, and the whole army was earnestly engaged in their works, the Jews were not, however, quiet ; and it happened that the people of Jerusalem, who had been hitherto plundered and murdered, were now of good courage, and supposed they should have a breathing- time, while the others were very busy in opposing their enemi«s without the city, and CHAP. VI. WARS OF THE JEWS, 721 that they should now be avenged on those that had been the authors of their miseries, in case the Romans did but get the victory. 3. However, John staid behind, out of his fear of Simon, even while his own men were earnest in making a sally upon their enemies without. Yet did not Simon lie still, for he lay near the place of the siege; he brought his engines of war, and disposed -of them at due distances upon tlie wall, both those which they took from Cestius formerly, and those which they got when they seized the garrison that lay in the tower of Antonia. But though they had these engines in their pos- session, they had so little skill in using them, that they were in a great measure useles? to them; but a few there were who bad beev taught by deserters how to use them, wb'^h they did use, though after an awkward man- ner. So they cast stones and arrows at those that were making the banks; they also ran out upon them by companies, and fought with them. Now those that were at work covered themselves with hurdles spread over their bank?, and their engines were opposed to them when they made their excursions. The engines, that all th^ legions had ready pre- pared for them, were admirably contrived; but still more extraordinary ones belonged to the tenth legion: those that threw darts and those that threw stones, were more forcible and larger than the rest, by which they not only repelled the excursions of the Jews, but drove those away that were upon the walls also. Now, the stones that were cast were of the weight of a talent, and were carried two fur- longs and farther. The blow they gave was no way to be sustained, not only by those that stood tirst in the way, but by those that were beyond them for a great space. As for the Jews, they at first watched the coming of the stone, for it was of a white colour, and could therefore not only be perceived by the great noise it made, but could be seen also before it came by its brightness; accordingly tb*» watchmen that sat upon the towers gave them notice when the engine was let go, and tee stone came from it, and cried out aloud, in their own country language, "the son COMETH;"* so those that were in its way • What should be the meaning of this signal or watch- word, when the watchnicn saw a stone coming Irom the ei)j!;ine, -THK son COMETH," or what mistake there is in tiie reading, 1 cannot tell. The MSS. both Greek and Latin, all a^ree in this reading: and I cannot approve ol any froundlcss conjectural alteration of the text from v'to; to lot- that not tiie son or a stone, but that the arrow or dart cometh; as hath been made by Dr. Hudson, and cot corrected by Havercamp. Had Josephus written cyeo his 6rst edition of these books of the war in prre Hebrew, or had the Jews then used the pure Hebrew at Jerusalem, ,.be Hebrew word fur a son is so like that lor a stone, ben and eben. that such a correction might have been more easily admitted But Josephus wrote his for- mer edition for the use of the Jews beyimd 1 uphrates. and so in the Ctialdee lansjuage, as he did this second edition in the Greek lant;uage; and bar wae the Chaldee woiu (or £on, instead of the Hebrew ben, and was used, not nrjy in Chaldea, &c. but in Judca also, as the New Testaaitat informs us. Dio alsa lets us know, that the stood off, and threw themselves down 'ipon the ground; by which means, and by *heir thus guarding themselves, the stone feH down ■ and did them no harm. But the Fomai's contrived how to prevent that by blacking the stone, -who then could aim at them w?th suc- cess, when the stone was not discerned before- hand, as it had been till then; and so tbey destroyed many of them at one blow. Yet did not the Jews, under all this distress, per- mit the Romans to raise their banks in qniet; but they shrewdly and boldly exerted them- selves, and repelled them both by night and by day. 4. And now, upon the finishing the Roman works, the workmen measured the distance there was from the wall, and this by lead and a line, which they threw to it from their banks; for they could not measure it any otherwise, because the Jews would shoot at them, if they came to measure it themselves; and when they found that the engines could reach the wall, they brought them thither. Then did Titus set his engines at proper dis- tances, so much nearer to the wall, that the Jews might not be able to repel them, and gave orders that they should go to work; and when thereupon a prodigious noise echoed round about from three places, and that on the sudden, there was a great noise made by the citizens that were within the city, and no less n terror fell upon the seditious themselves ; whereupon both sorts, seeing the common danger they were in, contrived to make a like defence. So those of different factions cried out one to another, that they acted entirely as in concert with their enemies; whereas they ought however, notwithstanding God did not grant them a lasting concord, in their present circumstances, to lay aside their enmities one against another, and to unite together against the Romans. Accordingly, Simon gave those that came from the temple leave, by procla- mation, to go upon the wall ; John also him- self, though he could not believe Simon was in earnest, gave them the same leave. So on both sides they laid aside their hatred and their peculiar quarrels, and formed theuv- selves into one body; they then ran round the walls, and having a vast number of torches very Romans at Rome pronounce*! the name of Simon the son of Gioras. liar Poras for Bar Ginrm, as we leaia from Xiphiline, page 217, Re. and takes notice, "that many will here look for a mystery, as tlioug>i the uiean- ing were, that the Son of God came now to take ven- geance on the sins of the Jewish nation;" which is indeed the truth of the fact, but hardly what the Jews could now mean; unless possibly by way ol' derision of 'Jhrist's threatening so often that be would corTift at the head of the Roman army for their destruction But f ven this interpretation has but a very small decree of proba- bility. If 1 were to make an emepdation by vazrx cuu- jecture, I would read o-tTjof instead of w'f, thougt. the likeness he not so great as in i«;; because that is the word used by Josephus just before, as has beeu aiready noted on this very occasion, while }«f. an arr-j*- q: cars, is only a poetical word, and never used by Joscp'JUi? elsewhere, and is indeed no way suitable to the occasion, this engine not throwing arrows or diiru. but great tto lies, at this time. 722 WARS OF THE JEWS, BOOK V witb thejc, they threw them at the machines, auJ shot darts perpetually upon those that iaipelled those engines which battered the wall; nay, the bolder sort leaped out by troops upon the hurdles that covered the machines, and pulled them to pieces, and fell upon those that belonged to them, and beat them, not so much by any skill they had, as principally by the boldness of their attacks. However, Ti- tus himself sent assistance to those that were the hardest set, and placed both horsemen and archers on the several sides of the engines, and thereby beat off those that brought the tire to them; he also thereby repelled those that shot stones or darts from the towers, and then set the engines to work in good earnest; yet did not the wall yield to these blows, excepting where the battering-ram of the fifteenth legion moved the corner of a tower, while the wall itself continued unhurt; for the wall was not presently in the same danger with the tower, which was extant far above it; nor could the fall of that part of the tower easily break down any part of the wall itself toge- ther with it. 5. -Ajid now the Jews intermitted their sal- lies for a while; but when they observed the Romans dispersed all abroad at their works, and in their several camps (for they thought the Jews had retired out of weariness and i'li-dx), they all at once made a sally at the tower HinpJcus, through an obscure gate, and at the fame time brought fire to burn the works, and went boldly up to the Romans, aud to their very fortifications themselves, where, at the cry they made, those that were near them came % presently to their assistance, and those farther ott came running after them; and here the boldness of tbe Jews was too hard for the good order of the Romans; and as they beat tnose whom they first fell upon, so they press- ed upon tiiose tbat were now gotten together. So tbis fight about the machines was very hot, while the one side tried hard to set them on fire, ann the other side to prevent it; on both sides there was a confused cry made, and many of idose in the rore-tront of the battle were slain. However, the Jews were now too hard for the Romans, by the furious assaults they made like madmen; and the fire caught hold vi the works, and both all those works and the engines themselves, had been in danger of oeing burnt, had not many of th"se select Kuluiers that came from Alexandria opposed themselves to prevent it, and had they not behaved themselves with greater courage than Ihey themselves supposed they could have dune; for they outdid those in this fight that Lad greater reputation than themselves before. '1 li'ia was the state of things till Cajsar took the stoutest of his horsemen and attacked the eucu\y, while he himself slew twelve of those that were in the fore-front of the Jews; which Ccuth of these men, when the rest of the mul- titude saw, they gave way, and he pursued them, and drove them all into the city, ai'J saved the works from the fire. Now it hai> pened at this fight, that a certain Jew was taken alive, who, by Titus's orders, was cru- cified before the wall, to see whether the rest of them would be affrighted, and abate of their obstinacy. But after the Jews were retired, John, who was commander of the Idu- means, and was talking to a certain soldier ol his acquaintance before the wall, was wounded by a dart shot at him by an Arabian, and died immediately, leaving the greatest lamen- tation to the Jews, and sorrow to the sedi- tious; for he was a man of great eminence, both for his actions and his conduct also CHAPTER VIL HOW ONE OF THE TOWERS ERECTED BV THE ROMANS FELL DOWN OF ITS OWN ACCORD; AND HOW THE ROMANS, AFTER GREAT SLAUGHTER HAD BEEN MADE, GOT POSSES- SION OF THE FIRST WALL. HOW ALSO TITUS MADE HIS ASSAULTS UPON THE SECOND WALL; AS ALSO, CONCERNING LONGINUS THE ROMAN, AND CASTOR THE JEW. § 1. Now, on the next night, a most sur- prising disturbance fell upon the Romans ; for whereas Titus had given orders for the erection of three towers of fifty cubits high, i that by setting men upon them at every bank, he might from thence drive those away who were upon the wall, it so happened that one of these towers fell down about midnight; and as its fall made a very great noise, fear fell upon the army, and they, supposing that the enemy was coming to attack them, ran all to their arms. Whereupon a disturbance and a tumult arose among the legions, and as | nobody could tell what had happened, they | went on after a disconsolate manner; and see- ing no enemy, appear, they were afraid one of another, and every one demanded of his neighbour the watch-word with great earnest- ness, as though the Jews had invaded their 1 camp. And now they were like people under j a panic fear, till Titus was informed of what had happened, and gave orders that all should be acquainted with it; and then, though with some ditticulty, they got clear of the disturb- ance they had been uncier. 2. Now, these towers were very trouble- some to the Jews, who otherwise opposed the Romans very courageously: for they shot at them out of their lighter engines from those towers, as they did also by those that threw darts, and the archers, and those that slung stones. For neither could the Jews reach those that were over tnem, by reason of their height; and it was nut practicable to take them, nor to overturn them, they were so heavy, nor to set them on fire, because they were covered with plates of iron. So they retired out of CHAP. VIT. WARS OF THE JEWS. 723 the reach of the darts, and did no longer ' endeavour to hinder the impression of their rams, which, by continually beating upon the wall, did gradually previiil against it; so that the wall already gave way to the Nico, for by that name dnl the Jews themselves call the greatest of their engines, because it conqueretl all things. And now, they were for a long while grown weary of lighting, and of keeping guards, and were retired to lodge in the night- time at a distance from the wall. It was on other accounts also thought by them to be superfluous to guard the wall, there being, besides that, two other fortifications still remaining, and they being slothful, and their counsels having been ill-coiicertcd on all occasions; so a great many grew lazy, and retired. Then the Romans mounted the breach, where Nico had made one, and all the Jews left the guarding that wall, and retreated to the second wall; so those that had gotten over that wall opened the gates, and received all the army within it. And thus did the Romans get possession of this lirst wall, on the fifteenth day of the siege, which was the seventh day of the month Artemisius [Jyar], when they demolished a great part of it, as well as they did of the northern parts of the city, which had be*;n demolished aiso by Cestius formerly. 3. And now Titus pitched his camp within the city, at that place which was called " the Camp of the Assyrians," having seized upon all that lay as far as Cedron, but took care to be out of the reach of the Jews* darts. He then presently began his attacks, upon which the Jews divided themselves into seve- ral bodies, and courageously defended that wall; while John and his faction did it from the tower of Antonia, and from the northern cloister of the temple, and fought the Romans before the monument of king Alexander; and Simon's army also took for their share the spot of groui'd that was near John's monu- tnent, and fortified it as far as to that gate where water was brought in to the tower Hippicus. However, the Jews made violent sallies, and that frequently also, and in bodies together out of the gates, and there fought the Romans; and when they were pursued altogetlier to the wall, they were beaten in those fights, as wanting the skill of the Romans. But when they fought them from the walls, they were too hard for them, the Roman? being encouraged by their power, joined to their skill, as were the Jews by their boldness, which was nourished by the fear they were in, and that hardiness which is natural to our nation under calamities; they were also encouraged still by the hope of deliverance, as were the Romans by the hopes of subduing them in a little time. Nor did either side grow weary; but attacks and fifrbtings upon the wall, and perpetual sallies out in bodieii, were practised ail the day loog; nor were there any sort of warlike eng«tg3- ments that were not then put in use. And the night itself had much ado to part them, when they began to fight in the morning; nay, the night itself was passed without gle»'j> on both sides, and was more uneasy than the day to them, while the one was afraid lest the wall should be taken, and the other lest the Jews should make sallies upon their camps-; both sides also lay in their armour during the night-time, and thereby were ready at the first appearance of light to go to the battle Now, among the Jews the ambition was who should undergo the first dangers, and thereby gratify their commanders. Above all, they had a great veneration and dread of Simon; and to that degree was he regarded by every one of those that were under him, that at his command they were very ready to kill them- selves with their own hands. What made the Romans so courageous, was their usual cus- tom of conquering and disuse of bei.;g defeated, their constant wars, and perpetual warlike exercises, and the grandeur of their dominion; and what was now their chief encouragement, — Titus, who was present everywhere with them all; for it appeared a terrible thing to grow weary while Cuisar uas there, and fought bravely as well as they uiu, and was himself at once an eye-witness of such as behaved themselves vjiliantiy, and he who was to reward them also. It was, besides, esteemed an advantage at present to have any one's valour known by Ca;sar; on which account many of them appeared to have more alacrity than strength to answer it. And now, as the Jews were about this tui.e standing in array before the wall, and tnat in a strong body, and while both parties were throwing their darts at each other, Longinn-:, one of the equestrian order, leaped out or the army of the Romans, and leaped into the very midst of the army of the Jews; and hs they dispersed" themselves upon this attac«c, he slew two of their men of the greatest cou- rage; one of them he struck in his mouth, as he was coming to meet him; the otber was slain by him with that very dart that he drew out of the body of the other, with which he ran this man through his side as he was run- ning away from him; and when he had done this, he first of all ran out of the midst ot his enemies to his own side. So this man sijrna- lized himself for his valour, and many there were who were ambitious of gaining the like reputation. And now the Jews were uncon- cerned at what they suffered themselves from the Romans, and were only solicitous aboi\t what mischief they could do them: and death itself seemed a small matter to them, if c the same time they could but kill any one of their enemies. But Titus took care to secure his own soldiers from harm, as well as to have them overcome their enemies. He also said that inconsiderate violeace waa '724 WARS (TF THE JKWS^ BOOK V maii:ie«3; and that this alone was the true ';ou;ugf that was joined with good conduct. He vQcrcfore commanded bis men to take caro, v/neu they fought their enemies, that 'tjyy ;ecei/ed no harm from them at the same tit.'ie ; and thereby show themselves to be tfulv valiant men. 4. A.id now Titus brought one of his en- gines to the middle tower of the north part ut Liie wail, in which a certain crafty Jew, v.'hooe liame was Castor, lay in ambush, with len others like himself, the rest being fled away by reason of the archers. These men lay still for a while, as in great fear, under their breast-plates; but when the tower was shaken, they arose; and Castor did then stretch out his hand, as a petitioner, and called for Caesar, and by his voice moved his compas- sion, and begged of him to have mercy upon them ; and Titus, in the innocency of his heart, believing him to be in earnest, and hop- ing that the Jews did now repent, stopped the working of the battering-ram, and for- bade them to shoot at the petitioners, and bade Castor say what he had a mind to say to him. He said that he would come down, if he would give him his right hand for his secu- rity. To which Titus replied, that he was well pleased with su£h his agreeable conduct, and would be well pleased if all the Jews would be of his ujind ; and that he was ready to give the like security to the city. Now five of the ten dissembled with him, and pre- tended to beg for mercy ; while the rest cried out aloud, that they would never be slaves to the Romans, while it was in their power to die in a state of freedom. Now while these n;en were quarrelling for a long while, the attack was delayed ; Castor also sent to Simon, and told him that they might take some time for consultation about what was to be done, because he would elude the power of the Romans for a considerable time. And at the same time that he sent thus to hun, he appeared openly to exhort those that were obstinate to accept of Titus's hand for their security; but they seemed very angry at it, and brandished their naked swords upon the breast-works, and struck themselves upon ttieir breast, and fell down as if they had Oeen slain. Hereupon Titus, and those with nun, were amazed at the courage of the men; and as they were not able to see exactly what was done, they admired at their great fortitude, and pitied their calamity. During this inter- vaU a certain person shot a dart at Castor, and wounded biin in bis nose; whereupon he pre- sently pulled out the dart, and showed it to Ti- tuii; and complained that this was untair treat- Uiunt »oCjesar reproved him that shot the dart, and sent Joaephus, who then stood by him, to giv< bis ri^ht hand to Castor. But Josephus B<»ld t.hat be would not go to hiu), because fn»>«. oretended petitioners meant nothing tiuit was good; be also restrained those friends of his who were zealous to go to him. But still there was one iEneas, a deserter, who said he would go to him. Castor also called to them, that somebody should come and re- ceive tfie money which he had with him; tliis made ^neas the more earnestly to run to him with his bosom open. Then did Castor take up a great stoi»e and threw it at hiu), which missed him, because he guarded himself against it; but still it wounded another suhiieif that was coming to him. When Casar under- stood that this was a delusion, he perceived that mercy in war is a pernicious thing, because such cuiuiing tricks have less place under the exercise of greater severity. So he caused the engine to work more strongly than before, on account of his anger at the deceit put upon him. But Castor and hi* companions set the tower on lire when it began. to give way, and leaped through the flame into a hidden vault that was under it; which made the Romans farther suppose that they were men of great courage, as having cast them- selves into the fire. CHAPTER Vni. HOW THE ROMANS TOOK THE ;SECOND V7ALt TWICE, AND GOT ALL READY FOR TAKING THE THIRD WALL. § 1. Now Ciesar took this wall there on the fifth day after he had taken the lirst ; and when the Jews had fled from him, be entered into it with a thousand armed men, and those of his choice troops, and this at a place where were the merchants of wool, the braziers, and the market for cloth, and where the narrow streets led obliquely to the wall. Wherefore,, if Titus had either demolished a larger part ot the wall immediately, or had come in, and ac- cording to the law of war, had laid waste v.hafe was left, his victory would not, 1 s\j|)puse, have been mixed with any loss to hiuistrlt; but now, out of the hope he had that he should make the Jews ashamed of their obstinacy, by not being willing, when he was able to atHict them more than he needed to do, he did not widen the breach of the wall in order to mak',* a safer retreat upon occasion; tor he <iid not think they would lay snares for him that liit^W^ them such a kindness. When, thereloie, ha came in, he did not permit his soldiers to kill any of those they caught, nor to set tire to their houses neither; nay, he gave leave to the seditious, if they bad a mind, to light without any harm to the p«:ople, and promised to restore the [jeople's etiects to them; lor he was very desirous to preserve the city for his own sake, and tiie temple for lue sake of the city. As to the peo[»le, he had them of a long time ready to comply with his propofais; but as to tite lighting men, this hum n ity oi his seemed u mark ot his weakness; and they CHAP. IX, WARS OF THE JEWS. 725 iaiagijieJ that he made these proposals because he vvas not able to take the rest of the city. They also threatened death to the people, if they should any one of them say a word about a surrender. They moreover cut the throats of such as talked of a peace, and then attacked those Romans that were come within the wall. Some of them they met in the narrow streets, and some they fought against from their houses, while they made a sudden sally out at the upper gates, and assaulted such Romans as were beyond the wall, till those that guarded the wall were so affrighted, that they leaped down from their towers, and retired to their several camps: upon which a great noise was made by the Romans that were within, because they were encompassed round on every side by their enemies; as also by them that were without, because they were in fear for those that were left in the city. Thus did the Jews grow more numerous per- petually, and had great advantages over the Romans, by their full knowledge of those narrow lanes; and they wounded a great many of them, and fell upon them, and drove them out of the city. Now these Romans were at present forced to make the best resis- tance they could; for they were not able, in great numbers, to get out at the breach in the wall, it was so narrow. It is also probable that all those that were gotten within had been cut to pieces, if Titus had not sent them succours; for he ordered the archers to stand at the upper ends of these narrow lanes, and he stood himself where was the greatest mul- titude of his enemies, and with his darts he put a stop to them; as with him did Domi- tius Sabiims also, a valiant man, and one that in this battle appeared so to be. Thus did Caesar continue to shoot darts at the Jews continually, and to hinder them from coming upon his men, and this until all his soldiers had retreated out of the city. 2. And thus were the Romans driven out, after they had possessed themselves of the second wall. Whereupon the fighting men that were in the city were lifted up in their minds, and were elevated upon this their good success, and began to think that the Romans would never venture to come into the city any more; and that, if they kept within it them- selves, they should not be any more con- quered; for God had blinded their minds for ttie transgressions they had been guilty of, nor could they see how much greater forces the Romans had than those that were now expelled, no more than they could discern how a famine was creeping upon them; for hitherto they had fed themselves out of the public miseries, and drank the blood of the city. But now poverty had for a long time seized upon the better part, and a great many had died already for want of necessaries; although the seditious indeed supposed the destruction of the peoi;le to be un easement to themselves; for they desired that none others might be preserved but such as were against a peace with the Romans, and were resolved to live in opposition to them, and they were pleased when the multitude of those of a con- trary opinion were consumed, as being then freed from a heavy burden: and this was their disposition of mind with regard to those that were within the city, while they covered them- selves with their armour, and prevented the Romans, when they were trying to get into the city again, and made a wall of their own bodies over-against that part of the wall that was cast down. Thus did they valiantly defend themselves for three days; but on the fourth day they could not support themselves against the vehement assaults of Titus, but were compelled by force to fly whither they had {led before; so he quietly possessed him- self again of that wall, and demolished it entirely; and when he had put a garrisoQ into the towers that were on the so;ith parts of the city, he contrived how he might assault the third wall. CHAPTER IX. TITUS, WHEN THE JEWS WERE NOT AT ALL MOLLIFIED BY HIS LEAVING OFF THE SIEGE FOR A WHILE, SET HIMSELF AGAIN TO PROSECUTE THE SAME; BUT SOON SENT JOSEPHUS TO DISCOURSE WITH HIS OWN COUNTRYMEN ABOUT PEACE. § 1. A RESOLUTION was now taken by Titus to relax the siege for a little while, and to afford the seditious an interval for considera- tion, and to see whether the demolishing of their second wall would not make them a little more compliant, or whether they were not somewhat afraid of a famine, because the spoils they had gotten by rapine would not be sufficient for them long; so he made use of this relaxation, in order to compass his ov.'n designs. Accordingly, as the usual appointed time when he must distribute subsistence- money to the soldiers was now come, he gave orders that the commanders should put the army into battle array, in the face of tHo enemy, and then give every one of the soldiers their pay. So the soldiers, according to cus- tom, opened the cases wherein their arms before lay covered, and marched with their breat-t-plates on; as did the horsemen lead their horses in their tine trappings. Then did the places that were before the city shine very splendidly for a great way; nor was there any thing so grateful to Titus's own men, or so terrible to the enemy, as that sight; for the whole old wall nnd the north side of the tem- ple were full of spectators, and one might see tbe houses full of such as looked at them; noi was there any part of the city which was rot 75>C WARS OF THE JEWS, BOOK V, covered over wth their multitudes; nay, a very great consternation seized upon the har- diest t}( tbe Jews themselves, when they saw ^1 tiu> armv in the same place, together with Ihe oneness of their arms, and the good f»rner ut their men ; and I cannot but think that the seditious would have changed their ni:nds at that sight, unless the crimes they had committed against the people had been so horrid, that they despaired of forgiveness from the Romans; but as they believed death with torments must be their punishment, if they did not go on in the defence of the city, they thought it much better to die in war. Fate also prevailed so far over them, that the in'iocent were to perish with the guilty, and the city was to be destroyed with the seditious that were in it. 2. Thus did the Romans spend four days in -bringing this subsistence-money to the several legions; but on the fifth day, when no s'gns of peace appeared to come from the Jews, Titus divided his legions, and began to raise banks, both at the tower of Antonia and at John's monument. Now his designs were to take the upper city at that monument, and the temple at the tower of Antoiiia; for if the temple were not taken it would be dan- gerous to keep the city itself; so at each of these parts he raised him banks, each legion raiding one. As for those that wroMght at John's monument, the Iduraeans, and those that were in arms with Simon, made sallies upon them, and put some stop to them ; while John's party, and the multitude of zealots with thera, did the like to those that were before the tower of Antonia. These Jews were now too hard for the Romans, not only in direct fighting, because they stood upon the higher ground, but because they had now learned to use their own engines; for their continual use of them, one day after another, did by degrees improve their skill about them ; for of one sort of engines for darts they had three hun- dred, and forty for atones; by the means of which they made it more tedious for the Ro- mans to raise their banks ; but then Titus, knowiTJg that the city would be either saved or destroyed for himself, did not only proceed earnestly in the siege, but did not omit to have the Jews exhorted to repentance; so he mixed good counsel with his works for the siege; and being sensible that exhortations are frequently more effectual than arms, he per- suaded theui to surrender the city, now in a manner already taken, and thereby to save tben)seives, and sent Johephus to speak to them in their own language ; for he imaginec they might }ield to the persuasion of a coun- tryman of their own. 3. So Joseph us went round about the wall, and tried to find a place that was out of the rBOchof their duits.and yet within their hearing, andbef'ought iht niin ujany words to spare them- •clvejj, to Sparc their country and thtir temple, and not to he reore ohdurate in these cases than foreigners themselves; for that the Ro- mans, who had no relation to those things, had a reverence for their sacred rites and places, although they belonged to their enemies, and had till now kept their hands off from med- dhng with them ; while such as were brought up under them, and, if they be preserved, will be the only people that will reap the bene- fit of them, hurry on to have them destroyed. That certainly they have seen their strongest walls demolished, and that the wall still remaining was weaker than those that were already taken. That they must know the Ro- man power was invincible, and that they had been used to serve them ; for, that in case it be allowed a right thing to fight for liberty, that ought to have been done at first; but for them that have once fallen under the power of the Romans, and have now submitted to them for so many long years, to pretend to shake off that yoke afterward, was the work of such as had a mind to die miserably, not of such as were lovers of liberty. JJesides, men may well enough grudge at the dishonour of owning ig- noble masters over them, but ought not to do so to those who have all things under their com- mand: for what part of the world is there tliat hath escaped the Romans, unless it be such as are of no use, for violent heat or violent cold? And evident it is, that fortune is on all hands gone over to them; and that God, when he had gone round the nations with this domi- nion, is now settled in Italy. That, moreover, it is a strong and fixed law, even among brute beasts, as well as among men, to yield to those that are too strong for them; and to suffer those to have dominion who are too hard for the rest in war; for which reason it was that their forefathers, who were far superior lo them both in their souls and bodies, and other advantages, did yet submit to the Romans; which they would not have suffered, had tliey not known that God was with them. As for themselves, what can they depe:id on in this their opposition, when the greatest part of their city is already taken? and when those that are within it are under greater miseries than if they were taken, although their walla be still standing? For that the Romans are not unacquainted with that famine which is in the city, whereby the people are already consumed, and the fighting men will in a little time be so too; for although the Ro- mans should leave off the siege, and not fall upon the city with their swords in their hands, yet was there an insirperable war that beset them withiii^ and was augmented every hour, unless they were able to wage war with famine, and fight against it, or could alone conquer their natural appetites. He added this farther. How right a thing it was to change their conduct before their calamities were btx'ome incurable, and to have recourse lo bucb advice as might preserve them, wink CHAP. IX. "WARS OF THE JEWS. 727 opportunity was offered them for so doing; for that the Romans would not be mindful of their past actions to their disadvantage, unless they persevered in their insolent behaviour to the end ; because they were naturally mild in their conquests, and preferred what was pro- fitable, before what their passions dictated to them ; which profit of theirs lay not in leaving the city empty. of inhabitants^ nor the country a desert; oh which account Caesar did now otfer them his right hand for their security. Whereas, if he took the city by force, ha would not save any one of them, and this especially, if they rejected his offers in these their utmost distresses; for the wails that were already taken, could not but assure theni that the third wall would quickly be taker also; and though their fortifications should prove too strong for the Romans to break through them, yet would the famine fi^ht for the Romans against them. 4. While Josephus was making this exhor- tation to the Jews, many of them jested upon him from the wall, and many reproached him; nay, some threw their darts at him; but when he could not himself persuade them by such open good advice, he betook himself to the histories belonging to their own nation; and cried out aloud, " O miserable creatures 1 are you so unmindful of those that used to assist you, that you will fight by your weapons and by your hands against the Romans? When did we ever conquer any other nation by such means? and when was it that God, who is the Creator of the Jewish people, did not avenge them when they had beeh injured? Will not you turn again, and look back, and consider whence it is that you fight with such violence, and how great a Supporter you have profanely abused? Will not you recall to mind the prodigious things done for your forefathers and this holy place, and how great enemies of yours were by him subdued under you? I even tremble myself in declaring the works of God before your ears, that are unworthy to hear them: however, hearken to me, that you may be informed how you fight, not only against the Romans but against God himself. In old times there was one Necao, king of Egypt, who was also called Pharaoh: he came with a prodigious army of soldiers, and seized queen Sarah, the mother of our nation. What did Abraham our progenitor then do? Did he defend himself from this injurious person by war, although he had three hundred and eighteen captains under him, and an immense army under each of them? Indeed, he deemed them to be no number at all without God's assistance, and only spread out his hands towards this holy place,' which you have now polluted, and • Joiephns supposes, in this his admirable speech to t*W' .'-W8, that not Ahraliam only, hut Pharauh kin^ of t'.ii^ pt. pra\e<l towards a teaiple at .lernsalem, or towards JIt:iu«jil.-ia iiMfH. ill wiiiiili were IVJouDt Sion and iMouut reckoned upon him as upon his invisible sup- porter, instead of his own army. Was not our queen sent back, without any defilement, to her husband, the very next evening 1 — while the king of Egypt fled away, adorning this place which you have defiled by shedding thereon the blood of your countrymen ; and he also trembled at those visions which h saw in the night-season, and bestowed botl silver and gold on the Hebrews, as on a peo- ple beloved of God. Shall I say nothing, oi shall I mention the removal of our fathers into Egypt, who, when they were used tyran- nically, and were fallen under the power oi toreign kings for four hundred years toge- ther, and might have defended themselves by war and by fighting, did yet do nothing but commit themselves to God? Who is there that does not know that Egypt was o\er- run with all sorts of wild beasts, and ccnsumeti by all sorts of distempers? how their lanu did not bring forth its fruit; how the Nile failed of water; how the ten plagues of Egypt followed one upon another? and ho .v. by those means, our fathers were sent away, under a guard, without any bloodshed, ai.d without running any dangers, becaiise God conducted them as his peculiar seivanisV Moreover, did not Palestine groan uude/ the ravage the Assyrians f made, when they car- ried away our sacred ark? as did the:i i(io] Dagon, aiid as also did that entire iidtion of those that carried it away, how they weie smitten with a loafhsome distemper in the secret parts of their bodies, when their very bowels came down together with what they had eaten, till those hands that stole it away were obUged to bring it back again, and that with the sound of cymbals and timbrels, aud other oblations,^ in order to appease the anger of God for their violation of his holy ark. It was God who then became our general, and accomplished these great things for our fathers, and this because they did not meddle with war and fighting, but committed it to him to judge about their affairs. When Sen- nacherib, king of Assyria, brought along with him all Asia, and encompassed this city round with his army, did he fall by the hands of men? were not those hands lifted up ftloriah, on which the tabernacle and temple did aftt- 1- wards stand; and this long before either tb«; Jeni:,'- tabernacle or temple were built; nor is the famous okd mand given by God to Abraham, to go two or three aa>s; juurney, on purpose to offer up bis son Isaac vhere, ii...'a. vourable to such a notion. + Note here, that Josephus, in this his same admiraliir- speech, calls the Syrians, nay, even the Phihslines. ji- the most south part of Syria, Assyrians; wU.ch tt.'lu.'.c. observes as what was common among the ancient wti ters. Note also, that Josephus nii4ht well put tlie Jew^ in mind, as he does here more than once, ot iheii >v<>i<. derful and truly miraculous deliverance from Scnna.'lie. rib, king of Assyria, while the Koman anny. and inii-s-lf with tbem. were now encamped upon and beyond loai Viry spot of ground where the Assj^rian ar«>j lay .'bt. years before, and which retained the very name rl f ' Camp of the Assyrians to that very day. See chap, fii sect 3; and chap. xii. sect. 2. 728 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK ▼ to God in prayers, without meddling with th«nr arms, when the angel of God destroyed that prodigious army in one night? when 'he Assyrian king, as he rose next day, t'omd a hundred fourscore and five thousand liead bodies, and when he, with the remain- dc.r of his army, fled away from the Hebrews, tl'ough they were unarmed, and did not pur- ue them! You are also acquainted with the fill very we were under at Babylon, where the p<j0ple were captives for seventy years; yet .vere they not delivered into freedom again ijtifore God made Cyrus his gracious instru- uient in bringing it about; accordingly, they »vere set free by him, and did again restore the, worship of their Deliverer at his temple. And, to speak in general, we ean produce no example wherein our fathers got any success ■y war, or failed of success, when without war they committed themselves to God. When ihey staid at home they conquered, as pleased their Judge; but when they went out to fight they were always disappointed: for example, when the king of Babylon besieged this very city, and our king Zedekiah fought against him, contrary to what predictions were made to him by Jeremiah the prophet, he was at oiice taken prisr.ner, and saw the city and the temple demolished. Yet how much greater was the moderation of that king, than is that of your present governors, and that of the people then under him, than is that of you at this timet for when Jeremiah cried out aloud, bow very angry God was at them, because of their transgressions, and told them that they should be taken prisoners, unless they would surrender up their city, neither did the king nor the people put him to death; but for you (to pass over what you have done within the city, which I am not able to describe, as your wickedness deserves), you abuse me, and throw darts at me, who only exhort you to save your8elve8,as being provoked when you are put in mind of your sins, and cannot bear t'le very mention of those crimes which you eyery day perpetrate. For another example, wben Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, lay before this city, and had been guilty of many indignities against God, and our fore- fathers met him in arms, they then were slain in the battle, this city was plundered by our enemies, and our sanctuary made desolate for three years and six months. And what need <; bring any more examples! Indeed, what tan it be that hath stirred up an army of the Romans against our nation? Is it not the impiety of the inhabitants? Whence did our nervitude commence? Was it not derived Dora the seditions that were among our fore- fathers, when the madness of Aristobulus and Ilyrcanus, and our mutual quarrek, brought Poaipey upon this city, and wben God re- duced those under subjection to the Romans, who were unworthy of ihe liberty ihey had en- joyed? Aft«ra8iege,therefore» of three mouths. they were forced to sarrcnder therose1v<»« although they had not been guilty of siir^ otfences with regard to our sanctuary and our laws, as you have; and this while' they had much greater advantages to go to war than you have. Do not we know what end Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to, under whose reign God provided that this city should be taken again upon account of the people's offences? When Herod, the son of Antipater, brought upon us Sosius, and Sosius brought upon us the Roman army, they were then encompassed and besieged for six months, till, as a punishment for their sins, they were taken, and the city was plundered by the enemy. Thus it appears, that arms were never given to our nation ; but that we are always given up to be fought against, and to be taken; for I suppose, that sueh as in- habit this holy place ought to commit the disposal of all things to God, and then only to disregard the assistance of men when they resign themselves up to their arbitrator, who is above. As for you, what have you done of those things that are recommended by our legislator! and what have you not done of those things that he hath condemned! How much more impious are you than those who were so quickly taken! You have not avoided so much as those sins which are usually done in secret; I mean thefts, and treacherous plots against men, and adulteries. You are quar- relling about rapines and murders, and invent strange ways of wickedness. Nay, the tem- ple itself is become the receptacle of all, and this divine place is polluted by the hands of those of our own country; which place hath yet been reverenced by the Roujaus when it was at a distance from them, when they have suf- fered many of their own customs to give place to our law. And, after all this, do you expect Him whom you have so impiously abused to be your supporter? To be sure then you have a right to be petitioners, and to call upon him to assist you, so pure are your hands I Did your king [Hezekiahj lift up such hands in prayer to God agriiust the king of Assyria, when he destroyed that great army in one night? And do the Ro- I mans commit such wickedness as did the king of Assyria, that you u)ay have reason to hope for the like vengeance upon them? Did not that king accept of money from our king upon this condition, that he should not destroy the city, and yet, contrary to the oath he ^tld taken, he came down to burn the temple? while the Romans do demand no more than , that accustomed tribute which our fathers paid to their fathers; and if they may but I once obtain that, they neither ai.i. to destroy this city, nor to touch this sanctuary; nay^ they will grant you besi<les, that your poste- j rity shall be free, and your po!^ses^^ons &ecute«! to you, and will pre^erve y<Ki tu>ly laws mviolate to you. And it la ()iiiiii luaiiiiutfs CHAP. X. WARS OF THE JEWS. 729 to expect that God should appear as well disposed towards the wicked as towards the rjgbteocis, since he knows when it is proper to punish men for their sins immediately; accordingly he brake the power of the Assy- rians the very first night that they pitched their camp. Wherefore, had he judged that our nation was worthy of freedom, or the Romans of punishment, he had immediately inflicted punishment upon those Romans, as he did upon the Assyrians, when Pompey began to meddle with our nation, or when after him Sosius came up against us, or when Vespasian laid waste Galilee, or, lastly, when Titus came first of all near to this city; although Magnus and Sosius did not only suf- fer nothing, but took the city by force; as did Vespasian go from the war he made against you to receive the empire; and as for Titus, those springs that were formerly almost dried up when they were under your power,* since be is come, run more plentifully than they did before; accordingly, you know that Siloam, as well as all the other springs that were without the city, did so far fail, that water was sold by distinct measures; whereas they now have such a great quantity of water for your enemies, as is sutiicient not only for drink both for themselves and tbeir cattle, but for watering their gardens aiso. The same wonderful sign you had also exD«- rience of formerly, when the fore-mentioned king of Babylon made war against us, and when he took the city and burnt the temnle; while yet I believe the Jews of that aee were not so impious as you are. Wherefore I cannot but suppose that God is ded out of his sanctuary, and stands on the side of those against whom you fight. Now, even a man, if he be but a good man, will fly from an impure house, and will hate those that are iu it; and do you persuade yourselves that God will abide with you in your iniquities, who sees all secret things, and hears what is kept most private! Now, what crime is there, I pray you, that is so much as kept secret among you, or is concealed by youl nay, what is there that is not open to your very enemies! for you show your transgres- sions after a pompous manner, and contend one with another which of you shall be more wicked than another; and you make a public demonstration of your injustice, as if it were virtue! However, there is a place left for your preservation, if you be willing to accept of it; and God is easily reconciled to those that confess their faults, and repent of • This drying up of the Jerusalem fountain of Siloam. when the Jews wanted it, and its flawing abundantly when the enemies of the Jews wanted it, and these both in the days of Z«dekiab and of Titus (and this last as a 3f rtalu event well known by the J«ws at that time, as }(>sephu8 here telU uiem openly to their faces), are very Tniarkable iuktances of a Divine I'roviieuce lor the ounishiuent ol toe Jewish nation, when ttiey were )<ro*n ffery wicked, at both those times of tlie desfuction of JeJUHLlein. them. O hard-hearted wretches as you are! cast away all your arms, and take pity of your country already going to ruin ; return from your wicked ways, and have regard to the excellency of that city which you are going to betray, to that excellent temple with the donations of so many countries in it. Who could bear to be the first to set that temple on fire ! who could be willing that these thing should be no more ! and what is there tha can better deserve to be preserved ! O insen- sible creatures, and more stupid than are the stones themselves ! And if you cannot look at these things with discerning eyes, yet, however, have pity upon your families, and «et before every one of your eyes your chil dren, and wdves and parents, who will be gradually consumed either by famine or by war. I am sensible that this danger will extend to my mother, and wife, and to that family of mine who have been by no means ignoble, and indeed to one that hath been very eminent in old times ; and perhaps you may imagine that it is on their account only that I give you this ad^nce : if that be all, kill them; nay, take my own blood as a reward, if it may but procure your preservation ; foi I am ready to die in case you will but return to a sound mind after my death. CHAPTER X. HOW A GREAT MANY OP THE PEOPLE EAR- NESTLY ENDEAVOURED TO DESERT TO THE ROMANS ; AS ALSO WHAT INTOLERABLE THINGS THOSE THAT STAID BEHIND SUF- FERED BY FAMINE, AND THE SAD CONSB QUENCES THEREOF. § 1. As Josephus was speaking thus with a loud voice, the seditious would neither yield to what he said, nor did they deem it safe for them to alter their conduct ; but as for the people, they had a great inclination to desert to the Romans; accordingly, some of them sold what they had, and even the most pre- cious things that had been laid up as treasures by them, for a very small matter, and swal- lowed down pieces of gold, that they might not be found out by the robbers ; and when they had escaped to the Romans, went to stool, and had wherewithal to provide plentifully for themselves ; for Titus let a great number of them go away into the country, whither they pleased ; and the main reasons why they were so ready to desert were these : That now they should be freed from those miseries which they had endured in that city, and yet should not be in slavery to the Romans: how- ever, John and Simon, with their factions, did more carefully watch these men's going out than they did the coming in of the Romans ; and, if any one did but afford the least 739 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK V. bhatiow of suspicion of such an intention, his tliroat was cut immediately. 2. But as for the richer sort, it proved all one to them whether they staid in the city or attempted to get out of it, for they were equally destroyed in both cases ; for every such person was put to death under this pre- tence, that they were going to desert, — but in reality that the robbers might get what they had. The madness of the seditious did also increase together with their famine, and both those miseries were every day inflamed more and more; for there was no corn which any- where appeared publicly, but the robbers came running into, and searched men's private bouses ; and then, if they found any, they tormented them, because they had denied they had any ; and if they found none, they tor- mented them worse, because they supposed they had more carefully concealed it. The indication they made use of whether they had any or not, was taken from the bodies of these miserable wretches; which, if they were in jood case, they supposed they were in no want at all of food; but if they were wasted away, Ihey walked off without searching any far- Lher: nor did they think it proper to kill such 18 these, because they saw they would very >oon die of themselves for want of food. Many there were indeed who sold what they Sad for one measure; it was of wheat, if they were of the richer sort; but of barley, if they were poorer. When these had so done, they jhut themselves up in the inmost rooms of iheir houses, and ate the corn they had gotten; jome did it without grinding it, by reason of »he extremity of the want they were in, and others baked bread of it, according as neces- rity and fear dictated to them : a table was nowhere laid for a distinct meal, but they matched the bread out of the fire, half baked, and ate it very hastily. 3. It was now a miserable case, and a sight <.hat would justly bring tears into -our eyes, how men stood as to their food, while the more powerful had more than enough, and the weaker were lamenting [for want of it]. But the famine was too hard for all other passions, and it is destructive to nothing so much as to modesty; for what was otherwise worthy of reverence was in this case despised; insomuch that children pulled the very mor- sels that their fathers were eating out of their very mouths, and what was stiil more to be pitied, so did the mothers do as to their in- iants; and when those that were most dear were perishing under iheir hands, they were not ashamed to take from them the very last drops that might preserve their lives; and while they ate after this manner, yet were they not concealed in so doing ; but the seditious every v/here came upon them immediately, and snatched away from them what they had got- ten from others; for when they saw any house skit up, this was to them a signal ibut the people within had gotten some food; where- upon they broke open the doors, and ran in, and took pieces of what they vverfe eating, almost up out of their very throats, and this by force : the old men, who held their food fast, were beaten ; and if the women, hid what they had within their hands, their hair^was torn for so doing; nor was there any commiseration shown either to the aged or to infants, but they lifted up children from the ground as they hung upon the morsels they had gotten, and shook them down upon the floor; but still were they more barba- rously cruel to those that had prevented their coming in, and had actually swallowed down what they were going to seize upon, as if they had been unjustly defrauded of their right. ;| They also invented terrible methods of tor- ment to discover where any food was, and they were these: to stop up the passages of the privy parts of the miserable wretches, and to drive sharp stakes up their fundaments 1 and a man was forced to bear what it is terri- ^^ ble even to hear, in order to make him con- ^ fess that he had but one loaf of bread, or that he might discover a handful of barley -meal ^ that was concealed; and this was done when these tormentors were not themselves hungry; for the thing had been less barbarous had necessity forced them to it; but this was done to keep their madness in exercise, and as mak- ing preparation of provisions for themselves for the following days. These men went also to meet those that bad crept out of the city by night, as far as the Roman guards, to ga- ther some plants and herbs that grew wild; and when those people thought they had got clear of the enemy, these snatched from them what they had brought with them, even while they had frequently entreated them, and that by calling upon the tremendous name of God, to give them back some part of what they bad brought; though these would not give them the least crumb; and they were to be well contented that they were only spoiled, and not slain at the same time. 4. These were the afflictions which the lower sort of people suffered from these ty- rants' guards; but for the men that were in dignity, and withal were rich, they were car- ried before the tyrants themselves; some of whom were falsely accused of laying treache- rous plots, and so were destroyed; others of them were charged with designs of betraying the city to the Romans: but the readiest way of all was this, to suborn somebody to affii ni that they were resolved to desert to the enemy; and he who was utterly despoiled of what he had by Simon, was sent back again to John, as of those who had been already plundered by John, Simon got what remained; inaomuch that they drank the blood of the populace to one another, and divided the (iead bodies of the poor creatures between them* so that although, on account, of thur :'i^- CHAP. XI. WARS OF THE JEWS. 731 ETrbition after dominion, they contended with each other, yet did they very well agree in their wicked practices; for he that did not communicate what he had got by the miseries of others 1o the other tyrant, seemed to be too little guilty, and in one respect only; and he that did not partake of what was so communi- cated to him, grieved at this, as at the loss of what was a valuable thing, that he had no share in such barbarity. 5. It is therefore impossible to go distinctly over every instance of these men's iniquity. I shall therefore speak my mind here at once briefly: — That neither did any other city ever suffer such miseries, nor did any age ever breed a generation more fruitful in wicked- ness than this was, from the beginning of the world. Finally, they brought the Hebrew nation into contempt, that they might them- selves appear comparatively less impious with regard to strangers. They confessed what was true, that they were the slaves, the scum, and the spurious and abortive offspring of our nation, while they overthrew the city them- selves, and forced the Romans, whether they would or no, to gain a melancholy reputation, by acting gloriously against them, and did almost draw that tire upon the temple, which they seemed to think came too slowly; and, indeed, when they saw that temple burning from the upper city, they were neither trou- bled at it, nor did they shed any tears on that account, while yet these passions were discovered among the Romans themselves: which circumstances we shall speak of here- after in their proper place, when we come to treat of such matters. CHAPTER XL HOW THE JEWS WERE CRUCIFIED BEFORE THE W\LLS OF THE CITY. COXCERNING ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES; AND HOW THE JEWS OVERTHREW THE BANKS THAT HAD BEEN RAISED BY THE ROMANS. § 1. So now Titus's banks were advanced a great way, notwithstanding his soldiers had been very much distressed from the wall. He then sent a party of horsemen, and ordered they should lay ambushes for those that went out into the valleys to gather food. Some of these were indeed fighting men, who were not contented with what they got by rapine; but the greater part of them were poor people, who were deterred from deserting by the con- cern they were under for their own relations: for they could not hope to escape away, toge- ther with their wives and children, without the knowledge of the seditious; nor could they think of leaving these relations to be slain by the robbers on their account; nay, the severity of the famine made them bold in thus going out: so nothing remained but that, when they were concealed from the rcbbcTF, they should be taken by the eneraj*; and when they were going to be taken, they were forced to defend themselves, for fear of being punished: as after they had fought, they thought it too late to make any supplications for mercy: so they were first whipped, and then tormented with all sorts of torture before they died, and were then crucifiei before the wall of the city. This miserable procedure made Titus greatly to pity them, while they caught every day five hundred Jews; nay, some days they caught more; yet did it not appear to be safe for him to let those that were taken by force go their way; and to set a guard over so many, he saw would be to make such as guarded them useless to him. The main reason why be did not forbid that cruelty was this, that he hoped the Jews might perhaps yield at that sight, out of fear lest they might themselves afterwards be liable to the same cruel treatment. So the soldiers, out of the wrath and hatred they bore the Jews, nailed those they caught, one after one way, and another after another, to the crossts, by way of jest; when their multitude was so great that room was wanting for the crosses, and crosses wanting for the bodies.* 2. Bet so far were the seditious from repent- ing at this sad sight, that, on the contrary, they made the rest of the multitude believe otherwise; for they brought the relations of those that had deserted upon the wall, with such of the populace as were very eager to go over upon the security offered them, and showed them what miseries those underwent who fled to the Romans; and told them that those who were caught were supplicants to them, and not such as were taken prisoners. This sight kept many«of those within the city who were so eager to desert, till the truth was known; yet did some of them run away imme- diately as unto certain punishment, esteeming death from their enemies to be a quiet depar- ture, if compared with that by famine. So Titus commanded that the hands of many of those that were caught should be cut off, that they might not be thought deserters, and might be credited on account of the calamity they were under, and sent them in to John and Simon, with this exhortation, that they would now at length leave off [their madness], and not force him to destroy the city, whereby they would have those advantages of repentance, even in their utmost distress, that they would preserve their own lives, and so fine a city of their own, and that temple which was their peculiar. He then went round about the banks that were cast up, and hastened * Reland very properly takes notice liere, how justly this judj;ment came upon the Jews, when they weie cru- cified in such multitudes tuj^ether, that the Kowani A a II ted room ior the crosses, and crosses for the bodies of ttiese Jews, since they liad brou^lit ttiis judgiUBQi on themselves by Uie crucifixiua of their Messiah. 732 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK them, in order to show that his words should in no long time be followed by his deeds. In answer to which, the seditious cast re- proaches upon Csfisar himself, and upon his father also, and cried out with a loud voice, that they contemned death, and did well in preferring it before slavery; that they would do all the mischief to the Romans they could while they had breath in them; and that for their own city, since they were, as he said, to be destroyed, they had no concern about it, and that the world itself was a better temple to God than this. That yet this temple would be preserved by him that inhabited therein, whom they still had for their assistant in this war, and did therefore ^laugh at all his threatenings, which would'come to nothing; because the conclusion of the whole depended upon God only. These words were mixed with reproaches, and with them they made a mighty clamour. 3. In the mean time Antiochus Epiphanes came to the city, having with him a conside- rable number of other armed men, and a band called the Macedonian Band about him, all of the same age, tall, and just past their child- hood, armed, and instructed after the Mace- donian manner, whence it was that they took that name. Yet were many of them un- worthy of so famous a nation; for it had so happened, that the king of Commagene had flourished more than other kings that were under the power of the Romans, till a change happened in his condition ; and when he was become an old man, he declared plainly that we ought not to call any man happy before he is dead. But this son of his, who was then come thither before his father was de- caying, said that he could not but wonder what made the Romans so tardy in making their attacks upon the wall. Now he was a warlike man, and natiJrally bold in exposing himself to dangers; he was also so strong a man, that his boldness seldom failed of hav- ing success. Upon this, Titus smiled, and said he would share the pains of an attack with him. However, Antiochus went as he then was, and with bis Macedonians made a sudden assault upon the wall; and, indeed, for his own part, his strength and skill were 80 great, that he guarded himself from the Jewish darts, and yet shot his darts at them, while yet the young men with him were almost all sorely galled; for they had so great a regard to the promises that had been made of their courage, that they would needs per- severe in their fighting, and at length many of them retired, but not till they were wounded; and then they perceived that true Macedonians, if they were to be conquerors, mudt have Alexander's good fortune also. 4. Now, as the Romans began to raise their banks on the twelfth day of the month Arte- rnikia« [Jyuc'], so had they much ado to tiui.sl. tbera by the twenty-ninth day of the >>aui' month, after they had laboured hard for seven- teen days continually ; for there were now four great banks raised, one of which was at the tower of Antonia ; this was raised by the fifth legion, over against the middle of that pool which was called Struthius. Another was cast up by the twelfth legion, at the dis- tance of about twenty cubits from the other. But the labours of the tenth legion, which lay a great way off these, were on the north quar- ter, and at the pool called Amygdalon ; as was that of the fifteenth legion about thirty cubits from it, and at the high-priest's monu- ment. And now, when the engines were brought, John had from within undermined the space that was over-against the tower of Antonia, as far as the banks themselves, ahd had supported the ground over the mine with beams laid across one another, whereby the Roman works stood upon an uncertain foun- dation. Then did he order such materials, to be brought in as were daubed over with pitch and bitumen, and set them on fire; and as the cross-beams that supported the banks were burning, the ditch yielded on the sudden, and the banks were shaken down, and fell into the ditch with a prodigious noise. Now at the first there arose a very thick smoke and dust, as the fire was choked with the fall of the bank ; but as the suffocated materials were now gradually consumed, a plain flame brake out; on which sudden appearance of the flame a consternation fell upon the Romans, and the shrewdness of the contrivance dis- couraged them ; and, indeed, this accident com- ing upon them at a time when they thought they had already gained their point, cooled their hopes for the time to come. They also thought it would be to no purpose to take the pains to extinguish the fire, since, if it were extinguished, the banks were swallowed up already [and become useless to them]. 5. Two days after this, Simon and his party made an attempt to destroy the other banks ; for the Romans had brought their engines to bear there, and began already to make the wall shake. And here one Tephtheus, of Garsis, a city of Galilee, and Megassarus, one who was derived from some of queen Mariamne's servants, and with them one from Adiabene, he wa? the son of Nabateus, and called by the name of Chagiras, from the ill fortune he had, the word signifying " a lame man," snatched some torches and ran sud- denly upon the engines. Nor were there, dur- ing this war, any men that ever sallied out of the city who were their superiors, either in their own boldness, or in the terror they struck into their enemies ; for they ran out upon the Romans, not as if they were enemies, but friends, without fear or delay; nor did they leave their enemies till they had rushed vio. lently through the midst of them, and set their machines on fire ; and though they had darts CHAP. XIT. WARS OF THE JEWS. 733 thrown at them on every side, and were on evtry side assaulted with their enemies' swords, yet liid they not withdraw Themselves out of the dangers they were in, till the fire had caugijt hold of the instruments; but when the fliine went up, the Rwnans came running from their camp to save their engines. Then did the Jews hinder their succours from the wall, and fought with those that endeavoured to quench the tire, without any regard to the danger their bodies were in. So the Romans pulled the engines out of the fire, while the hurdles that covered them were on fire; but the Jews caught hold of the battering- rams through the flame itself, and held them fast, although the iron upon them was become red hot; and now the fire spread itself from the engines to the banks, and prevented those that came to defend them; and all this while the Romans were encom- passed round about with the flame; and, despairing of saving their works from it, they retired to their camp. Then did the Jeiv.a become still more and more in number by the coming of those that were within the city to their assistance; and as they were very bold upon the good success they had had, their violent assaults were almost irre- sistible; nay, they proceeded as far as t'ue fortifications of the enemy's camp, and fought with their guards. Now there stood a boQv of soldiers in array before that caniD, whic'a succeeded one another by turns in tieir armour; and as to those, the law of the Romans was terrible, that he who left his post there, le*. the occasion be whatsoever it might, he was to die for it; so that body of soldiers, preferring rather to die in fightine courageously, than as a punishment for their cowardice, stood firm; and at the necessity these men were in of standing to it, many ot the others that had run away, out of shame, turned back again; and when they had set their engines against the wall, they kept the multitude from coming more of them out of the city; [which they could the more easily do] because they had made no provision for preserving or guarding their bodies at this time; for the Jews fought now hand to hand with all that came in their way, and, without any caution, fell against the points of their enemy's spears, and attacked them bodies against bodies; for they were now too hard for the Romans, not so much by their other warlike actions, as by these courageous assaults they made upon them; and the Romans gave way more to their boldness than they did to the sense of the harm they had received from them. 0. And now Titus was come from the tower ot Antonia, whither he was gone to loniic out tor a place for raising other banks, ann reproached the soldiers greatly for per- rnitt^jig iheir own walls to be in danger, when thry bad taken the walls of their enemies, and sustains' the fortune of men besieged, while the Jews were allowed to sally out against them, though they were already in a sort of prison. He then went round about the enemy with some chosen troops, and fell upon their flank himself; so the Jews, who had been before assaulted in their faces, wheeled about to Titus, and continued the fight. The armies also were how mixed one among another, and the dust that was raised so far hindered them from seeing one another, and the noise that was made so far hindered them from hearing one another, that neither side could discern an enemy from a friend. How- ever, the Jews did not flinch, though not so much from their reil strength, as from their despair of deliverance. The Romans also would not yield, by reason of the regard they had to glory, and to their reputation in war, and because Csesar himself went into the danger before them ; insomuch that I cannot but think the Romans would in the conclu- sion have now taken even the whole multi- tude of the Jews, so very angry were they at them, had these not prevented the upshot of the battle, and retired into the city. How- ever, seeing the banks of the Romans were demolished, these Romans were very much cast down upon the loss of what had cost them so long pains, and this in one hour's time ; and many indeed despaired of taking the city with their usual engines of war only. CHAPTER XII. TITUS THOUGHT FIT TO ENCOMPASS THE CITY ROUND WITH A WALL^ AFTER WHICH THB FAMINE CONSUMED THB PEOPLE BY WHOLB . HOUSES AND FAMILIES TOGETHER. § 1. And now did Titus consult with his commanders what was to be done. Those that were of the warmest tempers, thought he should bring the whole army against the city, and storm the wall ; for that hitherto no more than a part of their army had fought with the Jews; but that in case the entire army was to come at once, they yvould not be able to sustain their attacks, but would be overwhelmed by their darts : but of those that were for a more cautious management, some were for raising their banks again ; and others advised to let the banks alone, but to lie still before the city, to guard against the coming out of the Jews, and against their carrying pro- visions into the city, and so to leave the enemy to the famine, and this without direct fight- ing with them ; for that despair was not to be conquered, especially as to those who are desi- rous to die by the sword, while a more terri- ble misery than that is reserved for them However, Titus did not think it fit for so m WARS OF THE JEWS, BOOK V. gr'?R*. in arrr.y to lie entirely idle, and that yet ff wsL? in vain to fight with those that would !>p destroyed one by another; he also showed thmi tow impracticable it was to cast up any more batiks, for want of materials, and to guard against the Jews' coming out, still more impracticable; as also, that to encompass the whole city round with his army was not very easy, by reason of its raagnitMde, and the dif- ficulty of the situation; and on other accounts dangerous, upon the sallies the Jews miglit make out of the city; for although they might guard the known passages out of the place, yet would they, when they found themselves under the greatest distress, contrive secret passages out, as being well acquainted with all such places; and if any provisions were carried in by stealth, the siege would thereby be longer delayed. He also owned, that he was afraid that the length of time thus to be spent would diminish the glory of his suc- cess; for though it be true, that length of time will perfect every thing, yet, that to do what we do in a little time, is still necessary to the gaining reputation : that therefore his opinion was, that if they aimed at quickness joined with security, they must build a wall roundabout the whole city; which was, he thought, the only way to prevent the Jews from coming out any way, and that then they would either entirely despair of saving the city, and so would surrender it up to him, or be still the more easily conquered when the famine had farther weakened them; for that besides this wall, he would not lie entirely at rest afterward, but would take care then to have banks raised again, when those that would oppose them were become weaker: but that if any one should think such a work to be too great, and not to be finished without much difficulty, he ought to consider that it is not tit for Romans to undertake any small work, and that none but God himself could with ease accomplish any great thing what- soever. 2. These arguments prevailed with the commanders. So Titus gave orders that the army should be distributed to their several shares of this work; and indeed there now came upon the soldiers a certain divine fury, 60 that they did not only part the whole wall that was to be built among them, nor did only oiw. legion strive with another, but the lesser dlvi^ion3of the army did the same; inso- much that each soldier was ambitious to please his decjirion, each decurion his centurion, each centiirion his tribune, and the ambition of the tribunes was to please their superior commanders, while Cuesar himself took notice of and rewarded the like contention in those cominar)ders; for he went round about the work* many times every day, and took a view of what was done. Titus begat) the wall frotn th«; CJ^rap of the Assyrians, where his own was pitched, ana drew it down to the lower parts of Cenopolis ; thence it' went along the valley of Cedron to the Mount of Olives; it then bent toward the south, and encompassed the mountain as far as the rock called Peristereon, and that other hill which lies next it, and is ov^r the valley which reaches to Siloam ; whence it bended again to the west, and went down to the valley of the Fountain, beyond which it went up again at the monu- tnent of Ananus the high-priest, and encom- passing that mountain where Pompey had formerly pitched his camp, it returned back to the north side of the city, and was carried on as far as a certain village called " The House of the Erebinthi;" after which it encompassed Herod's monument, and there, on the east, was joined to Titus's own camp, where it began. Now the length of this wall was forty furlongs, one only abated. Now on this wall without were erected thirteen places to keep garrisons in, the circumference of which, put together, amounted to ten furlongs; the whole was completed in three days: sothat what would naturally have required some months, was done in so short an interval as is incredible. When Titus had therefore encompassed the city with this wall, and put garrisons into pro- per places, he went round the wall, at the first watch of the night, and observed how the guard was kept ; the second watch he allotted to Alexander; the commanders of legions took the third watch. They also cast lots among themselves who should be upon the watch in the night-time, and who should go all night long round the spaces that were interposed between the garrisons. 3. So all hope of escaping was now cut off from the Jews, together with their liberty of going out of the city. Then did the famine widen its progress, and devoured the people by whole houses and families; the upper rooms were full of women and children that were dying by famine; and the lanes of the city were full of the dead bodies of the aged; the children also and the young men wandered about the market-places like shadows, all swelled with the famine, and fell down dead wheresoever their misery seized them. As for burying them, those that were sick them- selves were not able to do it; and those that were hearty and well, were deterred fronj doing it by the great multitude of those dead bodies, and by the uncertainty there was how soon they shouhl die themselves; for many died as they were burying others, and many went to their coffins before that fatal hour was comel Nor was there atiy lanieoiLaliou made under these calatnities, nor were heard any mournful complaints; but the famine confounded all natural passions ; for those who were just going to die, looked upon those that were gone to their rest before them with dry eyes and open mouths. A deep silence also, and a kind of deadly night, had seued upon the city; while vet the robbers w€ie CHAP. XIII. WARS OF THE JEWS. 73d still more terrible than these miseries were tberaselves; for they brake open those houses which were no other than graves of dead bodies, and plundered them of what they had; and carrying otf the coverings of their bodies, went out laughing, and tried the points of their swords on their dead bodies; and, in order to prove what mettle they were made of, they thrust some of those through that still lay alive upon the ground; but for those that entreated thera to lend them their right hand, and their sword to dispatch them, they were too proud to grant their requests, and left them to be consumed by the famine. Now every one of these died with their eyes fixed upon the temple, and left the seditious alive behind them. Now the seditious at first gave orders that the dead should be buried out of the public treasury, as not endu- ring the stench of their dead bodies. But afterwards, when they could not do that, they had them cast down from the walls into the valleys beneath. 4. However, when Titus, in going his rounds along those valleys, saw them full of dead bodies, and the thick putrefaction running about them, he gave a groan; and, spreading out his hands to heaven, called God to witness that this was not his doing: and such was the sad case of the city itself. But the Romans were very joyful, since none of the seditious could now make sallies out of the city, because they were themselves dis- consolate; and the famine already touched them also. These Romans besides had great plenty of corn and other necessaries out of Syria, and out of the neighbouring provinces; many of whom would stand near to the wall of the city, and show the people what great quantities of provisions they had, and so make the enemy more sensible of their famine, by the great plenty, even to satiety, which they had themselves. However, when the sedi- tious still showed no inclination of yielding, Titus, out of his commiseration of the people that remained, and out of his earnest desire of rescuing what was still left out of these miseries, began to raise his banks again, although materials for them were bard to be come at; for all the trees that were about the city had been already cut down for the n.aking of the former banks. Yet did the soldiers bring with them other materials from the dis- tance of ninety furlongs, and thereby raised banks in four parts, much greater than the former, though this was done only at the tower of Antonia. So Ctesar went his rounds through the legions, and hastened on the works, and showed the robbers that they were novv in his hands. But these men, and these only, were incapable of repenting of the wickedness they had been guilty of; and separating their souls from their bodies, they used them both as if they belonged to ' Uier folks and no' to themselves. For no gentle affection could touch their souls, nor could any pain affect their bodies, since they could still tear the dead bodies of the people as dogs do, and fill the prisons with those that were sick. CHAPTER XIIL THE GREAT SLAUGHTERS AND 8ACRILE0S THAT WERE IN JERUSALEM. § 1. Accordingly Simon would not suffer Matthias, by whose means he got possession of the city, to go off without torment. This Matthias was the son of Boethus, and was one of the high-priests, one that had been very faithful to the people, and in great esteem with them: he, when the multitude were distressed by the zealots among whom John was numbered, persuaded the people to admit this Simon to come in to assist them, while he had made no terms with him, nor expected any thing that was evil from him. But when Simon was come in, and had gotten the city under his power, he esteemed him that had advised them to admit him as his enemy equally with the rest, as looking upon that advice as a piece of his simplicity only: so he had him then brought before 'him, and condemned to die for being on the side of the Romans, without giving him leave to make his defence. He condemned also his three sons to die with him; for as to the fourth, he prevented him, by running away to Titus before. And when he begged for this, that he might be slain before his sons, and that as a favour, on account that he had procured the gates of the city to be opened to him, he gave order that he should be slain the last of them all; so he was not slain till he had seen his sons slain before his eyes, and that by being produced over-against the Romans; for such a charge had Simon given to Ananus, the son of Bamadus, who was the most bar- barous of all his guards. He also jested upon him, and told him that he might now see whether those to whom he intended to go over, would send him any succours or not; but still he forbade their dead bodies should be buried. After the slaughter of these, a cer- tain priest, Ananias, the son of Masambulus, a person of eminency, as also Aristeus, the scribe of the sanhedrim, and born at Emmaas, ai:<a with them fifteen men of figure among the people, were slain. They also kept Joseph us's father in prison, and made public proclamation, that no citizen whosoever should either speak to him himself, or go into his company among others, 4br fear he sLoald ■ betray them. They also slew such as joined in lamenting these men, without any fartlifcf examination. 736 •2i. Now when Judas, the son of Judas, who wa? one ot Simon's under officers, and a per- son intrusted by him to keep one of the towers, saw tdis procedure of Simon, he called toge- tiicr ten of those under him, that were most faithful to him (perhaps, this was done partly out of pity to those that had so barbarously been put to death; but, principally, in order to provide for his own safety), and spoke thus to them: — " How long shall we bear these miseries; or, what hopeS have we of deliver- ance by thus continuing faithful to such wicked wrevches? Is not the famine already come against us? Are not the Romans in a manner gotten within the city? Is not Simon become unfaithful to his benefactors? And is there not reason to fear he will very soon bring us to the like punishment, while the security the Romans offer us is sure? Come on, let us surrender up this wall, and save ourselves and the city. Nor will Simon be very much hurt, if, now he despairs of deliver- ance, he be brought to justice a little sooner than he thinks on." Now these ten were prevailed upon by those arguments; so he sent the rest of those that were under hina, some one way, and some another, that no dis- covery might be made of what they had resolved upon. Accordingly he called to the Romans from the tower, about the third hour; but they, some of them out of pride, despised what he said, and others of them did not believe him to be in earnest, thougH the greatest number delayed the matter, as believ- ing they should get possession of the city in a little time, without any hazard: but when Titus was just coming thither with his armed men, Simon was acquainted with the matter before he came, and presently took the tower into his own custody, before it was surren- dered, and seized upon these men, and put them to death in the sight of the Romans themselves; and when he had mangled then- dead bodies, he threw them down before the wall of the city. 3. In the mean time, Josephus, as he was going round the city, had his head wounded by a stone that was thrown at him; upon which he fell down as giddy. Upon which fall of his the Jews made a sally, and he had been hurried away into the city, if Caesar had not sent men to protect him immediately; and, as these men were fighting, Josephus was taken up, though he heard little of what was done. So the seditious supposed they had now slain that man whom they were the most desirous of killing, and made thereupon a great noise, in way of rejoicing. This acci- dent was told in the city ; and the multitude that remained became very disconsolate at the news, as being persuaded that he was really dead, on whose account alone they could venture to desert to the Romans; but when Josephus's mother heard in prison that her ■on was dead, she said to those that watched \VARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK V about her. That she had always been c*^ opi- nion, since the siege of Jotapata [that hewry.ld be slain,] and she should never et\ioy him alive any more. She also made groat l.iitenta- tion privately to the maid-servants that wtre about her, and said, That this was all the advantage she had of bringing so exnii()r:li- nary a person as this son into the world ; that she should not be able even to bury that son of hers, by whom she expected to have been buried herself. However, this false report did not put his mother to pain, nor aiford merri- ment to the robbers long; for Josephus soon recovered of his wound, and eame out, and cried out aloud. That it would not be long ere they should be punished for this wound they had given him. He also made a fresh exhor- tatioM to the people to come out, upon the security that would be given them. This sight of Josephus encouraged the people greatly, and brought a great consternation upon the seditious. 4. Hereupon some of the deserters, having no other way, leaoed down from the whU immediately, vvniie others of them went out of the city with stones, as it they would tight them; but thereuoon. they fled away to the Romans: — hue heie a wor&e late accompanied these than what thev had found withni the city; and they met with a quicker dispatch from the too great abundance they had among the Romans, than they could hswe done from j the famine among the Jews: tor when they I came lirst to the Romans, they were puffe<l up by the famine, and swelled hke men in a I dropsy; after which they all on the sudden over-filled those bouies that were before empty, and so burst asunder, excepting such only as were skilful enough to restrain their appetites, and, by degrees, took in their food into bodies unaccustomed thereto. Yet did another nlat,'ue seize upon those that were thus preserved; tor there was found among the Syrian deserters a certain person who was caught gathering pieces of gold out of the excrements of the Jews' bellies; for the deserters used to swal- low such pieces of gold, as we told you before, when they came out; and for these did the seditious search them all; for tnere was a great quantity of gold in the city, insomuch that as much was now sold [in the Roman camp] for twelve Attic [drams], as was sold before for twenty-five; but when this con trivance was discovered in one instance, the fame of it filled their several camps, that the deserters came to them full of gold. So the multitude of the Arabians, with the Syrians, cut up those that came as supplicants, and searched their bellies. Nor does it seem to me that any misery befel the Jews that was more terrible than this, since in one night's time about two thousand of these deserters were thus dissected. 5. When Titus came to the knowledge oi this wicked practice, he had liked to have su • CHAP. XIII. WARS OF THE JEWS. 737 rounded those that had been guilty of it with bis horse, and have shot them dead ; and he had done it, had not their number been so very great, and those that were liable to this punishment would have been manifold more than those whom they had slain. However, he called together the commanders of the auxi- liary troops he had with him, as well as the commanders of the Roman legions (for some of his own soldiers had been also guilty here- in, as he had been informed) anr' bad ^reat indignation against both sorts of them, and spoke to them as follows : — " What ! have any of my ovvn soldiers done such things as this out of the uncertain hope of gain, with- out regarding their own weapons, which are made of silver and gold? Aloreover, do the Arabians and Syrians now first of all begin to govern themselves as they please, and to in- dulge their appetites in a foreign war, and then, oat of their barbarity in murdering men, and out of their hatred to the Jews, get it ascribed to the Romans?" — for this infamous {)ractice was said to be spread among some of his own soldiers also. Titus then threatened tjiat he would put such men to death, if any of them were discovered to be so insolent as to do so again : moreover, be gave it in charge to the legions, that they should make a search after such as were suspected, and should bring them to him ; but it appeared that the love of money was too hard for all their dread of punishment, and a vehement desire of gain is natural to men, and no passion is so ventupe- eome as covetousness ; otherwise such pas- sions have certain bounds, and are subordi- nate to fear ; but in reality it was God who condemned the whole nation, and turned every course that was taken for their preser- vation to their destruction. This, therefore, which was forbidden by Caesar under such a threatening, was ventured upon privately against the deserters, and these barbarians would go out still, and meet those that ran away before any saw them, and looking about them to see that no Romans spied them, they dissected them, and pulled this polluted money out of their bowels; which money was still found in a few of them, while yet a great many were destroyed by the bare hope there was of thus getting by them, which miserable treatment made many that were deserting to return back again into the city. 6. But as for John, when he could no longer plunder the people, he betook himself to sacrilege, and melted down many of the sacred utensils which had been given to the temple ; as also many of those vessels which were necessary for such as ministered about holy things, the caldrons, the dishes, and the tables; nay, he did not abstain from those pouring-vessels that were sent them by Au- gustus and his wife ; for the Roman empe- rors did ever both honour mid julorn this tcn;plr" whereas tb'.s man, who vias a Jew, seized upon what were the donations of fo- reigners; and said to those that were with him, that it was proper for them to use divine things while they were fighting for the Divi- nity, without fear, and that such whose war- fare is for the temple should live of the temple , on which account he emptied the vessels of that sacred wine and oil which the priests kept to be poured on the burnt-offerings, and which lay in the inner court of the temple, and dis- tributed it among the multitude, who, in their anointing themselves and drinking, used [each of them] above an hin of them: and here I cannot but speak my mind, and what the con- cern I am under dictates to me, and it is this: I suppose, that had the Romans made any longer delay in coming against these villains, the city would either have been swallowed up by the ground opening upon them, or been overflowed by water, or else been destroyed by such thunder as the country of Sodom* perished by, for it bad brought forth a gene ration of men much more atheistical than were those that suffered such punishments ; for by their madness it was that all the peo- ple came to be destroyed. 7. And indeed, why do I relate these par- ticular calamities ? — while Manneus, the son of Lazarus, came running to Titus at this very time, and told him that there had been carried out through that one gate, which was entrusted to his care, no fewer than a hun- dred and fifteen thousand eight hundred and eighty dead bodies, in the interval between the fourteenth day of the month Xanthicus [Nisan], when the Romans pitched their camp by the city, and the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz]. This was itself a prodi- gious multitude ; and though this man was not himself set as a governor at that gate, yet was he appointed to pay the public stipend for carrying these bodies out, and so was obliged of necessity to number them, while the rest were buried by their relations, though all their burial was but this, to bring them away, and cast them out of the city. After this man there ran away to Titus many of the eminent citizens, and told him the entire num- ber of the poor that were dead ; and that no fewer than six hundred thousand were thrown out at the gates, though still the number ot the rest could not be discovered ; and they told him farther, that when they were no longer able to carry out the dead bodies of the poor, they laid their corpses on heaps in very large houses, and shut them up therein ; as also that a medimnus of wheat was sold for a tajent ; and that when, a while after- ♦ Josephns, both here and before (b. iv. ch. yiii. sect i) esteems the land of Sodom, not as part of the lake Asplialtitis. or under its waters; but near it only, aa Taritns alio took the same notion from him (Hist v. 6, 7). whirh the ^oat Heland tales to be the very truth, both in his t^ole on tl.is phire.and in bis Palestina (torn, i. n aS-l — 2.'j8). thonch I rather suppose part of that ro. g;i.n «if I'entapoiis to benr,\» nn'Jer tVe waters ol tliesHUl" i>a:t uf !bai tea.; hut pcrlapit nv>t tU- whole country. 3 A 738 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK VI. ward, it was not possible to gather herbs, by reason the city was all walled about, some persons were driven to that terrible distress as to search the common sewers and old dung- hills of cattle, and to eat the dung which they got there ; and what they of old could not endure so much as to see, they now used for food. When the Romans barely heard all this, they commiserated their case; while the seditious, who saw it also, did not repent, b'lt suffered the same distress to come upon them- selves; for they were blinded bv that fate which was already coming upon tae city» and upon themselves also. BOOK VI. CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OP ABOUT ONE MONTH. FROM THE GREAT EXTREMITY TO WHICH THE JEWS WERE REDUCED. TO THE TAKING OF JERUSALEM BY TITUS. CHAPTER L THAT THE MISERIES OF THE JEWS STILL GEEW WOESE ; AND HOW THE ROMANS MADE AN ASSAULT UPON THE TOWER OF ANTONIA. § 1. Thus did the miseries of Jerusalem grow worse and worse every day, and the se- ditious were .still more irritated by the cala- mities they were under, even while the famine preyed upon themselves, after it had preyed upon the people. And indeed the multitude of carcases that lay in heaps one upon ano- ther, was a horrible sight, and produced a pestilential stench, which was a hinderance to those that would make sallies out of the city and fight the enemy: but as those were to go in battle array, who had been already used to ten thousand murders, and must tread upon those dead bodies as they marched along, so were not they terrified, nor did they pity men as they marched over them ; nor did they deem this affront offered to the deceased to be any ill omen to themselves; but as they* had their right hands already polluted with the murders of their own countrymen, and in that condition ran out to fight with foreigners, they seem to me to have cast a reproach upon God himself, as if he were too slow in pun- ishing them ; for the war was not now gone on with as if they had any hope of victory ; for they gloried after a brutish manner in that despair of deliverance they were already in. And now the Romans, although they were greatly distressed in getting together their ma- terials, raised their banks in one-and-twenty days, after they had cut down h11 the trees tiiHt ^rre in the cour.try that adjoined to th« city, and that for ninety furlongs round about, as I have already related. And truly, the very view itself of the country was a melancholy thing; for those places which were before adorned with trees and pleasant gardens, were now become a desolate country every way, and its trees were all cut down : nor could any foreigner that had formerly seen Judea and the most beautiful suburbs of the city, and now saw it as a desert, but lament and mourn sadly at so great a change ; for the war bad laid all signs of beauty quite waste : nor, if any one that had known the place be- fore, had come on a sudden to it now, would he have known it again ; but though he were at the city itself, yet would he have inquired for it notwithstanding. 2. And now the banks were finished, they afforded a foundation for fear both to the Romans and to the Jews ; for the Jews expected that the city would be taken, unless they could burn those banks, as did the Ro- mans expect that, if these were once burnt down, they should never be able to take it ; for there was a mighty scarcity of materials, and the bodies of the soldiers began to fail with such bard labours, as did their souls faint with so many instances of ill success* nay, the very calamities themselves that were in the city proved a greater discouragement to the Romans than to those within the city; for they found the fighting men of the Jews to be not at all mollified among such their sore afflictions, while they had themselves perpetu- ally less and less hopes of success, and their hanks were forced to yield to the stratagems of the entniy, their engines to the firmness of their wall, and their iloseiit lighti to the bold- CHAP. I. WARS OF THE JEWS. 730^ ness of their attack; and what was their greatest discouragement of all, they found the Jews' courageous souls to be superior to the multitude of the miseries they were under by their sedition, their famine, and the war itself; insomuch that they were ready to imagine that the violence of their attacks was invincible, and that the alacrity they showed would not be discouraged by their calamities ; for what would not those be able to bear if they should be fortunate, who turned their very misfor- tunes to the improvement of their valour ! — These considerations made the Romans keep a stronger guard about their banks than they formerly had done. 3. But now John and his party took care for securing themselves afterward, even in case this wall should be thrown down, and fell to their work before the battering-rams were brought against them. Yet did they not compass what they endeavoured to do, but as they were gone out with their torches, they came back under great discouragement, before they came near to the banks ; and the reasons were these: that in the first place, ♦heir conduct did not seem to be unanimous, but they went out in distinct parties, and at distinct intervals, and after a slow manner, and timorously, and, U) say all in a word, without a Jewish courage; for they were now defective in what is peculiar to our nation, that is, in boldness, in violence of assault, and in running upon the enemy all together, and in persevering in what they go about, though they do not at first succeed in it ; but they now went out in a more languid manner than uiiial, and at the same time found the Ro- mans set in array, and more courageous than ordinary, and that they guarded their banks both with their bodies and their entire armour, and this to such a degree on all sides, that they left no room for the fire to get among them, and that every one of their souls was in such good courage, that they would sooner die than desert their ranks ; for besides their notion that all their hopes were cut off, in case their works were once burnt, the soldiers were greatly ashamed that subtilty should be quite too hard for courage, madness for ar- mour, multitude for skill, and Jews for Ro- mans. The Romans had now also another advantage, in that their engines for sieges co-operated with them in throwing darts and Btones as far as the Jews, when they were -oming out of the city ; whereby the man that fell became an impediment to him that was next to him, as did the danger of going feirther make them less zealous in their at- tempts ; and for th')se that had run under the daits, some of them were terrified by the good order and closeness of the eiieniies' ranks belore they came fo a close Hght, afid others wtre pricked with their spears, and turned b* k ajpiin; at length they reproached one aitothttr tor their '■ wnrdicK. and retired with- out doing any thing. This attack was made upon the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz]. So, when the Jews were retreated, the Romans brought their engines, although they had all the while stones thrown at them from the tower of Antonia, and were assaulted by fire and sword, and by all sorts of darts, which necessity afforded the Jews to make use of; for although these had great depen- dence on their own wall, and a contempt of the Roman engines, yet did they endeavour to hinder the Romans from "bringing them. Now these Romans struggled bard, on the contrary, to bring them, as deeming that this zeal of the Jews was in order to avoid any impres- sion to be made on the tower of Antonia, be- cause its wall was but weak, and its founda- tions rotten. However, that tower did not yield to the blows given it from the engines ; yet did the Romans bear the impressions made by the enemies' darts which were perpetually cast at them, and did not give way to any of those dangers that came upon them frona above, and so they brought their engines to bear ; but then, as they were beneath the other, and were sadly wounded by the stones thrown down upon them, some of them threw their shields over their bodies, and partly with their hands, and partly with their bodies, and partly with crows, they undermined its foundations, and with great pains they removed four of its stones. Then night came upon both sides, and put an end to this struggle for the pre- sent ; however, that night the wall was so shaken by the battering-rams in that place where John had used his stratagem before, and had undermined their banks, that the ground then gave way, and the wall ft 11 down suddenly. 4. When this accident had unexpectedly happened, the minds of both partiis were variously affected : for though one would expect that the Jews would be discoi raged, because this fall of their wall was unexpected by them, and they had made no provi^ion in that case, yet did they pull up their courage, because the tower of Antonia itself was still standing; as was the unexpected joy of the Romans at this fall of the wall soon quenched by the sight they had of another wall, which John and his party had built within it. How- ever, the attack of this second wall appeared to be easier than that of the former, because it seemed n ihing of greater facility to get up to it through the parts of the former wall that were now thrown down. This new wall ap- peared also to be much weaker than the tower of Antonia, and accordingly the Romans ima- gined that it had been erected so much on the sudden, that they should soon overthrow it: yet did not any body venture now to go up to this wall : for that such as first ventured so to do must certainly be killed. 5. And now Titus, upon consideration that the alaority of iioldiers in war l« chietty 740 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK VI. excited by Lopes and by good words, and that exhortations and promises do frequently make men to forget the hazards they run, nay, and sometimes to despise death itself, got together the most courageous part of his army, and tried what he could do with his men by these methods: — ' fellow-soldiers," said he, "to make sm exhortation to men to do what hath no peril in it, is on that very account inglorious to such to whom that exhortation is made; and indeed so it is in him that makes the exhorta- tion, an argument of his own cowardice also. I therefore think, that such exhortations ought then only to be made use of when affairs are in a dangerous condition, and yet are worthy of being attempted by every one themselves; accordingly, I am fully of the same opinion with you, that it is a ditticult task to go up this wall ; but that it is proper for those that desire reputation for their valour to struggle v/ith ditliculties in such cases, will then ap- pear, when I have particularly shown that it is a brave thing to die with glory, and that the courage here necessary shall not go un- rewarded in those that iirst begin the attempt ; and let my first argument to move you to it be taken from what probably some woidd think reasonable to dissuade you, 1 mean the constancy and patience of these Jews, even under their ill successes ; for it is unbecom- ing you, who are Romans and my soldiers, who have in peace been tauifht how to make wars, and who have also been used to con- quer in those wars, to be inferior to Jews, either in action of the hand or in courage of tl.e soul, and this especially when you are at the conclusion of your victory, and are as- sisted by God himself; for as to our misfor- tunes, they have been owing to the madness of the Jew!", while their sufferings have been owing to }Our valour, and to the assistance GoG hath affoided you; for a*; to the sedi- tions they have been in, and the famine they are undrr, and the siege thoy now endure, arid the fall ol thfir walls without our engines, ',vhat can they all be but demonstrations of God's anger against them, a-id of his assis- tance alfonlcd u«? It will not therefore be projter for you, either to show yourselves infe- rior to those to wh(nn you are n-ally superior, v to betray that divine assistance which is afforded you ; atul indeed, how can it be esteemed otherwise than a base and unworthy thing, that while the Jews, v\ho need not be much ashamed if they be deserted, because they liave long learned to be slaves to otheis, do yet despise death, that tliey may be so no longer, — and do make sallies into the very midst of us frequently, not in hopes of conquering us, but merely for a demonstra- tion of their courage; we, who have gotten possession of almost all the worlil that belongs to either land or sea, to whom it will be a great >bamc if we dt» not conquer thorn, do not •»»« undertake any atteinpl nguirut cur enemies wherein there is much danger, bn: sit still idle, with such brave arms as we have, and only wait till the famine and fortime do our business themselves, and this when we have it in our power, with some small hazard, to gain all that we desire ! For if we go up to this tower of Antonia, we gain the city; for if there should be any more occasion for fighting against those within the city, which I do not suppose there will, since we shall then be upon the top of the hill,* and be up- on our enemies before they can have taken breath, these advantages promise us no less than a certain and sudden victory. As for myself, I shall at present waive any commen- dations of those who die in war,t and omit to speak of the immortality of those men who are slain in the midst of their martial bra- very ; yet coimot 1 forbear to imprecate upon those who are of a contrary disposition, that they may die in time of peace, by some dis- temper or other, since their souls are alrcdy condemned to the grave, together with their bodies; for what man of virtue is there who does not know that those souls whi(;h are severed from their fleshly bodies in battles by the sword, are received by the ether, that purest of elements, and joined to that com- pany which are place(i among the stars; that they becon e good demons, and propitious heroes, and show themselves as such to their posterity afterwards? while upon those souls that wear away in and with their distempertd bodies, couies a subterranean night to dissolve them to nothing, and a deep oblivion to take away all the remembraiice of them, and this, notwithstanding they be clean from all spots and defilements of this world ; so that, in this case, the soul at the same time conies to the utmost bounds of its life, and of its body, and of its memorial also ; but since fate hath de- termined that death is to come of necessity upon all men, a sword is a better instrimict for that purpose than any disease whatsoever Why, is it not then a very mean thing for ns not to yield up that to the public benefit, which we nuist yield up to fate? And this discourse have I made, upon the supposition that those who at first attempt to go upon this wall must needs be killed in the attempt, though still men of true courage have a chance to escape even in the most hazardous uiuler- takings ; for, in the first place, that part • Roland notws here, very pprtint'ntly, that the tower of Antonia slo<xl hicher than the floor of the temple or court ndpoininji to it; and that arfordin»jly they descended thence into the temple, as Josephus elsewhere speaks also. Seeb. vi.ch.ii sect. 5. + In this speech of Titns, We may clearly see the no- tions which the Uoinans tlien had of tle.ith. and of the happy state cif those who died hra^ely in war, and the cimtrary estate of thone whodird mnohly in liieit heds by sickness. Heland here hNo pioiliin » lw«» parallel pan. 5ai;e«. the one out »( Aiiiinianns Mar.«l!nint, cotirerninu the Alani. lib ;ji.ilittt " \\<r\ jmU-.-d ih.it nmn huppv who lai.l down his Lfe iiiballlv,*' ih'- oil er of V'ai. riiis Slaxw mm, hb. xi. r. i . v ho »a\«. " ihul llu { iinjjri and (Viti l)«ri exiilii il r r j. } in tic- <> i!i\, a» b« lUf (• ^ u wut uf ttM world Klori*u»4v m-i happily.* CHAP. I. WARS OF THE JEWS. 741 of the former wall tliat is thrown down, is easily to be ascended; and for the new-built wall, it is easily destroyed. Do you, there- fore, many of you, pull up your courage, and set about this work, and do you mutually en- courage and assist one another; and this your bravery will soon break the hearts of your enemies ; and perhaps such a glorious under- taking as yours is may be accomplished with- out bloodshed ; for although it be justly to he supposed that the Jews will try to hinder you at your first beginning to go up to them, yet when you have once concealed yourselves from them, and driven them away by force, they will not be able to sustain your efforts against them any longer, though but a few of you prevent them, and get over the wall. As for that person who first mounts the wall, I should blush for shame if I did not make him to be envied of others, by those rewards I would bestow upon him. If such a one escape with his life, he shall have the com- mand of others that are now but his equals ; although it be true also, that the greatest rewards will accrue to such as die in the attempt."* 6. Upon this speech ef Titus, the rest of the multitude were affrighted at so great a danger. But there was one whose name was Sabinus, a soldier that served among the co- horts, and a Syrian by birth, who appeared to be of very great fortitude, both in the actions he had done and the courage of his soul he had shown ; although any body would have thought, before he came to his work, that he was of such a weak constitution of body, that he was not fit to be a soldier ; for his colour was black, his flesh was lean and thin, and lay close together; but there was a certain heroic soul that dwelt in this small body, which body was indeed much too narrow for that peculiar courage which was in him. Accordingly he was the first that rose up ; when he thus spake : — *' I readily surrender myself to thee, O Caesar : I first ascend the wall, and I heartily wish that my fortune may follow my courage and my resolution. And if some ill- fortune grudge me the success of my under- taking, take notice that my ill-success will not be unexpected, but that I choose death volun- tarily for thy sake." When he had said this, and had spread out his shield over his head with his left hand, and had with his right hand drawn his sword, he marched up to the wall just about the sixth hour of the day. There followed him eleven others, and no more, that resolved to imitate his bravery; but still this was the principal person of them »\ll, and went first as excited by a divine fury. Now those that guarded the wall shot at them from thence, and cast innumerable darts upon •Jiem from every side ; they also rolled very large stones upon them which overthrew some * See the not* + on page 746. of those eleven that were with him. But as for Sabinus himself he met the darts that were cast at him, and though he was overwhelmed with them, yet did he not leave oflF the vio- lence of his attack before he had gotten up an the top of the wall, and had put the enemy to flight. For as the Jews were astonished at his great strength, and the bravery of his sotil ; and as, withal, they imagined more of them had got upon the wall than really had, they were put to flight. And now one cannot but complain here of fortune, as still envious of virtue, and always 'lindering the perform- ance of glorious achievements: this was the case of the man before us, when he had just obtained his purpose ; for he then stumble'd at a certain large stone, and fell down upon it headlong, with a very great noise. Upon which the Jews turned back, and when they saw him to be alone, and fallen down also, they threw darts at him from every side. However, he got upon his knee, and covered himself with his shield, and at the first de- fended himself against them, and wounded many of those that came near him ; but he was soon forced to relax his right hand, by the multitude of the wounds that had been given him, till at length he was quite covered over with darts before he gave up the ghost. He was one who deserved a better fate, by reason of his bravery ; but, as might be ex- pected, he fell under so vast an attempt. As for the rest of his partners, the Jews dashed three of them to pieces with stones, and slew them as they were gotten up to the top of the wall ; the other eight being wounded, were pulled down and carried back to the camp. These things were done upon the third day of the month Panemus [Tamuz]. 7. Now two days afterward, twelve of those men that were on the fore-front, and kept watch upon the banks, got together, and called to them the standard-bearer of the fifth legion, and two others of a troop of horsemen, and one trumpeter ; these went without noise, about the ninth hour of the night, through the ruins, to the tower of Antonia; and when they had cut the throats of the first guards of the place, as they were asleep, they got possession of the wall, and ordered the trumpeter ta sound his trumpet.- Upon which the rest of the guard got up on the sudden, and ran away before any body could see how many they were that were gotten up ; for partly from the fear they were in, and partly from the sound of the trumpet which they heard, they imagined a great number of the enemy were gotten up. But as. soon as Caesar heard the signal, he ordered the army to put on their armour im- mediately, and came thither with his com- manders, and first of all ascended, as did the chosen men that were with him. And as the Jews were flying away to the temple, they fell into that mine which John had dug under tae Roman banks. Then did the seditious of V 742 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK Vi. both the bodies of the Jewish army, as well that belonging to John, as that belonging to Simon, drive them away ; and indeed were no v»y wanting as to the highest degree of force and alacrity; for they esteemed themselves entirely ruined if once the Romans got into the temple, as did the Romans look upon the same thing as the beginning of their entire conquest. So a terrible battle was fought at the entrance of the temple, while the Romans were forcing their way, in order to get pos- session of that temple, and the Jews were driving them back to the tower of Antonia; in which battle the darts were on both sides useless, as well as the spears, and both sides drew their swords, and fought it out hand to hand. Now, during this struggle, the posi- tions of the men were undistinguished on both sides, and they fought at random, the men being intermixed one with another, and con- founded by reason of the narrowness of the place ; while the noise that was made fell on the ear after an indistinct manner, because it was so very loud. Great slaughter was now made on both sides, and the combatants trod upon the bodies and the armour of those that were dead, and dashed them to pieces. Ac- cordingly, to which side soever the battle in- clined those that had the advantage exhorted one another to go on, as did those that were beaten make great lamentation. But still there was no room for flight, nor for pursuit, but disorderly revolutions and retreats, while the armies were intermixed one with another; but those that were in the first ranks were under the necessity of killing or being killed, without any way for escaping ; for those on both sides that came behind, forced those be- fore them to go on without leaving any space between the armies. At length the Jews' violent zeal was too hard for the Romans' skill, and the battle already inclined entirely that way; for the fight bad lasted from the ninth hour of the night till the seventh hour of the day, while the Jews came on in crowds, and had the danger the temple was in for their motive; the Romans having no more here than a part of their army ; for those legions, on which the soldiers on that side depended, were not come up to them. So it was at pre- sent thought sufficient by the Romans to take possession of the tower of Antonia. 8. But there was one Julian, a centurion, that came from Bithynia ; a man he was of great reputation, whom I had formerly seen ill that war, and one of the highest fame, both for his skill in war, his strength of body, and the courage of his soul. Tbia man see- ing the Romans giving ground, and in a sad condition (for he stood by Titus at the tower of Antonia), leaped out, and of himself alone put the Jews to flight when they were already concjuerors, and made them retire as far as the corner of the inner court of the temple : from him the multitude fled away in crowds, as supposing that neither his strength nor his violent attacks could be those of a mere man. Accordingly he rushed through the midst oi the Jews, as they were dispersed all abroad, and killed those that he caught. JNor, iiideeu, was there any sight that appeared more won- derful in the eyes of Caesar, or more terrible to others, than this. However, he was him- self pursued by fate, which if was not possi- ble that he who was but a mortal man should escape ; for as he had shoes all full of thick and sharp nails,* as had every one of the other soldiers, so when he ran on the pave- ment of the temple, he slipped, and fell down upon his back with a very great noise, which was made by his armour. This made those that were running away to turn back ; where- upon those Romans that were in the tower of Antonia set up a great shout, as they were in fear for the man. But the Jews got about him in crowds, and struck at him with their spears, and with their swords on all sides Now he received a great many of the strokes of these iron weapons upon his shield, and often attempted to get up again, but Mas thrown down by those that struck at him ; yet did he, as he lay along stab many of them with his sword. Nor was he soon killed, as being covered with his helmet and his breast- plate in all those parts of his body where he might be mortally- wounded ; he also pulled his neck close to his body, till all his other limbs were shattered, and nobody durst come to defend him, and then he yielded to his fate. Now Caesar was deeply affected on account of this man of so great fortitude, and especially as he was killed in the sight of so many peo- ple ; he was desirous himself to come to his assistance, but the place would not give him leave, while such as could have done it were loo much terrified to attempt it. Thus wheu Julian had struggled with death a great while, and had let but few of those that had given him his mortal vvound go off unhurt, he had at last his throat cut, though not without some difficulty ; and left behind him a very great fame, not only among the Romans and with Caesar himself, but among his enemies also ; then did the Jews catch up his dead body, and put the Romans to flight again, and shut them up in the tower of Antonia. Now those that most signalized themselves, and fought most zealously in this battle of the Jewish side, were one Alexas and Gyphtheus, of John's party ; and of Simon's party were Malachias, and Judas the son of Merto, and James the son of Sosas, the commander ol the Idumeans; and of the zealots, two bre- thren, Simon and Judas, the sons of Jairus. • No wonder that this Julian, who had so many naii> in his shoes, slipped upon tlve pav»;tfient of the t«nini« which was smooth, and laid with marble of dlfforeik' colours. CHAP. II. WARS OF THE JEWS. 743 CHAPTfiR II. HOW TITUS GAVE ORDERS TO DEMOUSH THE TOWER OF ANTONIA, AND THEN PERSUADED JOSEPHUS TO EXHORT THE JEWS AGAIN j^TO A surrender]. § I. And now Titus gave orders to his sol- diers that were with him to dig up the foun- dations of the tower of Antonia, and make him a ready passage for his army to come up ; while he himself had Josephus brought to him (for he had been informed that on that very day, which was the seventeenth day* of Pane- mus [Tamuz], the sacrifice called "the Daily Sacrifice" had failed, and had not been offered to God for want of men to offer it, and that the people were grievously troubled at it) and commanded him to say the same things to John that he had said before, that if he had any malicious inclination for fighting, he might come out with as many of his men as he pleased, in order to fight, without the danger of destroying either his city or temple ; but that he desired he would not defile the tem- ple, nor thereby offend against God. That he might, if he pleased, offer the sacrifices which were now discontinued, by any of the Jews whom he should pitch upon. Upon this, Josephus stood in such a place where he might be heard, not by John only, but by many more, and then declared to them what Cie<ar had given him in charge, and this in the Hebrew language.t So he earnestly prayed them to spare their own city, and to prevent that fire which was just ready to seize upon the temple, and to offer their usual sacrifices to God therein. At these words of his a great s;idness and silence were observed among the people. But the tyrant himself cast many reproaches upon Josephus, with imprecations besides ; and at last added this withal that he did never fear the taking of the city, because »t was God's own city. In answer to which, Josephus said thus, with a loud voice: — "To be sure, thou hast kept this city wonderfully pure for God's sake ! the temple also conti- nues entirely unpolluted! Nor hast thou been guilty of any impiety against him, for whose assistance thou hopest ! He still receives his accustomed sacrifices ! Vile wretch that thou art! if any one should deprive thee of thy daily food, thou wouldst esteem him to be an • This was a very remarkable day indeed, the seven- teenth of Panemus [Tamuz], a.d. 70, when, according to Daniel's prediction 600 years before, the Romans "in half a week caused the sacrifice and oblation to cease," Dan. ix. 27; for from the month of February, a.d. 66, about which time Vespasian entered on this war, to this ver» time, was just three years and a half. See Bishop Lloyd's Tables of Chronology, published by Mr. Mar- shall, on this year. Nor is it to be omitted, what very neariv confirms this durafion of the war, that four years be<oie fie war began, was somewhat above seven years five montos before the destruction of Jerusalem, chap. v. + The same that in the New Testament is always so call*^. and Wi.« then the common language of the Jews ill Jiidea, which was the Syriac dialect enemy to thee ; but thou hopest to have that God for thy supporter in this war whom thou hast deprived of his everlasting worship! and thou imputest those sins to the Romans, who to this very time take care to have our laws observed, and almost compel these sacrifices to be still offered to God, which have by thy means been intermitted ! Who is there that can avoid groans and lamentations at the amazing change that is made in this city! since very foreigners and enemies do now correct that impiety which thou hast occasioned , while thou, who art a Jew, and wast edu- cated in our laws, art become a greater enemy to them than the others! But still, John, it is never dishonourable to repent, and amend what hath been done amiss, even at the last extremity. Thou hast an instance before thee in JechoniahjJ the king of the Jews, if thou hast a mind to save the city, who, when the king of Babylon made war against him, did, of his own accord, go out of this city before it was taken, and did undergo a voluntary captivity with his family, that the sanctuary might not be delivered up to the enemy, and that he might not see the house of God set on fire : on which account he is celebrated among all the Jews, in their sacred memorials, and his memory is become immortal, and will be conveyed fresh down to our posterity through ail ages. This, John, is an excellent example in such a time of danger; and I dare venture to promise that the Romans shall still forgive thee. And take notice, that I, who make this exhortation to thee, am one of thine own nation ; I, who am a Jew, do make this promise to thee. And it will be- come thee to consider who I am that give thee this counsel, and whence lam derived; for while I am alive I shall never be in such sla- very as to forego my own kindred, or forget the laws of our forefathers. Thou hast in- dignation at me again, and makest a clamour at me, and reproachest me; indeed, I cannot deny but I am worthy of worse treatment than all this amounts to, because, in opposi- tion to fate, I make this kind invitation to thee, and endeavour to force deliverance upon those whom God hath condemned. And who is there that does not know what the writings of the ancient prophets contain in them, — and particularly that oracle § which is just now going to be fulfilled upon this miserable city 1 — for they foretold that this city should be then taken when somebody shall begin the slaughter of his own countrymen ! and are not both the city and the entire temple now full of the dead bodies of your countrymen ? It is God therefore, it is God himself who is bringing on this fire, to purge that city and t Oar present copies of the Old Testament want this encomium upon king Jechoniah or Jehoiachim, which it seems was in Josephus's copy. ; Of this oracle, see the note on book iv. ahap. vi serL 3. 744 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK VI, temple by means of the Romans,* and is going to pluck up this city, which is full of your pollutions." 2. As Josephus spoke these words with groans, and tears in his eyes, his voice was intercepted by sobs. However, the Romans could not but pity the affliction he was under, and wonder at his conduct. But for John, and those that were with him, they were but the more exasperated against the Romans on this account, and were desirous to get Jose- phus also into their power : yet did that dis- course influence a great many of the better iort; and truly some of them were so afraid of the guards set by the seditious, that they tarried where they were, but still were satis- fied that both they and the city were doomed to destruction. Some also there were who, watching for a proper opportunity when they might quietly get away, fled to the Romans, jf whom were the high-priests Joseph and Jesus, and of the sons of high^priests three, whose father was Ishmael, who was beheaded in Cyrene, and four sons of Matthias, as also one son of the other Matthias, who ran away after his father's death, f and whose father was slain by Simon, the son of Gioras, with three of his sons, as I have already related: many also of the other nobility went over to the Romans, together with the high-priests. Now Caesar not only received these men very kindly in other respects, but, knowing they would not willingly live after the customs of other nations, he sent them to Gophna, and desired them to remain there for the present, and told them that when he was gotten clear of this war, he would restore each of them to their possessions again : so they cheerfully retired to that small city which was allotted them, without fear of any danger. But as they did not appear, the seditious gave out again, that these deserters were slain by the Romans, — which was done, in order to deter the rest from running away by fear of the like-treat- ment. This trick of theirs succeeded now for a while, as did the like trick before ; for the rest were hereby deterred from deserting, by fear of the like treatment. 3. However, when Titus had recalled those men from Gophna, he gave orders that they should go round the wall, together with Jo- sephus, and show themselves' to the people; • Josephus, both here and in many places elsewhere, speaks so, that it is most evident he was fully satisfied that God was on the Romans' side, and made use of them now for the destruction of that wicked nation of the Jews, which was for certain the true state of this matter, as the prophet Oaniel first, and our Saviour himself afterwards had clearly foretold. See Lit 'Ac- compl. of Proph. p 6-1, &c. + Josephus had before told ns, book v. ch. xiii. sect. 1, that this fourth son of Matthias ran away to the Ro- mans "before" his father's and brethren's slauf^hter, and not "after" it. as here. The former account is, in all probability, the truest; for had not that fourth son escaped hefere the others were cauKbt and put to death, he had been caufht and put to death with them. This last nrroiint. llu-rrfore. looks Ike an instarce of a smnll loiulTertence ot Jusepbus in the place before uo. upon which a great many fled to the Romans. These men also got in a great number together, and stood before the Romans and besought the seditious with groans and tears in their eyes, in the first place to receive the Romans entirely into the city, and save that their own place of residence again ; but that, if they would not agree to such a proposal, they would at least depart out of the temple, and save the holy house for their own use ; for that the Romans would not venture to set the sanctuary on fire, but under the most pressing necessity. Yet did the seditious still more and more contradict them ; and while they cast loud and bitter reproaches upon these deserters, they also set their engines for throwing of darts and javelins, and stones, upon the sacred gates of the temple, at due distances from on^ another, insomuch that all the space round about within the temple might be compared to a burying-ground, so great was the number of the dead bodies therein ; a* might the holy house itself be compared to a citadel. Accordingly , these men rushed upon these holy places in their armour, that were otherwise unapproachable, and that while their hands were yet warm with the blood of their own people which they had shed ; nay, they proceeded to such great transgressions that the very same in- dignation which Jews would naturally have against Romans, had they been guilty of such abuses against them, the Romans now had against Jews, for their impiety in regard to their own religious customs. Nay, indeed, there were none of the Roman soldiers who did not look with a sacred horror upon the holy house, and adored it, and wished that the robbers would repent before their miseries became incurable. 4, Now Titus was deeply affected with this state of things and reproached John and his party, and said to them, " Have not you, vile wretches that you are, by our permission, put up this partition- wall J before your sanctuary? Have not you been allowed to put up the pillars thereto belonging, at due distauces, and on it to engrave in Greek, and in your own letters, this prohibition, that no foreigner should go beyond that wall? Have not we given you leave to kill such as go beyond it, though he were a Roman? And what do you do now, you pernicious villains? Why do you trample upon dead bodies in this temple? and why do you pollute this holy house with the blood both of foreigners and Jews them- selves? I appeal to the gods of my own coun- try, and to every god that ever had any re- gard to this place (for I do not suppose it to be now regarded by any of them) ; I also ap- peal to my own army, and to those Jews that are now with me, and even to you yourselves, t Of this partition-wall separatinj; Jews and Gentiles, w'tli its pillars and inscription, see the description of the temples, chap xv CHAP. II. WARS OF THE JEWS. 746 that I do not force you to defile this your yinctuary; and if you will but change the place whereon you will fight, no Roman shall either come near your sanctuary, or offer any affront to it ; nay, I will endeavour to pre- serve you your holy house, whether you will or not."* 5. As Josephus explained these things from the mouth of Caesac, both the robbers and the tyrant thought that these exhortations proceeded from Titus's fear, and not from his jood-will to them, and grew insolent upon it; but when Titus saw that these men were nei- ther to be moved by commiseration towards themselves, nor had any concern upon them to have the holy house spared, he proceeded, unwillingly, to go on again with the war against them. He could not indeed bring all his army against them, the place was so nar- row; but choosing thirty soldiers of the most valiant out of every hundred, and committing a thousand to each tribune, and making Ce- realis their commander-in-chief, he gave or- ders that they should attack the guards of the temple about the ninth hour of that night ; but as he was now in his armour, and pre- paring to go down with them, his friends would not let him go, by reason of the great- ness of the danger, and what the commanders suggested to them ; for they said, that he would do more by sitting above in the tower of Antonia, as a dispenser of rewards to those soldiers that signalized themselves in the fight, than by coming down and hazarding his own person in the fore-front of them ; for that tliey would all fight stoutly while Caesar looked upon them. With this advice Caesar complied, and said, that the only reason he had for such compliance with the soldiers was this, that he might be able to judge of their courageous actions, and that no valiant soldier might lie concealed, and miss of his reward ; and no cowardly soldier might go unpunished; but that he might himself be an eye-witness, and able to give evidence of all that was done, who was to be the disposer of punishments and rewards to them. So be sent the soldiers about their work at the hour forementioned, while he went out himself to a higher place m the tower of Antonia, whence he might see what was done, and th^re waited with impa- tience to see the event. 6. However, the soldiers that were sent did not find the guards of the temple asleep, as they hoped to have done ; but were obliged to fight with them immediately hand to hand, as they rushed with violence upon them with a great shout. Now, as soon as the rest within the temple heard that shout of those that were upon the watch, they ran out in troops upon • That these seditions Jews were the direct occasions erth«ir own destruction, and of the conflagration of their city and temple; and that Titus earnestly and constantly laboured to save both, is here and everywhere most evi- dent in loscphua. them. Then did the Romans receive the onset of those that came first upon tlfem; but those that followed them fell upon their awn troops, and many of them treated their own soldiers as if they had been enemies ; for the great confused noise that was made on both sides, hindered them from distinguishing one another's voices, as did the darkness of the night hinder them from the like distinction by the sight, besides that blindness which arose otherwise also from the passion and the fear they were in at the same time ; for which rea- son, it was all one to the soldiers who it was they struck at. However, this ignorance did less harm to the Romans than to the Jews, because they were joined together under their shields, and made their sallies more regularly than the others did, and each of them remem- bered their watch- word ; while the Jews were perpetually dispersed abroad, and made their attacks and retreats at random, and so did fre- quently seem to one another to be enemies; for every one of them received those of their own men that came back in the dark as Romans and made an assault upon them ; so that more ot them were wounded by their own men than by the enemy, till, upon the coming on of the day, the nature of the fight was discerned by the eye afterward. Then did they stand in battle- array in distinct bodies, and cast their darts regularly, and regularly defended themselves ; nor did either side yield or grow weary. The Romans contended with each other who should fight the most strenuously, both single men and entire regiments, as being under the eye of Titus; and every one concUuled that this day would begin his promotion if he fought bravely. The great encouragements which the Jews had in view to act vigorously were their fear for themselves and for the temple, and the presence of their tyrant, who exhorted some, and beat and threatened others to act courageously. Now, it so happened, that this fight was for the most part a stationary one, wherein the soldiers went on and came back in a short time, and suddenly ; for there was no long space of ground for either of their flights or pursuits ; but still there was a tumultuous noise among the Romans from the tower of Antonia, who loudly cried out upon all occasions for their own men to press on courageously, when they were too hard for the Jews, and to stay when they were retire- ing backward ; so that here was a kind of theatre of war ; for what was done in this fight could not be concealed either from Ti- tus or from those that were about him. At length, it appeared that this fight, which be- gan at the ninth hour of the night, was not over till past the fifth hour of the day; and that, in the same place where the battle be- gan, neither party could say they had made the other to retire ; but both the armies left the victory almost in uncertainty between them r wherein those that signalized them- 746 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK VI. selves on the Roman side were a great many; but on the Jewish side, and of those that were with Simon, Judas the son of Merto, and Simon the son of Josias ; of the Idu- means, James and Simon, the latter of whom was the son of Cathlas, and James was the son of Sosas ; of those that were with John Cyphtheus and Alexas ; and, of the zealots, Simon, the son of Jairus. 7. In the mean time, the rest of the Ro- man army had, in seven days' time over- thrown [some] foundations of the tower of Antonia, and had made a ready and broad way to the temple. Then did the legions come near the first court,* and began to raise their banks. The one bank was over-against the north-west corner of the inner temple ;f another was at that northern edifice which was between the two gates; andof the other two, one was at the western cloister of the outer court* of the temple ; the other against its northern cloister. However these works were thus far advanced by the Romans, not without great pains and difficulty, and particularly by being obliged to bring their materials from the distance of a hundred furlongs. They had farther difficulties also upon them: some- times, by the over-great security they were in that they should overcome the Jewish snares laid for them, and by that boldness of the Jews which their despair of escaping had inspired them withal ; for some of their horsemen when they went out to gather wood or hay, let their horses feed, without having their bri- dles on during the time of foraging; upon which horses the Jews sallied out in whole bodies, and seized them ; and when this was continually done, and Caesar believed, what the truth was, that the horses were stolen more by the negligence of his own men than by the valour of the Jews, he determined to use greater severity to oblige the rest to take care of their horses ; so he commanded that one of those soldiers who had lost their horses should be capitally punished ; whereby he so terrified the rest that they preserved their horses for the time to come ; for they did not any longer let them go from them to feed by themselves, but, as if they had grown to them, they went always along with them when they wanted necessaries. Thus did the Romans still continue to make war against the temple, and to raise their banks against it. 8. Now, after one day had been interposed since the Romans ascended the breach, many ^ of the seditious were so pressed by the famine, upon the present failure of their ravages, that they got together, and made an attack on those Roman guards that were upon the Mount of Olives, and this about the eleventh hour of the day, as supposing first, that they would not expect such an onset, ^f^d in the next place, that they were then taking care • The Court of the Gentiles, i The Court of Israel of their bodies, and that therefore they should very easily beat them; — but the Romans were apprised of their coming to attack them beforehand, and running together from the neighbouring camps on the sudden, prevented them from getting over their fortification, or forcing the wall that was built about them Upon this came on a sharp fight, and here many great actions, were performed on both sides ; while the Romans showed both their courage and their skill in war, as did the Jews come on them with immoderate violence and intolerable passion. The one party were urged on by shame, and the other by necessity ; for it seemed a very shameful thing to the Romans to let the Jews go, now they were taken in a kind of net ; while thi- Jews had but one hope of saving themselves, and that was, in case they could by violence break through the Roman wall : — and one, whose name was Pedanius, belonging to a party of horsemen, when the Jews were al- ready beaten and forced down into the valley together, spurred his horse on their flank with great vehemence, and caught up a cer- tain young man belonging to the enemy by his ancle, as he was running away. The man was, however, of a robust body, and in his armour ; so low did Pedanius bend him- self downward from his horse, even as he was galloping away, and so great was the strength of his right hand, and of the rest of his body, as also such skill had he in horsemanship. So this man seized upon that his prey, as upon a precious treasure, and carried him as his captive to Caesar: whereupon Titus ad- mired the man that had seized the other for his great strength, and ordered the man that was caught to be punished [with death] for his attempt against the Roman wall, but betook himself to the siege of the tem- ple, and to pressing on the raising of the banks. 9. In the mean time, the Jews were so dis- tressed by the fights they had been in, as the war advanced higher and higher, and creep- ing up to the holy house itself, that they, as it were, cut off those limbs of their body which were infected, in order to prevent the distemper's spreading farther; for they set the north-west cloister, which was joined to the tower of Antonia, on fire, and after that brake off about twenty cubits of that cloister, and thereby made a beginning in burning the sanctuary : two days after which, or on the twenty-fourth day of the forenamed month [Panemus or Tamuz], the Romans set fire to the cloister that joined to the other, when tne fire went fifteen cubits farther. The Jews, in like manner, cut off its roof; nor nui tney entirely leave off what they were about till the tower of Antonia was parted from the temple, even when it was in their power to have stopped the fire; nay, they lay still while the temple wns first set on fire, and CHAP. III. WARS OF THE JEWS. 747 deemed this spreading of the fire to be for their own advantage. However, the armies were still fighting one against another about the temple: and the war was managed by continual sallies of particular parties against one another. 10. Now there was at this time a man among the Jews; low of stature he was, and of a despicable appearance; of no character either as to his family, or in other respects : his name was Jonathan. He went out at the high-priest John's monument, and uttered many other insolent things to the Romans, and challenged the best of them all to a single combat: but many of those that stood there in the army huffed him, and many of them (as they might well be) were afraid of him. Some of them also reasoned thus, and that justly enough: that it was not fit to fight with a man that desired to die, because those that utterly despaired of deliverance had, besides other passions, a violence in attacking men that could not be opposed, and had no regard to God himself; and that to hazard one's self with a person, whom if you over- come, you do no great matter, and by whom it is hazardous that you may be taken pri- soner, would be an instance not of manly courage, but of unmanly rashness. So tnere being nobody that came out to accept the man's challenge, and the Jew cutting them with a great number of reproaches, as cow- ards (for he was a very haughty man in him- self, and a great despiser of the Romans), one whose name was Pudens, of the body of horse- men, out of his abomination of the other's words, and of his impudence withal, and per- haps out of an inconsiderate arrogance, on account of the other's lowness of stature, ran out to him, and was too hard for him in other respects, but was betrayed by his ill-fortune; for he fell down, and as he was down, Jona- than came running to him, and cut his throat, and then standing upon his dead body, he brandished his sword, bloody as it was, and shook his shield with his left hand, and made many acclamations to the Roman army,- and exulted over the dead man, and jested upon the Romans; till at length one Priscus, a cen- turion, shot a dart at him as he was leaping and playing the fool with himself, and thereby pierced him through: upon which a shout was set up both by the Jews and the Romans, though on different accounts. So Jonathan grew giddy by the pain of his wounds, and fell down upon the body of his adversary — a piam instance how suddenly vengeance may come upqp men that have success in war, without aiiy just deserving of the same. CHAPTER III. CONCERNING A STRATAGEM THAT WAS DE- VISED BY THE JEWSj BY WHICH THEY BURNT MANY OF THE ROMANS; WITH AN- OTHER DESCRIPTION OF THE TERRIBLE FAMINE THAT WAS IN THE CITY. § 1. But now the seditious that were in the temple did every day openly endeavour to beat off the soldiers that were upon the banks, and on the twenty-seventh day of the fore- named month [Panemus, or Tamuz], contrived such a stratagem as this: — They filled that part of the western cloister * which was be- tween the beams, and the roof under them, with dry materials, as also with bitumen and pitch, aiwl then retired from that place as though they were tired with the pains they had taken; at which procedure of theirs, many of the most inconsiderate among the Romans, who were carried away with violent passions, followed hard after them as they were retiring, and applied ladders to the cloister, and got up to it suddenly; but the prudent part of them, when they understood this unaccount- able retreat of the Jews, stood <^till where they were before. However, the cloister was full of those that were gone up the ladders; at which time the Jews set it all on fire; and us the flafhes burst out everywhere on the sud- den, the Romans that were out of the danger were seized with a very great consternation, as were those that were in the midst of the danger in the utmost distress. So when they perceived themselves surrounded with the flames, some of them threw themselves down backwards into the city, and some among their enemies [in the temple]; as did many leap down to their own men, and broke their limbs to pieces; but a great number of those that were going to take these violent methods, were prevented by the fire; though some prevented the fire by their own swords. However, the fire was on the sudden carried so far as to surround those who would have otherwise perished. As for Caesar himself, he could not, however, but commiserate those that thus perished, although they got up thither with- out any order for so doing, since there was no way of giving them any relief. Yet was this some comfort to those that were destroyed, that every body might see that person grieve, for whose sake they came to their end; for he cried out openly to them, and leaped up, and exhorted those that were about him to do their utmost to relieve them. So everj one of them died cheerfully, as carrying along with him these words and this intention of Caesar as a sepulchral monument. Some there were, indeed, who retired into the wall • Of the Court of the Geudlea. 748 WARS OF THE JEWS. :book T1 of the cloister, which was hroad, and were preserved out of the fire, but were then sur- rounded by the Jews; and although they made resistance against the Jews for a long time, yet were they wounded by them, and at length they all fell down dead. 2. At the last, a young man among them, whose name was Longus, became a decoration to this sad affair, and while every one of them that perished were worthy of a memorial, this man appeared to deserve it beyond all the rest. Now the Jews admired this man for hiscourage, and were farther desirous of having him slain; so they persuaded him to come down to them, upon security given him for his life. But Cor- nelius, his brother, persuaded him, on the con- trary, not to tarnish his own glory nor that of the Roman army. He complied with this last advice, and lifting up his sword before both armies, he slew himself. Yet was there one Artorius among those surrounded with the fire, who escaped by his subtilty ; for when he nad with a loud voice called to him Lucius, one of his fellow soldiers that lay with him in the same tent, and said to him, " I do leave thee heir of all I have, if thou wilt come and eceive me." Upon this he came running to .eceive him readily.; Artorius then threw him- self down upon him, and saved his own life, while he that received him was dashed so ve- hemently against the stone pavement by the other's weight, that he died- immediately. This melancholy accident made the Romans sad for a while, but still it made them more upon their guard for the future, and was of ad- vantage to them against the delusions of the Jews, by which they were greatly damaged through their imacquaintedness w ith the places, and with the nature of the inhabitants. Now this cloister was burnt down as far as John's to w- er, which he built in the war he made against Simon over the gates that led to the Xystus. The Jews also cut off the rest of that cloister from the temple, after they had destroyed those that got up to it. But the next day the Romans burnt down the northern cloister en- tirely, as far as the east cloister, whose com- mon angle joined to the valley that was called Cedron, and was built over it; on which ac- count the depth was frightful. And this was the state of the temple at that time. 3. Now of those that perished by famine in the city, the number was prodigious, and the miseries they underwent were unspeak- able; for if so much as the shadow of any kind of food did anywhere appear, a war was commenced presently; and the dtarest friends fell a fighting one with another about it, snatching from each other the most miserable supports of life. Nor would wen believe that those who were dying had no food ; but the robbers would search them when they were expiring, lest any one should have concealed food in their bosoms, and counterfeited d\ing: nay, these robbers gaped for want, and ran about stumbling and staggering along like mad dogs, and reeling against the doors of the houses like drunken men; they would also, in the great distress they were in, rush into the very same houses two or three times in one and the same day. Moreover, their hunger was so intolerable, that it obliged them to chew every thing, while they gathered such things as the most sordid animals would not touch, and endured to eat them; nor did they at length abstain from girdles and shoes; anJ the very leather which belonged to their shields- they pulled off and gnawed: the very wisps of old hay became food to some ; and some gathered up fibres, and sold a very small- weight of them for four Attic [drachmae]. But why do 1 describe the shameless impu- dence that the famine brought on men in their eating inanimate things, while 1 am going to relate a matter of fact, the like to which no history relates,* either among the Greeks of Barbarians! It is horrible to speak of it, and incredible when heard. I had indeed willingly omitted this calamity of ouis, that I might not seem to deliver what is so portentous to posterity, but that i have innumerable wit- nesses to it in my own age; and besides, my country would have had little reason to thank me for suppressing the miseries that she under- went at this time. 4. There was a certain woman that dwelt beyond Jordan, her name was Wary; her father was Eleazar, of the village Betbczub, which signifies the House of Hyssop. She was eminent for her family and her wealth, and had fled away to Jerusalem with the rest of the multitude, and was with them besieged therein at this time. The other effecis of this woman had been already seized upon ; such I mean as she had brought with her out of Perea, and removed to the city. -What she had treasured up besides, as also what food she had contrived to save, had been also carried off by the rapacious guards, who came every day running into her house for that purpose. This put the poor won)an into a very great passion, and by the frequent reproaches and ♦ What Jospphiis obscrvps here, that no parallel ex- amples had been recorded before bis time of sncli sieges, wherein motliers were Ibrced by extremity of (amine to eat their own children, as had been threatened to th» Jews in tte law of Moses, upon obstinate disobedience, and more than once 111 filled (see my Boyle's Lectures, p. i!lO— -214), is by Dr. EUidson supposed to have had two or three parallel examples in later a>;es. He might have had more exiin)i)le8. 1 suppose, of P' rsons on ship- hoard, or in a desert island casting lots for each other's bodies; bnt all this was only in cases where they knew of no possible way to avoid death themselves, but by killins and eating others. V hether such e:|«mpU-s come* up to the present case mav be doubltd. The I^oniana were not only willing, but very desirons. to grant those Jews in JerusaUm both their livt-s m>A thi-ir liht- rtius, and to save both their citN and theii i»nivle. But tho zealots, the robbers, and the seditious, would beurkea to no terms of submiision. They TolMnturily chose to reduce the citizens to Uiat extremity, as to force mo. tbers to this untiatural buibanty. which, in all its ci» cumstiinces. has not, I Ktill suppose. Ucn Uiilttrlo P* r«>W»«l anroug tb« r«si uf uiankuid.. CHAP. IT. WARS OF THE JEWS. 749 imprecations she cast at these rapacious vil- lains, she had provoked them to anger against her; but none of them, either out of the in- dignation she had raised against herself, or out of the commiseration of her case, would take away her life ; aitd if she found any food, she perctuved her labours were for others, and not for herself; and it was now become impossible for her any way to find any more food, while the famine pierced through her very bowels and marrow, when also her passion was fired to a degree beyond the famine itself: nor did she consult with any thing but with her passion and the necessity she was in. She then at- tempted a most unnatural thing; and snatch- ing up her son, who was a child sucking at her breast, she said, " O thou miserable infant ! for whom shall I preserve thee in this war, this famine, and this sedition? As to the wifr with the Romans, if they preserve our lives, we must be slaves! This famine also will de- stroy us, even before that slavery comes upon us; — yet are these seditious rogues more ter- rible than both the other. Come on; be thou my food, and be thou a fury to these seditious varlets and a by- word to the world, which is all that is now wanting to complete the cala- mities of us Jews." As soon as she had said this she slew her son; and then roasted him, and ate the one half of him, and kept the other half by her concealed. Upon this the sedi- tious came in presently, and smelling the hor- rid scent of this food, they threatened her, that they would cut her throat immediately if she did not show them what food she had got- ten ready. She replied, that she bad saved a very fine portion of it for them ; and withal uncovered what was left of her son. Here- upon they were seized with a horror and amaze- ment of mind, and stood astonished at the sight; when she said to them, " This is mine own son; and what hath been done was mine own doing! Come, eat of this food; for I have eaten of it myself! Do not you pretend to be either more tender than a woman, or more compassionate than a mother; but if you be so scrupulous, and do abominate this my facrifice, as I have eaten the one half, let the rest be reserved for me also." After which, those men went out trembling, being never so much affrighted at any thing as they were at this, and with some difficulty they left the rest of that meat to the mother. Upon which the whole city was full of this horrid action im- mediately; and while every body laid this miserable case before their own eyes, they trembled, as if this unheard-of action had been done by themselves. So those that were thus distressed by the famine were very de- sirous to die; and those already dead were esteemed happy, because they had not lived long enough either to hear or to see such miseries. 5. This sad instance was quickly told tp the Romans, some of whom could not be- lieve it, and others pitied the distress which the Jews were under; but there were many of them who were hereby induced to a more bitter hatred than ordinary against our na- tion; — but for Caesar he excused himself before God as to this matter, and said that he had proposed peace and liberty to the Jews, as well as an oblivion of all their former in^ Solent practices; but that they, instead ofcou-*i cord, had chosen sedition; instead of peace*' war; and before satiety and abundance, a fa- mine. That they had begun with their own hands to burn down that temple, which we have preserved hitherto; and that therefore they deserved to eat such food as this was. That, however, this horrid action of eating one's own child, ought to be covered with the overthrow of their very country itself; and men ought not to leave such a city upon the habitable earth to be seen by the sun, wherein mothers are thus fed, although such food be fitter for the fathers than for the mothers to eat of, since it is they that continue still in a state of war against us, after they have un- dergone such miseries as these. And at the same time that he said this, he reflected on the desperate condition these men must be in; nor could he expect that such men could be recovered to sobriety of mind, after they had endured those very sufferings, for the avoid- ing whereof it only was probable they might have repented. CHAPTER IV. ■WHEN THE BANKS WERE COMPLETED, AND THE BATTERING-RAMS BROUGHT, AND COULD DO NOTHING, TITUS GAVE ORDERS TO SET FIRE TO THE GATES OFTHE TEMPLE; IN NO LONG TIME AFTER WHICH, THE HOLY HOUSE ITSELF WAS BURNT DOWN, EVEN AGAINST HIS CONSENT. § I. And now two of the legions had com- pleted their banks on the eighth day of the month Lous [Ab]. Whereupon Titus gave or- ders that the battering-rams should be brought and set over-against the western edifice of the inner temple; for before these were brought, the firmest of all the other engines had bat- tered the wall for six days together without ceasing, without making any impression upon.it; but the vast largeness and strong connexion of the stones were superior to that engine, and to the other battering-rams also. Other Romans did indeed undermine the foundations of the northern gate, and, after a world of pains, ren)Oved the outermost stones, i yet was the gate still upheld by the inner i stones, and stood still unhurt; till the work- I n)en, despairing of all such attempts by en- j gines and crows, brought their ladders to the I cloisters. Now the Jews did not interrupt 760 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK VI. them in so doing; but when they were gotten up, they fell upon them and fought with them ; some of them they tbrust down, and threw them backwards headlong; others of them they met and slew; they also beat many of those that went down the ladders again, and slew them with their swords before they could bring their shields to protect them ; nay, some of the ladders they threw down from above when they were full of armed men ; a great Slaughter was made of the Jews also at the same time, while those that bare the ensigns fought hard for them, as deeming it a terrible thing, and what would tend to their great shame, if they permitted them to be stolen away. Yet did the Jews at length get pos- session of these engines, and destroyed those ~ that had gone up the ladders, while the rest were so intimidated by what those suffered who were slain, that they retired; although none of the Romans died without having done good service before his death. Of the sedi- tious, those that had fought bravely in the former battles, did the like now; as besides them did Eleazar, the brother's son of Simon the tyrant. But when Titus perceived that his endeavours to spare a foreign temple turned to the damage of his soldiers and made them be killed, he gave order to set the gates on fire. 2, In the mean time there deserted to him Ananus, who came from Emmaus, the most bloody of all Simon's guards, and Archelaus, the son of Magadatus, they hoping to be still forgiven, because they left the Jews at a time when they were the conquerors. Titus ob- jected this to these men, as a cunning trick of theirs; and as he had been informed of their other barbarities toward the Jews, he was going in all haste to have them both slain. He told them that they were only driven to this desertion because of the utmost distress they were in, and did not come avvay of their own good disposition; and that those did not deserve to be preserved, by whom their own city was already set on fire, out of V hich fire they now hurried themselves away. However, the security he had promised de- serters overcame his resentments, and he dis- misssed them accordingly, though he did not give them the same privileges that he had afforded to others; and now the soldiers had ^ already put fire to the gates, and the silver thai v\as over them quickly carried the flames to the wood that was within it, whence it spretid itself all on the sudden, and canghl hold of (he cloisters. Upon the Jews' seeing this fire all about them, their spirits snnk, to^'ether with their bodies, and they were un- der t-uch astonif-hinent, that not one of them made any haste, either to defend himself or to quench the fire, but they stood as mute ■pectators of it only. Ilo« ever, they did not W) grieve at the loss vf what was now burn- ing us to grow wisei thert- by lor the time to come; but as though the holy house itself had been on fire already, they whetted their passions against the Romans.* This fire pre- vailed during that day and the next also; for the soldiers were not able to burn all the cloisters that were round about together at one time, but only by pieces. 3. But then, on the next day, Titus com- manded part of his army to quench the fire, and to make a road for the more easy march- ing up of the legions, while he himself ga- thered the commanders together. Of those there were assembled the six principal per- sons: Tiberius Alexander, the commander [under the general] of the whole army; with Sextus Cerealis, the commander ox the fifth legion; and Larcius Lepidus, the commander of the tenth legion; and Titus Frigius, the commander of the fifteenth legion : there w as also with them Eternius, the leader of the two legions that came from Alexandria; and Marcus Antonius Julianus, procurator of Judea: after these came togethsr all the rest of the procurators and tribunes. Titus proposed to these that they should give bin. their advice what should be done about the holy house. Now, some of these thought it would be the best way to act according to the rules of war [and demolish it] ; because the Jews would never leave oflT rebelling while that house was standing; at which bouse it wasthat they used to get all together. Others of them were of opinion, that in case the Jews would leave it, and none of them would lay their arms up in it, he might save it; but that in case they got upon it, and fought any more, he might burn it; because it must then be looked upon not as a holy house, but as a citadel; and that the impiety of burning it would then belong to those that forced tli: to be done, and not to them. But Titus said, that *' although the Jews should >jet upon that holy house, and fight us thence, yet ought we not to revenge onrselves on things that are inanimate, instead cf the men themselves;" and that he was not in any cjise for burning down so vast a work as that Wiis, because this would be a mischief to the Ro- mans themselves, as it would be an ornamt i.t to their government \\hile it continued. So Fronto, and Alexander, and Ceicjilis, grtu' bold upon that declaration, and agreed to the opinion of Titus. Then was this asj^enihly dissolved, when Titus had given orders (O the commanders that the rest of their force*: should lie still; but that they should make use of such as were most courageous in this attack. So he commanded that the chosen men that were taken out of the cohorts should make their way through the ruins, and quench the fire. 4. Now it is true, that on this ''a^' fh(- Jews were so wearv, and under such consier- nation, that they refrained from any attacKs; but on the next day they gathered thei»- whole CHAP. IV. WARS OF THE JEWS. 751 force together, and ran upon those that guarded the outward court of the temple, very boldly, through the east gate, and this about the second hour of the day. These guards received that their attack with great bravery, and by covering themselves with their shields before, as if it were with a wall, they drew their squadron close together; yet was it evident that they could not abide there very long, but would be overborne by the multitude of those that sallied out upon them, and by the heat of their passion. However, Caesar seeing, from the tower of Antonia, that this squadron was likely to give way, he sent some chosen horsemen to support them. Hereupon the Jews found themselves not able to sustain their onset, and upon the slaughter of those in the fore-front, many of the rest were put to flight ; but as the Ro- mans were going off, the Jews turned upon them and fought them ; and as those Romans came back upon them, they retreated again, until about the fifth hour of the day they were overborne, and shut themselves up in the inner [court of the] temple. 5, So Titus retired into the tower of Antonia, and resolved to storm the temple the next day, early in the morning, with his svhole army, and to encamp round about the holy house ; but, as for that house, God had for certain long ago doomed it to the fire ; and now. that fatal day was come, according to the revolution of ages : it was the tenth day of the month Lous [Ab], upon which it was formerly burnt by the king of Babylon ; although these flames took their rise from the Jews themselves, and were occasioned by them ; for upon Titus's retiring, the seditious lay still for a little while, and then attacked the Romans again, when those that guarded the holy house fought with those that quenched the fire that was burning in the inner [court of the] temple; but these Romans put the Jews to flight, and proceeded as far as the holy house itself. At which time one of the soldiers without staying for any orders, and withojit any concern or dread upon him at so great an undertaking, and being hurried on by a certain divine fury, snatched somewhat out of the materials that were on fire, and being lifted up by another soldier, be set fire to a golden window, through which there was a passage to the rooms that were round about the holy house, on the north side of it. As the flames went upward the Jews made a great clamour, such as so mighty an afl^iction re- quired, and ran together to prevent it; and now they spared not their lives any longer, ■jor suffered any thing to restrain their force, <jnce that holy house was perishing, for whose sake it was that they kept such a guard about it. fi. And now a certain por?nn came running to Titus, and told hiu; t)f this fire as he was reetiiig himself in his tent after the last bat- tle ; whereupon he rose up in great haste, and, as he was, ran to the holy house, in order to have a stop put to the fire; after him followed all his commanders, and after them followed the several legions, in great astonish- ment; so there was a great clamour and tu- mult raised, as was natural upon the disor- derly motion of so great an army. Then did Caesar, both by calling to the soldiers tha were fighting, with a loud voice, and by giv ing a signal to them with his right hand, or- der them to quench the fire; but they did not hear what he said, though he spake so loud, having their ears already dinned by a greater noise another way ; nor did they attend to the signal he made with his hand neither, as still some of them were distracted with fighting, and others with passion ; but as for the le- gions that came running thither, neither any persuasions nor any threatenings could re- strain their violence, but each one's own pas- sion was his commander at this time ; and m they were crowding into the temple together, many of them were trampled on by one ano- ther, while a great number fell among the ruins of the cloisters, which were still hot and smoking, and were destroyed in the same miserable way w'ith those whom they had con- quered : and when they were come near the holy house, they made as if they did not ^o much as hear Caesar's orders to the contrar\ ; but they encouraged those that were before them to set it on fire. As for the seditious, they were in too great distress already to af- ford their assistance [towards quenching the fire]; they were everywhere slain, and every- where beaten ; and as for a great part of the people, they were weak and without arms, and ha<l their throats cut wherever they were caught. Now, round about the altar lay dead bodies heaped one upon another; as at the steps* going up to it ran a great quantity of their blood, whither also the dead bodies that were slain above [on the altar] fell down. 7. And now, since Caesar was no way able to restrain the enthusiastic fury of the soldiers, and the fire proceeded on more and more, he went into the holy place of the temple, with his commanders, and saw it, with what was in it, which he found to be far superior to what the relations of foreigners contained, and not inferior to what we ourselves boasted of and believed about it; but as the flame had not as yet reached to its inward parts, but was still consuming the rooms that were about the holy house, and Titus supposing what the fact was that the house itself might yet be saved, he came in haste and endeavoured to persuade • These steps to the altar of burnt-offering seem here either an improper and inaccurate ej pression of Jose- phus. since it was unlawful to make ladder-steps tsee [>escription of tlie Temples, chap. xiii. and note on An- tiq. b iv. chap. viii. sect o); or else those s'eps or siaii- we now use were invented before the days of Hen d the Great, and had been here built by hini; thouffli the lafii Jews always deny it, and say iliat even Herod'BalUr *a abCtnded to by au acclivity onJy. \ 753 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK VI the soldiers to quench the fire, and gave order to Liberalius the centurion, and one of those spearmen that were about him, to beat the soldiers that were refractory with their staves, and to restrain them ; yet were their passions too hard for the regards they had for Caesar, and the dread they had of him who forbade them, as was their hatred of the Jews, and a certain vehement inclination to fight them, too hard for them also. Moreover, the hope of plunder induced many to go on, as having this opinion, that all the places within were fill of money, and as seeing that all round about it was made of gold ; and besides, one of those that went into the place prevented Coesar when be ran so hastily out to restrain the soldiers, and threw the fire upon the hinges of the gate in the dark ; whereby the flame burst out from within the holy house itself immediately when the commanders retired, arid Ceesar with them, and when nobody any longer forbade those that were without to set fire to it ; and thus was the holy house burnt down, without Caesar*^ approbation. 8. Now, although any one would justly lament the destruction of such a work as this was, since it was the most admirable of all the works that we have seen or heard of, both for its curious structure and its magnitude, and also for the vast wealth bestowed upon it, as well as for the glorious reputation it had for its holiness ; yet might such a one comfort himself with this thought that it was fate that decreed it so to be, which is inevitable, both as to living creatures and as to works and places also. However, one cannot but wonder at the accuracy of this period thereto relating; for the same month and day were now observ- ed, as I said before, wherein the holy bouse was burnt formerly by the Babylonians. Now the number of years that passed from its first foundation, which was laid by king Solomon, till this its destruction, which happened in the second year of the reign of Vespasian, are col- lected to be one thousand one hundred and thirty, besides seven months and fifteen days; and from the second building of it, which was done by Haggai. in the second year of Cyrus the king, till its destruction under Vespasian, there were six hundred and thirty-nine years and forty-five days. CHAPTER V. THEGREAT DISTRESS THE JEWS WERE IN UPON THE CONFLAGRATIOIHor THE HOLV IloUSF. CONCERNING A FALSE PROPIIKT, AND THE 8ION8 THAT PUKCEDKD THIS DKSTRUCTIOV. § 1. While the holy house was on fire, every thuig WHS plundered th:it mine to hand, and ten thousand of those that were cawirht were slam, nor wa& there a rominnpration of any •ge, or an> reverence of gravity , but children. and old nrven, and profane persons, and priests, were all slain in the same manner ; so that this war went round all sorts of men, and brought them to destruction, and as well those that made supplication for their lives, as those that defended themselves by fighting. The flame was also carried a long way, and made an echo, together with the groans of those that were slain ; and because this hill was high, and the works at the temple were very great, one would have thought the whole city had been on fire. Nor can one imagine any thingj either greater or more terrible than this noise; for there was at once a shout of the Roman legions, who *vere marching all together, and a sad clamour of the seditious, who were now surrounded with fire and sword. The people also that were left above were beaten back upon the enemy, and under a great consternation, and made sad moans at the calamity they were under; the multitude also that was in the i^ty joined in this outcry with those that were upon the hill ; and besides, many of those that were worn away by the famine, and their mouths almost closed, when they saw the fire of the holy house, they exerted their utmost strength, and brake out into groans and outcries again: Perea* did also return the echo, as well as the mountains round about [the city], and augmented the force of the entire noise. Yet was the misery itself more terrible than this disorder; for one would have thought that the hill itself, on which the temple stood, was seething-hot, as full of fire on every part of it, that the blood was larger in quantity than the fire, and those that were slain more in number than those that slew them ; . for the ground did nowhere appear visible, for the dead bodies that lay on it ; but the soldiers went over heaps of these bodies, as they ran upon such as fled from them. And now it was that the multitude of the robbers were thrust out [of the inner court of the temple} by the Romans, and had much ado to get into the outer court, and from thence into the city, while the remainder of the populace fled into the cloister of that outer court. As for the j>riests, some of them plucked up from the holy house the spikcsf that were upon it, with their bases, wiiich were made of lead, and shot them at the Romans instead of darts. .But then as they gained nothing by so doing, • This Pcrra, if the word he not copies, cannot well he that l*irej\ whicli dan, the mountains of which were at a c tance from Jordan, ."ftid nmrii too remole to join in this fclio at the confla>;r-ition t)iil F'crca t:uist he ratlier some mount; hrook Ccdioii, as was the Mount of • others alioiit such a distatKC from .M-r ol)servrition is so ot)vioii>. that it ii u w. mentators li>re take no m.tuT of it. ♦ He and, I tiiiiiL hne ji..(i,'.s well. pr'-ts lhe«e >p.k»-« (of tho-e Itiat ?.loo(l d l.oly tion-e) Willi shMrp l..ll;lt^; they \' en t'. p. event the IiirN rr..iii Mlliiit: t»ieM-. : t...l\ hdil-e. f.t -II. h >j.ikes Iht-ic v\ric l>i«cp' iif, iijiujcl/ luvlh already assured wrt 1 nistaken in the was heyoiid .lor- 'oiisiderahlr dis- froiiv Jeni.>aletr» I of the trmple; iin!< lieyond the ivts. or some ilem; which lier our com- hfu he inter- till- top of tho M.) into lend, •\ itrtilins; thi> iw upon it. at «, [\, V. tlu V, CHAP. V. WARS OF THE JlCWS* 753 and as the fire burst out upon them, they re- tired to the wall that was eight cubits broad, and there they tarried; yet did two of these of eminence among them, who might have saved themselves by going over to the Romans, or have borne up with courage, and taken their fortune with the others, throw themselves into the fire, and were burnt together with the holy house; their names were Meirus the son of Belgas, and Joseph the son of Daleus. 2. And now the Romans, judging that it was in vain to spare what was round about the holy house, burnt all those places, as also the remains of the cloisters and the gates, two ex- cepted; the one on the east side, and the other on the south; both which, however, they burnt afterward. They also burnt down the treasury- chambers, in which was an immense quantity of money, and an immense number of gar- ments, and other precious goods, there repo- sited ; and, to speak all in a few words, there it was that the entire riches of the Jews were heaped up together, while the rich people had there built themselves chambers [to contain such furniture]. The soldiers also came to the rest of the cloisters that were in the outer [court of the] temple, whither the women and children, and a great mixed multitude of the people fled, in number about six thousand. But before Caesar had determined any thing about these people, or given the commanders Any orders relating to them, the soldiers were in such a rage, that they set the cloister on fire; by which means it came to pass that some . of these were destroyed by throwing themselves down headlong, and some were burnt in the cloisters themselves. Nor did any one of them escape with his life. A false prophet * was the occasion of these people's destruction, who had made a public procla- mation in the city that very day, that God commanded them to get up upon the temple, and that there they should receive miracu- lous signs of their deliverance. Now, there was then a great number of false prophets sub- orned by the tyrants to impose upon the peo- ple, who denounced this to them, that they should wait for deliverance from God; and this was in order to keep them from deserting, and that they might be buoyed up above fear and care by such hopes. Now, a man that is in adversity does easily comply with such pro- mises; for when such a seducer makes him believe that he shall be delivered from those miseries which oppress him, then it is that the patient is full of hopes of such deliveiance. 3. Thus were the miserable people persuaded by these deceivers, and such as belied God himself; while they did not attend, nor give credit, to the signs that were so evident, and did so plainly foretell their future desolation; but, like men infatuated, without either eyes • Reland here jitMly tnkes notice Hiat these .lews •< ■-• had (Jesp s- H the true Propliet. were deservedly ■Dusetl urd deluded by tin se false ones. to see, or minds to consider, did not regard the denunciations that God made to them. Thus there was a star resembling a sword, which stood over the city, and a comet that continued a whole year.f Thus also, before the Jews' rebellion, and before those commo- tions which preceded the war, when the peo- ple were come in great crowds to the feast of unleavened bread, on the eighth day of tha month Xanthicus J [Nisan], and at the ninth hour of the night, so great a light shone round the altar and the holy house, that it appeared to be bright day-time ; which light lasted for half an hour. This light seemed to be a good sign to the unskilful, but was so interpreted by the sacred scribes, as to portend those events that followed immediately upon it. At the same festival also, a heifer, as she was led by the high-priest to be sacrificed, brought forth a lamb in the midst of the temple. Moreover, the eastern gate of the inner [court of the] temple, which was of brass, and vastly heavy, and had been with difficulty shut by twenty men, and rested upon a basis armed with iron, and had bolts fastened very deep into the firm floor, which was there made of one entire stone, was seen to be opened of its own accord about the sixth hour of the night. Now, those that kept watch in the temple came hereupon running to the captain of the temple, and told him of it; who then came up thither, and not without great difficulty, was able to shut the gate again. This also appeared to the vulgar to be a very happy prodigy, as if God did thereby open them the gate of happiness. But the men of learning understood it, that the security of their holy house was dissolved of its own accord, and that the gate was opened for the advantage of their enemies. So these publicly declared, that this signal foreshowed the desolation that was coming upon them. Besides these, a few days after that feast, on the one-and-twen- tieth day of the month Artemisius [Jyar], a certain prodigious and incredible phenome- non appeared ; I suppose the account of it 1 would seem to be a fable, were it not related by those that saw it, and were not the event? that followed it of so considerable a nature as to deserve such signals ; for, before sun-set- ting, chariots and troops of soldiers in their armour were seen running about among the clouds, and surrounding of cities. Moreover, ^^ at that feast which we call Pentecost, as the + WVp'herJosepbns means that this star was differ- ent from the comet which lasted a w"hole year, I cannot certainly determine. His words most favour their be- ing different one from another. t Since .losephiis still nses the Syro-Macedonian month Xanthicns for the Jewish month Nisan. thi^ eighth, or. as Nicephoriis reads it. this ninth of Xanthi ciKH, or Nisan. was almost a week before the Passover, on the fourteenth : about which time we learn from St. John that many used to ?o "out of the country to Je- rusalem, to purify themselves," John xi. 55, with xii. 1 ; in asrreement with Josephus also, hook v. ch. iii. sect I. And ;t might well he. that in the sight of these this extraordinary light might apnear. 3B 754 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK VI priests were going hy m'gbt into the inner* [court of the] temple, as their custom was, to perform their sacred ministrations, they said that, in the first place, they felt a quaking, and heard a great noise, and after that they heard a sound as of a great multitude, say- ing, " Let us remove hence." But, what is still more terrible, there was one Jesus, the son of Ananus, a plebeian and a husbandman, who, four years before the war began, and at a time when the city was in very great peace and prosperity, came to that feast whereon it is our custom for every one to make taber- nacles to God in the temple.f began on a sudden to cry aloud, " A voice from the east, a voice from the west, a voice from the four winds, a voice against Jerusalem and the holy house, a voice against the bridegrooms and the brides, and a voice against this whole people !" This was his cry, as he went about by day and by night, in all the lanes of the city. However, certain of the most eminent among the populace had great indignation at this dire cry of his, and took up the man, and gave him a great number of severe stripes; yet did he not either say any thing for himself, or any thing peculiar to those that chastised him, but still he went on with the same words which he cried before. Hereupon our rulers supposing, as the case proved to be, that this was a sort of divine fury in the man, brought him to the Roman pro- curator; where he was whipped till his bones were laid bare ; yet did he not make any sup- plication for himself, nor shed any tears, but turning his voice to the most lamentable tone possible, at every stroke of the whip his an- swer was, " Wo, wo to Jerusalem!" And when Albinus (for he was then our procura- tor) asked him. Who he was? and whence he came? and why he uttered such words? he made no manner of reply to what he said, but . still did not leave off his melancholy ditty, till Albinus took him to be a madman, and dis- missed him. Now, during all the time that passed before the war began, this man did not go near any of the citizens, nor was seen by them while he said so; but he every day uttered these lamentable words, as if it were his premeditated vow, *' Wo, wo to Jeru- salem!" Nor did he give ill words to any of those that beat him every day, nor good words to those that gave him food; but this ♦ Aas his reply to all men, and indeed no other than a melancholy presage of what was to ♦ This here seems to be Ihe court of the priests. + Both Keland and Havercamp in this place alter the oatural pnnctuafion and sense of Josephus, and this contrary to the opinion of Vale^'iins and Dr. Hudson, lest Joivphus should say 'hat the J.-ws built booths or tents within the temple at the feast of tabernacles: which the later rabbins will not allow to have been the ancient practice: but then. since it is expressly told us in Nelie- rniah, ch. viii 16, that In still elder times "the Jews made booths fn the courts of the house of Ood " at that festival, Josephus may well be permilttd to siiy Mic Mme. And indeed, the modern rabbins are of V('r> email authority in all such maUers of remote ant quit>. come. This cry of his was the loudest at the festivals; and he continued this ditty for seven years and five months, without growing hoarse, or being tired therewith, until the very time that he saw his presage in earnest fulfilled in our siege, when it ceased ; for as he was going round upon the wall, he cried out with his utmost force, "Wo, wo to the city again, and to the people, and to the holy house 1" And just as he added at the last, — *' Wo, wo to myself also!" there came a stone out of one of the engines, and smote him, and killed him immediately: and as he was uttering the very same presages, he gave up the ghost. 4. Now, if any one consider these things, he will find that God takes care of mankind, and by all ways possible foreshows to our race what is for their preservation; but thit men perish by those miseries which tbey madly and voluntarily bring upon themselves; for the Jews by demolishing the tower of Anto- nia, had made their temple four-square, whi e at the same time they had it written in their sacred oracles, — " That then should their city be taken, as well as their holy house, when once their temple should become four- square." But now, whkt did most elevate them in undertaking this war, was an am- biguous oracle that was also found in- their sacred writings, how, " about that time, one from their country should become governor of the habitable earth." The Jews took this pre- diction to belong to themselves in particular; and many of the wise men were thereby de- ceived in their determination. Now, this oracle certainly denoted the government of Vespasian, who was appointed emperor in Judea. However, it is not possible for men to avoid fate, although they see it beforehand. But these men interpreted some of these sig- nals according to their own pleasure; and some of them they utterly despised, until their madness was demonstrated, both by the taking of their city and their own destruction. CHAPTER VI. HOW THE ROMANS CARRIED THEIR ENfelGNS TO THE TEMPLE, AND MADE JOYFUL AC- CLAMATIONS TO TITUS. THE SPEECH THAT TITUS MADE TO THE JEWS WHEN THEY MADE SUPPLICATION FOR MERCY. WHAT REPLY THEY MADE THERETO; AND HOW THAT REPLY MOVED TITUS's INDIGNATION AGAINST THEM. § 1. And now the Romans, upon the flight of the seditious into the city, and upon the burn- ing of the holy house itself, and of all the buildings round about it, brought their en- signs to the temple,* and set them over-against * Take Ilavercnmp's note here. " This (says he) is a leroarkable place; and I'ertulffun truly says in bis Apo* CHAP. VI. WARS OF THE JEWS. its eastern gate ; and there did they offer sacrifices to them, and there did they make Titus imperator,* with the greatest acclama- tions of joy. And now all the soldiers had such vast quantities of the spoils which they had gotten hy plunder, that in Syria a pound weight of gold was sold for half its former value. But as for those priests that kept ^hemselves still upon the wall of the holy house,t there was a boy that out of the thirst he was in, desired some of the Roman guards to give him their right hands as a security for his life, and confessed be was very thirsty. These guards commiserated his age. and the distress he was in, and gave him their right Bands accordingly. So he came down him- self, and drank some water, and filled the ves- sel he had with him when he came to them with water, and then went off, and fled away to his own friends; nor could any of those guards overtake him ; but still they reproach- ed him for his perfidiousness. To which he made this answer : — " I have not broken the agreement; for the security I had given me was not in order to my staying with you, but only in order to ray coming down safely, and taking up some water ; both which things I have performed, and thereupon think myself to have been faithful to my engagement." Hereupon those whom the child had imposed upon admired at his cunning, and that on account of his age. On the fifth day after- ward, the priests that were pined with the famine came down,and when they were brought to Titus by the guards, they begged for their lives : but he replied, that the time of pardon was over as to them ; and that this very holy house, on whose account only they could iustly hope to be preserved, was destroyed ; and that it was agreeable to their office that priests should perish with the house itself to which they belonged. So he ordered them to bo put to death. 2. But as for the tyrants themselves, and those that were with them, when they found that they were encompassed on every side, and, as it were, walled round, without any method of escaping, they desired to treat with Titus by word of mouth. Accordingly, such was the kindness of his nature, and his desire of preserving the city from destruction, join- ed to the advice of his friends, who now thought the robbers were come to a temper, that he placed himself on the western side of Apologetic, ch. xvi. p. 162, that the entire relJKionof the Roman camp almost consisted in worshipping the en- signs, in swearing by the ensigns, and in preferrinR the ensigns before all the [other] gods " See what Haver- camp says upon that place of T«rtullian. « This declaring Titus imperator by the soldiers upon snch sisinal success, and the slaughter of sm-h a viist number of enemies, was according to the usual practice of the ivomans in like cases, as Reland assures us on this place. + The Jews of later times agree with Josephus, that there were hiding-places or secret chambers about the holy house, as Reland here int'Drnis ns. ■>. here he thinks he las found these very walls described t>y Iheiu ^m(^ the outer [court of the] temple ; for there were gates on that side above the Xystus, and a bridge that connected the upper city to the temple. This bridge it was that lay between the tyrants and Caesar, and parted them ; while the multitude stood on each side ; those of the Jewish nation about Simon and John, with great hope of pardon ; and the Roman about Csesar, in great expectation how Titu would receive their supplication. So Titu charged his soldiers to restrain their rage, and to let their darts alone, and appointed an interpreter between them, which was a sign that he was the conqueror, and first began the discourse, and ?aid, " I hope you, sirs, are now satiated with the miseries of your country, who have not had any just notions, either of our great power, or of your own great weakness ; but have, like madmen, af- ter a violent and inconsiderate manner, made such attempts, as have brought your people, your city, and your holy house to destruc- tion. You have been the men that have never left off rebelling since Pompey first conquered you ; and have, since that time, made open war with the Romans. Have you depended on your multitude, while a very small part of the Roman soldiery have been strong enough for you ? Have you relied on the fidelity of your confederates? and what nations are there, out of the limits of our dominion, that would choose to assist the Jews before the Romans? Are your bo- dies stronger than ours ? nay, you know that the [strong] Germans themselves are our servants. Have you stronger walls than we have? Pray, what greater obstacle is there than the wall of the ocean, with which the Britons are encompassed, and yet do adore the arms of the Romans? Do you exceed us in courage of soul, and in the sagacity of your commanders ? Nay, indeed, you cannot but know that the very Carthaginians have been conquered by us. It can therefore be nothing certainly but the kindness of us Ro- mans which hath excited you against us ; who, in the first place, have given you this land to possess ; and, in the next place, have set over you kings of your own nation ; and in the third place, have preserved the laws of your forefathers to you, and have withal per- mitted you to live, either by yourselves or among others, as it should please you ? and, what is our chief favour of all, we have given you leave to gather up that tribute which is paid to God, J with such other gifts that are dedicated to him ; nor have we called those that carried these donations to account, nor prohibited them ; till at length you became richer than we ourselves, even when you were our enemies ; and you made preparations for t Spanheim notes here, that the Romans used to per- mit the Jews to collect their sacred tribute, and s«ud it to Jr-rusalrm; of which we have had abundant evidence in Jusepbus already on other occasions. 756 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK VI. Var against us with our own money : nay, after all, when you were in the enjoyment of all these advantages, you turned your too great plenty against those that gave it you, ancf like merciless serpents, have thrown out your poison against those that treated you kindly. I suppose, therefore, that you might despise the slothfulness of Nero, and, like limbs of the body that are broken or dislocated, you did then lie quiet, waiting for some other time, though still with a malicious intention, and have now shown your distemper to be greater than ever, and have extended your desires as far as your impudent and immense hopes would enable you to do it. At this time my father came into this country, not with a design to punish you for what you had done under Cestius, but to admonish you ; for, had he eome to overthrow your nation, he had run directly to your fountain- head, and had immediately laid this city waste ; whereas he went and burnt Galilee and the neighbouring parts, and thereby gave you time for repentance ; which instance of humanity you took for an argument of his weakness, and nourished up your impudence by our mildness. When Nero was gone out of the world, you did as the wickedest wretches would have done, and encouraged yourselves to act against us by our civil dis- sensions, and abused that time, when both I and my father were gone away to Egypt, to make preparations for this war. Nor were you ashamed to raise disturbances against us when we were made emperors, and this while you had experienced how mild we had been, when we were no more than gene- rals of the army ; but when the government was devolved upon us, and all other people did thereupon lie quiet, and even foreign na- tions sent embassies, and congratulated our access to the government, then did you Jews show yourselves to be our enemies. You sent embassies to those of your nation that are beyond Euphrates, to assist you in your rais- ing disturbances; new walls were built by you round your city, seditions arose,^ and one tvrant contended against another, and a civil war broke out among you ; such, indeed, as became none but so wicked a people as you are. I then came to this city, as unwillingly sent by my father, and received melancholy injunctions from him. When I heard that the people were disposed to peace, I rejoiced at it: I exhorted you to leave off these pro- ceedings before I began this war ; I spared you even when you had fought against me a groat while ; I gave my right hand as security to the deserters; I observed what I had pro- mised faithfully. When they fled to me, I had compassion on many of those that I had tnken captive ; I tortured those that were eaper for war, in order to restrain them. It was unwillingly that I brought my engines of war againgt your walls; I always prohibited my soldiers, when they were set upon your slaughter, from their severity against you. After every victory I persuaded you to peace, as though I had been myself conquered. Whan I came near your temple I again de- parted from the laws of war, and exhorted you to spare your own sanctuary, and to preserve your holy house to yourselves. I allowed you a quiet exit out of it, and security for your preservation : nay, if you had a mind, I gave you leave to fight in another place. Yet have you still despised every one of my proposals, and have set fire to your holy house with your own hands. And now, vile wretches, do you desire to treat with me by word of mouth ? To what purpose is it that you would save such a holy house as this was, which is now destroy- ed? What preservation can you now desire after the destruction of your temple? Yet do you stand still at this very time in your armour; nor can you bring yourselves so much as to pretend to be supplicants even in this your utmost extremity ! O miserable crea- tures! what is it you depend on? Are not your people dead ? is not your holy house gone? is not your city in my power? and are not your own very lives in my hands? And do you still deem it a part of valour to die? However, I will not imitate your mad- ness. If you throw down your arms, and de- liver up your bodies to me, I grant you your lives ; and I will act like a mild master of a family ; what cannot be healed shall be pun- ished, and the rest I will preserve for my own use." 3. To that offer of Titus they made this reply: — That they could not accept of it, because they had sworn never to do so ; but they desired they might have leave to go through the wall that had been made about them, with their wives and children ; for that they would go into the desert, and leave the city to him. At this Titus had great indig- nation ; that, when they were in the case of men already taken captives, they should pre- tend to make their own terms with him as if they had been conquerors ! So he ordered this proclamation to be made to them. That they should no more come out to him as deserters, nor hope for any farther security ; for that he would henceforth spare nobody, but fight them with his whole army ; and that they must save themselves as well as they could ; for that he would from henceforth treat them according to the laws of war. So he gave orders to the soldiers both to burn and to plunder the city ; who did nothing indeed that day; but on the next day they set fire to the repository of the archives, to Acra, to the council-house, and to the place called Ophlas; at which time the fire proceeded as far as the palace of queen Helena; which was in the middle of Acra; the lanes also were burnt down, as were also those houses that were full of the dead bodlo8 of such as were destroyed by famine. CHAP. VII. WARS OF THf. JKWS. 757 4. On the same day it was that the sons and brethren of Izates the king, together with many others of the eminent men of the popu- lace, got together there and besought Cjesar to give them his right hand for their security. Upon which, though he was very angry at all that were now remaining, yet did he not lay aside his old moderation, but received these men. At that time, indeed, he kept them all in custody, but still bound the king's sons and kinsmen, and led them with him to Rome, in order to make them hostages for their coun- try's fidelity to the Romans. CHAPTER VII. WHAT AFTERWARDS BEFELL THE SEDITIOUS, WHEN THEY HAD DONE A GREAT DEAL OF MISCHIEF, AND SUFFERED MANY MISFOR- TUNES: AS ALSO HOW C.5:SAR BECAME MASTER OF THE UPPER CITY. § 1. And now the seditious rushed into the royal palace, into which many had put their effects, because it was so strong, and drove the Romans away from it. They also slew all the people that had crowded into it, who were in number about eight thousand four hundred, and plundered them of what they had. They also took two of the Romans, alive • the one was a horseman, and the other a footman. They then cut the throat of the footman, and immediately had him drawn through the whole city, as revenging them- selves upon the whole body of the Romans by this one instance. Rut the horseman said he had somewhat to suggest to them, in or- der to their preservation ; whereupon he was brought before Simon; but he having nothing to say when he was there, he was delivered to Ardalas, one of his commanders, to be pun- ished, who bound his hands behind him, and put a riband over his eyes, and then brought him out over against the Romans, as intend- ing to cut off his head. But the man pre- vented that execution, and ran away to the Romans, and this while the Jewish executioner was drawing out his sword. Now when he was gotten away from the enemy, Titus could not think of putting him to death ; but be- cause he deemed him unworthy of being a Roman soldier any longer, on account that he had been taken alive by the enemy, he took away his arms, and ejected him out of the letrion whereto he had belonged; which, to one that had a sense of shame, was a penalty se- verer than death itself. 2. On the next day the Romans drove the rohbers out of the lower city, and set all on tire as far as Siloam. These soldiers were indeed glad to see the city destroyed. But they missed the plunder, because the seditious liad c^irried off all their effects, and were re- tired iii*o the upper city; for they did not vet at all repent of the mischiefs they had done, hut were insolent, as if they had done well; for, as they saw the city on fire, they appeared cheerful, and put on joyful countenabces, in expectation, as they said, of death to end their miseries. Accordingly, as the people were now slain, the holy house was burnt down, and the city was on fire, there was nothing farther Ipft for the enemy to do. Yet did not Josephus grow weary, even in this utmost ex- tremity, to beg of them to spare what was left of the city ;' he spake largely to them about their barbarity and impiety, and gave them his advice, in order to their escape, though he gained nothing thereby more than to be laugh- ed at by them ; and as they could not think of surrendering themselves up, because of the oath they had taken, nor were strong enough to fight with the Romans any longer upon the square, as being surrounded on all sides, and a kind of prisoners already, yet were they so accustomed to kill people, that they could not restrain their right hands from acting accord- ingly. So they dispersed themselves before the city, and laid themselves in ambush among its ruins, to catch those that attempted to desert to the Romans ; accordingly many such deserters wete caught by them, and were all slain ; for these were too weak, by reason of their want of food, to fly away from them; so their dead bodies were thrown to the dogs. Now every sort of death was thought more io- lerable than the famine, insomuch that, though the Jews despaired now of mercy, yet would they fly to the Romans, and would themselves, even of their own accord, fall among the mur- derous rebels also. Nor was there any place in the city that had no dead bodies in it, but what was entirely covered with those that were killed either by the famine or the rehel- lion; and all was full of the dead bodies of such as had perished, either by that sedition or by that famine. 3. So now the last hope which supported the tyrants and that crew of robbers who were with them, vvas in the caves and caverns under ground ; whither, if they could once fly, they did not expect to be searched for ; but endea- voured, that after the whole city should be destroyed, and the Romans gone away, they might come out again, and escape from them. This was no better than a dream of theirs; for they were not able to lie hid either from God or from the Romans. However, they depended on these under-ground subterfuges, and set more places on fire than did the Romans them- selves; and those that fled out of their houses thus set on fire, .into ditches, they killed without mercy, and pillaged them also; and if they discovered food belonging to any one, they seized upon it and swallowed it down, together with their blood also ; nay, they were now come to fight one with anothe; about their plunder; and I cannot but think 758 WARS OF I'Hl-; JEWS. BOOK VI, that, had not their destruction prevented it, their barbarity would have made them taste of even the dead bodies themselves. CHAPTER VIII. HOW CESAR RAISED BANKS ROUND ABOUT THE UPPER CITY,* AND WHEN THEY WERE COM- PLETED, GAVE ORDERS FOR THE MACHINES TO BE BROUGHT. HE THEN POSSESSED HIM- SELF OF THE WHOLE CITY. § 1. Now, when Caesar perceived that the upper city was so steep, that it could not pos- sibly be taken without raising banks against it, he distributed the several parts of that work among his army, and this on the twentieth day of the month Lous [Ab]. Now, the car- riage of the materials was a difficult task, since all the trees, as I have already told you, that were about the city, within the distance of a hundred furlongs, had their branches cut off already, in order to make the fornner banks. The works that belonged to the four legions were erected on the west side of the city, over against the royal palace ; but the whole body of the auxiliary troo|l8, with the rest of the multitude that were with them, [erected their banks] at the Xystus, whence they reached to the bridge, and that tower of Si- mon, which he had built as a citadel for him- self against John, when they were at war one with another. 2. It was at this time that the commanders of the Idumeans got together privately, and took counsel about surrendering up them- selves to the Romans. Accordingly, they sent five men to Titus, and entreated him to give them his right hand for their security. So Titus thinking that the tyrants would yield, if the Idumeans, upon whom a great part of the war depended, were once with- drawn from them, after some reluctance and delay, complied with them, and gave them security for their lives, and sent the five men back; but as these Idumeans were preparing to march out, Simon perceived it, and im- mediately slew the five men that had gone to Titus, and took their commanders, and put them in prison, of whom the most eminent was Jacob, the son of Sosas ; but as for the multitude of the Idumeans, who did not at all know what to do, now their comman<lers were taken from them, he had them watched, and secured the walls by a more numerous garrison. Yet could not that garrison resist those that were deserting; for although a great number of them were slain, yet were the de- serters many more in number. These were nil received by the Romans, because Titus himself grew negligent as to his former orders for killing them and because the very soldiers • That ia, Mount Siuo. grew weary of kdling them, and because they hoped to get some money by sparing them ; for they left only the populace, and sold the rest of the multitude,t with their wives and chil- dren, and every one of them at a very low price, and that because such as were sold were verv many, and the buyers very few; and althoujjh Titus had made proclamation beforenana. that no deserter should come alone by hiui- self, that so they might bring out their tami- lies with them, yet did he receive such as these also. However, he set over them such as were to distinguish some from others, in or- der to see if any of them deserved to be pun- ished ; and indeed the number of those that were sold was immense ; but of the populace above forty thousand were saved, whom Cae- sar let go whither every one of them pleased. 3. But now at this time it was that one of the priests, the son of Thebuthus, whose name was Jesus, upon his having security given him, by the oath of Caesar, that he should be preserved, upon condition that he should de^ liver to him certain of the precious things that had been reposited in the temple,^ came out of it, and delivered him from the wall of the holy house two candlesticks like to those that lay in the holy house, with tables, and cis- terns, and vials, all made of solid gold, and very heavy. He also delivered to him the veils and the garments, with tho precious stones, and a great number of other precious vessels that belonged to their sacred worship. The treasurer of the temple also, whose name was Phineas, was seized on, and showed Ti- tus the coats and girdles of the priests, with a great quantity of purple and scarlet, which were there reposited for the uses of the veil, as also a great deal of cinnamon and cassia, with a large quantity of other sweet spices,§ which used to be mixed together, and offered as incense to God every day. A great many other treasures were also delivered to him, with sacred ornaments of the temple not a few; which things thus delivered to Titus, obtain- ed of him for this man the same pardon that + This innumerable multitade of Jews that were "sold" by the Romans, were an eminent coni|jlelion o( God's ancient threatening by IMoses, that itthey aposta- tized from the obedience to his laws, they should bo "sold unto their enemies for bondmen and bond- women," Dent, xxviii. 08. See more especially the note on ch, ix. sect. 2. Kut one thin? here is peculiarly re- markable, that Moses adds. — Though they should be "sold" for slaves, yet "no man should buy them;" t n. either they should have none to redeem them from this s:»ie into slavery; or rather that the slaves to be sold should be more than were the purchasers for them, and so they should be sold for little or nothiu!;; which is what Josephus here aflirms to have been the case at this time. i VVhat became of these spoils of the temple that es- caped the fire, see Josephus himself hereafter, b. vii. ch. v.spct. ij, and Reland rfe Spoliis Tiinpli, p. 129— 138. i These various sorts of spice", even more than those four which Moses prescribed (Exod. xxxi. 34), wc see were used in their public worship under Herod's temple, particularly cinnamon and cassia; which Keland takes particular notice of, as a^^eeing with the latter testimony at the Tatmudists. T?HAP. VIII. WARS OF THE JEWS. 769 he had allowed *o such as deserted of their own accord. 4. And now were the banks finished on the seventh day of the month Gorpieus [Elul], in efghteen days' time, when the Romans brought their machines against the wall ; but for the seditious, some of them, as despairing of sav- ing the city, retired from the wall to the cita- del ; others of them went dorwn into the sub- terranean vaults, though still a great many of them defended themselves against those that brought the engines for the battery ; yet did the Romans overcome them by their number and by their strength ; and, what was the principal thing of all, by going cheerfully about their work, while the Jews were quite dejected and become weak. Now, as soon as a part of the wall was battered down, and cer- tain of the towers yielded to the impression of the battering-rams, those that opposed themselves fled away, and such a terror fell upon the tyrants, as was much greater than the occasion required ; for before the enemy got over the breach they were quite stunned, and were immediately for flying away ; and now one might see these men, who had hi- therto been so insolent and arrogant in their wicked practices, to be cast down and to tremble, insomuch that it would pity one's heart to observe the change that was made in those vile persons. Accordingly they ran with great violence upon the Roman wall that en- compassed them, in order to force away those that guarded it, a^nd to break through it, and get away ; but when they saw that those who had formerly been* faithful to them, had gone away (as indeed they were fled whithersoever the great distress they were in persuaded them to flee) as also when those that came running before the rest told them that the western wall was entirely overthrown, while others said the Romans were gotten in, and others that they were near, and looking out for them, which were only the dictates of their fear which imposed upon their sight, they fell upon their faces, and greatly lament- ed their own mad conduct ; and their nerves were so terribly loosed, that they could not flee away ; and here one may chiefly reflect on the power of God exercised upon these wicked wretches, and on the good fortune of the Ro- mans; for these tyrants did now wholly de- prive themselves of the security they had in their own power, and came down from those very towers of their own accord, wherein they 30uld have never been taken by force, nor in- deed by any other way than by famine. And thus did the Romans, when they had taken such great pains about weaker walls, get by good fortune what they could never have got- ten by their engines; for three of these tow- ers were too strong for all mechanical engines wfiatsoever; concerning which we have treat- ed of before. i). So they now left these towers of them- selves, or rather they were ejected out of them by God himself, and fled immediately to that valley which was under Siloam, where they again recovered themselves out of th dread they were in foE a while, and ran vio lently against that part of the Roman wal which lay on that side ; but as their courag was too much depressed to make their attacks with sufficient force, and their power was now broken with fear and aflfliction, they were re- pulsed by the guards, and dispersing them- selves at distances from each other, went down into the subterranean caverns. So the Ro- mans being now become masters of the walls, they both placed their ensigns upon the tow- ers, and made joyful acclamations for the vic- tory they had gained, as having found the end of this war much lighter than its beginning ; for when they had gotten upon the last wall, without any bloodshed, they could hardly be- lieve what they found to be true ; but seeing nobody to oppose them, they stood in doubt what such an unusual solitude could mean. But when they went in numbers into the lanes of the city, with their swords drawn, they slew those whom they overtook, without mercy, and set fire to the houses whither the Jews were fled, and bujpt every soul in them, and laid waste a great many of the rest ; and when they were come to the houses to plunder them, they found in them entire families of dead men, and the upper rooms full of dead corpses, that is of such as died by the famine; they then stood in a horror at this sight, and went out without touching any thing. But although they had this commiseration for such as were destroyed in that manner, yet had they not the same for those that were still alive, but they ran every one through whom they met with, and obstructed the very lanes with their dead bodies, and made the whole city run down with blood, to such a degree indeed that the fire of many of the houses was quenched with these men's blood. And truly so it happened, that though the slayers left off at the evening, yet did the fire greatly prevail in the night ; and as all was burning, came that eighth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul] upon Jerusalem ; a city that had been liable to so many miseries during this siege, that, had it always enjoyed as much happiness from its first foundation, it would certainly have been the envy of the world. Nor did it on any other account so much de- serve these sore misfortunes, as by producing such a generation of men as were the ocoa- sions of this its overthrow. 760 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK VI. CHAPTER IX. WHAT INJUNCTIONS C-<ES\ll GAVE WHEN HE WAS COME WITHIN THE CITY. THE NUM- BER OF THE CAPTIVES, AND OF THOSE THAT PERISHED IN THE SIEGE; AS ALSO CONCERN- ING THOSE THAT ESCAPED INTO THE SUB- TERRANEAN CAVERNS, AMONG WHOM WERE THE TYRANTS SIMON AND JOHN THEM- SELVES. § 1. Now, when Titus was come into this [upper] city, he admired not only some other places of strength in it, but particularly those strong towers which the tyrants, in their mad conduct, had relinquished ; for when he saw their solid altitude, and the largeness of their several stones,andthe exactness of their joints, as also how great was their breadth, and how extensive their length, he expressed himself after the manner following- — " We have cer- tainly had God for our assistant in this war, and it was no other than God who ejected the Jews out of these fortifications ; for what could the hands of men, or any machines, do to- wards overthrowing these towers!" At which time he had many such discourses to his friends ; he also let such go free as had been bound by the tyrants and were left in the prisons. To conclude, when he entirely demo- lished the rest of the city, and overthrew its walls, he left these towers as a monument of j his good fortune, which had proved his auxi- liaries, and enabled him to take what could not otherwise have been taken by him. 2. And now, since his soldiers were already quite tired with killing men, and yet there appeared to be a vast multitude still remain- ing alive, Caesar gave orders that they should kill none but those that were in arms, and opposed them, but should take the rest alive. But, together with those whom they had orders to slay, they slew the aged and the in- firm; but for those that were in their flourish- ing age, and who might be useful to them, they drove them together into the temple, and shut them up within the walls of the court of the women ; over which Caesar set one of his freed men, as also Fronto, one of his own friends ; which last was to determine ev^ery one's fate, according to his merits. So this Fronto slew all those that had been seditious and robbers, who were impeached one by another ; but of the young men he chose out the tallest and most beautiful, and reserved them for the triumph ; and as for the rest of the multitude that were above seventeen years old, he put them into bonds, and sent them to the Egyptian mines.* Titus also sent a great number into the provinces as a present to them, that t^ey might be destroyed upon • See the several predictions that the Jews, if tlipy became obstinate in their idolatry and wickedness, nhould b«! kunt attain, or sold into Ei;ypt. for their punishment, iJeut.xxviii.fi8! Jer, xliv 7j Hos. viii. 13; ix. 3; xi 35; 2 Ksd. xv. IO~M, with Authentic uerords, part i.p. 40, 121, aod Reland Falaesti a, torn. \i. p. 71A. their theatres, by the sword and by the wild beasts ; but those that were under seventeen years of age were sold for slaves. Now dur- ing the days wherein Fronto was distinguish- ing these men, there perished, for want of food, eleven thousand; some of whom did not taste any food, through the hatred their guards bore to them ; and others would not take in any when it was given them. The multitude also was so very great, that they were in want even of corn for their sustenance. 3. Now the number! of those that were carried captive during this whole war was collected to be ninety-seven thousand ; as was the number of those that perished during the whole siege eleven hundred thousand, the greater part of whom were indeed of the same nation [with the citizens of Jerusalem], but not belonging to the city itself; for they were come up from all the country to the feast o; unleavened bread, and were on a sudden shut up by an army, which, at the very first, occa- sioned- so great a straitness among them that there came a pestilential destruction Upon them, and soon afterward such a famine, as destroyed them more suddenly. And that this city could contain so many people in it. is manifest by that number of them which was taken under Cestius, who being desirous of informing Nero of the power of the city, who otherwise was disposed to contemn that na- tion, entreated the high-priests, if the thing were possible, to take the number of their whole multitude. So these high-priests, upon the coming of their feast which is called the Passover, when they slay their sacrifices, from the ninth h«ur till the eleventh, but so that a company not less than tenij: belong to every sacrifice (for it is not lawful for them to feast singly by themselves), and many of us are + The whole multitude of the Jews that were de- stroyed during the entire seven years before this time, in ail the countries of and bordering on Judea, is sum- med up by Archbishop Usher, from Lipsius, out of Jose- phus, at the year of Christ 70, and amounts to l,3.37,19n. Nor could there have been that number of Jews in Jeni- salem to be destroyed in this sieee, as will be presently set down by Josephus, but that both Jews and proselytes of justice were just then come up out of the other coun- tries of Galilee, Samaria, Judea, and Perea, and other remoter regions, to the Passover, in vast numbers, and therein cooped up, as in a prison, by the Roman army, as Josephus himself well observes, in this and the next section, and as is exactly related elsewhere, b. v. ch. iii. sect. 1 ; and ch. xiii sect.*. t This number of a company for one paschal lamb, between ten and twenty, agrees exactly with the number thirteen at our Saviour's last passover. As to the whole number of the Jews that used to come up to the Pass- over, and eat of it at Jerusalem, see the note on b. ii. ch. xiv. sect. 3. This number ought to be here indeed just ten times the number of the lambs, or just 2..'j65,()00. by Josephus's own reasonintr; whereas it is. In his present copies, no less than 2,700,000, which last number is, however, nearest the other numl)er in the place now ci- ted, which is 3.000,00a I»ut what is here chiefly remnrk.. able is this, that no foreign nation ever came thus to destroy the Jews at any of their solemn festivals, from the days of Moses till this time, but came now upon their apostacy from God, and from obedience to him. Nor is it possible. In the nature of things, that in any other nation such vast numbers should be gotten together, and perish in tlie siege of any one city whalsue.ver as now happened ia Jerusaleo). CHAP. X. WARS OF THE JEWS. 761 twenty in a company, found the number of sacrifices was two hundred and fifty-six thou- sand five hundred; which, upon the allow- ance of no more than ten that feast together, amounts to two millions seven hundred thou- sand and two hundred persons that were pure and holy ; for as to those that have the leprosy, or the gonorrhoea, or women that have their monthly courses, or such as are otherwise pol- luted, it is not lawful for them to be partakers of this sacrifice; nor indeed for any foreign- ers neither, who come hither to worship. 4. Now this vast multitude is indeed col- lected out of remote places, but the entire na- tion was now shut up by fate as in a prison, and 1^ the Roman army encompassed the city when it was crowded with inhabitants. Accordingly tiie multitude of those that therein perished, exceeded all the destructions that .either men or God ever brought upOn the world ; for, to speak only of what was publicly known, the Romans slew some of them, some they carried captives, and others they made search for under ground, and when they found where they were, they broke up the ground and slew all they met with. There were also found slain there above two thousand persons, partly by their own hands, and partly by one another, but chiefly destroyed by the famine; but then, the ill savour of the dead bodies was most oflTensive to those that lighted upon them, insomuch that some were obliged to get away immediately, while others were so greedy of gain, that they would go in among the dead bodies that lay in heaps, and tread upon them; for a great deal of treasure was found in these caverns, and the hope of gain made every way of getting it to be esteemed lawful. Many also of those that had been put in prison by the tyrants were now brought out; for they did not leave ofFthei r barbarous cruelty at the very last: yet did God avenge himself upon them both, in a manner agreeable to jus- tice. As for John, he wanted food, together with his brethren, in these caverns, and beg- ged that the Romans would now give him their right hand for his security, which he had often proudly rejected before; but for Simon, he struggled hard with the distress he was in, till he was forced to surrender himself, as we shall relate hereafter; so he was reserved for the triumph, and to be then slain: as was John condemned to perpetual imprisonment: and now the Romans set fire to the extreme parts of the city, and burnt them down, and entirely demolished its walls. CHAPTER X. THAT WHEREAS THE CITY OF JERUSALEM HA1> BEEN FIVE TIMES TAKEN FORMERLY, THIS WAS THE SECOND TIME OF ITS DESOLA- TION. A BrtlEF ACCOUNT OF ITS HISTORY. § 1. And thus was Jerusulcaj taken, in the second year of the reign of Vespasian, on the eighth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul]. It had been taken five * times before, though this was the second time of its desolation; for Shishak, the king of Egypt, and after him Antiochus, and after him Pompey, and after them Sosius and Herod took the city, but still preserved it; but before all these, the king of Babylon conquered it, and made it desolate, one thousan )ur hundred and sixty- eight years and six months after it was built. But he who first built it f was a potent man among the Canaanites, and is in our tongue called [Melchisedek], the Righteous King, for such he really was; on which account he was [there] the first priest of God, and first built a temple [there], and called the city Jerusalem, which was formerly called Salem. However, David, the king of the Jews, ejected the Ca- naanites, and settled his own people therein. It was demolished entirely by the Babylo- nians, four hundred and seventy-seven years and six months after him. And from king David, who was the first of the Jews who reigned therein, to this destruction under Titus, were one thousand one hundred and seventy-nine years; but from its first build- ing, till this last destruction, were two thou- sand one hundred and seventy-seven years; yet hath not its great antiquity, nor its vast riches, nor the diffusion of its nation over all the ha- bitable earth, nor the greatness of the vene- ration paid to it on a religious account, been sufficient to preserve it from being destroyed. And thus ended the siege of Jerusalem. * Besides these five here enumerated, who had takec Jerusalem of old, Josephus, upon farther recollection, reckons a sixth, Antiq. b. xii. ch. i. sect. 1, who should have been here inserted in the second place; I mean Ptolemy, the son of La?us. + Why the great Bochart should say (De Phoenic. Coloii. b. ii. ch ir.), that '• There are in this clause of Josephus as many mistakes as words," I do by no means understand. Josephus tliought Melchisedek first built, or ratner rebuilt and adorned this city, and that it was then called Salem, as Psal. Ixxvi. 2: that it afterwards came to be called Jerusalem: and that IMelchisedek, be- ing a priest as well as a kinjf, built to the true God therein a temple, or place for public divine worship and sacrifice; all which things may be very true for aui;ht we know to the contrarj-; and for the word Jse«», or Temple, as if it must needs belong to the great temple built by Solomon long afterward, Josephus himself uses i;aof,for the small tabernacle of Moses, Antiq. b. iii. ch.vi. sect. 4. See also Antiq. b. iii. ch.vi. sect. 1, as he here presently uses 'u^ct for a large and splendid synagogue of the Jews at AnUocb only, b. vii-cB. iii. sect. 3. *♦» This is the proper place for such as have closely attended to these latter books of the War, to peruse, and that with equal attention, those distinct and plain pre- dictions of Jesus of Nazareth, in the gospels thereto re- lating, as compared with their exact completions in Jo- sephus's history; upon which completions, as Dr.Whilby well observes, Annot on Matt. xxiv. 2, no small part ot the evidence for the truth of the Christian religion does depend; and as I have, step by step, compared them toge- ther in my Literal Accomplishment of Scripture Prophe- cies. The reader is to observe farther, that the true /^ason why 1 have so seldom taken notice of those com- pletions in the course of these notes, notwithstanding their being so very remarkable, and frt- quently so very obvious, is thi.s, that I had entirely prevented myself in that treatise beforehtind ; to which, tlierefore. T must here, once for all, seriouhly n fcr every inquisitive reader. 702 BOOK VIl. CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ABOUT THREE TEAHS. FROM THE TAKING OF JERUSALEM BY TITUS, TO THE SEMTION OF THE JEWS AT CYRENE. CHAPTER I. HOW THE ENTIRE CITY OF JERUSALEM WAS PEMOLISHED, EXCEPTING THREE TOWERS; AND HOW TITUS COMMENDED HIS SOL- DIERS, IN A SPEECH MADE TO THEM, AND DISTRIBUTED REWARDS TO THEM, AND THEN DISMISSED MANY OF THEM. § 1. NoW, as soon as the army had no more people to slay or to plunder, because there remained none to be the objects of their fury (for they would not have spared any, had there remained any other such work to be done), Cas- sar gave orders that they should now demolish the entire city and. temple, but should leave as many of the towers standing as were of the greatest eminency; that is, Phasaelus, and Hippicus, and Mariamne, and so much of the wall as enclosed the city ou the west side. This wall was spared, in order to afford a camp for such as were to lie in garrison ; as were the towers also spared, in order to de- monstrate to posterity what kind of city it was, and how well fortified, which the Roman valour had subdued; but for all the rest of the wall, it was so thoroughly laid even with the ground by those that dug it up to the foun- dation, that there was left nothing to make those that came thither believe it had ever been inhabited. This was the end which Je- rusalem came to by the madness of those that were for innovations ; a city otherwise of great magnificence, and of mighty fume among all mankind. 2. But Csesar resolved to leave' there as a j^ruard the tenth legion, with certain troops of horsemen, and companies of footmen. So, having entirely completed this war, he was desirous to commend his whole army, on ac- count of the great exploits they had performed, and to bestow proper rewards on such as bad signalized themselves therein. He had therefore a great tribunal made for him in the midst of the place where be bad formerly en- camped, and stood upon it with his principal commanders about him, and spake so as to be heard by the whole army in the manner fol- lowing: — That he returned them abundance of thanks for their good-will which they had shown to him; he commended them for that ready obedience they had exhibited in this whole war; — which obedience had appeared in the many and great dangers they had coura- geously undergone; as also, for that courage they had shown, and had thereby augmented of themselves their country's power, and had made it evident to all men, that neither the multitude of their enemies, nor the strength of their places, nor the largeness of their cities, nor the rash boldness and brutish rage of their antagonists, were sufficient at any time to get clear of the Roman valour, although some of them may have fortune in many respects on their side. He said farther, that it was but reasonable for them to put an end to this war, now it had lasted so long, for they had nothing better to wish for when they en- tered into it; and that this happened more favourably for them and more for thwr glory, that all the Romans had willingly acc^-ptfed of those for their governors, and the curh-tors of their dominions, whom they had chosen for them, and had sent into their own country for that purpose, which still continued under the management of those whom they bar pitched on, and were thankful to them foi pitching upon them. That accordingly, al- though he did both admire and tenderly re- gard them all, because he knew that every one of them had gone as cheerfully about their work as their abilities and opportunities would give them leave, yet, he said, that he would immediately bestow rewards and digni- ties on those that had fought the most bravely, and with greater force, and had signalized their conduct in the most glorious manner, and had made his army more famous by their noble exploits: and that no one who had been willing to take more pains than another, CHAP. II. WARS OF THE JEWS. 766 should miss of a just retribution for the same; for that he had been exceedingly careful about this matter, and that the more, because he had much rather reward the virtues of his fel- low-soldiers than punish such as had offended. 3. Hereupon Trtus ordered those whose business it was, to read the list of all that had performed great exploits in this war, whom he called to him by their names, and com- mended them before the company, and re- joiced in them in the same manner as a man would have rejoiced in his own exploits. He also put on their heads crowns of gold, and golden ornaments about their necks, and gave them long spears of gold, and ensigns that were made of silver, and removed every one of them to a higher rank : and besides this, he plentifully distributed among them, out of the spoils and the other prey they had taken, silver, and gold, and garments. So when they had all these honours bestowed on them, according to his own appointment made to every one, and he had wished all soits of hap- piness to the whole army, he came down, among the great acclamations which were made to him, and then betook himself to of- fer thank-offerings [to the gods], and at once s<icriiiced a vast number of oxen, that stood ready at the altars, and distributed them among the army to feast on ; and vvhen he had staid three days among the principal commanders, and so long feasted with them, he sent away the rest of his army to the several places where they would be every one best situated; but permitted the tenth legion to stay, as a guard at Jerusalem, and did not send them away beyond Euphrates, where they had been be- fore ; and as be remembered that the twelfth legion had given way to the Jews, under Ces- tiu9 their general, he expelled them out of all Syria, for they had lain formerly at Raphanea, and sent them away to a place called Mele- tine, near Euphrates, which is in the limits of Armenia and Cappadocia ; he also thought fit that two of the legions should stay with him till he should go to Egypt. He then went down with his army to that Cesarea which lay by the sea-side, and there laid up the rest of his spoils in great quantities, and gave order that the captives should be kept there; for the winter-season hindered him then from sailing into Italy. CHAPTER IT. HOW TITUS EXHIBITED ALL SORTS OF SHOWS AT CESAREA PHILIPPI. CONCERNING SIMON THE TYRANT, HOW HE WAS TAKEN, AND RESERVED FOR THE TRIUMPH. § 1. Now, at the same timo that Titus Caesar lay at the siege of Jerusalem, did Vespasian go on board a merchant-ship, and sailed from Alexandria to Rhodes; vvhenire he AUittd awa\ in ships with three rows of oars ; and as he touched at several cities that lay in his road, he was joyfully received by them all, and so passed over from Ionia into Greece ; whence he set sail frojn Corcyra to the promontory of lapyx, whence he took his journey by land. But as for Titus, he marched from that Cesa- rea which lay by the sea-side, and came to that which is named Cesarea Pbilippi, and staid there a considerable time, and exhibited all sorts of shows there; and here a great number of the captives were destroyed, somebeing thrown to wild beasts, and others in multitudes forced to kill one another, as if they were enemies. And here it was that Titus was info'-oied of the seizure of Simon, the son of Gioras, unich was made after the manner following: — This Simon, during the siege of Jerusalem, was in the upper city; but when the Roman army were gotten within the walls, and were laying the city waste, he then took the most faithful of his friends with him, and among them some that were stone-cutters, with those iron tools which belonged to their occupation, and as great a quantity of provisions as would suf- fice them for a long time, and let himself and them all down into a certain subterrane- ous cavern that was not visible above ground. Now, so far as had been digged of old, they went onward along it without disturbance ; but where they met with solid earth, they dug a mine under ground, and this in hopes that they should be able to proceed so far as to rise from under ground, in a safe place, and by that means escape; but when they came to make the experiment, they were disappointed of their hope; for the miners could make but small progress, and that with difficulty also ; insomuch that their provisions, though they distributed them by measure, began to fail them. And nosv^imon, thinking he might be able to astonish and delude the Romans, put on a white frock, and buttoned upon him a purple cloak, and appeared out of the ground in the place where the temple had formerly been. At the first, indeed, those that saw him were greatly astonished, and stood still where they were ; but afterward they came nearer to him, and asked him who he was. — Now Simon would not tell them, but bade them call for their captain ; and when they ran to call him, Terentius Rufus,* who was left to command the army there, otme to Simon, and learned of him the whole truth, and kept him in bonds,, and let Caesar know that he wa? taken. Thus did God bring this man to be punished for what bitter and savage tyranny he had exercised against his countrymen, by • This Terentiiis Rufns, as Rel^ind in part observes here, is the same person whom tlfe Talmudists call Twr- niis Rii/us; of whom they relate, that " he ploughed up Sion as a fieM, and made Jerusalem become as heaps, and the motinfain of the house as the high places oi.a (ojest," whicli was long before foretold by the propjjet Mifah (iii. Ill), and quoted from him in the prophecies of Jeremiah {^xvL 18). 764 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK VU those who were his worst enemies ; and this while he was not subdued by violence, but voluntarily delivered himself up to them to be punished, and that .on the very same account that he had laid false accusa- tions against many Jews, as if they were fall- ing away to the Romans, and had barbarously slain them ; for wicked actions do not escape the divine anger, nor is justice too weak to punish offenders, but in time overtakes those that transgress its laws, and inflicts its punish- ments upon the wicked irv a manner so much more severe, as they expected to escape it on account of their not being punished immedi- "ately.* Simon was made sensible of this, by falling under the indignation of the Romans. This rise of his out of the ground did also occasion the discovery of a great number of others of the seditious at that time, who had hidden themselves under ground; but for Simon, he was brought to Caesar in bonds, when he was come back to that Cesarea which was on the sea-side ; who gave orders that he should be kept against that triumph which he was to celebrate at Rome upon this occasion. CHAPTER III. how titus, upon the celebration of his brother's and father's birth-days, had MANY OF the JEWS SLAIN. CONCERNING THE DANGER THE JEWS WERE IN AT ANTI- OCH, BY MEANS OF THE TRANSGRESSION AND IMPIETY OF ONE ANTIOCHUS, A JEW. § 1. While Titus was at Cesarea, he solem- nized the birth-day of his brother [Domitian] after a splendid manner, and inflicted a great deal of the punishment intended for the Jews in honour of him : for the number of those that were now slain in fighting with the beasts, and were burnt, and fought with one another, exceeded two thousand five hundred. Yet did all this seem to the Romans, when they were thus destroying ten thousand seve- ral ways, to be a punishment beneath their deserts. After this Caesar came to Berytus,f which is a city of Phoenicia, and a Roman co- lony, and staid there a long time, and exhi- bited a still more pompous solemnity about his father's birth-dsar, both in the magnificence of the shows, and in the other vast expenses he was at in his devices thereto belonging ; so that a great multitude of the captives were here destroyed after the same manner as be- fore. 2. It happened also about this time, that the Jews who remained at Antioch were un- • R*eErcles.Tiil. 11. + This B»rytu8 was certainlv a Roman colony, and has coins extant that witness the same, as fhidson <ind £panh«!ira infono os. See th« oote, Antiq. b. xvi. ch. der accusations, and in danger of perishing, from the disturbances that were raised against them by the Antiochians, and this both oii account of the slanders spread abroad at this time against them, and on account of what pranks they had played not long before ; which I am obliged to describe without^ail, though briefly, that I may the better connect my nar- ration of future actions with those that went before. 3. For as the Jewish nation is widely dis- persed over all the habitable earth among its inhabitants, so it is very much intermingled with Syria by reason of its neighbourhood, and had the greatest multitudes in Antioch by reason of the largeness of the city, where- in the kings, after Antiochus, had afforded them a habitation with the most undisturbed tranquillity ; for though Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, laid Jerusalem waste, and spoiled the temple, yet did those that succeed- ed him in the kingdom restore all the dona- tions that were made of brass to the Jews of Antioch, and dedicated tbem to their syna- gogue ; and granted them the enjoyment of equal privileges of citizens with the Greeks themselves ; and as the succeeding kings treated them after the same manner, they both multiplied to a great number, and adorned their templef gloriously by fine ornaments, and \vith great magnificence, in the use of what had been given them. They also made proselytes of a great many of the Greeks per- petually, and thereby, after a sort, brought them to be a portion of their own body. But about this time when the present war began, and Vespasian was newly sailed to Syria, and all men had taken up a great hatred against the Jews, then it was that a certain person, whose name was Antiochus, being one of the Jewish nation, and greatly respected on ac- count of his father, who was governor of the Jews at Antioch, § came upon the theatre at a time when the people of Antioch were as- sembled together, and became an informer against his father; and accused both him and others, that they had resolved to burn the whole city in one night ; he also delivered up to them some Jews that were foreigners, as partners in their resolutions. 'When the people heard this, they could not refrain their passion, but commanded that those who were delivered up to them should have fire brought to burn them ; who were accordingly all* t t e. Their synagogue. See the note on b. Ti. ch. x. sect 1. J The Jews at Antioch and Alexandria, the two prin- cipal cities in all the east, had allowed them, both by the Macedonians, and afterwards by the Romans, a go- vernor of tlieir own. who was exempt from the jiir;»<ii«i- tion of the otht-r civil governors. He was called some- times barely "governor," sometimes "ethnarch," and [at Alexandria! ••alal)arch." a* I >r. Hudson takes notice on this place, out of Fuller's Miscellanies. Thf y had the like governor or gMvertu/rs nllowed them at HHbyion under their capl vity tlnre, as the History of SusaiiQS implies. < lAP. IT. WARS OF THE JEWS. 765 b rnt upon fhe theatre immediately. They <[\ 3 also fall violently upon the multitude of til Jews, as supposing, ttat by punishing tk-iui suddenly they should save tieir own city. As for Antiochus, he aggravated the rage they were in, and thought to give them a demonstration of bis own conversion, and of his hatred of the Jewish customs, by sacri-. ficing after the raaiuier of the Grteks: he persuaded the rest also to compel them to do the same, because they would by that means discover who they were that had plotted against them, since they would not do so: and when the people of Antioch tried tJhe ex- periment, some few complied; but those that would not do so were slain. As for Antio- chus himself, he obtained soldiers from the Roman commander, and "became a severe master over his own citizens, not permitting them to rest on the seventh day, but forcing them to do all that they usually did on other days; and to that degree of distress did he reduce them in this matter, that the rest of the seventh day was dissolved not only at Antioch, but the same thing which took thence its rise, was done in other cities also, in like manner, for some small time. 4. Now, after these misfortunes had hap- pened to the Jews at Antioch, a second cala- mity befel them, the description of which when we were going about, we premised the account foregoing: for upon this accident, whereby the four-square mai-ket- place was burnt down, as well as the archives, and 'the place where the public records were preserved, and the royal palaces (and it was not with- out difficulty that the fire was then put a stop to, which was likely, by the fury where- with it was carried along, to have gone over the whole city), Antiochus accused the Jews as the occasion of all the mischief that was done. Now this induced the people of An- tioch, who were now under the immediate persuasion, by reason of the disorder they were in, that this calumny was true; and would have been under the same persuasion, even though they had not borne an ill-will at the Jews before, to believe this man's accu- sation, especially when they considered what had been done before ; and this to such a de- gree, that tl^y all fell violently upon those that were accused; and this, like madmen, in a very furious rage also, even as if they had seen the Jevvs in a manner setting, fire themselves to the city; nor was it without difficulty that one Cneius Collegas, the le- gate, could prevail with them to permit the affairs to be kid before Caesar; for as to Ce- senniusPetus, the president of Syria, Vespasian had already sent him away; and so it hap- pened, that he was not yet come back thither. But when Collegas had made a careful in- quiry into the matter, he found out the truth, and that not one of those Jews that were ac- cused by Antiochuk had any hand in It; but that all was done by some vile persons greatly in debt, who supposed, that if they could once set fire to the market-place, and burn the public records, they should have no further demands made upon them. So th€ Jewa were under great disorder and terror, in the uncertain expectations of wha^, would be the upshot of those accusations against theui CHAPTER IV. HOW VESPASIAN WAS RECEIVED AT ROME; AS ALSO HOW THE GERMANS REVOLTED FROM THE ROMANS, BUT WERE SUBDUED. THAT THE SARMATIANS OVER-RAN MYSIA, BUT WERE COMPELLED TO RETURN TO THEIR OWN COUNTRY AGAIN. § 1. And now Titus C«sar, upon the news that was brought him concerning his father, that his coming was much desired by all the Italian cities, and that Rome especially re- ceived him with great alacrity and splendor, betook himself to rejoicing and pleasures to a great degree, as now freed from the solicitude he had been under, after the most agreeable manner. For all men that were in Italy showed their respects to him in their minds, before he came thither, as if he were already come, as esteeming the very expectation they had of him to be his real presence on account of the great desires they had to see him, and because the good -will they bore him was en- tirely free and unconstrained; for it was a desirable thing to the senate, who well re- membered the calamities they had undergone in the late changes of their governors, tc receive a governor who was adorned with the gravity of old age, and with the highest skill in the actions of war, whose advancement would be, as they knew, for nothing else but for the preservation of those that were to he governed. Moreover, the people had been so harassed by their civil miseries, that they were still more earnest for his coming immediately, as supposing they should then be firmly delivered from their calamities, and believed they should then recover their secure tranquillity and prosperity: and for the soldiery, they had the principal regard to him, for they were chiefly apprised of his great exploits in war; and since they had experienced the want of skill and want of courage in other commanders, they were very desirous to be freed from that great shame they had undergone by their means, and heartily wished to receive such a prince as might be a security and an ornameht to them; and as this good- will to Vespasian was universal, those that enjoyed any remark- able dignities could not hav% patience enough to stay in Rome, but made haste to meet hiixi at a T«ry gkeat diatanc« from it; nay, indeed. 766 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK VII. none of the Test could endure the delpy of seeing him, but did 611 pour out of the city in such crowds, and were so universally possess- ed with the opinion that it was easier and better for them to go out than to stay there, that this was the very first time that the city joyfully perceived itself almost empty of its citizens; for those that staid within were fewer than those that went out; but as soon as the news was come that he was hard by, and those that had met him at first related with what good humour he received every one that came to him, then it was that the whole multitude that had remained in the city, with their wives and children, came into the road, and waited for him there ; and for those whom he passed by, they made all sorts of acclamations on account of the joy they had to see hira» and the plea- santness of his countenance, and styled him their Benefactor and Saviour, and the only person who was worthy to be ruler of the city of Rome; and now the city was like a temple, full of garlands and sweet odours; nor was it easy for him to come to the royal palace for the multitude of people that stood about him, where yet at last he performed his sacrifices of thanksgivings to his household gods, for his safe return to the city. The multitude did also betake themselves to feasting; which feasts and drink-offerings they celebrated by their tribes, and their families, and their neigh- bourhoods, and still prayed God to grant that Vespasian, his sons, and all their posterity, might continue in the Roman government for a very long time, and that his dominion might be preserved from all opposition. And that was the manner in which Rome so joyfully received Vespasian, and thence grew im- mediately into a state of great prosperity. 2. But before this time, and while Vespa- sian was about Alexandria, and Titus was lying at the siege of Jerusalem, a great multi- tude of the Germans were in commotion, and tended to rebellion; and as the Gauls in their neighbourhood joined with them, they con- spired together, and had thereby great hopes of success, and that they should free them- selves from the dominion of the Romans. The motives that induced the Germans to this attempt for a revolt, and for beginning the war, were these : — In the first place, the nature [of the people}, which was destitute of just reasonings, and ready to throw themselves rashly into danger upon small hopes: in the itt>t place, the hatred they bore to those that were their governors, while their nation had never been conscious of subjection to any but to the Romans, and that by compulsion only. Besides these motives, it was the opportunity that now oflfered itself, which above all the rest prevailed with them so to do; for when they saw the Roman government in a great internal disorder, by the continual changes of its rulers, and understood that every part of tbe habitable aartb und«r tbeoa was in an un settled and tottering condition, they thought this was the best opportunity that could aflbrd itself for themselves to make a sedition, when the state of the Romans w as so ill. Clas>icus* also, and Vitellius.f two of their commanders, puffed them up with such hopes. These bad for a long time been openly desirous of such an innovation, and were induced by the pre- sent opportunity to venture upon the declara- tion of their sentiments; the multitude was also ready ; and when these men told them of what they intended to attempt, that news was gladly received by them. So when a great part of the Germans had agreed to rebel, and the rest were no better disposed, Vespasiao, as guided by divine Providence, sent letters to Petilius Cerealis, who had formerly had the command of Germany, whereby he de- clared him to have the dignity of consul, and commanded him to take upon him the govern- ment of Britain; so he went whither he was ordered to go, and when he was informed of the revolt of the Germans, he fell upon them as soon as they were gotten together, and put his army in battle-array, and slew a great multitude of them in the fight, and forced them to leave off their madness, and to grow wiser; nay, had he not fallen thus suddenly upon them on the place, it had not been long ere they would however have been brought to punishment; for as soon as ever the news of their revolt was come to Rome, and Ca?sar Domitian was made acquainted with it, be made no delay even at that bis age, when he was 'exceeding young, but undertook this weighty aflTair. He had a courageous mind, from his father, and had made greater improve- ments than belonged to such an age: accord- ingly he marched against the barbarians im- mediately; whereupon their hearts failed them at the rumour of his approach, and they submitted themselves to him with fear, and thought itahappy thing that they were brought under their old yoke again without suflfering any farther mischiefs. When therefore Do- mitian had settled all the affairs of Gaul io such good order, that it would not be easily put into disorder any more, he returned to Rome with honour and glory, as having per- * 'Hiis Classicus, and Civilis, and Cfrealis,are names well known in Tacitus; the two lormer «l moving sedi- tion af;ainst the Romans, and the last as sent to repress them by Vespasian, jnst as they are here described by Josepl.iis; which is the case also of Konteius Ajfrippa and Uiibrins Galhis, in sect. 3; but as to tlie very fa- vouriible acr.ount presently given of Domitinn, parti- cularly as to his desi>;n8 in this his Gallic and'Germanic expedition, it is not a little contrary to that in Suetonius, Vesp. sect.?. Nor are the reasons iinobvious that n ight occasion this great diversity: Domitian was one of Jo- sephus's patrons, and when he publ'shed these books of the Jewish war, was very young, and had hardly begun those wicked practices which rendered him so infamous afterward; while Suetonius seems so have been too young and too low in life to receive any rem nrk able favours from him; as Domitian was certainly very lewd and cruel, nud generally hated, when buelonlus wrote about him. f CiviJis.— 7«cff. CHAP. V. WARS OF THE JEWS. 767 formed such exploits as were above his own age, and worthy of such a father. 3. At the very same time with the fore- tnentioned revolt of the Germans, did the bold attempt of the Scythians against the Romans occur ; for those Scythians who are called Sarmatians, being a very numerous people, transported themselves over the Danube into Mysia, without being perceived; after which, by their violence, and entirely unexpected assault, they slew a great many of the Romans that guarded the frontiers ; and as the consular legate Fonteius Agrippa came to meet tbem, and fought courageously against them, he was slaiir by them. They then overran all the region that had been subject to him, tearing and rending every thing that fell in their way ; but when Ves- pasian was informed of what had happened, arhd how Mysia was laid waste, he sent away Rubrius Gallus to punish these Sarmatians ; by whose means many of them perished in the battles he fought against them, and that part which escaped fled with fear to their own country. So when this general had put an end to the war, he provided for the future security of the country also ; for he placed more and more numerous garrisons in the place, till he made it altogether impossible for the barbarians to pass over the river any more ; and thus had this war in Mysia a sud- den conclusion. CHAPTER V. CONCERNING THE SABBATIC RIVER WHICH TI- TUS SAW AS HE WAS JOURNEYING THROUGH SYRIA ; AND HOW THE PEOFLE OF aNTI- OCH CAME WITH A PETITION TO TITUS AGAINST THE JEWS, BUT WERE REJECTED BV HIM : AS ALSO CONCERNING TITUs's AND Vespasian's triumph. § 1. Now Titus Caesar tarried some time at IJerytus, as we told you before. He thence removed, and exhibited magnificent shows in all those cities of Syria through which he went, and made use of the captive Jews as public instances of the destruction of that na- tion. He then saw a river as he went along, of such a nature as deserves to be recorded in history; it runs in the middle between Ar- cea, belonging to Agrippa's kingdom, and Raphanea- It hath somewhat very peculiar in it ; for when it runs, its current is strong, and has plenty of water; after which its spiincji fail for six days together, and leave its chi.iMiel dry, as any one may see; after which days it runs on the seventh day as it did before, and as though- it had undergone no change at all : it hath also been observed to krep this order perpetually wnd exactly ; whence it ia that ihev call it the Sabbatic River,* — that name being taken from the sa* cred seventh day among the Jews. 2. But when the people of Antioch were informed that Titus was approaching, they were so glad at it, that they could not keep within their walls, but hasted away to give him the meeting ; nay, they proceeded as far as thirty furlongs, and more, with that inten- tion. These were not the men only, but a multitude of women also with their children did the same ; and when they saw him com- ing up to them, they stood on both sides of the way, and stretched out their right hands, saluting him, and making all sorts of accla- mations to him, and turned back together with him. They also among all the accla- mations they made to him, besought him all the way they went, to eject the Jews out of their city ; yet did not Titus at all yield to this their petition, but gave them the bare hearing of it quietly. However, the Jews were in a great deal of terrible fear, under the uncertainty they were in what his opinion was, and what he would do to them ; for Ti- tus did not stay at Antioch, but continued his progress immediately to Zeugma, which lies upon the Euphrates, whither came to him messengers from Vologeses, king of Parthia, and brought him a crown of gold upon the victory he had gained over the Jews; which he accepted of, and feasted the king's messen- gers, and then came back to Antioch. And when the senate and people of Antioch ear- nestly entreated him to come upon their the- atre, where their whole multitude was assem- bled, and expected him, he complied with great humanity ; but when they pressed him with much earnestness, and continually beg- ged of him, that he would eject the Jews out of their city, he gave them this very pertinent answer : — " How can this be done, since that country of theirs, whither the Jews must be obliged then to retire, is destroyed, and no place will receive them besides?" Where- upon the people of Antioch, when they had failed of success in tnis their first request, made him a second ; for they desired that he would order those tables of brass to be re- moved, on which the Jews' privileges were engraven. However, Titus would not grant that neither, but permitted the Jews of An- tioch to continue to enjoy the very same pri- vileges in that city which they had before, and then departed for Egypt; and as he came to Jerusalem in his progress, and compared the melancholy condition he saw it then in, * Since in these later aces this Sabbatic River, once 80 famous, which, by Josephus's acrount here, ran every seventh day. and rest»-d on six, but accordinff to Plioy, Nat Hist xxxi 11, ran perpetually on six days, and rested on the seventh (though it no way appears by ei- thfi of their accounts that the seventh day of this riTer was the Jewish seventh day or Sabbath), is quite vanish- ed, I shall add bo more about it: only see Dr. Mndson^s fiole. In Varenius's GeoRraphy. i. i7. the reader will find several instances of such periodical fountains and rivt-rs, thuuich non>- of their periods were that of a Just week, as of uld tliik apptars to ha\c beeii. 76\ WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK VII, WJ^li the ancient glory of the city, and called to mind the greatness of its present ruins, as w^^ll as its ancient splendoi", he could not but pity the destruction of the city, — so far was he from boasting that so great and goodly a city as that was, had been by him taken by force ; nay, he frequently cursed those that had been the authors of their revolt, and had brought such a punishment upon the city ; in- somuchthatitopeiilyappeared that he did not desire that such a calamity as this punishment of theirs amounted to, should be a demonstra- tion of his courage. Yet was there no small quantity of the riches that had been in that city still found among its ruins, a great deal of which the Romans dug up ; but the greatest part was discovered by those who were cap- tives, and so they carried it away, I mean the gold and the silver, and the rest of that most precious furniture which the Jews had, and which the owners had treasured up under ground, against the uncertain fortunes of war. 3. So Titus took the journey he intended into Egypt, and passed over the desert very suddenly, and came to Alexandria, and took up a resolution to go to Rome by sea. And as he was accompanied by two legions, he sent each of them again to the places whence they had before come ; the fifth he sent to Mysia ; and the fifteenth to Pannonia ; as for the leaders of the captives, Simon and John, with the other seven hundred men, whom he had selected out of the rest as be- ing eminently tall and handsome of body, he gave order that they should be soon carried to Italy, as resolving to produce them in his triumph. So when he had had a prosperous voyage to his mind, the city of Rome behaved itself in his reception, and their meeting him at a distance, as it did in the case of his father. But what made the most splendid appearance in Titus's opinion was, when his father met him, arid received him ; but still the multitude of the citizens conceived the greatest joy when they saw them all three together, as they did at this time : nor were many days overpast when they determined to have but one triumph, that should be common to both of them, on account of the glorious exploits they had performed, although the senate had decreed each of them a separate triumph by himself. So when notice had been piven beforehand of the day appointed for this pompous solemnity to be made, on ac- count of their victories, not one of the im- mense multitude was left in the city, but everybody went out so far as to gain only a station where they might stand, and left only such a passage as was necessary for those that were to be seen to go along it. 4. Now all the soldiery marched out be- forehand by companies, and ir) their severHl tanks, under their sevc-ral coiiuiriniiers, in the ♦ fetpMlan and Lis two iK.i.>, ItUis .ml liomilian. night-time, and were about the gates, not of the upper palaces, but those near the temple of Isis; for there it was that the emperors had rested the foregoing night. And as soon as ever it was day, Vespasian and Titus came out crowned with laurel, and clothed in those ancient purple habits which were proper to their family, and then went as far as Octa- vian's Walks ; for there it was that the se- nate, and the principal rulers, and those thai- had been recorded as of the equestrian order, waited for them. Now a tribunal had been erected before the cloisters, and ivory chairs had been set upon it, when they came and sat down upon them. Whereupon the sol- diery made an acclamation of joy to them immediately, and all gave them attestations of their valour; while they were themselves without their arms, and only in their silken garments, and crowned with laurel : . then Vespasian accepted of these shouts of theirs ; but while they were still disposed to go on in such acclamations, he gave them a signal of si- lence. And when every body entirely held their peace, he stood up, and covering the greatest part of his hgad with his cloak, he put up the accustomed solemn prayers ; the like pra\ers did Titus put up also ; after which prayers Vespasian made a short speech to all the peo- ple, and then sent away the soldiers to a din- ner prepared for them by the emperors. — Then did he retire to that gate which was called the Gate of the Pomp, because pom- pous shows do always go through that gate; there it was that they tasted some food, and when they had put on their triumphal gar- ments, and had ofiered sacrifices to the gods that were placed at the gate, they sent the triumph forward, and marched through the theatres, that they might be the more easily seen by the multitude. 5. Now it is impossible to describe the multitude of the shows as they deserve, and the magnificence of them all ; such indeed as a man could not easily think of as performed either by the labour of woikmen, or the va- riety of riches, or the larities of nature ; for almost all such curiosities as the most happy men ever get by piece-rtieal were here heaptd one upon ajiother, and those both admirable and costly in their nature; and all bioujiht together on that day, demonstrated the vastntss of the dominions of the Romans; for there was here to be seen a mighty quantity of sil- ver, andgold,aiid ivory, contrived into all sorts of things, and did not appear as carried along in pompous show only, but, as n man may say, running along like a river. Some parts were composed of the rarest purple hangings, and 80 carried along ; and others accurately re- presented to the life what was embroidered by the arts of the Halnlonians. There were aKo precious stones flint were transparent, sonte set in rrowns o(po](\. at-ri s(;me in other otifKes, Hs ihf workmen pleased ; and of these s..eh CHAP. V. WARS OF THE JEWS. 765? a vast number were brought, that we could nos but thence learn how vainly we imagined any of them to be rarities. The images of the gods were also carried, being as well wonderful for their largeness, as made very artificially, and with great skill of the work- men ; nor were any of these images of any other than very costly materials ; and many species of animals were brought, every one in their own natural ornaments. The men also who brought every one of these shows were great multitudes, and adorned with purple garments, all over interwoven with gold ; those that were chosen for carrying these pompous shows, having also about them such magnifi- cent ornaments as were both extraordinary and surprising. Besides these, one might see that even the great number of the captives was notunadorned, while the variety that was in their garments, and their fine texture, con- cealed from the sight the deformity of their bodies. But what afforded the greatest sur- prise of all, was the structure of the pageants that were borne along ; for indeed he that met them could not but be afraid that the bearers would not be able firmly enough to support them, such was their magnitude ; for many of them were so made, that they were on three or even four stories, one above ano- ther. The magnificence also of their struc- ture afforded one both pleasure and surprise; for upon many of them were laid carpets of gold. There was also wrought gold and ivory fas- tened about them all ; and many resemblances of the war, ^nd those in several ways, and variety of contrivances, affording a most lively portraiture of itself ; for there was to be seen a happy country laid waste, and entire squad- rons of enemies slain ; while some of them ran away, and some were carried into captivity; with walls of great altitude and magnitude overthrown, and ruined by machines; with the strongest fortifications taken, and the walls of most populous cities upon the tops of hills seized on, and an army pouring itself within the walls; as also every place full of slaughter, and supplications of the enemies, when they were no longer able to lift up their hands in way of opposition. Fire also seut upon temples was here represented, and houses overthrown and falling upon their owners: rivers also, after they came out of a large and melancholy desert, ran down, not into a land cultivated, nor as drink for men, or for cattle, but through a land still on fire upon every side ; for the Jews related that such a thing they had un- dergone during this war. Now the work- marisbip of these representations was so mag- nificent and lively in the construction of the things, that it exhibited what had been done t'" such as did not see it, as if they had been there really present. On the top of every one of these pageants was placed the com- mander of the city that was taken, and the manner wherein he was taken iVloreover, there followed these pageants a great number of ships ; and for the other spoils, they were carried in great plenty. But for those that were taken in the temple of Jerusalem,* they made the greatest figure of them all ; that is the golden table of the weight of many ta- lents ; the candlestick also, that was made of gold, though its construction were now changed from that which we made use of: for its middle shaft was fixed upon a basis, and the small branches were produced out of it to a great length, having the likeness of a trident in their position, and had every one a socket made of brass for a lamp at the tops of them. These lamps were in number seven, and represented the dignity of the number se- ven among the Jews ; and the last of all the spoils, was carried the Law of the Jews. After these spoils passed by a great many men, car- rying the images of Victory, whose structure was entirely either of ivory, or of gold. Af- ter which Vespasian marched in the first place, and Titus followed him ; Domitian also rode along with them, and made a glorious appear- ance, and rode on a horse that was worthy of admiration. 6. Now the last part of this pompous show was at the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, whither when they were come, they stood still ; for it was the Romans* ancient custom to stay till somebody brought the news that the general of the enemy was slain» This genera_ was Simon, the son of Gioras, who had then been led in this triumph among the captives ; a rope had also been put upon his head, and he had been drawn into a pro- per place in the forum, and had withal been tormented by those that drew him along ; and the law of the Romans required, that male- factors condemned to die should be slain there. Accordingly, when it was related that there was an end of him, and all the people had set up a shout for joy, they then began to offer those sacrifices which they had consecrated, in the prayers used in such solemnities ; vehicb when they had finished, they went away to the palace. And as for some of the specta- tors, the emperors entertained them at their own feast; and for all the rest there were noble preparations made for their feasting at home ; for this was a festival-day to the city of Rome, as celebrated for the victory obtained by their army over their enemies, * See the representations of these Jewish vessels as they still stand on Titus's triumphal arch at Kome, in Reland's very curious book de Spoliis Templi, through, out. But what things are chiefly to be noted are these. (1.) That Josephus says, the candlestick here carried in this triumph was not thoroughly like that which was used in the temple, which appears in the number of the little knobs and flowers in that on the triumphal arch, not well agreeing with Moses's description, Exod. xxv. 31 — 36. (2.) The smallness of the branches in Jose- phus, compared with the thickness of those on that arch- (3.) That the Law or Pentateuch does not appear en that arch at all, though Josephus, an eye-witness, assures us that it was carried in this procession. Ail which things deserve the consideration of the inquisitive reader. 3 C 770 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK VIT for the end that was now put to their civil miseries and for the commencement of their hopes of future prosperity and happiness. 7. After these triumphs were over, and after the affairs of the Romans were settled on the surest foundations, Vespasian resolved to build a temple to Peace, which he finished in so 'short a time, and in so glorious a man- ner, as was beyond all human expectation and opinion : for he having now by Providence a vast quantity of wealth, besides what he had formerly gained in his other exploits, he had this temple adorned with pictures and statues ; for in this temple were collected and deposit- ed all such rarities as men aforetime used to wander all over the habitable world to see, when they had a desire to see them one after another : he also laid up therein, as ensigns of his glory, those golden vessels and instru- ments that were taken out of the Jewish tem- ple. But still he gave order that they should lay up their law, and the purple veils of the holy place, in the royal palace itself, and keep them there. CHAPTER VI. CONCERNING THE CITY CALLED MACHERUS ; AND HOW LUCIHUS BASSUS TOOK THE CITA- DEL, AND OTHER PLACES. § 1. Now Lucilius Bassus was sent as legate into Judea, and there he received the army from Cerealis Vitellius, and took that cita- del which was in Herodium, together with the garrison that was in it ; after which he got together all the soldiery that was there (which was a large body, but dispersed into several parties), with the tenth legion, and resolved to make war upon Macherus ; for it was high- ly necessary that this citadel should be demo- lished, lest it might be a means of drawing away many into a rebellion, by reason of its strength ; for the nature of the place was very capable of affording the surest hopes of safety to those that possessed it, as well as delay and fear to those that should attack it ; for what was walled in was itself a very rocky hill, elevated to a very great height ; which cir- cumstance alone made it very hard to be sub- dued. It was also so contrived by nature, that it could not be easily ascended ; for it is, as it were, ditched about with such valleys on all sides, and to such a depth that the eye cannot reach their bottoms, and such as are ■not easily to be passed over, and even such as it is impossible to fill up with earth ; for that valley which cuts it on the west, extends to threescore furlongs, and did not end till it came to the lake Asphaltitis; on the same side it was also that Macherus bad the tallest top of its hill elevated above the rest. But then for the valleys that lay on the north and 80ttth lides, although they are not so large as that already described, yet is it in like man- ner an impracticable thing to think of getting over them ; and for the valley that lies on the east side, its depth is found to be no less than a hundred cubits. It extends as far as a moun- tain that lies over against Macherus with which it is bounded. 2. Now when Alexander [Janneus], the king of the Jews, observed the nature of this place, he was the first who built a citadel here, which afterwards was demolished by Gabinius, when he made war against Aristo- bulus ; but when Herod came to be king, he thought the place to be worthy of the utmost regard, and of being built upon in the firmest manner, and this especially because it lay so near to Arabia; for it is seated in a conve- nient place on that account, and hath a pro- spect toward that country ; he therefore sur- rounded a large space of ground with walls and towers, and built a city there, out of which city there was a way that led up to the very citadel itself on the top of the mountain; nay, more than this, he built a wall round that top of the hill, and erected towers at the corners, of a hundred and sixty cubits high ; in the middle of which place he built a pa- lace, after a magnificent manner, wherein were large and beautiful edifices. He also made a great many reservoirs for the recep- tion of water, that there might be plenty of it ready for all uses, and those in the proper- est places that were afforded him there. — Thus did he, as it were, contend with the nature of the place, that he might exceed its natural strength and security (which yet itself rendered it hard to be taken) by those forti- fications which were made by the hands of men. Moreover, he put a large quantity of darts and other machines of war into it, and contrived to get every thing thither that might any way contribute to its inhabitants' security, under the longest siege possible. 3. Now within this place there grew a sort of rue,* that deserves our wonder on account of its largeness, for it was no way inferior to any fig-tree whatsoever, either in height or in thickness ; and the report is, that it had lasted ever since the times of Herod, and would probably have lasted much longer, had it not been cut down by those Jews who took possession of the place afterward : but still in that valley which encompasses the city on the north side, there is a certain place called Baaras, which produces a root of the same name with itself ;f its colour is like to that • Spanheim observes here, that in Gnecia Major and Sicily they had rue prodigiously great and duk-kbje, like thin rue at Macherus. + This strangf account of the place and rooi Baaras; seems to have been taken from the maKiciai f , and the root to have been made tise of in the days of Josep'..i)8, in that superstitious way of casting out deniuns, su|>- posed by hini to have been derived from ivini; Solomon; of which we Jiave already seen he had a ijrea< opinion, Antiq. b. viii. ch. ii. sect. 5. We also may learn tba CHAP. VI, WARS OF THE JEWS. 771 of flame, and towards the evening it sends out a certain ray like lightning: it is not easily taken by such as would do it, but recedes from their hands, nor will yield itself to be taken quietly, until either the urine of a wo- man, or her menstrual blood, be poured upon it; nay, even then it is certain death to those that touch it, unless any one take and hang the root itself down from bis hand, and so carry it away. It may also be taken another way, without danger, which is this: they dig a trench quite round about it, till the hidden part of the root be very small, they then tie a dog to it, and when the dog tries hard to fol- low him that tied him, this root is easily plucked up, but the dog dies immediately, as if it were instead of the man that would take the plant away; nor after this need any one be afraid of taking it into their hands. Yet, after all this pains in getting, it is only valuable on account of one virtue it hath, that if it be only brought to sick persons, it quickly drives away those called Demons, which are no other than the spirits of the wicked, that enter into men that are alive and kill them, unless they can obtain some help against them. Here are also fountains of hot water, that flow out of this place, which have a very different taste one from the other; for some of them are bitter, and others of them are plainly sweet. Here are also many eruptions of cold waters, and this not only in the places that lie lower, and have their foun- tains near one another, but, what is still more wonderful, here is to be seen a certam cave bard by, whose cavity is not deep, but it is covered over by a rock that is prominent: above this rock there stand up two [hills or] breasts, as it were, but a little distant one from another, the one of which sends out a fountain that is very cold, and the other sends out one that is very hot ; which waters, when they are mingled together, compose a most pleasant bath; they are medicinal indeed for other maladies, but especially good for strengthening the nerves. This place has in it also mines of sulphur and alum. 4. Now when Bassus had taken a full view of this place, he resolved to besiege it by fill- ing up the valley that lay on the east side; so he fell hard to work, and took great pains to raise his banks as sodll as possible, and by that means to render the siege easy. As for the Jews that were caught in this place, they separated themselves from the strangers that were with them, and they forced those stran- gers, as an otherwise useless multitude, to €tay in the lower part of the city, and undergo the principal dangers, while they themselves seized on the upper citadel, and held it, and this both on account of its strength, and to true notion Jos^phus had of demons and demoniacs, ex~ sctiy like that of the Jews and Christians in the New 1'cstam^nt. and the Srst four centuries. See Aotiq. b.Tt. eh riii sect 2; h. xi. cb. ii. sect. 3. provide for their own safety. They also sup- posed they might obtain their pardon, in case they should at last surrender the citadel. However, they were willing to make trial, ir the first place, whether the hopes they had of avoiding a siege would come to any thing; with which intention they made sallies every day, and fought with those that met them ; in which conflicts they were many of them slain, as they therein slew many of the Ro- mans; but still it was the opportunities that presented themselves which chiefly gained both sides their victories; these were gained by the Jews, when they fell upon the Romans as they were off their guard; but by the Romans, when, upon the others' sallies against their banks, they foresaw their coming, and were upon their guard when they received them; but the conclusion of this siege did not de- pend upon these bickerings, but a certain sur- prising accident, relating to what was done in this siege, forced the Jews to surrender the citadel. There was a certain young man among the besieged, of great boldness, and very active of his hand, his name was Eleazar; he greatly signalized himself in those sallies, and encouraged the Jews to go out in great numbers, in order to hinder the raising of the banks, ar>d did the Romans a vast deal of mis- chief when they came to fighting: he so man- aged matters, that those who sallied out, made their attacks easily, and returned back without danger, and this by still bringing up the rear himselt Now it happened, that on a cer- tain time when the fight was over, and both sides were parted, and retired home, he, in way of contemp^of the enemy, and thinking that none of them would begin the fight again at that time, staid without the gates, and talked with those that were upon the wall, and his mind was wholly intent upon what they said. Now a certain person belonging to the Roman camp, whose name was Rufus, by birth an Egyptian, ran upon him suddenly, when no- body expected such a thing, and carried him off, with his armour itself; while, in the mean time, those that saw it from the wall were under such an amazement, that Rufus prevented their assistance, and carried Eleazar to the Roman camp. So the general of the Romans ordered that he should be taken up naked, set before the city to be seen, and sore- ly whipped before their eyes. Upon this sad accident that befel the young man, the Jews were terribly confounded, and the city, with one voice, sorely lamented him, and the mourning proved greater than could well be supposed upon the calamity of a single person. When Bassus perceived that, he began to think of using a stratagem against the enemy, and was desirous to aggravate their grief, in order to prevail with them to surrender the city for the preservation of that man. Nor did he fail of his hope; for he commanded them to set up a cross, as if he were just go- 772 WARS OF THE JEVVS. BOOK TIX* Wg to bang Eleazar upon it immediately : | the sight of this occasioned a sore grief among i those that were in the citadel, and the v groaned I vehemently, and cried out that they could I not bear to see him thus destroyed. Where- j Tipon Eleazar besought them not to disregard him, now be was going to suffer a most miser- able death, and exhorted them to save them- selves, by yielding to the Roman power and good fortune, since all other people were now conquered by them. These men were p^reatly moved with what he said, there being also many within the cify that interceded for him, because he was of an eminent and very numerous family: so they now yielded to their passion of commiseration, contrary to their usual custom. Accordingly they sent out immediately certain messengers, and treated with the Romans, in order to a surrender of the citadel to them, and desired that they might be permitted to go away, and take Eleazar along with them. Then did the Ro- mans and their general accept of these terms; while the multitude of strangers that were in the lower part of the city, hearing of the agreement that was made by the Jews for themselves alone, were resolved to fly away privately, in the night time; but as soon as they had opened their gates,- those that had come to terms with Bassus told him of it ; whether it were that they envied the others' deliverance, or whether it were done out of fear, lest an occasion should be taken against them upon their escape, is uncertain. The most courageous, therefore, of tho'e men that went out prevented the enemy, and got away^ and fled for it; but for thq^ men that were caught within, they were sTain, to the num- ber of one thousand seven hundred, as were the women and. the children made slaves: but as Bassus thought he must perform the cove- nant he had made with those that had surren- dered the citadel, he let them go, and restored Eleazar to them. 5. When Bassus had settled these affairs, he marched hastily to the forest of Jarden, as it is called; for he bad heard that a great many of those that had fled from Jerusalem and Macherus formerly, were there gotten together. When be was therefore come to the place, and understood that the former news was no mistake, he, in the first place, surrounded the whole place with his horse- men, that such of the Jews as had boldness eiiough to try to break through, might have no way possible for escaping, by reason of the situation of these horsemen; and for the tootmen, he ordered them to cut down the trees that were in the wood whither they were fled. So the Jews were under a necessity of performing some glorious exploit, and of greatly exposing themselves in a battle, since tney might perhaps thereby escape. So they made a general attack, and with a great shout fiell upon those that surrounded them, who received them with great courage; and sov while the oiie side fought desperately, and the others would not yields the %ht was pro- longed on that account. But the event o^ the battle did not answer the expectation ot the assailants; for so it happened, that no more than twelve fell on the Roman side, with a few that were wounded; but not one of the Jews escaped out of this battle, for they were all killefl, being in the whole not fewer in number than three thousand, toge- ther with Judas, the son of Jairus, their gene- ral; concerning whom we have before spoken,, that he had been captain of a certain band at the siege of Jerusalem, and by going dowri- into a certain vault under ground, had pri- vately made his e>cape. 6. About the same time it was that Cassaf sent a letter to Bassus, and to Liberius Max- imus, who was the procurator [of Judea],. and gave order that all Judea should be ex- posed to sale; * for he did not found any city there, but reserved the country for him- self. However, he assigned a place for eight hundred men only, whom he had dismissed from his army, which he gave them for theif habitation; it is called Emmaus,f and is dis- tant from Jerusalem threescore furlongs. He also laid a tribute upon the Jews wheresoevcE they were, and enjoined every one of them to bring two drachmae every year into the Capitol, as they used to pay the same to the temple at Jerusalem. And this was th* statft of the Jewish affairs at this time. CHAPTER VII. CONCEENING THE CALAMITY THAT BEFKE. ANTloeHUS, KING OF COMMAGENE. AS ALSO CONCKHMNG THE ALANS, AND WHAT GREAT MlSt'HIErs THEY DID TO THE MEDE3 AND ARMENIANS. § 1. And now, in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, it came to pass that An- tiochus, the king of Commagene, with all hi* * It is very remarkable that Titus did not people this now desolate country ot Judea, but ordered it to be all sold ; nor indt-ed is it proj erly peopljed at tbi> day. but lies rea^y for its old inhabitants the Jews, at their future restoration. St-e Literal Accomplishment of Ihophecies, pajje 77. + That the city Emmaus, or Ammaus, in Josephas andoHiers, which was the place of tlie government of Julius Africanns, in the heRJuning: of the third centui-y aid which he then procured to l)e rebuilt, and alter which r»bu>idii:g it was called Mcopolit". is entirely ditttrent from that F.nimans which is mentioned by St. I uke (xxiv. 13), see Reland's ralaestina, lib. ii. pate 4--9. and under the name Ammaus also. But he justly thinks that that in St. I.uke may ^^ell be the fame with this Ammaus before ns, especinllv since the (Jretk copiea heie usually make it sixty furUmKS distiiut Irom Jerusa- lem, as does ;»t. lAike. thoiieh the I^tin copn's say only thirty. The place also allotied for these PiM) imldirr% as for a Roman Knrriiton. tB this nlace. would mosi na- turally not he so remote from Jerusalem oa wa& tkr* other Emm au>, flc Nicopolift. * CHAP. VII. WARS OF THE JEWS, 773 (amiJy, fell into very great calamities. The occasion was this : — Cesennius Petus, who was president of Syria at this time, whether it were done out of regard to truth, or whe- ther out of hatred to Antiochus Ctor which was the real motive was never thoroughly discovered), sent an epistle to Cajsar, and therein told him that Antiochus, with his son Epiphanes, had resolved to rebel against the Romans, and had made a league with the king of Partbia to that purpose: that it was there- fore fit to prevent them, lest they prevent us, and begin such a war as may cause a general disturbance in the Roman empire. Now Caesar was disposed to take some care about the matter since this discovery was made; for the neighbourhood of the kingdoms made this atftiir worthy of greater regard ; for Sa- mosata, the capital of Commagene, lies upon Euphrates, an(i, upon any such design, could afford an easy passage over to the Parthians, and could also afford them a secure reception. Petus was accordingly believed, and had autho- rity given him of doing what he should think proper in the case; so he set about it with- out delay, and fell upon Commagene before Antiochus and his people had the least ex- pectation of his coming : he had with him the tenth legion, as also some cohorts and troops of horsemen. These kings also came to his assistance : — Aristobulus king of the country called Chalcidene, and Sohemus, who was called king of Emesa : nor was there any opposition made to bis forces when they entered the kingdom ; for no one of that country would so much as lift up his hand against them. When Antiochus heard this unexpected news, he could not think in the least of making war with the Romans, but determined to leave his whole kingdom in the state wherein it no-v was, and to retire pri- vately, with bis wife and children, as think- ing thereby to demonstrate himself to the Romans to be innocent as to the accusation laid against him. So he went away from that city as far as a hundred and twenty furlongs, into a plain, and there pitched his tents. 2. Petus then sent some of his men to seize upon S;imosata, and by their means took possession of that city, while he went himself to attack Antiochus with the rest of his army. However, the king was not prevailed upon by the distress he was in to do any thing in the way of war against the Romans, but bemoaned his own hard fate, and endured with patience what he was not able to prevent. But his sons, who were young and unexperienced in war, but of strong bodies, were not easily in- duced to bear this calamity without fighting. Epiphanes, therefore, and Callinicus betook themselves to military force; and as the bat- tle was a sore one, and lasted all the day long, thjy showed their own valour in a remarkable manner; and no hing but the approach of night put a period thereto, and that without any diminution of their forces; yet would not Antiochus, upon this conclusion of the fight, continue there by any means, but took his wife and his daughters, and fled away with them to Cilicia ; and, by so doing, quite dis- couraged the minds of his own soldiers. Ac- cordingly, they revolted, and went over to the i Romans, out of the despair they were in ot. his keeping the kingdom ; and his case wa f looked upon by all as quite desperate. It was therefore necessary that Epiphanes and his soldiers should get clear of their enemies be- fore they became entirely destitute of any con- federates ; nor were there any more than ten horsemen with him, who passed with him over Euphrates, whence they went undisturbed to Vologeses, the king of Pai-thia, where they were not disregarded as fugitives ; but had the same respect paid them as if they had re- tained their ancient prosperity. 3. Now when Antiochus was come to Tar- sus in Cilicia, Petus ordered a centurion to go to him, and send him in bonds to Rome. However, Vespasian could not endure to have a king brought to him in that manner, but thought it fit rather to have a regard to the ancient friendship that had been between them, than to preserve an inexorable anger upon pretence of this war. Accc rdingly, he gave orders that they should take oflf his bonds, while he was still upon the road, and that he should not come to Rome, but should now go and live at Lacedemon ; he also gave him large revenues, that he might not only live in plenty, but like a king also. When Epiphanes, who before was in great fear for his father, was informed of this, their minds were freed from that great and almost incurable concern they had been under. He also hoped that Ca?sar would be reconciled to them, upon the intercession of Vologeses ; for although he lived in plenty, he knew not how to bear liv- ing out of the Roman empire. So -Caesar gave him leave, after an obliging manner, and he came to Rome ; and as his father came quickly to him from Lacedemon, he had all sorts of respect paid him therfe, and there he remained. 4. Now there was a nation of the Alans, which we have formerly mentioned somewhere as being Scythians,* and inhabiting at the Lake Meotis. This nation about this time laid a design of falling upon Media and the parts beyond it, in order to plunder them ; with which intention they treated with the king of Hyrcania; for he was master of that passage which king Alexander [the Great] shut up with iron gates. This king gave them leave to come through them ; so they came in great multitudes, and fell upon the Medes unexpectedly, and plundered their country, wbich they found full of people, and replenished with abundance of cattle, while • This if oow wantiaff. 774 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK VII, nobody durst make any resistance against them; for Pacorus, the king of the country, had fled favvay for fear, into places where they could not easily come at him, and had yielded up every thing he had to them, and had only saved his wife and his concubines from them, and that with difficulty also, after they had been made captives, by giving them a hun- dred talents for their ransom. These Alans therefore plundered the country without op- position, and with great ease, and then pro- ceeded as far as Armenia, laying all waste be- fore them. Now Tiridates was king of that country, who met them, and fought them, but had like to have been taken alive in the bat- tle ; for a certain man threw a net over him from a great distance, and had soon drawn him to him, unless he had immediately cut the cord with his sword, and ran away, and prevented it. So the Alans, being still more provoked by this sight, laid waste the coun- try, and drove a great multitude of the men, and a great quantity of the other prey they had gotten out of both kingdoms, along with them, and then retreated back to their own country. CHAPTER Vm. CONCERNING MASADA AND THOSE SICARIIWHO KEPT IT; AND HOW SILVA BETOOK HIMSELF TO FORM THE SIEGE OF THAT CITADEL. ELEAZAR's SPEECHES TO THE BESIEGED. § 1. When Bassus was dead in Judea, Fla- vins Silva succeeded him as procurator there; who, when he saw that all the rest of the country was subdued in this war, and that there was but one only strong hold that was still in rebellion, he got all his army together that lay in different places, and made an ex- pedition against it. This fortress was called Masada. It was one Eleazar, a potent man, and the commander of these Sicarii, that had seized upon it. He was a descendant from that Judas who had persuaded abundance of the Jews, as we have formerly related, not to sub- mit to the taxation when Cyrenius was sent into Judea to make one ; for then it was that the Sicarii got together against those that were willing to submit to the Romans, and treated them in all respects as if they had been their enemies, both by plundering them of what they had, by driving away their cattle, and by setting fire to their houses: for they said that they differed not at all from foreigners, b\ betraying, in so cowardly a manner, that freetlom which Jews thought worthy to be contended for to the utmost, and by own- itig that they preferred slavery under the Romans before such a contention. Now this was in reality no better than a pretence, and a cloak for the barbarity which was made upe vt by them, and to colour over their own avarice, which they afterwards made evident by their own actions ; for those that were partners with them in their rebellion, joined also with them in the war against the Ro- mans, and went farther lengths with them in their impudent undertakings against them ; and when they were again convicted of dis- sembling in such their pretences, they still more abused those that justly reproached them for their wickedness ; and indeed that was a time most fertile in all manner of wicked practices, insomuch that no kind of evil deeds were then left undone ; nor could any one so much as devise any bad thing that was new, so deeply were they all infected, and strove with one another in their single capacity, and in their communities, who should run the greatest lengths in impiety towards God, and in unjust actions towards their neighbours; the men of power oppressing the multitude, and the multitude earnestly labouring to de- stroy the men of power. The one part were desirous of tyrannizing over others; and the rest of offering violence to others, and of plun- dering such as were richer than themselves. They were the Sicarii who first began these transgressions, and first became barbarous to- wards those allied to them, and left no words of reproach unsaid, and no works of perdition untried, in order to destroy those whom their contrivances affected. Yet did John demon- strate by his actions, that these Sicarii were more moderate than he was himself, for he not only slew such as gave him good counsel to do what was right, but treated them worst of all, as the most bitter enemies that he had among all the citizens ; nay, he filled his en- tire country with ten thousand instances ot wickedness, such as a man who was already hardened sufficiently in his impiety towards God, would naturally do ; for the food was unlawful that was set upon his table, and he rejected those purifications that the law of his country had ordained ; so that it was no lon- ger a wonder if he, who was so mad in his impiety towards God, did not observe any rules of gentleness and common affection to- wards men. Again, therefore, what mischief was there which Simon the son of Gioras did not do? or what kind of abuses did he ab- stain from as to those very free men who bad set him up for a tyrant? What friendship or kindred were there that did not make him more bold in his daily murders? for they looked upon the doing of mischief to stran- gers only, as a work beneath their courage, but thought their barbarity towards their near- est relations would be a glorious demonstra- tion thereof. The Idumeans also strove with these men who should be guilty of the great- est madness ! for they [all], vile wretches as they were, cut the throats of the high-priests, that so no part of a religious regard to God might be preserved ; they thence proceeded to destroy utterly the least remains of a political CHAP. VIII. WARS OF THE jfiVVS. 775 government, and introduced the most com- plete scene of iniquity in all instances that were practicable; under which scene, that sort of people that were called Zealots grew up, and who indeed corresponded to the name; for they imitated every wicked work; nor, if their memory suggested any evil thing that bad formerly been done, did they avoid zea- lously to pursue the same; and although they gave themselves that name from their zeal for what was good, yet did it agree to them only by way of irony, on account of those they had unjustly treated by their wild and brutish dis- position, or as thinking the greatest mischiefs to be the greatest good. Accordingly, they all met with such ends as God deservedly brought upon them in way of punishment ; for all such miseries have been sent upon them as mans nature is capable of undergo- ing, till the utmost period of their lives, and till death came upon them in various ways of torment: yet might one say justly that they suffered less than they had done, because it was impossible they could be punished accord- ing to their deserving: but to make a lamen- tation according to the deserts of those who fell under these men's barbarity, this is not a proper place for it : — I therefore now return .again to the remaining part of the present nar- ration. 2 For now it was that tlie Roman gene- ra' ca/ne, and led his army against Eleazar and those Sicarii who held the fortress Ma- sada together with him; and for the whole country adjoining, he presently gained it, and (lut garrisons into the most proper places of it: he also built a wall quite round the entire fortress, that none of the besieged might easi- ly escape : be also set his men to guard the several parts of it: be also pitched his camp in such an agreeable place as he had chosen for tlie siege, and at which place the rock be- longing to the fortress did make the nearest approach to the neighbouring mountain, which yet was a place of difficulty for getting plenty of provisions; for it was not only food that was to be brought from a great distajice J]to the army], and this with a great deal of pain to those Jews who were appointed for that purpose, but water was also to be brought to the camp, because the place afforded no fountain that was near it. When therefore Silva had ordered these affairs beforehand, he fell to besieging the place; which siege was likely to stand in need of a great deal of skill and pains, by reason of the strength of the fortress, the nature of which I will now de- scribe. 3. There was a rock not small in circum- ference, and very high. It was encompassed with valleys of such vast depth downward, that the eye could not reach their bottoms ; they were abrupt, and such as no animal rouJd walk tipoii, exceptiiig at two places of the' rock, where it subsides, in ord*"- to afford a passage for ascent, though not without dif- ficulty. Now, of the ways that lead to it, one is that from the lake Asphaltitis, towards the sun-rising, and another on the west, where the as<"ent is easier: the one of these ways is called the Serpent, as resembling that animal in its narrowness, and its perpetual windings: for it is broken off at the prominent precipices- of the rock, and returns frequently into it- self, and lengthening again by little and little, hath much ado to proceed forward; and he that would walk along it must first go on one leg, and then on the other; there is also no- thing but destruction, in case your feet slip; for on each side there is a vastly deep chasm and precipice, sufficient to quell the courage of every body by the terror it infuses into the mind. When, therefore, a man hath gone along this way for thirty furlongs, the rest is the top of the hill, — not ending at a small point, but is no other than a plain upon the highest part of the mountain. Upon this fop of the hill, Jonathan the high-priest first of all built a fortress, and called it Masada; after which the rebuilding of this place em- ployed the care of king Herod to a great de- gree; he also built a wall round about the entire top of the hill, seven furlongs long; it was composed of white stone; its height was twelve, and its breadth eight cubits; there were also erected upon that wall thirty- eight towers, each of them fifty cubits high; out of which yoti might pass into lesser edi- fices, which were built on the inside, round the entire wall; for the king reserved the top of the hill, which was of a fat soil and better mould than any valley for agriculture, that such as committed themselves to this fortress for their preservation, might not even therefore be quite destitute of food, in case they should ever be in want of it from abroad. Moreover, he built a palace therein at the western ascent: it was within and beneath the walls of the citadel, but inclined to its north side. Now the wall of this palace was very high and strong, and had at its four cor- ners towers sixty cubits high. The furniture also of the edifices, and of the cloisters, and of the baths, was of great variety, and very costly; and these buildings were supported by pillars of single stones on every side : the walls als> and the floors of the edifices were paved with stones of several colours. He aL<o had cut many and great pits, as reservoirs for water, out of the rocks, at every one of the places that were inhabited, both above and round about the palace, and before the wall; and by this contrivai)ce he endeavoured to have water for several uses, as if there had been fountains there- Here was also a read digged from the palace, and leading to the very top of the mountain, which yet could not be seen by such as were without [the walls]; nor indeed could enemies easily make use of the plain roads; for the road on the east side, as 776 WAfes OF THE JEWS. BOOK VII. we have already taken notice, could not be walked upon, by reason of its nature; and for the western road, he built a large tower at its narrowest place, at no less a distance from the top of the hill than a thousand cubits; which tower could not possibly be passed by, nor could it be easily taken; nor indeed could Those that walked along it without any fear (such was its contrivance) easily get to the end of it; and after such a manner was this citadel fortified, both by nature and by the hands of men, in order to frustrate the attacks of enemies. 4. As for the furniture that was within this fortress, it was still more wonderful on account of its splendour and long contiiniance ; for here was laid up corn in large quantities, and such as would subsist men for a long time; here was also wine and oil in abundance, with all kinds of pulse and dates heaped up to- gether; all which Eleazar found there, when be and his Sicarii got possession of the fortress by treachery. These fruits were also fresh and full ripe, and no way inferior to such fruits newly laid in,^ although they were little short of a hundred years * from the laying in these provisions [by Herod], till the place was taken by the Romans; nay, indeed, when the Romans got possession of those fruits that were left, they found them not corrupted all that \^ hile : nor should we be mistaken, if we supposed that the air was here the cause of their enduring so long, this fortress being so high, and so free from the mixture of all terrene and muddy particles of matter. There was also found here a large quantity of all sorts of weapons of war, which had been trea- sured up by that king, and were sufficient for ten thousand men: there was cast iron, and brass, and tin, which show that he had taken much pains to have all things here ready for the greatest occasions; for the report goes how Herod thus prepared this fortress on his own account, as a refuge against two kinds of danger; the one for fear of the mul- titude of the Jews, lest they should depose him and restore their former kings to the go- vernment; the other danger was greater and more terrible, which arose from Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, who did not conceal her intentions, but spoke often to Antony, and desired him to cut off Herod, and entreated him to bestow the kingdom of Judea upon her. And certainly it is a great wonder that Antony did never comply with her com- mands in this point, as he was so miserably enslaved to his passion for her; nor should any one have been surprised if she had been gratified in such her request. So the fear of these dangers made Herod rebuild Masada, and thereby leave it for the finishing-stroke of the Romans in this Jewish war. • Pliny and others con flrtn thin stranpe paradox, that proTifliont laid up axuinst sieKes will continue ijood for • buDdred ycari, at 8panbeim notes apen Ibis plac«. 5. Since therefore the Roman commander Silva had now built a wall on the outside, round about this whole place, as we have said already, and had thereby ma<le a most accu- rate provision to prevent any one of the be- sieged running away, he undertook the siege itself, though he found but one single place that would admit of the banks he was to raise ;, for beBind that tower which secured the road that led to the palace, and to the top of the hill from the west, there was a certain emi- neney of the rock, very broad and very pro- minent, but three hundred cubits beneath the highest part of Masada; it was called the White Promontory. Accordingly he got up- on that part of the rock, and ordered the army to bring earth; and when they fell to that work with alacrity, and abundance of them together, the bank was raised, and became solid for two hundred cubits in height. Yet was not this bank thought sufficiently high for the use of the engines that wfcre to be set upon it; but still' another elevated work of great stones compacted together was raised upon that bank: this was fifty cubits, both in breadth and height. The other machines that were now got ready were like to tho?© that had been first devised by Vespasian, and afterwards by Titus, for sieges. There was, also a tower made of the height of sixty cubits, and all over plated with iron, out of which the Romans threw darts and stonesj from the engines, and soon made those that fought from the walls of the place to retire,, and would not let them lift up their heads above the works. At the same time Silva ordered that great battering-ram \\hich he had made, to be brought thither, and to be set against the wall, and to make frequent batteries against it, which with some diffi- culty, broke down a part of the vvall^ ami quite overthrew it. However the Sicarii made haste, and presently built another wall within that, which should not be liable to th& same misfortune from the machines with the other: it was made soft and yielding, and so was capable of avoiding the terrible blows that aflfected the other. It was framed afte* the following manner: — They laid together great beams of wood lengthways, one close to the end of another, and the same way in which they were cut: there were two of these rows parallel to one another, and laid at such a distance from each other as the breadth of the wall required, and earth was put into the space between those rows. Now, that the earth might not fall away upon the elevation of this bank to a greater height, they farther laid other beams over across them, and thereby bound those beams together that lay lengthways. This work of thcirt» was like a real edifice; and when the macliiiifs were applied, the blows were weakened by its yield- ing; and as the matt rials by Piirh concussion were shaken closer together, tlie pile by that CHAP. VIII. WARS OF THE JtVVS, 777 means became firmer than before. When Sjlva saw this, he thought it best to endeavour the taking of this wall by setting fire to it; 80 he gave order that the soldiers should throw a great number of burning torches upon it; accordingly, as it was chiefly rMde of wood, it soon took fire ; and when it was once set on fire, its hollowness made that fire spread to a mighty flame. Now, at the very begin- ning of this fire, a north wind that then blew proved terrible to the Romans ; for by bring- ing the flame downward, it drove it upon them, and they were almost in despair of suc- cess, as fearing their machines woirid be burnt: but after this, on a sudden the wind changed into the south, as if it were done by Divine Providence; and blew strongly the contrary way, and carried the flame, and drove it against the wall, which was now on fire through its entire thickness. So the Romans, having now assistance from God, re- turned to their camp with joy, and resolved to attack their enemies the very next day; on which occasion they set their watch more care- fully that night, lest any of the Jews should run away from them without being disco- vered. 6. However, neither did Eleazar once think of flying away, nor would he permit any one else to do so ; but when he saw their wall burnt down by the fire, and could devise no other way of escaping, or room for their far- ther courage, and setting before their eyes what the Romans would do to them, their children, and their wives, if they got them into their power, he consulted about having them all slain. Now, as he judged this to be the best thing they could do in their present circumstances, he gathered the most courage- ous of his companions together, and encou- raged them to take that course by a speech* which he made to them in the manner fol- lowmg: — " Smce we, long ago, my generous friends, resolved never to be servants to the Romans, nor to any other than to God him- self, who alone is the true and just Lord of mankind, the time is now come that obliges US to make that resolution true in practice. And let us not at this time bring a reproach upon ourselves for self-contradiction, while we formerly would not undergo slavery, though it were then without danger, but must now, together with slavery, choose such punish- ments also as are intolerable ; I mean thi)!, upon the supposition that the Romans once • ~':«? spf»<^cb«?s in this and the next section, as intro- diici-' "inler the person of this Rleaear. are exceeding remurktible. and on the noblest subjects, the contempt o( deat... aiid the ditjnity and immortality of the soul; and that ''t only among the Jews, but amons the Indians •temselves also; and »ire his:hly worthy the penisal of all the i.'urious. It seems as if that philosophic lady who iarr;\ ctl. c!i ix. s^^ct- I. 2. remembered the substance of thes* d*yrcHrse<«. as spoken bv F.leazar. and so Josephus clothed them in his own words: at the lowest they con- taiti ifiO .(fwisli noliuns on these head.*, as nnderstoixi then by our Josephus, and cannot but deserve a suitable reganl from as. reduce us under their power while we are alive. We were the very first that revolted from them, and we are the last that fight against them ; and I cannot but esteem it as a favour that God hath granted us, that it is still in our power to die bravely, and in a state of freedom, which hath not been the case of others, who were conquered unexpectedly. If; is very plain that we shall be taken within a day's time ; but it is still an eligible thing to die after a glorious manner, together with our dearest friends. This is what our enemies themselves cannot by any means hinder, al- though they be very desirous to take us alive Nor can we propose to ourselves any more to fight them and beat them. It had been pro- per indeed for us to have conjectured at the purpose of God much sooner, and at the very first, when we were so desirous of defending our liberty, and when we received such sore treatment from one another, and worse treat- ment from our enemies, and to have been sen- sible that the same God, who had of old taken the Jewish nation into his favour, had now con- demned them to destruction ; for had he either continued favourable, or been but in a lesset degree displeased with us, he had not overlook- ed the destruction of so many men, or delivered his most holy city to be burnt and demolished by our enemies. To be sure, we weakly hoped to have preserved ourselves, and ourselves alone, still in a state of freedom, as if we had been guilty of no sins ourselves against God, nor been partners with those of others; we also taught other men to preserve their liberty. Wherefore, consider how God hath convinced us that our hopes were in vain, by bringing such distress upon us in the desperate state we are now in, and which is beyond all our expectations ; for the nature of this fortress, which was in itself unconquerable, hath not proved a means of our deliverance ; and even while we have still great abundance of food, and a great quantity of arms, and other ne- cessaries more than we want, we are openly deprived by God himself of all hopes of deli- verance ; for that fire which was driven upon our enemies did not of its own accord turn back upon the wall which we had built : this was the effect of God's anger against us for our manifold sins, which we have been guilty of in a most insolent and extravagant manner with regard to our own countrymen; the pu- nishments of which let us not receive from the Romans but from God himself, as exe- cuted by our own hands, for these wiu be more moderate than the otner. Let our wives die before they are aoused, and our children before they have tastea of slavery : and after we have slain them, let us bestow that glori- ous benefit upon one another mutually, and preserve ourselves in freedom, as an excellent funeral monument for us. But first let us de- stroy our money and the fortress by fire; for I am well assured that this w}ll be a great grief 778 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK VII. to the Romans, that they shall not be able to seize upon our bodies, and shall fail of our wealth also : and let us spare nothing but our provisions; for they will be a testimonial when we are dead that we were not subdued for want of necessaries ; but that, according to our original resolution, we have preferred death before slavery." 7. This was Eleazar's speech to them. Yet did not the opinions of all the auditors acqui- esce therein; but although some of them were very zealous to put his advice in practice, and were in a manner filled with pleasure at it, and thought death to be a good thing, yet had those that were most effeminate a commisera- tion for their wives and families; and when these men were especially moved by the pros- pect of their own certain death, they looked wistfully at one another, and by the tears that were in their eyes, declared their dissent from his opinion. When Eleazar saw these peo- ple in such fear, and that their souls were de- jected at so prodigious a proposal, he was afraid lest perhaps these effeminate persons should, by their lamentations and tears, enfeeble those that heard what he had said courageously ; so he did not leave off exhorting them, but stirred up himself, and recollecting proper arguments for raising their courage, he un- dertook to speak more briskly and fully to them, and that concerning the immortality of the soul. So he made a lamentable groan, and fixing his eyes intently on those that wept, he spake thus: — "Truly, I was greatly mis- taken when I thought to be assisting to brave men who struggled hard for their liberty, and to such as were resolved either to live with honour, or else to die : but I find that you are such people as are no better than others, either in virtue or in courage, and are afraid of dying, though you be delivered thereby from the greatest miseries, while you ought to make no delay in this matter, nor to await any one to give you good advice; for the laws of our country, and of God himself, have, from ancient times, and as soon as ever we ?ould use our reason, continually taught us, and our forefathers have corroborated the same doctrine by their actions and by their bravery of mind, that it is life that is a cala- mity to men, and not death; for this last af- fords our souls their liberty, and sends them by a removal into their own place of purity, where they are to be insensible of all sorts of misery ; for while souls are tied down to a mortal body, they are partakers of its mise- ries ; and really, to speak the truth, they are themselves dead ; for the union of what is di- vine to what is mortal, is disagreeable. It is true, the power of the soul is great, even when it is imprisoned in a mortal body ; for by moving it after a way that is invisible, it makes the body a sensible instrument, and causes it to advance farther in its actions than mortal na- ture could other^yise do. However, when it is freed from that weight which draws it dovm to the earth and is connected with it, it obtains its own proper place, and does then become a partaker of that blessed power, and those abilities, which are then every way incapable of being hindtted in their operations. It con- tinues invisible, indeed, to the eyes of men, as does God himself; for certainly it is not it- self seen, while it is in the body ; for it is there after an invisible manner, and when it is freed from it, it is still not seen. It is this soul which hath one nature, and that an in- corruptible one also ; but yet is it the cause of the change that is made in the body ; for whatsoever it be which the soul touches, that lives and flourishes; and from whatsoever it is removed, that withers away and dies: such a degree is there in it of immortality. Let me produce the state of sleep as a mo&t; evi- dent demonstration of the truth of what I say; wherein souls, when the body does not dis- tract them, have the sweetest rest depending on themselves, and conversing with God, by their alliance to him ; they then go every- vi'here, and foretell many futurities <)efore- hand ; and why are we afraid of death, while we are pleased with the rest that we have jn sleep ? and how absurd a thing is it to pur- sue after liberty while we are alive, and yet to envy it to ourselves where it will be eter- nal 1 We, therefore, who have been brought up in a discipline of our own, ought to become an example to others of our readiness to die ; yet if we do stand in need of foreigners to support us in this matter, let us regard those Indians who profess the exercise of |)hi- losophy ; for these good men do but unwillingly undergo the time of life, and look upon it as a necessary servitude, and make haste to let their souls loose from their bodies ; nay, when no misfortune presses them to it, nor drives them upon it, these have such a desire of a life of immortality, that they tell other men beforehand that they are about to de- part; and nobody hinders them, but every one thinks them happy men, and gives them letters to be carried to their familiar friends [',hat are dead] ; so firmly and certainly do they believe that souls converse with one another [in the other world]. So when these men have heard all such commands that were to be given them, they deliver their body to the fire ; and, in order to their getting their soul a separation from the body, in the great- est purity, they die in the midst of hymns of commendations made to them ; for their dearest friends conduct them to their death more readily than do any of the rest of man- kind conduct their fellow-citizens when they are going a very long journey, who, at the same time, weep on their own account, but look upon the others as happy persons, as so soon to be made partakers of the immortal order of beings. Aie not uc, therefore, ashamed to have lower notions than the Indi- CHAP. VIII. WARS OF THE JEWS. 779 ans? and by our own cowardice to lay a base reproach upon the laws of our country, which are so much desired and imitated by all man- kind? But put the case that we had been brought up under another persuasion, and taught that life is the greatest good which men are capable of, and that death is a calami- ty; however, the circumstances we are now iu ought to be an inducement to us to bear such calamity courageously, since it is- by the will of God, and by neces^ity, that we are to die; for it now appears that God hath made such a decree against the whole Jewish na- tion, that we are to be deprived of this life which [he knew] we would not make » due use of; for do not you ascribe the occasion j of your present condition to yourselves, nor think the Romans are the true occasion that this war we have had with them is become so destructive to us all: these things have not come to pass by their power, but a more powerful cause hath intervened, and made us afford them an occasion of their appearing to be conquerors over us. What Roman wea- pons, I pray you, were those, by which the Jews of Cesarea were slain? On the con- trary, when they were no way disposed to rebel, but were all the while keeping their seventh day festival, and did not so much as lift up their hands against the citizens of Ce- sarea, yet did those citizens run upon them in great crowds, and cut their throats, and the throats of thjeir wives and children, and this without any regard to the Romans themselves, who never took us for their enemies till we re- volted from them. But som? may be ready to say, that truly the people of Cesarea had always a quarrel against tjiose that lived among them, and that when an opportunity offered itself, they only satisfied the old rancour they had agamst them. What then shall we say to those of Scythopolis,who ventured towage war with us on account of the Greeks? Nor did they do it by way of revenge upon the Romans, when they acted in concert with our country- men. Wherefore you see how little our good-will and fidelity to them profited us, while they were slain, they and their whole families after the most inhuman manner, which was all the requital that was made them for the assistance they had afforded the others; for that very same destruction which they had prevented from falling upon the others, did they suffer themselves from them, as if they bad been ready to be the actors against them. It would be too long for me to speak at this time of every destruction brought upon us: for you cannot but know, that there was not any one Syrian city which did not slay their Jewish inhabitants, and were not more bitter enemies to us than were the Romans themselves: nay, even those of l>amascus,* when they were able to allege • See b. ii. ch. xx sect. 2, whert the number of the bJjtij' is but 10.(>00 no tolerable pretence against us, filled their city with the most barbarous slaughter of our people, and cut the throats of eighteen thou- sand Jews, with their wives and children. And as to the multitude of those that were slain in Egypt, and that with torments also, we have been informed they were more than sixty thousand ; those indeed being in a fo- reign country, and so naturally meeting with nothing to oppose against their enemies, were killed in the manner forementioned. As for all those of us who have waged war against the Romans in our own country, had we not sufficient reason to have sure hopes of victory? For we had arms, and walls, and fortresses so prepared as not to be easily taken, and courage not to be moved by any dangers in the cause of liberty, which encouraged us all to revolt from the Romans. But then, these advantages sufficed us but for a short time, and only raised our hopes, while they really appeared to be the origin of our miseries ; for all we had hath been taken from us, and all hath fallen under our enemies, as if these advantages were only to render their victory over us the more glorious, and were not disposed for the preservation of those by whom these preparations were made. And as for those that are already dead in the war, it is reasonable we should esteem them blessed, for they are dead in defending, and not in betraying their liberty ; but as to the multitude of those that are now under the Ro- mans, who would not pity their condition? and who would not make haste to die, before he would suffer the same miseries with them ' Some of them have been put upon the rack, and tortured with fire and whippings, and so died. Some have been half- devoured by wild beasts, and yet have been reserved alive to be devoured by them a second time, in or- der to afford laughter and sport to our ene- mies ; and such of those as are alive still, are to be looked on as the most miserable, who, being so desirous of death, could not come at it. And where is now that great city, the metropolis of the Jewish nation, which was fortified by so many walls round about, which had so many fortresses and large towers to defend it, which could hardly contain the in- struments prepared for the war, and which had so many ten thousands of men to fight for it? Where is this city that was believed to have God himself inhabiting therein? It is now demolished to the very foundations : and hath nothing but that monument of it pre- served, I mean the camp of those that have de- stroyed it which still dwells upon its ruins; some unfortunate old men also lie upon the ashes of the temple, and a few women are there preserved alive by the enemy, for our bitter shame and reproach. Now, who is there that revolves these things in his mind, and yet is able to bear the sight of the sun, though he might live out of danger ? Who 780 WARS OF IHE JEWS, BOOir VU. ib there so much his country's enemy, or so unmanly, and so desirous of living, as not to repent that he is still alive ? And 1 cannot out wish that we had all died hefore we had seen that holy city demolished by the' hands of our enemies, or the foundations of our holy temple dug up after so profane a man- rcT. But since we had a generous hope that deluded us, as if we might perhaps have been able to avenge ourselves on our enemies on that account, though it be now become vanity, and hath left us alone in this distress, let us make haste to die bravely. Let us pity ourselves, our children, and our wives, while it is in our power to show pity to them ; for we are born to die,* as well as those were whom we have begotten ; nor is it in the power of the most happy of our race to avoid it. But for abuses and slavery, and the sight of our wives led away after an ignomi- nious manner, with their children, these are not such evils as are natural and necessary among men ; although such as do not prefer death before those miseries, when it is in their power so to do, must undergo even them, on -account of their own cowardice. We re- volted from the Romans with great preten- sions to courage ; and when, at the very last, they invited us to preserve ourselves, we would not comply with them. Who will not, therefore, believe that they will certainly be in a rage at us, in case they can take us alive? Miserable will then be the young men, who will be strong enough in their bodies to sustain many torments ! miserable also will be those of elder years who will not be able to bear those calamities which young men might sustain ! One man will be obliged to hear the voice of his son imploring help of his father, when his hands are bound 1 But certainly our hands are still at liberty, and have a sword in them : let them then be sub- servient to us in our glorious design ; let us die before we become slaves under our ene- mies, and let us go out of the world, together with our children and our wives, in a state of freedom. This it is that our laws command us to do ; this it is that our wives and chil- dren crave at our hands ; nay, God himself hath brought this necessity upon us while the Romans desire the contrary, and are afraid lest any of us should die before we are taken. Let us therefore make haste, and instead of affording them so much pleasure as they hope for in getting us under their power, let us leave them an example which shall at once cause their astonishment at our death, and their admiration of our hardiness therein." • RHand here sets down a parallel aphorism of one of tho Jewish rabbins. '* We are born that we may die, •nd die that we may live." CHAPTER IX. HOW THE" PEOPLE THAT WERE IN THK FOtt- TRESS WERE PREVAILED ON BY THK WORDS OF ELEAZAR, TWO WOMEN AND FIVE CHIL- DREN ONLY EXCEPTED, AND ALL SCBMIT- TED TO BE KILLED BY ONE ANOTHER. • § 1. Now as Eleazar was proceeding on in this exhortation, they ail cut him off short, and made haste to do the work, as full of an un- conquerable ardour of mind, and moved vnth a demoniacal fury. So they went their ways, as one still endeavouring to be before another, and as thinking that this eagerness would be a demonstration of their courage and good conduct, if they could avoid appearing in the last class : so great was the zeal they were in to slay their wives and children, and them- selves also! Nor indeed, when they came to the work itself, did their courage fail them, as one might imagine it would have done . but they then held fast the same resolution, without wavering, which they had upon the hearing of Eleazar's speech, while yet every one of them still retained the natural passion of'love to themselves and their families, be- cause the reasoning they went upon appeared to them to be very just, even with regard to those that were dearest to them ; for the hus- bands tenderly embraced their wives, and took their children into their arms, and gave the longest parting kisses to them, with tears in their eyes. Yet at the same time did they complete what they had resolved on, as if they had been executed by the hands of strangers, and they had nothing else for their comfort but the necessity they were in of doing this execution, to avoid that prospect they hjid of the miseries they were to suffer from their enemies. Nor was there at length any one of these men found that scrupled to act their part in this terrible execution, but every one ot them dispatched his dearest relations. Miser- able men indeed were they ! whose distress forced them to slay their own wives and chil- dren with their own hands, as the lightest of those evils that were before them. So they being not able to bear the grief they were under for what they had done any longer, and esteeming it an injury to those they had slain, to live even the shortest space of time after them, — they presently laid all they had in a heap, and set fire to it. They then chose ten men by lot out of them, to slay all the rest ; every one of whom laid himself down by his wife and children on the ground, and threw his arms about them, and they offered their necl<8 to the stroke of thos^e who by lot exe- cuted that melancholy office : and when these ten had, without fear, slain them all, they made the same rule for casting lots for them- gelves, that he whose lot it was should fiibi CHAP. X. WARS OF rill;. JhWS. 781 kill tbe other nine, and after all, should kill himself. Accordingly, all these had courage sufficient to he no way behind one another in doing or suffering; so, for a conclusion, the nine offered their necks to the executioner, and he who was the last of all took a view of all the other bodies, lest perchance some or other among so many that were slain should want his assii:ta:ice to he quite dispatched ; and when h.- e^-'^i^ed that they were all slain, he set fire to tbe palace, and with the great force of his hand ran his sword entirely through himself, and fell down dead near to bis own relations. So these people died with this in- tention, that they would leave not so much as one soul among them all alive to be sub- ject to the Romans. Yet was there an an- cient woman, and another who was of kin to Eleazar, and superior to most women in pru- dence and learning, with five children, who had concealed themselves in caverns under ground, and had carried water thither for their drink, and were hidden there when the rest were intent upon the slaughter of one another. Those others were nine hundred and sixty in number, the women and children being withal included in that computation — This calamitous slaughter was made on the fifteenth day of the month Xanthicus [Nisan], "1. Now for the Romans, they expected ;hal they should be fought in the morning, ■wheii accordingly they put on their armour, and laid bridges of planks upon their ladders iToni their banks, to make an assault upon \.he fortress, which they did ; but saw nobody f.s ai; enemy, but a terrible solitude on every side, with a fire within the place, as well as a perfect silence. So they were at a loss to gue--s at what had happened. At length they made a shout, as if it had been at a blow given by the battering-ram, to try whether they could bring any one out that was within ; the women heard this noise, and came out of theij underground cavern, and informed the Ronrans what had been done, as it was done; and the second of them clearly described all both what was said and what was done, and t le manner of it ; yet did they not easily give t iei ' attention to such a desperate undertak- iiig. ard -did not believe it could »be as they s-iid they also attempted to put the fire out, a id ru:>kly cutting themselves a wi^ through it, tbry came within the palace, and so met with the multitude of the slain, but could t:;k: -o pleasure in the fact, though it were djne to their enemies. Nor could they do o*Ker than wonder at the courage of their re- siilution, and the immovable contempt of d?ath which so great a number of them had shown, when they went through with such an action as that was. CHAPTER X. THAT MANY OF THE SICARII FLED TO ALEX- ANDRIA ALSO, AND WHAT DANGERS THEY WERE IN THERE; ON WHICH ACCOUNT THAT TEMPLE WHICH HAD FORMERLY BEEN BUILT BY ONTAS- THE HIGH-PRlEfT, WAS DESTROYED. § I. When iSIasada was thus taken, the ge- neral left a garrison in the fortress to keep it, and he himself went away to Ceserea; for there were now no enemies left in the country, it being all overthrown by so long a war. Yet did this war afford disturbances and danger- ous disorders even in places very far remote from Judea; for still it came to pass that many Jews were slain at Alexandriain Egypt; for as many of the Sicarii as were able to fly thither, out of the seditious wars in Judea, were not content to have saved themselves, but must needs be undertaking to make new disturbances, and persuaded many of those that entertained them to assert their liberty, to esteem the Romans to be no better than themselves, and to look upon God as their only Lord and Master. But when part of the Jews of reputation opposed them, ihey slew some of them, and with the others they were very pressing in their exhortations to revolt from the Romans; but when the prin- cipal men of the senate saw what madness they were come to, they thought it no longer safe for themselves to overlook them. So they got all the Jews together to an assembly, and accused the madness of the Sicarii, and de- monstrated that they had been the authors of all the evils that had come upon them. They said also, that "these men, now they were run away from Judea, having no sure hope of escaping, because as soon as ever they shall be known, they will be soon destroyed by the Romans, they come hither and fill us full of those calamities which belong to them, while we have not been partakers with them in any of their sins." Accordingly they exhorted the multitude to have a care, lest they should be brought to destruction by their means, and to make their apology to the Romans for what had been done, by delivering these men up to them; who being thus apprized of the great- ness of the danger they were in, complied with what was proposed, and ran with great vio- lence upon the Sicarii, and seized upon them; and, indeed, six hundred of them were caught immediately : but as to all those that fled in- to Egypt,* and to the Egyptian Thebes, it • Since Josephus here informs us that some of these Sicarii, or ruffians, went from Alexandria (which wa« itself in Egypt, in a larce sense) into Ecypt, and Thel«es there situated. Reland well observes, from Vossius. tiiat V.eypt sometimes denotes Proper or Upper Ejfvpt, as distinct from the Helta, and the lower parts near Pales- tine. AccordiogU. as he aJds, those that say it ncwi 7^2 WARS OF THE JEWS. BOOK VII. was not long ere they were caught also, and brought back, — whose courage, or whether we ought to call it madness, or hardiness in their opinions, everybody was amazed at; for when all sorts of torments and vexations of their bodies that could be devised were made use of to them, they could not get any one of them to comply so far as to confess, or seem to confess, that Csesar was their lord ; but they preserved their own opinion, in spite of all the distress they were bro'ight to, as if they received these torrrients and the fire itself with bodies insensible of pain, and with a soul that in a manner rejoiced under them. But what was most of all astonishing to the beholders, was the courage of the children ; for not one of these children was so far over- come by these torments, as to name Caesar for their lord. So far does the strength of the courage [of the soul] prevail over the weak- ness of the body. 2. Now Lupus did then govern Alexan- dria, who presently sent Caesar word of this commotion; who having in suspicion the rest- less temper of the Jews for innovation, and eing afraid lest they should get together again and persuade some others to join with them, gave orders to Lupus to demolish that Jewish temple which was in the region called Onion,* and was in Egypt, which was built and had its denomination from the occasion follow- ing: — Onias, the son of Simon, one of the Jewish high-priests, fled from Antiochus the king of Syria, when he made war with the Jewsi and came to Alexandria ; and as Pto- lemy received him very kindly on account of his hatred to Antiochus, he assured him, that if he would comply with his proposal, he would bring all the Jews to his assistance ; and when the king agreed to do it so far as he was able, he desired him to give him leave to build a temple somewhere in Egypt, and to worship God according to the customs of b'.s own country; for that the Jews would then be so much readier to fight against An- tiochus, who had laid waste the temple at Je- rusalem, and that they would then come to him with greater good-will ; and that, by granting them liberty of conscience, vary many of them would come over to him. 3. So Ptolemy complied with his proposals, and gave him a place one hundred and eighty furlongs distant from Memphis.! That No- rninK in Ffjypt, must mean the f'roper or Upper Egypt because it does son.etimes rain in llie other parts. See Uie not<i on Antiq. b. ii. ch. vii. sect. 7; and b. iii. cb. L ftci. C. • Of this temple of Onias's buildinj; in Fprypt. see the notes on Antia. b. xiii. ch. iii. sect. I , but whereas it is elsewhere, both of the War. b. i. ch. i. sec'. I, and in the Antiq. as now quoted, said that this temple was like to that at Jerusalem, and here that it was not like it, but like a tower, wet. 3. there is some reason to inspect the rradint; here, and that either the negative particle is here to be blotted out. or the word entirely added. •f We must observe, that .lo»iP|i"liii8 here speaks of Antiochus, who profaned the tMnntl-, as now alive •Then f)niaB had l«'«v« given him by I'hiluiuetur to build mos was called the Nomos of Heliopolis, where Onias built a fortress and a temple, not like to that at Jerusalem, but such as resembled a tower. He built it of" large stones to the height of sixty cubits ; he made the structure of the altar in imitation of that in our own country, and in like manner adorned with gifts, excepting the make of the candlestick, for he did not make a candle- stick, but had a [single] lamp hammered out of a piece of gold, which illuminated the place with its rays, and which he hung by a chain of gold ; but the entire temple was encom- passed with a wall of burnt brick, though it had gates of stone. The king also gave him a large country for a revenue in money, that both the priests might have a plentiful pro- vision made for them, and that God might have great abundance of what things were ne- cessary for his worship. Yet did not Onias do this out of a sober disposition, but he had a mind to contend with the Jews at Jerusalem, and could not forget the indignation he had for being banished thence. Accordingly, he thought that by building this temple he should draw away a great number from them to him- self. There had been also a certain ancient prediction made by a [prophet] whose name was Lsaiah, about six hundred years before, that this temple should be built by a man that was a Jew in Egypt. J And this is the history of the building of that temple. 4. And now Lupus, the governor of Alex- andria, upon the receipt of Caesar's letter, came to the temple, and carried out of it some of the donations dedicated thereto, and shut up the temple it«elf ; and as Lupus died a little afterward, Paulinus succeeded him. — This man left none of these donations there, and threatened the priests severely if they did not bring them all out ; nor did he permit any who were desirous of worshipping God there, so much as to come near the whole sacred place ; but when he had shut up the gates, he made it entirely inaccessible, inso- much that there remained no longer the least footsteps of any divine worship that had been in that place. Now the duration of the time from the building of this temple till it was shut up again, was three hundred and forty- three years. his temple; whereas it seems not to have been actually built till about fifteen years afterwards. Yet, because it is said in the Antiq. that Onias went to Philometor. b. xii. ch. ix sect. 7, durintc the life-time of that Antiochus, it is probable he petitioned, ai.d perhaps obtained his leave them, though it were not actually built or fioisbed till fifteen years afterward. t Isa. xix. 18— aa CHAP. XI. WARS OF THE JEWS. 783 CHAPTER XI. COiy^ERNING JONATHAN, ONE OF THE SICARII, THAT STIRRED UP A SEDITION IN CYRENE, AND WAS A FALSE ACCUSER [oF THE INNO- CENT.] § 1. And now did the madness of the Sicarii, like a disease, reach as far as the cities of Gy- rene ; for one Jonathan, a vile person, and by trade a weaver, came thither and prevailed with no small number of the poorer sort to give ear to him ; he also led them into the desert, upon promising them that he would show them signs and apparitions ; and as for the other Jews of Cyrene, he concealed his knavery from them, and put tricks upon them; but those of the greatest dignity among them informed Catullus, the governor of the Libyan Pentapolis, of his march into the desert, and of the preparations he had made for it. So he sent out after him both horsemen and foot- men, and easily overcame them, because they were unarmed men : of these, many were slain in the fight, but some were taken alive, and brought to Catullus. As for Jonathan, the head of this plot, he fled away at that time ; but upon a great and very diligent search which was made all the country over for him, he was at last taken ; and when he was brought to Catullus, he devised a way where- by he both escaped punishment himself, and afforded an occasion to Catullus of doing much mischief; for he falsely accused the richest men among the Jews, and said that they had put him upon what he did. 2. Now Catullus easily admitted of these his calumnies, and aggravated matters greatly, and made tragical exclamations that he might also be supposed to have had a hand in the finishing of the Jewish war ; but what was still harder, he did not only give a too easy belief to his stories, but he taught the Sicarii to accuse men falsely. He bade this Jona- nathan, therefore, name one Alexander, a Jew (with whom he had formerly had a quarrel, and openly professed that he hated him); he also got him to name his wife^JBeriiice, as concerned with him. These two Catullus ordered to be slain in the first place; nay, after them he caused all the rich and wealthy Jews to be slain, being no fewer in all than three thousand. This, he thought, he might do safely, because he confiscated their effects, and added them to Caesar's revenues. Sk Nay, indeed, lest any Jews that lived elsewhere should convict him of his villany, he extended his false accusations farther, and persuaded Jonathan, and certain others that were caught with him, to bring an accusation of attempts for innovation against the Jews that were of the best character both at Alex- andria and at Rome. One of these, against whom this treacherous accusation was laid, was Josephus, the writer of these books. — ^ However, this plot, thus contrived by Catul- lus did not succeed according to his hopes; for though he came himself to Rome, and brought Jonathan and his companions along with him in bonds, and thought he should have had no farther inquisition made as to those lies that were forged under his govern- ment, or by his means, yet did Vespasian sus- pect the matter, and make an inquiry how far it was true; and when he understood that the accusation laid against the Jews was an unjust one, he cleared them of the crimes charged upon them ; and this, on account of Titus's concern about the matter, and brought a deserved punishment upon Jonathan ; for he was first tormented, and then burnt alive. 4. But as to Catullus, the emperors were so gentle to him, that he underwent no severe condemnation at this time; yet was it not long before he fell into a complicated and al- most incurable distemper, and died miserably. He was not only afflicted in body, but the distemper in his mind was more heavy upon him than the other ; for he was terribly dis- turbed, and continually cried out, that he saw the ghosts of those whom he had slain stand- ing before him. Whereupon he was not able to contain himself, but leaped out of his bed, as if both torments and fire were brought to him. This his distemper grew still a great deal worse and worse continually, and his very entrails were so corroded, that they fell out of his body, and in that condition he died. Thus he became as great an instance of divine providence as ever was, and demonstrated that God punishes wicked men. 3. And here we shall put an end to this our history ; wherein we formerly promised to deliver the same with all accuracy, to such as should be desirous of understanding after what manner this war of the Romans with the Jews was managed. Of which history, how good the style is, must be left to the determination of the readers ; but for the agreement with the facts, I shall not scruple to say, and that boldly, that truth hath been what' I have alone aimed at through its entire composition. A.NTIQUITY OF THE JEWS. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS APION.* BOOK I. §1.1 SUPPOSE tbat, by my books of the An- tiquhies of the Jews, most excellent Epaphro- ditus.t I have made it evident to those who peruse them, that our Jewish nation is of very great antiquity, and had a distinct subsistence of its own originally ; as also, I have therein • This first book has a wrong title. It is not written against Apion, as is the first part of the second book, but against those Greeks in general who would not be- lieve Josephus's former accounts of the very ancient Btateof the Jewish nation, in his xx books of Antiqui- ties; and particularly asrainst Agatharchides, Manetho, Cheremon, and Lysimachus. It is on* of the most learned, excellent,' and useful books of all antiquity; and upon Jerome's perusal of this, and the following books, be declares, that it seems to him a miraculous thing "how one that was a Hebrew, who had been from his infancy instructed in sacred learning, should oe able to produce such a number of testimonies out of f»rofane authors, as if he had read over all the Grecian ibraries," Epist. 84, ad Magnum ,• and the learned Jew, Mana8s<>h-Ben-lsrael, esteemed these two books so ex- cellent, as to translate them into the Hebrew; this we learn from his own catalogue of his works, which I have seen. As to the time and place, when and where these two books were written, the learned have not hitherto been able to determine them any farther than that they were written some time after his Antiquities, or some time after A.n.93: which indeed is too obvious at their entrance to be overlooked by even a careless peruser, they being directly intended against those that would not believe what he had advanced in those books con- c«rning the great antiquity of the Jewish nation. As to the place, they all imagine that these two books were written where the former were, I mean at Rome; and I confess, that 1 myself believed b»th those determina- tions, till I came to finish tfiy notes upon these books, when I met with plain indications that they were writ- ten not at Rome, but in Judea, and this after the third year of Trajan, or a.d. 100. ♦ Take Dr. Hudson's note here, which, as it justly :ontradiclt the common opinions that Josephus either died under Domitian, or at least wrote nothing later than bit days, so does it perfectly agree to my own de- termination, from Justus of Tiberias, that he wrote or fiBisbcd bis own Life after the third of Trajan, or a o. declared how we came to inhabit this country wherein we now live. Those Antiquities contain the history of five thousand years, and are taken out of our sacred books ; but are translated by me into the Greek tongue ^ However, since I observe a considerable num ber of people giving ear to the reproaches that are laid against us by those who bear ill-will to us, and will not believe what I have written concerning the antiquity of our nation, while they take it for a plain sign that our nation is of a late date, because they are not so muck as vouchsafed a bare mention by the most fa- mous historiographers among the Grecians, I therefore have thought myself under an obliga- tion to write somewhat briefly about these sub- jects in order to convict those that reproach us of spite and voluntary falsehood, and to correct the ignorance of others, and withal to instruct all those who are desirous of knowing the truth of what great antiquity we really are. As for the witnesses whom I shall produce for the proof of what I say, they shall be such as are esteemed to be of the greatest reputation for truth, and the most skilful in the know- ledge of all antiquity, by the Greeks them- 100. To which Noldius also agrees, de Herod, No. 383. lEpaphroditus.] "Since Flavius Josephus (says Dr. Iludson) wrote [or finished] bis books of Antiquities on the thirteenth of Domitian [a. d. 93], and after that wrote the Memoirs of his own Life, as an appendix to the lx)ok8 of Antiquities, and at last his two l)ooks against Apion, and yet dedicated all those writings to Epaphroditus, he can hardly be that Epaphroditus who was formerly secretary to Nero, and was slain on th» fourteenth for fifteenth] of Domitian, after ho had been for a good while In banishment ; but another Epaphro- ditus, a ft-eed-man, and procurator of Trajan, as saya Qrotius on Luke L 3." BOOK 1. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUd A-GAINST APION. 785 Helves. T will also show, that those who nave written so reproachfully and falsely about U9, are to be convicted by what they have written themselvestotbe contrary. I shall also endeavour to give an account of the reasons why it hath so happened, that there hath not been a great number of Greeks who have made mention of our nation in their histories. I will however bring those Grecians to light who have not omitted such our history, for the sake of those that either do not know them, or pre- tend not to know them already. 2. Arid now, in the first place, I cannot but greatly wonder at those men, who sup- pose that we must attend to none but Gre- cians, when we are inquiring about the most ancient facts, and must inform ourselves of their truth from them only, while we must not believe ourselves nor other men; for I am convinced that the very reverse is the truth of the case. I mean this, — if we will not be led by vain opinions, but will make in- quiry after truth from facts themselves; for they will find, that almost all which concerns the Greeks happened not long ago ; nay, one may say, is of yesterday only. I speak of the building of their cities, the invention of their arts, and the description of their laws ; and as for their care about the writing down of their histories, it is very near the last thing they set about. However, they acknowledge themselves so far, that they were the Egyp- tians, the Chaldeans, and the Phcenicians (for I will not now reckon ourselves among them) that have preserved the memorials of the most ancient and most lasting traditions of man- kind ; for almost all these nations inhabit such countries as are least subject to destruc- tion from the world about them ; and these also have taken especial care to have nothing omitted of what was [remarkably] done among them ; but their history was esteemed sacred, and put into public tables, as written by men of the greatest wisdom they had among them ; but as for the place where the Grecians inhabit, ten thousand destructions have overtaken it, and blotted out the memo- ry of former actions ; so that they were ever beginning a new way of living, and supposed that every one of them was the origin of their new state. It was also late, and with diffi- culty, that they came to know the letters they now use ; for those who would advance their use of these letters to the greatest anti- quity, pretend that they learned them from the Phoenicians and from Cadmus ; yet is nobody able to demonstrate that they have any writing preserved from that time, neither in their temples, nor in any other public mo- numents. This appears, because the time when those lived who went to the Trojan war, fRO many years afterward, is in great doubt, and great inquiry is made whether the Greeks used their letters at that time ; and the most prevailing opinion, and that nearest the truth. is, that their present way of using those letters was unknown at that time. However, tdere is not any writing which the Greeks agree to be genuine among them ancienter than Ho> mer's Poems, who must plainly be confessnd later than the Siege of Troy: nay, the report goes, that even he did not leave his poems in writing, but that their memory was preserved in songs, and they were put together after- ward ; and this is the reason of such a num- ber of variations as aie found in them.* As for those who set themselves about writing their histories, I mean such as Cadmus of Miletus, and Acusilaus of Argos, and any others that may be mentioned as succeeding Acusilaus, they lived but a little while before the Per- sian expedition into Greece. But then for those that first introduced philosophy, and the consideration of things celestial and divine among them, such as Pherecydes the Syrian, and Pythagoras, and Thales, all with one con- sent agree, that they learned what they knew of the Egyptians and Chaldeans, and wrote but little. And these are the things which are supposed to be the oldest of all among the Greeks ; and they have much ado to believe that the writings ascribed to those men are genuine. 3. How can it then be other than an ab- surd thing for the Greeks to be so proud, and to vaunt themselves to be the only people that are acquainted with antiquity, and that have delivered the true accounts of those earJy times after an accurate manner ! Nay, who is there that cannot easily gather from the Greek viTiters themselves, that they knew but little on any good foundation when they set to write, but rather wrote their histories from their own conjectures ! Accordingly, they confute one another in their own books to purpose, and are not ashamed to give us tha most contradictory accounts of the sama things: and I should spend my time to littl' purpose, if I should pretend to teach the Greeks that which they know better t"han I already, what a great disagreement there i» between Hellanicus and Acusilaus about theii genealogies ; in how many cases Acusilauf corrects Hesiod : or after what manner Epho rus demonstrates Hellanicus to have told lies in the greatest part of his history; as does Timeus in like manner as to Ephorus, and the succeeding writers do to Timeus, and all the later writers do to Herodotus -^ nor could * This preservation of Homer's Poems by memory, and not by his own writing them down, and that thence they were styled Rhapsodies, as sung by him, like bal- lads, by parts, and not composed and connected together in complete works, are opinions well known from the ancient commentators, though such supposal seems to myself, as well as to Fabricius, Biblioth. Graec. l p. 269, and to others, highly improbable. Nor does Jose- phus say there were no ancienter writings among the Greeks than Homer's Poems, but that they did not fully own any ancienter writings pretending to such antiquity ; which is true. t It well deserves to be considered, that Josephus here says, how all the following Greek historians looked on Uerodotuji as a fabuloua author, and presently, sect. 14, SD 786 FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. BOOK I. Timeus agree with Antiochus and Philistius, or with Callias, about the Sicilian History, no more than do the several writers of the At- thidae follow one another about the Athenian affairs ; nor do the historians the like, that wrote the Argolics about the affairs of the Argives. And now what need I say any more about particular cities and smaller places, while in the most approved writers of the ex- pedition of the Persians, and of the actions which were therein performed, there are so great differences ! Nay, Thucydides himself is accused by some as writing what is false, although he seems to have given us the ex- actest history of the affairs of his own time. 4. As for the occasions of this so great dis- agreement of theirs, there may be assigned many that are very probable, if any have a mind to make an inquiry about them ; but I ascribe these contradictions chiefly to two causes, which I will now mention, and still think what I shall mention in the first place, to be the prinfcipal of all ; for if we remem- ber, that in the beginning the Greeks had taken no care to have public records of their several transactions preserved, this must for certain have afforded those that would after- ward write about those ancient transactions, the opportunity of making mistakes, and the power of making lies also ; for this original recording of such ancient transactions hath not only been neglected by the other states of Greece, but even among the Athenians them- selves also, who pretend to be Aborigines, and to have applied themselves to learning, there are no such records extant; nav,-jf-'fy say themselves, that the laws of Draco \f^ cerning murders, which are now extaijy[;^ writing, are the most ancient of their ft'i^jtljiv records; which Draco yet lived but a liiSp.^ time before the tyrant Pisistratus.* For as to the Arcadians, who make such boastf of their antiquity, what need I speak of them in particular, since it was still later before they got their letters, and learned them, and tha^ with difficulty also. 5. There must therefore Naturally arise great differences among writers, when they how Manetho, the most authentic writer of the Egyp- tian History, greatly complains of his mistakes in the I'cyptian aflairs; as also that Strabo. b. xi p 507, the most accurate peographer and historian, esteemed him such; that Xenophon, the much mote accurate histo- rian in the alTairs of Cyrus, implies, that Herodotus's Account of that great man is almost entirely romantic See the notes on Antiq. b. xi. ch. ii. spct. I, and Hutch- inson's 'Prolegomena to his edition of Xenophon's Kvfi tlc«)(i««that we have already seen in the note on An- tiq. b. viii. ch. x. sect- 3, how very little Herodotus knew about the Jewish aflairs and country, and tliat he greatly atfected what we call the Marvellous, as Monsieur Kol- lin has lately and justly determined; whence we are not always to depend on the authority of Herodotus, where it is unsupported by other evidt-nce, but ought to com- pare the other evidence with his. and. if it preponderate, lo prefer it before his. I do not mean by this, that Hero, dotus wilfully related what he Itelieved to be false (as riisias aef ms to have done), but that be often wanted f vifiencp. and oonietimes preferred what wa« niarveilous Ic wh»t w:is lt«>iti a'.iestf') as really mie. * Ahttul iheda)* of ('\rur and l>uni>*l. had no original records to lay for their foun- dation, which might at once inform those who had an inclination to learn, and contradict those that would tell lies. However, we are to suppose a second occasion besides the for- mer of these contradictions ; it is this : That those vt'ho were the most zealous to write his- tory, were not solicitous for the discovery of truth,f although it was very easy for them always to make such a profession ; but their business was to demonstrate that they could, write well, and make an impression upon mankind thereby ; and in what mariner of writing they thought they were able to exceed others, to that did they apply themselves Some of them betook themselves to the writ- ing of fabulous narrations ; some of them en- deavoured to please the cities or the kings, by writing in their commendation; others of them fell to finding faults with transactioxis, or with the writers of such transactions, and thought to make a great figure by so doing ; and indeed these do what is of all things the most contrary to true history ; for it is the great character of true history that all con- cerned therein both speak and write the same things; while these men, by writing different- ly about the same things, think they shall be believed to write with the greatest regard to truth. We therefore [who are Jews] must yield to the Grecian writers as to language and eloquence of composition ; but then we shall give them no such preference as to the verity of ancient history ; and least of all as to that part which cor>cerns the affairs of our own several countries. 6. As to the care of writing down the re- cords from the earliest antiquity among the Egyptians and Babylonians ; that the priests were intrusted therewith, and employed a philosophical concern about it; that they were the Chaldean priests that did so among the Babylonians ; and that the Phoenicians, who were mingled among the Greeks, did espe- cially make use of their letters, both for the common affairs of life, and for the delivering down the history of common transactions, T think I may omit any proof, because all men + It is here well worth our observation, what the rea- son's are that such ancient authors as Herodotus, Jo- sephus, and others, have been read to so little pur- pose by many learned critics; viz. that their main aim has not been chronology or history, but philology, to know words, and not things, they not much entering oftentimes into the real contents of their authors, and judging which were the most accurate discoverers of truth, and most to be depended on in the several histo- ries, hut rather inquiring who wrote the finest style, and had the greatest elegance in their expressions, which are things of small consequence in comparison with the other. Thus you will sometimes find great debates among the learned, whether Herodotus or Thucydides were the finest historian in the Ionic and Attic ways of writing; which signily little as to the real value of each of their histories; while it would be of much more ino- ■nent to let the rewder know, that as the consequence of Herodotus's history, winch begins so much e.arlier. and reaches so much « id'.-r than that of Thucydides, is therefore vastly greater; so is the most part of Thucy- dides, which belongs to his own times, and fell undAr Sis OM-i '.bservati m. much th« most cpitaiii BOOK I. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAIxNST APION. 787 allow it 80 to be: but now as to uur fore- fathers, that they took no less care about writing such records (for I will not say they took greater care than the others I spoke of) and that they committed that matter to their high-priests and to their prophets, and that these records have been written all along down to our own times with the utmost ac- curacy; nay, if it be not too bold for me to say it, our history will be so written hereafter; — I shall endeavour briefly to inform you. 7. For our forefathers did not only appoint the best of these priests, and those that attended upon the divine worship, for that design from the beginning, but made provision that the stock of the priests should continue un- mixed and pure; for he who is partaker of the priesthood must propagate of a wife of the same nation, without having any regard to money, or any other dignities ; but he is to make a scrutiny, and take his wife's gene- alogy from the ancient tables, and procure many witnesses to it;* and this is our prac- tice not only in Judea, but wheresoever any body of men of our nation do live; and even there, an exact catalogue of our priests* mar- riages is kept; I mean at Egypt and at Ba- bylon, or in any other place of the rest of the habitable earth, whithersoever our priests are scattered; for they seiui to Jerusalem the an- cient names of their parents in writing, as well as those of their remoter ancestors, and signify who are the witnesses also; but if any war falls out, such as have fallen out, a great many of them already, when Antiochus Epiphanes made an invasion upon our country, as also »vhen Pompey the Great and Quintilius Varus did so also, and principally in the wars that have happened in our own times, those priests that survive them compose new tables of gene- alogy out of the old records, and examine the circumstances of the women that remain; for still they do not admit of those that have been captives, as suspecting that they had con- versation with some foreigners ; but what is the strongest argument of our exact manage- ment in this matter is what 1 am now going to say, that we have the names of our high- priests, from father to son, set down in our records, for the interval of two thousand years ; and if any of these have been trans- gressors of these rules, they are prohibited to present themselves at the altar, or to be partakers of any other of our purifications; und this is justly, or rather necessarily done, because every one is not permitted of his own iccord to be a writer, nor is there any disagree- ment in what is written; they being only prophets that have written the original and earliest accounts of things as they learned them • Of this accuracy of the Jews, before ami in our Saviour's time, in carefuly preservinif itieir genealovjies k!1 tloug, parttciilarty those oi the urieststsee jws<*p:ius's L'te. sfct L This accuracy Sfems to have t-ntied at U.e d<-struciian of Jemsalcin by T.tus, or, however, at Umi by Adriao. of God himself by inspiration ; and others have written what hath happened in their own times, and that in a very distinct manner also. 8. For we have not an innumerable mul- titude of books among us, disagreeing from and contradicting one another [as the Greeks have], but only twenty-two books, "I which contain the records of all the past times ; which are justly believed to be divine; and of the^l, five belong to Moses, which contain his laws and the traditions of the origin of man- kind till his death. This interval of time was little short of three thousand years; but as to the time from the death of Moses till the reign of Artaxerxes king of Persia, who reign- ed after Xerxes, the prophets, who were after Moses, wrote down what was done in their times in thirteen books. The remaining four books contain hymns to God, and precepts for the conduct of human life. It is true, our history hath been written since Artaxerxes very particularly, but hath not been esteemed of the like authority with the former by our forefathers, because there hath not been an exact succession of prophets since that time, and how firmly we have given credit to those books of our own nation, is evident by what we do; for during so many ages as have already passed, no one has been so bold as either to add any thing to them, to take any thing from them, or to make any change in them ; but it becomes natural to all Jews, im- mediately and from their very birth, to esteem those books to contain divine doctrines, and to persist in them, and, if occasion be, willingly to die for them. For it is no new thing foi ou aptives, many of them in number, and fr lently in time, to be seen to endure racks ai. Jeaths of all kinds upon the theatres, that tl nay not be obliged to say one word aj,.-^nst our laws, and the records that contain them ; whereas, there are none at all among the Greeks who would undergo the least harm on that account, no, nor in case all the writ- ings that are among them were to be destroy- ed; for they take them to be such discourses as are framed agreeably to the inclinations of those that write them; and they have justly the same opinion of the ancient writers, since they see some of the present generation bold enough to write about such affairs, wherein they were not present, nor had concern enough to inform themselves about them from those that knew them; examples of which may be had in this late war of ours, where some per- sons have written histories, and published them, without having been in the places con- cerned, or having been near them when the + Which were these twenty-two sacred books of the ( )ld Testament, see the Supplement to the Essay on the Old Testament, p. 25—89, viz. those we call canonical^ all excepting the Canticles; but still with this farther exception, that the first book of apocryphal Esdras be taken into the number, instead of our canonxcal Ezra; wh.ch seems lo be no more than a later epitome of the otiier; whicii two books of Cantrcles and Ezra, it no way ap(>ears that our Josephus ever sa«. 788 FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APlON. BOOK 1. actions were done; but these men put a few things together by hearsay, and insolently abuse the world, and call these writings by the name of Histories. y 9. As for myself, I have composed a true history of that whole war, and all the parti- culars that occurred therein, as having been contained in those writings: and as for the History of the War, I wrote it as having been an actor myself in many of its transac- tions, an eye-witness in the greatest part of the rest, and was not unacquainted with any thing whatsoever that was either said or done in it. How impudent then must those deserve concerned in all its transactions; for 1 acted! to be esteemed, who undertake to contradict as general of those among us that are named j me about the true state of those affairs ! who, Galileans, as long as it was possible for us to ! although they pretend to have made use of nmke any opposition. I was then seized on . both the emperors' own memoirs, yet they by the Romans, and became a captive. Ves- ' pasian also and Titus had me kept under a guard, and forced me to attend them con- tinually. At the first I v^'as put into bonds; but was set at liberty afterward, and sent to accompany Titus when he came from Alex- andria to the siege of Jerusalem; during which time there was nothing done which escaped my knowledge; for what happened in the Roman camp I saw, and wrote down care- fully; and what informations the deserters brought [out of the city], I was the only man that understood them. Afterward I got lei- sure at Rome; and when all my materials were prepared for that work, I made use of some persons to assist me in learning the could not be acquainted with our affairs who fought against them. 11. This digression I have been obliged to make, out of necessity, as being desirous to expose the vanity of those that profess to write histories; and I suppose I have suffi- ciently declared that this custom of transmit- ting down the histories of ancient times hath been better preserved by those nations which are called Barbarians, than by the Greeks themselves. I am now willing, in the next place, to say a few things to those who endea- vour to prove that our constitution is but of late time, for this reason, as they pretend that the Greek writers have said nothing about us ; after which I shall produce testi- Greek tongue, and by these means I composed j monies for our antiquity out of the writings the history of those trajisactions; and I was of foreigners: I shall also demonstrate that so well assured of the truth of what I related, such as cast reproaches upon our nation do it that I first of all appealed to those that had jvery unjustly. the supreme command in that war, Vespasian W 12. As for ourselvfes, therefore, we neither and Titus, as witnesses for me, for to them I f inhabit a maritime country, nor do we delight presented those books first of all, and after in merchandise, nor in such a mixture with them to many of the Romans who had been i other men as arises from it; but the cities in the war. I also sold them to many of I we dwell in are remote from the sea, and hav- our own men who understood the Greek i ing a fruitful country for our habitation, we philosophy; among whom were Julius Arche- , take pains in cultivating that only. Our laus, Herod [king of Chalcis], a person of principal care of all is this, to educate our great gravity, and king Agrippa himself, a person that deserved the greatest admiration. Now all these men bore their testimony to me, that I had the strictest regard to truth; who yet would not have dissembleu the matter, nor been silent, if I, out of ignorance, or out of favour to any side, either had given false colours to actions, or omitted any of them. 10. There have been indeed some bad men, who have attempted to calumniate my history, and took it to be a kind of scholastic performance for the exercise of young men. A strange sort of accusation and calumny this! since every one that undertakes to deliver fhe history of actions truly, ought to know them accurately hitnself in the first place, as either having been concerned in them himself, or been informed of them by such as knew them. Now, both these methods of knowledge I may very properly pretend to in the composition of both my works; for, as I said, I have translated the Antiqui- ties out of our sacreJ books; which I easily could do, since I was a priest by my birth, ^«^d have studied that [ihilosopliy which is children well; and we think it to be the most necessary business of our whole life, to observe the laws that have been given us. and to keep those rules of piety that have been i delivered down to us. Since, therefore^ besides what we have already taken notice of, we have had a [)eculiar way of living of our owii> there was no occasion offered us in ancient ages for intera.:xing among the Greeks, as they had for mixing among the Egyptians, by their intercourse of exporting and import- ing their several goods; as they also mixed with the Phceiiicians, who lived by the sea- side, by means of their love of lucre in trade and merchandise. Mor did our forefathers betake themselves, as did some others, to rob- bery; nor did they, in order to gain more wealth, fall into foreign wars, although our country contained many ten thousands of men of courage siifiicient for that purpose; for this reason it was that the Phoenicians themselves came soon by trading and naviga- tion to be known to the Grecians, and by. their means the Egyptians became kno»vn to the Grecians aU<j, as did all those pBople whence tl)r Plia-iucJu/ts in long voyages o^er HOOK I, FT^AVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. 789 the seas carried wares to the Grecians. The Medes also and the Persia<is, when they were ■lor«3s of Asia, became well known to them; and this was especially true of the Persians, who led their armies as far as the other con- silient [Europe]. The Thracians were also known to them by the nearness of their coun- tries, and Scythians by the means of those that sailed to Pontus ; for it was so in gene- ral that all maritime nations, and those that inhabited near the eastern or western seas, be- came most known to those that were desirous to be writers; but such as had their habita- tions farther from the sea were for the most part unknown to them : which things appear to have happened as to Europe also, where the city of Rome, that hath this long time been possessed of so much power, and hath performed such great actions in war, is never yet mentioned by Herodotus, nor by Thucy- dides, nor by any one of their contemporaries; j and it was very late, and with great difficulty, that the Romans became known to the Greeks. Nay, those that were reckoned the most exact historians (and Ephorus for one) were so very ignorant of the Gauls and the Span- iards, that he supposed the Spaniards, who inhabit so great a part of the western regions of the earth, to be no more than one city. Those historians also" have ventured to de- scribe such customs as were made use of by them, which they never had either done or said; ar.<d the reason why these writers did not know the truth of their affairs, was this, that they had not any commerce totjether; — but the reason why they wrote such falsities was this, that they had a mind to appear to know things which others had not known, U)\Y can it then be any wonder, if our nation was no more known to many of the Greeks, nor had given them any occasion to mention them in their writing^, while they were so remote from the sea, and had a conduct of life so peculiar to themselves? 13. Let us now put the case, therefore, that we made use of this argument concerning the Grecians, in order to prove that their na- tion was not ancient, because nothing is said of them in our'records; would not they laugh at us all, and probably give the same reasons for our silence that I have now alleged, and would produce their neighbouring nations as witnesses to their own antiquity? Now, the very same tbir^ will I endeavour to do; for I will bring the Egyptians and the Phoenicians as my principal witnesses, because nobody can cou)plain of their testimony as false, on account that they are known to have borne the greatest* ill-will towards us; I mean this as to the Egyptians, in general all of them, while of the Phoenicians, it is known the Tyrians have been most of all in the same ill disposition towards us: yet do I confess that I cannot say the same of the Chaldeans, since, our tirst baders and ancestors W9re derived from them ; and they do make mention of us Jews in their records, on account of the kin- dred there is between us. Now, when I shall have made my assertions good, so far as con- cerns the others, I will demonstrate that some of the Greek writers have made mention of us Jews also, that those who envy us may not have even this pretence for contradicting what I have said about our nation. 14. I shall begin with the writings of the Egyptians ; not indeed of those that have written in the Egyptian language, which it is impossible for me to do.- But Manetho was a man who was by birth an Egyptian, yet had he made himself master of the Greek learning, as is very evident; for he wrote the history of his own country in the Greek tongue, by translating it, as he saith himself out of their sacred records : he also finds great fault with Herodotus for his ignorance and false relations of Egyptian affairs. Now, this Mi^nethp, in the second book of his Egyptian History, writes concernitig us in the following manner. I will set down his very words, as if I were to bring the very man himself into a court for a witness;-^ " There was a king of ours, whose name was Timaus. Under him it came to pass, 1 know not how, that God was averse to us, and there came, after a surprising manner, men of ignoble birth out of the eastern parts, and had boldness enough to make an expedition into our country, and with ease subdued it by force, yet without our hazarding a battle with them. So when they had gotten those that governed us under their power, they after- wards burnt down our cities, and demolished the temples of the gods, and used all the in- habitants after a most barbarous manner: nay, some they slew, and led their children and their wives into slavery. At length they made one of themselves king, whose name was Salatis; he also lived at Memphis, and made both the upper and lower regions pay tribute, and left garrisons in places that were the most proper for them. He chiefly aimed to secure the eastern parts, as foreseeing that the Assy- rians, who had then the greatest power, would be desirous of that kingdom and invade there.; and as he found in the Saite Nomos [Seth- roite], a city very proper for his purpose, and which lay upon the Bubastic channel, b'jt witTi regard to a certain tbeologic notion was called Avaris, this be rebuilt, and made very strong by the walls he built about it, and hv a most numerous garrison of two hundred and forty thousand armed men whom he put into it to keep it. Thither Salatis came in summer-time, partly to gather his com, a\^d pay his soldiers their wages, and partly to exercise his armed men, and thereby to terr^f*; foreigners. When this man had reigrpfl thirteen years, after him reigned another whose name was Beon, for forty-four yea-s* after him reigned another, called Aprchnaa 790 FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. BOOK I. thirty-six years and seven months ; after hira Apophis reigned sixty-one years, and then Jonias fifty years and one month; after all these reigned Assis forty-nine years and two months. And these six were the first rulers imong them, who were all along making war with the Egyptians, and were very desirous gra- dually to destroy them to the very roots. This whole nation Was styled Hycsos, that is, Shep- herd-kings; for the first syllable Hyc, according to the sacred dialect denotes a king, as is Sos a shepherd — but this according to the ordinary dialect; and of these is compounded Hycsos: but some say that these people were Arabians." JSow, in another copy it is said, that this word does not denote Kings, but, on the contrary, denotes Captive Shepherds, and this on account of the particle Hyc ; for that Hyc, with the aspi- ration, in the Egyptian tongue again denotes • Shepherds, and that expressly also; and this to me seems the more probable opinion, and more agreeable to ancient history. [But Manetho goes on}: — " These people, whom we have before named kings, and called shepherds also, and their descendants," as he says, "kept possession of Egypt five hundred and eleven years." After these he says, " That the kings of Thebais and of the other parts of Egypt made an insurrection against the shepherds, and that there a terrible and long war was made between them." He says farther, " That under a king, whose name was Alisphragmu- thosis, the shepherds were subdued by him, and were indeed driven out of other parts of Egypt, but were shut up in a place that con- tained ten thousand acres: this place was named Avaris. Manetho says, " That the shep- herds built a wall round all this place, which was a large and strong wall, and this in order to keep all their possessions and their prey within a place of strength, but that Thummosis the son of Alisphragmuthosis made an attempt to take them by force and by siege, with four hundred and eighty thousand men to he round about them; but that, upon his despair of taking the place by that siege, they came to a composition with them, that they should leave Egypt, and go without any harm to be done them, whithersoever they would; and Jhat, after this composition was made, .hey went away with their whole families and / f tFects, not fewer in number than two hundred .iiid tbrty thousand, and took their journey from Egypt, through the wilderness, for S)iia: but that, as they were in fear of the Astjyriaos, who had then the dominion over Asia, they built a city in that country which is now called Judea, and that large enough to contain this great number of men, and called it Jerusalem."* Now Manetho, in another book of his, says, " That this nation, • Here we have an account of the first buildini; of the city o( J erusaletn, according to iMunetho, when the i'hce- ntcUQ abepbtfrd* were expellrd out of l-gypt, about tklrtx*MTta year»b«(ore Abraham cume out ot (laraii. thus called Shepherds, were also called Cap- tives, in their sacred books." And this account of his is the truth; for feeding of sheep was the employment of our forefathers in the most ancient agesjf and as they led such a wandering life in feeding sheep, they were called Shepherds. Nor was it without reason that they were called Captives by the Egyptians, since one of our ancestors, Joseph, told the king of Egypt that he was a captive.^ and afterward sent for his brethren into Egypt by the king's permission; but as for these matters, I shall make a more exact inquiry about them elsevvhere.§ 15. But now I shall produce the Egyptians as witnesses to the antiquity of our nation. I shall therefore here bring in Manetho again, and what he writes as to the order of the times in this case, and thus he speaks: — "When this people or shepherds were gone out of Egypt to Jerusalem, Tethmosis the king of Egypt, who drove them out, reigned after- ward twenty-five years and four months, and then died; after him his. son Chebron took the kingdom for thirteen years; after whom came Amenophis, for twenty years and seven months: then came bis sister Amesses, foi twenty-one years and nine months; after hes came Mephres, for twelve years and nine months; after him was Mephramuthosis, for twenty-five years and ten months; after hiiu was Tethmosis, for nine years and eight months; after him came Amenophis, for thirty years and ten months; after him came Orus, for thirty-six years and five months; then came his daughter Acenchres, for twelve years and one month; then was her brother Kathotis, for nine years; then was Acen- cheres, for twelve years and five months; then came another Aeencheres, for twelve years and three months; after him Armais, for four years and one month ; after him was Harnesses, for one year and four months* after him came Armesses Miammoun, foi sixty-six years and two months; after him Amenophis, for nineteen years and six months; after him came Sethosis, and Harnesses, who had an army of horse, and a naval force. This king appointed his brother Armais, to be his deputy oyer Egypt." [In another copy it stood thus: — After him came Sethosis, and Harnesses, two brethren, the former of whona had a naval force, and in a hostile manner destroyed those that met hira upon the sea; but as he slew Ramesses in no long time after- ward, so he appointed another of his brethren to be his deputy over Egypt.] He also gave him all the other authority of a kiii^, but with + Gen. xlvi. 32,34; xlvii.3,4. t In our copies of the book of Genesis and of Josephus, this Joseph never calls himself "a captive," wbe was with the king of EKypt, thoni;h he does call himself "a servant," "a slave,"' or "captive," many times io the 'lestanient of the Twelve I'atiiunihs, under Joseph, secU 1, II, 13, 14. ].'>, 16. i This is now wantins;. BOOK I. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. 791 these only injunctions, that he should not wear the diadem, nor be injurious to the queen, the mother of his children, and that he should not meddle with the other concubines of the king; while he made an expedition against Cyprus, and Phoenicia, and besides against the Assyrians and the Medes. He then subdued 'hem all, sonae by his arms, some without i{,'liting, and some by the terror of his great irmy ; and being puffed up by the great successes he had had, he went on still the wore boldly, and overthrew the cities and louiitries that lay in the eastern parts ; but *fter some considerable time, Armais, who was left in Egypt, did all those very things, )y way of opposition, which his brother bad forbidden him to do, without fear; for he jsed violence to the queen, and continued to tiake use of the rest of the concubines, with- ! >ut sparing any of them ; nay, at the persua- i ^ioH of his friends he put on the diadem, and I .et up to oppose his brother; but then, he i who was set over the priests of Egypt, wrote I *etters to Sethosis, and informed him of all that i ^ xjad happened, and how his brother had set up | to oppose him; he therefore returned back I to Pelusium immediately, and recovered his I Kingdom again. The country also was called I from his name Egypt; for Manetho' says that Sethosis himself was called Egyptus, as was his brother Armais called Danaus."* 16. This is Manetho's account; and evi- dent it is from the number of years by him set <io\vn belongingto this interval, if they be sum- med up together, that these shepherds, as they are here called, who were no other than our forefathers, were delivered out of Egypt, and c;iine thence, and inhabited this country three hu!)dred and ninety-three years before Danaus -ame to Argos ; although the Argives look upon himf as their most ancient king. Ma- iietho, therefore, bears this testimony to two points of the greatest consequence to our pur- pose, and those from the Egyptian records hemselves. In the first place, that we came mt ot another country into Egypt ; and that withal our deliverance out of it was so an- ient in time, as to have preceded the siege of Troy almost a thousand years; but then, as • Of this Egyptian chronology of Manetho, as mis- take. i by Josephus, and of these Phcenician shepherds, as f.ilsely supposed by him, and others after him, to hdVf been the Israelites in Kgypt, see Essay on the Old 1 t-siaiuent. Appendix, p. 182 — 188. And note here, that wuen J.>sephus tells us that the Greeks or Argives looked on tills Danaus as a<;((Xi«rsroc, ''a most ancient," or "ilie most ancient" king of Argos. he need not be suppjsed Jo mean, in the strictest sense, that they had no one kins so ancient as he; for it is certain that they owne<l nine kings belore him, and Inachus at the head of theiii See Authentic Kecords, part ii. page 983, as Jo-if|)liiis could not but know very well; hut that he was esteemed as very ancient by them, and that they knew they had been drst of all denominated ■' Danai" iroiu this verj ancient Wing Danaus. Nor does this su- ptTlative digree always imply the •• most ancient " o( nil W!t;:«int exteption, but is sometimes to be remlered '•very ancient" only, as is tfe. 'ase in the like superla- U»e dearies Ot Other woi Js »' ♦ se«* Uif prtcediog du* to those things which Manetho adds, not from the Egyptian records, but, as he confesses himself, from some stories of an uncertain original, I will disprove them hereafter par- ticularly, and shall demonstrate that they are no better than incredible fables. 17. I will now, therefore, pass from these records, and come to those that belong to the Phoenicians, and concern our nation, and shall prodiice attestations to what I have said out of them. There are then records among the Ty- rians that take in the history for many years, and these are public writings, and are kept with great exactness, and inciude accounts of the facts done among them, and such as con- cern their transactions with other nations also, those I mean which were worthy of remem- bering. Therein it was recorded that the temple was built by king Solomon at Jerusa- lem, one hundred forty-three years and eight months before the Tyrians built Carthage; and in their annals the building of our tempie is related: for Hirom, the king of Tyre, was the friend of Solomon our king, and had such friendship transmitted down to him from his forefathers. He thereupon was ambitious to contribute to the splendour of this edifice of Solomon, and made him a present of one hun- dred and twenty talents of gold. He also cut down the most excellent timber out of that mountain which is called Libanus. and sent it to him for adorning its roof. Solomon also not only made him many other presents, by way of requital, but gave him a countrv^ in Galilee also, that was cailed Chabulon:J but there was another passion, a philosophic inclination of theirs, which cemented the friendship that was betwixt them; for they sent mutual problems to one another, with a desire to have them unriddled by each other; wherein Solomon was superior to Hirom, as he was wiser that he in other respects; and many of the epistles that passed between them are still preserved among the Tyrians. Now that this may not depend on my bare word, 1 will produce for a witness, Dius, one that is believed to have written the Phcenician His- tory after an accurate manner. This^ius, therefore, writes thus, in his Histories of the Phoenicians: — " Upon the death of Abibalus, his soiTSirom took the kingdom. This king raised banks at the eastern parts of the city, and enlarged it; he also joined the temple of Jupiter Olympius, which stood before in an island by itself, to the city, by raising a causey between them, and adorned that temple with donations of gold. He moreover went up to Libanus, and had timber cut down for the building of temples. They say farther, that Solomon, when he was king of Jerusalem, sent problems to Hirom to be solved, and desired he would send others back for him to solve, and that he who could not solve the problems proposed to him, should pay money X i Kings ix. 13. 70? FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST AFION, BOOK I. to him that solved them ; and when EUrora nad agreed to the proposals, but was not able to solve the problems, he was obliged to pay a great deal of money, as a penalty for the same. As also they relate, that one Abde- mon, a man of Tyre, did solve the problems, and proposed others which Solomon could not solve upon which he was obliged to repay a great aeal of money to Hirora." These things are attested to by Dius, and confirm what we have said upon the same subjects before. 18. And now I shall add Menander the Eghesiagj as an additional witness. This MenanHer wrote the Acts that were done both by the Greeks and Barbarians, under every one of the Tyrian kings; and had taken much pains to learn their history out of their own records. Now, when he was writing about those kings that had reigned at Tyre, he came to Hirom, and says thus: — " Ugon the death of Abibalus, his son Hirom tooE^tFe "king- dom; he lived fifty-three years, and reigned thirty-four. He raised a bank on that called the 13road place, and dedicated that golden pillar which is in Jupiter's temple; he also went and cut down timber from the moun- tain called Libanus, and got timber of cedar for the roofs of the temples. He also pulled down the old temples, and built new ones: besides this, he consecrated the temples of Her- cules and Astarte. He first built Hercules's temple, in the month Peritus, and that of Astarte when he made his expedition against the Tityans, who would not pay him their tribute; and when he had subdued them to himself, he returned home. Under this king there was a younger son of Abdemon, who mastered the problems which Solomon, king of Jerusalem, had recommended to be solved." Now the time from this king to the building of Carthage, is thus calculated: — " Upon the death of Hirom, Baleazarus his son took the kingdom; he lived forty-three years, and reigned seven years: after him succeeded his son Abdastartus; he lived twenty-nine years, and reigned nine years. Now four sons of his nurse plotted against him and slew him, the eldest of whom reigned twelve years: after them came Astartus the son of Deleas- tartui..- he lived fifty-four years, and reigned twelve years; after him came bis brother Asery.xus: he lived fifty-four years, and re'igiivd nine years: he was slain by bis brotltr Pheles. who took the kingdom and reigr.cd but eight months, though he lived fifty }tars: he was slain by Ithobalus, the priefii, of AsHtrte, who reigned thirty-two yeaffe, a.'^J lived sixtj^eight years: he was BucceL'ded by his son Badezorus, who lived fortj-five years, and reigned six years; he was succeeded by Matgenus his son: he lived thirty-trto years, and reigned nine years; PygituLon succeeded him: he lived fifty-six yean, u.xi reigned forty-seven years. Now, in the ..<(Vt-mh ^tiir vi hiii reign, is biiter lied away frona him, and built the city of Carthage in Libya." So the whole time from the reign of Hirom till the building of Carthage, amounts to the sum of one hundred and fifty- five years and eight months. Since then the temple was built at Jerusalem in the twelfth year of the reign of Hirom, there were from the building of the temple until the building of Carthage, one hundred forty-three years and eight months. Wherefore, what occasion is there for alleging any more testimonies out of the Phoenician histories [on the behalf of our nation], since what I have said is so tho- roughly confirmed already? and to\)e sure our ancestors came into this country long before the building of the temple; for it was not till we had gotten possession of the whole land by war that we built our temple. And that is the point that I have clearly proved out of our sacred writings in my Antiquities. .19. I will now relate what hath be»in writ- ten concerning us in the C^EddeanJbdstories; which records have a great agr"eemenrintU our books in other things also. Berosi^s_ shall be witness to what I say: he was by birth a Chaldean, well known by the learned, on account of his publication of the Chaldean books of astronomy and philosophy among the Greeks. This Berosus, therefore, follow- ing the most ancient records of that nation, i gives us a history of the deluge of water* that then happened, and of the destruction of I mankind thereby, and agrees with Moses's narration thereof. He also gives us an account of that ark wherein Noah, the origin of our race, was preserved, when it was brought to the highest part of the Armenian mountains: after which he gives us a cata- logue of the posterity of Noah, and adds the years of their chronology, and at length comcw down to Nabolassar, who was king of Baby- lon, and of the Chaldeans. And when he was relating the acts of this king, he describes to us how he sent his son Nabuchodonosur against Egypt, and against our land, with a great army, upon his being informed that they had revolted from him; and how, by that means, he subdued them all, and set our temple that was at Jerusalem on fire; nay, and removed our people entirely out of their own country, and transferred them to Baby- lon; when it so happened that our city was I desolate during the interval of seventy years, I until the days of Cyrus king of Persia. He j then says, " That this Babylonian king con- quered Egypt, and Syria, and Phoenicia, and Arabia; and exceeded in his exploits all tliut had reigned before him in Babylon and Cliul- dea." A little after which, Berosus subjoins what follows in his History of Ancient Times. I will set down Berosus's own accounts, which are these: — "When >ial;c)- lassar. father of Nabuchodonosor, Ueard that the governor whom ho had set over Ki;\ pt and over the parts of Celesyria and Pba.'iiicia, BOOK I. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. 793 had revolted from him, he was not able to bear it any longer; but committing certain parts of his army to his son Nabuchodonosor, who was then but young, he sent him against the rebel: Nabuchodonosor joined battle with h:in, and conquered him, and reduced the country under his dominion again. Now it so fell out, that his father Nabolassar fell into a distemper at this time, and died in the city of Babylon, after he had reigned twenty- iiine years. But as he understood, in a little time, that his father Nabolassar was dead, he set the affairs of Egypt and the other coun- tries in order, and committed the captives he had taken from the Jews, and Phoenicians, and Syrians, and of the nations belonging to Egypt, to some of bis friends, that they might conduct that part of the forces that had on heavy armour, with the rest of his baggage, to Babylonia; while he went in haste, having but a few with him, over the desert to Baby- lon; whither when he was come, he found the public affairs had been managed by the Chaldeans, and that the principal persons among them had preserved the kingdom for him. Accordingly, he now entirely obtained all his father's dominions. He then came, and ordered the captives to be placed as colo- nies in the most proper places of Babylonia : but for himself, he adorned the temple of Belus, and the other temples, after an elegant nianner, out of the spoils he had taken in this war. He also rebuilt the old city, and added another to it on the outside, and so tar re- istored Babylon, that none who should besiege it afterwards might have it in their power to divert the river, so as to facilitate an entrance into it ; and this he did by building three walls about the inner city, and three about the outer. Some of these walls he built of burnt brick and bitumen, and some of brick only. So when he had thus fortified the city with walls, after an excellent manner, and had adorned the gates magnificently, he added a new palace to that which his father had dwelt in, and this close by it also, and that more eminent in its height, and in its great splendour. It would perhaps require too long a narration, if any one were to describe it. However, as prodigiously large and magnifi- cent as it was, it was finished in fifteen days. Now in this palace he erected very high walks, supported by stone pillars, and by planting what was called a peyisile paradise, and replenishing it with all sorts of trees, he rendered the prospect of an exact resemblance of a mountainous country. This he did to please his queen, because she had been brought / up in Media, and was fond of a mountainous Xjgtuaiion." 20. This is what Berosus relates concern- ing the fore- mentioned king, as he relates manyothter things about him also in the third book of his Chaldean History; wherein he complains of the Grecian writers for suppos- ing, without any foundation, that Babylon was built by Semiramis,* queen of Assyria, and for her false pretence to those wonderful edifices thereto relating, as if they were her own workmanship; as indeed in these affairs the Chaldean History cannot but be the most credible. Moreover, we meet with a confir- mation of what Berosus says, in the archives of the Phoenicians, concerning this king Na- buchodonosor, that he conquered all Syria and Phoenicia; in which case Philostratus agrees with the others in that history which he com- posed, where he mentions the siege of Tyre; as does Megasthenes also, in the fourth book of his Indian History, wherein he pretends to prove that the fore-mentioned king of the Ba- bylonians was superior to Hercules in strength and the greatness of his exploits; for he says that he conquered a great part of Libya, and conquered Iberia also. Now, as to what I have said before about the temple at Jerusa- lem, that it was fought against by the Baby- lonians, and burnt by them, but was opened again when Cyrus had taken the kingdom of Asia, shall now be demonstrated from what Berosus adds farther upon that head; for thus he says in his third book; — "Nabuchodono- sor, after he had begun to build the fore- mentioned wall, fell sick, and departed this life, when he had reigned forty-three years ; whereupon his son Eviimerodach obtained the kingdom. He governed public affairs after an illegal and impure manner, and had a plot laid against him by Neriglissoor, his sister's husband, and was slain by him when he had reigned but two years. After he was slain, Neriglissoor, the person who plotted against him, succeeded him in the kingdom, and reigned four years; his son Laborosoar- chod obtained the kingdom, though he was but a child, and kept it nine months; hut by reason of the very ill-temper and ill practices he exhibited to the world, a plot was laid against him also by his friends, and he was tormented to death. After his death, the conspirators got together, and by common consent put the crown upon the head of Na- bonnedus, a man of Babylon, and one who belonged to that insurrection. In his reign it was that the walls of the city of Babylon were curiously built with burnt brick and bitumen; but when he was come to the sever- teenth year of his reign, Cyrus came out cf Persia with a great army; and having alreat'y conquered all the rest of Asia, he came hasti'y to Babylonia. When Nabonnedus perceivet! he was coming to attack him, he met him with his forces, and, joining battle with him, was beaten; and fled away with a few of h".? troops with him, and was shut up within tV^ city Borsippus. Hereupon Cyrus took Ba- • The great improvements that NebuchadneL-<>a. made in the buildings at Babylon, do no way contradiu' those ancient and authentic testimonies which a«or.b«; its first building to Nimrod, and its first rriuildmg lo Scmiramis. as Berosus seems here to suppose. 794 FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. BOOK I. bylon, and gave order that the outer walls of the city should be demolished, because the city had proved very troublesome to him, and cost him a great deal of pains to take it. He then marched away to Borsippus, to besiege Nabon- nedus; but as Nabonnedus did not sustain the fciege, but delivered himself into his hands, he was at first kindly used by Cyrus, who gave him Carmania, as a place for him to inhabit in, but sent him out of Babylonia. Accor- dingly Nabonnedus spent the rest of his time m that country, and there died." 21. TJiese_accounts agreewitb^ietrue history in our bootcsTHCor" irPtEenTlin'rwl^- ten that Ne buchadnezzar , in the eighteenth year of his reign,* laid our temple desolate, and so it lay in that state of obscurity for fifty years; but that in the second year of the reign of Cyrus, its foundations were laid, and it was finished again in the second f year of Darius. I will now add the records of the Ph(£niciari5; for it will not be altogether superfluous to give the reader demonstrations more than enow on this occasion. In them we have this enumeration of the times of their several kings: — " Nabuchodonosor besieged Tyre for thirteen years in the days of Ithobal, their king; after him reigned Baal, ten years; after him were judges appointed, who judged the people: Ecnibalus, the son of Balsacus, two months; Chelbes, the son of Abdeus, ten months; Abhar, the high-priest, three months; Mitgonus and Gerastratus, the sons of Abdelemus, were judges six years; after whom Balatorus reigned one year; after his death they sent and fetched Merbalus from Babylon, who reigned four years; after his death they sent for his brother Hirom, who reigned twenty years. Under his reign Cyrus became king of Persia." So that the whole interval is fifty-four years besides three months ; for in the seventh year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar he began to besiege Tyre; and Cyrus the Persian took the kingdom in the fourteenth year of Hirom. So that the records of the Chaldeans and Tyrians agree with our writings about this temple; and the testimonies here produced are an indisputable and undeniable attestation to the aratiquity of oar nation; and I suppose that what I have already said may be sufficient to such as are not very contentious. 22. But now it is proper to satisfy the inquiry of those that disbelieve the records of * This number in Josephus, that Nebuchadnezzar destroyed the temple iu the eighteenth year of his rei^n, is a mistake in the nicety of chronology ; for it was in tlie nineteenth. + The true number here for tlie year of Darius, in which the second temple was tinished, whether the second with ourpresent copies, or the sixth with that of Syncellus, or the tenth with that of Euschius, is very uocertain ; so we had best lollow Josephus's own account ckewhere, Antiq. b. xi. ch. iiL sect. 4, which Khows us, that according to his copy of the Old Testament, alter tbe second of Cyrus, that work was interrupted till the ■etx>nd of Uariun, when in seven years it was tioished in the uiuth of Darius. barbarians, and think none but Greeks to be worthy of credit, and to produce many of these very Greeks who were acquainted with our nation, and to set before them such as upon occasion have made mention of u» in their own writings. Pyt^goras, therefore, of Samos, lived in very ancient times, and was esteemed a person superior to all philosophers, in wisdom and piety towards God. Now it is plain that he did not only know our doc- trines, but was in very great measure a fol- lower and admirer of them. There is not indeed extant any writing that is owned fop his;J but many there are who have written his history, of whom Hermippus is the most celebrated, who was a person very inquisitive in all sorts of history. Now this Hermippus, in his first book concerning Pythagoras, speaks thus: — "That Pythagoras, upon the death of one of his associates, whose name was Cal- liphon, a Crotoniate by birth, affirmed that this man's soul conversed with him both night and day, and enjoined him not to pass over a place where an ass had fallen down; as also not to drink of such waters as caused thirst again; and to abstain from all sorts of reproaches." After which he adds thus: — " This he did and said in imitation of the doctrines of the Jews and Thracians, whict he transferred into his own philosophy." For it is very truly affirmed of this Pythagoras, that he took a great many of the laws of the Jews into his own philosophy. Nor was our nation unknown of old to several of the Gre- cian cities, and indeed was thought worthy of imitation by some of them. This is declared by Theophrastus, in his writings concerning laws; for he says that "the laws of the Tyrians forbid men to swear foreign oaths." Among which he enumerates some others, and particularly that called Cor ban; which oath can only be found among the Jews, and declares what a man may call " A thing devoted to God." Nor indeed was Herodotus, of Halicarnassus, unacquainted with our nation, but mentions it after a way of his own, when he saith thus, in the second book con- cerning the Colchians. His words are these: — " The only people who were circumcised in their privy members originally, were the Col- chians, the Egyptians, and the Ethiopians; but the Phoenicians and those Syrians that are in Palestine, confess that they learned it from the Egyptians; and as for those Syrians who live about the rivers Thermodon and Parthe- nius, and their neighbours the Macrones, they say they have lately learned it from the Col- chians; for these are the only people that are circumcised among mankind, and appear to have done the very same thing with the Egyptians; X This is a thing well known by the learned, that w« are not secure that we have any >;enuine writini^s of P)thagorasj those (ioldcn Vci8»;s, which are bis best remains, iMjine K*^'"e'»''y SUPP"**"** *" ^^'^^ been written not by biiukell. but by some of his scholars only, in aj^reeweut wUli what Josepbus beie affirms u'hun. BOOK I. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. 795 but as for the Egyptians and Ethiopians them- aehes, I am not able to say which of them received it from the other." This there- fore is what HeroiJotus says, that "the Sy- rians that are in Palestine are circumcised." But there are no inhabitants of Palestine that are circumcised excepting the Jews ; and therefore it must be his knowledge of them that enabled him to speak so much concern- ing them. Chej^lus* also, a still ancienter writer, and a poet, makes mention pf our nation, and informs us that it came to the assistance of king Xerxes, in his expedition against Greece ; for in his enumeration of all those nations, be last of all inserts ours among the rest, when he says : — " At the last there passed over a people, wonderful to be beheld; for they spake the Phoenician tongue with their mouths; they dwelt in the Solymean mountains, near a broad lake; their heads were sooty; they had round rasures on them : their- heads and faces were like nasty horse-heads also, that had been hardened in the sn>oke," I think, therefore, that it is evident to everybody that Cherilus means us, because the Soly- mean mountains are in our country, wherein we inhabit, as is also the lake called Asphal- titis ; for this is a broader and larger lake than any other that is in Syria : and thus does Cherilus make ifiention of us. But now that not only the lowest sort of the Grecians, but those that are held in the greatest admiration for their philosophic improvements among them, did not only know the Jews, but, when they lighted upon any of them admired them alao, it is easy for any one to know; for Clear- • Whether tnese verses of Cherilus, the heathen |)oef. in the days of Xerxes, belong to the Solymi in Fisidia, that were near a small lake, or to the Jews that dwelt on the Solymean or Jerusalem mountains, near the )?reat and broad lake Asphaltitis, that were a strange people, and spake the Phoenician tonji'ie. is not agreed on by the learned. It is yet certain that Josephas here, and Easehiiis (Praep. ix. 9, p. 412) took them to %e lews; and 1 confess I cannot but very much incline to the same of inion. The other Solymi were not a strange people, but heathen idolators, like the other parts of Xerxes's army; and that these spake the Phoenician ♦ontrue, is next to impossible, as the Jews certainly did; nor is there the least evidence for it elsewhere. Nor was the lake adjoining to the mountains of the Solymi at all laree or broad, in comparison of the Jewish lake Asphaltitis; noi indeed were these so considerable a people as the Jews, nor se likely to be desiFed by Xerxes ^or his army as the Jews, to whom he was always very favourable. As for the rest of Cherilus's description, that " their heads were sooty; that they had round ra- •ures on their heads; that their heads and faces were like nasty horse-heads, wfeich had been hardened in the amoke;" these awkward characters probably fitted the Solymi of Pisidia no better than they did the Jews in Judea: and indeed tlris reproachful language, here given these people, is to me a strong indication that they were the poor despicable Jews, and not the Pisidian Solymi celebrated in Honier, whom Cherilus here describes ; nor are we to expect tliat either Cherilus or Hecateus, er any other Pagan writers cited by Josephtis and Fuse- bius, made no mistakes in the Jewish iustory. If by coniparin:; their testiaionies with the more autlientic re- cords of that naton, we find them for the main to con- firm the same, as we a'most always do. we outfit to be Satisfied, and not to expect that they ever had an exact niinwiedce of all the circumstances -^f the Jewish af- fairs, wh'ch indeed it was almost alwais impossible for them ta bar ■-. —See sect ^ chus, who was the scholar of Aristotle, and inferior to no one of the Peripatetics whomso- ever, in his first book concerning sleep, says that *' Aristotle, his master, related what fol- lows of a Jew," and sets down Aristotle's own diecourse with him. The account is this, as written down by him : ** Now, for a great part of what this Jew said, it would be too long to recite it; butwhat includes in it both wonder and philosophy, it may not be amiss to discourse of. * Now, that I may be plain with thee, Hyperochides, I shall herein seem to thee to relate wonders, and what will re- semble dreams themselves. Hereupon Hype- rochides answered modestly, and said. For that very reason it is that all of us are very desirous of bearing what thou art going to say. Then replied Aristotle, For this cause it will be the best way to imitate that rule of the Rhetoricians, which requires us first to give an account of the man, and of whit nation he was, that so we may not contradict our mas- ter's directions. Then said Hyperochides, Go on, if it so pleases thee. This man then [answered Aristotle], was by birth a Jew, and came from Celesyria; these Jews are derived from the Indian philosophers; they are named by the Indians Calami, and by the Syrians JudcEi, and took their name from the country they inhabit, which is called Judea; but for the name of their city it is a very awkward one, for they call it Jerusalem. Now this man, when he was hospitably treated by a great many, came down from the upper country to the places near the sea, and became a Grecian, not only in his language, but in his soul also; insomuch that when we ourselves happened to be in Asia about the same places whither he came, he conversed with us and with other philosophical persons, and made a trial of our skill in philosophy ; and as he had lived with many karned men, he communicated to us more information than he received from us." This is Aristotle's account of the matter, as given us by Clearchus ; which Aristotle dis- coursed also particularly of the great ami won- derful fortitude of this Jew in his diet, and con- tinent way of living, as those that please may learn more about him from Clearchus's book itself; for I avoid setting down any more than is sufficient for my purpose. Now Clearchus said this by way of digression for his main de- sign was of another nature ; but for Hecateus of Abdera, who was both a philosopher, and one very useful in an active life, he was contempo- rary with king Alexander in his youth, and af- terward was with Ptolemy, the son of Lagus ; he did not write about the Jewish aflfairs by the byeonly, but composed an entire book concern- ing the Jews themselves; out of which book I am willing to run over a few things, of which I have been treating, by way of epitome. And in the first place I will demonstrate the time when this Hecateus lived, for he mentions the fight that was between Ptolemy and DemetriuB 06 FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. BOOK 1 about Gaztt, which was fovight in the eleventh year after the death of Alexander, and in the hundred and seventeenth olympiad, as Castor says in his history. For when he had set down this olympiad, he says farther, that " on this olympiad Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, beat in battle Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, who was named Poliorcetes, at Gaza." Now it is agreed by all, that Alexander died in the hun- dred and fourteenth olympiad; it is therefore evident, that our nation flourished in his time, and in the time of Alexander. Again, Hecateus says to the same purpose, as follows : — " Pto- lemy got possession of the places in Syria after the battle at Gaza ; and many, when they heard of Ptolemy's moderation and humanity, went along with him to Egypt, and were wil- ling to assist him in his affairs ; one of whom (Hecateus says) was Hezekiah* the high- priest of the Jews; a man of about sixty-six years of age, and in great dignity among his own people. He was a very sensible man, and could speak very movingly, and was very skilful in the management of affairs, if any other man ever were so ; although, as he says, all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the products of the earth, and managed public affairs, and were in number not above fifteen hundred at the most." Hecateus mentions this Hezekiah a second time, and says, that "as be was possessed of so great a dignity, and was become familiar with us, so did he take certain of those that were with him, and explained to them all the circumstances of their people ; for he had all their habitations and polity down in writing." Moreover, Hecateus declares again, " what regard we have for our laws, apd that we resolve to endure any thing ra- ther than trangress them, because we think it right for us to do so." Whereupon he adds, that " although they are in a bad repu- tation among their neighbours, and among all those that come to them, and have been often treated injuriously by the kings and gover- nors of Persia, yet can they not be dissuaded from acting what they think best ; but that when they are stripped on this account, and have torments inflicted upon them, and they are brought to the most terrible kinds of death, they meet them after a most extraor- dinary manner, beyond all other people, and will not renounce the religion of their fore- fathers." Hecateus also produces demonstra- tions not a few of this their resolute tena- ciousness of their laws, when he speaks thus : •• Alexander w?8 once at Babylon, and had an intention to rebuild the temple of Belus that was fallen to decay, and in order thereto, he commanded all his soldiers in general to ^ring earth thither. But the Jews, and they • This Hezekiah, who is here caHed a h'jrh-priest, is not named in Josephiis's cataloKiie; the real hii^h-priest at Inat time heinjt rather Onins. as Archbishop Usher •opposes. However, Josephus often uses the word high. SfacM in the plural niiniber, as livinR many at the saine «. S«e the note on Antiq, b. xx> ch. viii.^seot 8. only, would not comply with that command nay, they underwent stripes ai;d great losse* of what they had on this at-count, till the King forgave them and permitted them to ^i"e in- quiet." He adds farther, that " when the Macedonians came to there into that co;;ntry, and demolished the [old] temples and tbe al- tars, they assisted tliem iu deuiolishing /.henv all;f but [for not assisting them in rebr.t?. Jing them] they either underwent losses, or so Tie- times obtained forgiveness," He adds fartlier, that ""these men des-erve to be admired on-! hat account." He also speaks of the mig'.ity po- pulousness of our nation, and says, tbtit " the Persians formerly carried away many ten thou- sands of our people to Babylon, as also that not a few ten thousands were removed after Alexander's death into Egypt and Pho.viicia,. by reason of the sedition that was arisen in Syria." The same person takes notice in history, how large the country is which we inhabit, as well as of its excellervt character,. and says, that "the land in which the Jews inhabit contains three millions of arourae,:Jl and is generally of a most excellent and most fruitful soil ; nor is Judea of lesser dimen- sions." The same man describes our city Jerusalem also itself as of a most excellent structure, and very large, and inhabited from the most ancient times. He also discourses of the multitude of men in it, and of the construction of our temple, after the follow- ing manner : — " There are many, strong places and villages (says he) in the country of Ju- dea; but one strong city there is, out fifty furlongs in circumference, which abited" by a hundred and twenty thousand men,, or thereabouts :§ they call it Jerusalem. — + Se I read the text with Havercamp, though the place be difficult. t This number of arourae or Egyptian acres, JJ.OOO.O'JOy each aroura containitic; a square of one hundred I's;y):i- tian cubits (being ataoHt three quarters of an llngli^hv acre, and just twice the area of the court nf the Jewisn tabernacle), as contained in the country of Judea, will be about one-third of the entire number of arourse in the whole land of Judea; supposing it one hundred and sixty measured n:iles long, and seventy siieh mile* broad; whi'-h estimation, for the fruitful parts of it, a» perhaps here in Htcatens. is not therefore very wide from the truth. The fifty furlongs in compass for the city Jerusalem jjrrsently are not very wide trom tjio truth also, as Josephus himself describes it. who, of th^ War, b. V. rh. iv. sect. 3, makes its wall thirty-three furlongs, besides the suburbs and gardens;, nay. he says^ b. V. ch. xii. sect. 2. that Titus's wall about it at some small distance, after the gardens and suburbs were de- stroyed, was not less than thirty-nine f\irlongs. iNor perhaps were its constant inhabitants, in the days of Hecateus, many more than these li'O.OOO. hfcause roon> was always to be left (or vasily Kicaifr nniii'.itis which came up at the three great festivai.i; to say nothini; of th» Frobable increase in their iiuiiilur liftw rcii theda>sofc lecateus and J(>.sephns, which was at least three hun- dred years; hut see a nuirc auihi iilic arcuint of some of these measures in my t)(scnpiion of the Jewish Temples. However, we are not to expect that suclv heathens as Cherilus or Hecateus. or the rest that are' cited by .fosephns and Fiisehiiis, rouid avoid making many mistakes in the Jewish history, while yet they strongly confirm the same history in tl)e i;enera!. ana are most valuabfe atte.>(fations to those more aullienlfa accounts we have in the Scriptures and J.usepbub ooi> cernini; them. i Ste the above natoi BOOK I. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APlON 797 There is about the middle of the city, a wall of stone, the length of which is five hundred feet, and the breadth a hundred cubits, with double cloisters; wherein there is a square aitar, not made of hewn stone, but composed of white stones gathered together, having each side twenty cubits long, and its altitude ten cubits. Hard by it is a large edifice, wherein there is an altar and a candlestick, both of gold, and in weight two talents; upon these there is a light that is never extinguished nei- ther by night nor by day. There is no image, nor any thing, nor any donations therein; nothing at all is there planted, neither grove, nor any thing of that sort. The priests abide therein both nights and days, performing cer- tain purifications, and drinking not the least drop of wine while they are in the temple." ^loreover, he at4;ests that we Jews went as auxiliaries along with king Alexander, and after him with his successors. I will add farther what he says he learned when he was himself with the same army, concerning the actions of a man that was a Jew. His words are these* — "As I was myself going to the Red Sea, there followed us a man, whose name was Mosollam; he was one of the Jewish horsemen who conducted us; he was a person of great courage, of a strong body, and by all allowed to be the most skilful archer that was either among the Greeks or barbarians. Now this man, as people were in great numbers passing along the road, and a certain augur was observing an augury by a bird, and requiring them all to stand still, inquired what they staid for. Hereupon the augur showed him the bird from whence he took his augury, and told him that if the bird staid where he was, they ought all to stand still; but that if he got up, and flew onward, thev must go forward; but that if he flew bacKward, tney must retire again. Mosollam made no reply, but drew his bow, and shot at tlie bird, and hit him, and killed him; and as the augur and some others were very angry, and wished imprecations upon him, he answered them thus: — Why are you so mad as to take this most unhappy bird into your hands? for how can this bird give us any true information concerning our march, which could not foresee how to save himself? for had he been able to foreknow what was future, he would not have come to this place, but would have been afraid lest Mosollam the Jew would shoot at him, and kill him." But of Hecateus's testimonies we have said enough; for as to such as desire to know more of them, they may easily obtain them from his book itself. However, I shall not think it tcc^ much for me to name Agatharchides, as hnvirg made mention of us Jews, though in way of derision at our simplicity, as he sup- poses it to be; for when he was discoursing of the alfairs of Stratotiice, "how she came out o^" Macedonia into Syria, and left her husband Demetrius, while yet Seleucus would not marry her as she expected, but during the time of his raising an army at Babylon, stirred up a sedition about Antiock; and how after that the king came back, and upon his taking of Antiocb, she fled to Seleucia, and had it in her power to sail away immediately, yet did she comply with a dream which forbade he, so to do, and so was caught and put to death, f When Agatharchides had premised this story ind had jested upon Stratonice for her superstition, he gives a like example of what was reported concerning us, and writes thus: — "There are a people called Jews, who dwell in a city the strongest of all other cities, which the inhabitants call Jeru- salem, and are accustomed to rest on every seventh day;* on which times they make no use of their arms, nor meddle with bus- bandry, nor take care of any afiairs of life, but spread out their hands in their holr I places, and pray till the evening. Now it I came to pass, that when Ptolemy, the son of I Lagus, came into this city with his army, I these men, in observing this mad custom of I theirs, instead of guarding the city, suffered I their country to submit itself to a bitter lord; ' and their law was openly proved to have i commanded a foolish practice. f This acci- I dent taught all other men but the Jews I to disregard such dreams as these were, and i not to follow the like idle suggestions deli- vered as a law, when, in such uncertainty of human reasonings, they are at a loss what they should do." Now this our procedure seems a ridiculous thing to Agatharchides, I but will appear to such as consider it without {prejudice a great thing, and what deserved a j great many encomiums; I mean, when certain i men constantly prefer the observation of I their laws, and their religion towards God, I before the preservation of themselves and I their country. I 23^ Now, that some writers have omitted i to mention our nation, not because they knew I nothing of us, but because they envied us, or I for some other unjustifiable reasons, I think I I can demonstrate by particular instances; for j Hj gronymu s, who wrote the ffistory Qf [A^lex- I ander's] Successors, lived at the same time i with Hecateus, and was a friend of king i Antigonus, and president of Syria. Now, I it is plain that H ecate us wrote an entire book I concerning us, while llieronymus never men- I tions us in his history, although he was bred j up very near to the places where we live. 1 Thus different from one another are the 'inclinations of men; while the one thought ! we deserved to be carefully remembered, I • A glorious testimony this of the obseryation of the I Sabbatii by (be Jews. See Antiq. o. xvi. cb. ii, »ec(. 4; and ch vi. sect U; the Life, sect CA; acd War, h.'.v. I cii. IX. sect 12. + iNot their law, but the superstitious interpretation of their leaders, which neither the ftiaccnbees nui- ou/ bleastd ^aviour did ever approve of. 798 FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. BOOK I. as some ill-disposed passion blinded the other's mind so entirely, that he could not discern the truth. And now certainly the foregoing records of the Egyptians, and Chaldeans, and Phoenicians, together with so many of the Greek writers, will be sufficient for the demonstration of our antiquity. More- over, besides those fore-mentioned, Theophi- lus, and Theodotus, and Mnaseas, and Aris- tophanes, and Hermogenes, Euhemerus also, and Conon, and Zopyrion, and perhaps many others (for I have not lighted upon all the Greek books) have made distinct mention of us. It is true, many of the men before-mentioned have made great mistakes about the true accounts of our nation in the earliest times, because they had not perused our sacred books; yet have they all of them afforded their testi- mony to our antiquity, concerning which I am now treating. However, Demetrius Phalereus, and the elder Philo, with Eupo- lemus, have not greatly missed the truth about our affairs ; whose lesser mistakes ought therefore to be forgiven them; for it was not in their power to understand our writings with the utmost accuracy. 24. One particular there is still remaining behind of what I at first proposed to speak to, and that is to demonstrate that, those dlumnies and reproaches, which some have throvvn upon our nation, are lieSj and to make use of those writers' own testimonies against themselves: and that in general this self- contradiction hath happened to many other authors by reason of their ill-will to some people, I conclude, is not unknown to such as have read histories with sufficient care; for some of them have endeavoured to dis- grace the nobility of certain nations, and of some of the most glorious cities, and have cast reproaches upon certain forms of govern- ment. Thus hath Theopompus abused the city of Athens, Polycrates that of Lacede- mon, as hath he that wrote the Tripoliticus (for he is not Theopompus, as is supposed by some) done by the city of Thebes. Timeus also hath greatly abused the foregoing people and others also ; and this ill-treat»nent they use chiefly when they have a contest with men of the greatest reputation ; some, out of envy and malice, — and others, as supposing that, by this foolish talking of theirs, they may be thought worthy of being remembered themselves ; and indeed they do by no means fail of their hopes, with regard to the foolish part of mankind, but men of sober judgment still condemn them of great malignity. 25. Now the Eg ^tian s were the first that ca«t reproaches upon us; in order to please which nation, some others undertook to per- vert the truth, while they would neither own tiiat our forefathers tame into Egypt from auother country, as tlic lact was, nor give a tiue account of our ileparture thence; and ivdvtii the Egyptians took many occadons to hate us and envy us: in the first place, because our ancestors had had the dominion over their country,* and when they were delivered from them, and gone to their own country again, they lived there in prosperity. In the next place, the difference of our religion from theirs hath occasioned great enmity between us, while our way of divine worship did as much exceed that which their laws appointed, as does the nature of God exceed that of brute beasts; for so far they all agree through the whole country, to esteem such animals as gods, although they differ from one another in the peculiar worship they severally pay to them; and certainly men they are entirely of vain and foolish minds, who have thus accustomed themselves from the begin- ning to have such bad notions concerning their gods, and could not think of imitating that decent form of divine worship which we made use of, though, when they saw our in- stitutions approved of by many others, they could not but envy us on that account; for some of them have proceeded to that degree of folly and meanness in their conduct, as not to scruple to contradict their own ancient re- cords, nay, to contradict themselves also in their writings, and yet were so blinded by their passions as not to discern it. 26. And now I will turn my discourse to one of their principal writers, whom I have a little before made use of as a witness to our antiquity; I mean MaUfiikgJ" He promised to interpret the Egyptian history out of their sacred writings, and premised this: that" Our people had come into Egypt, many ten thou- sands in number, and subdued its inhabi- tants;" and when he had farther confessed, that " We went out of that country afterward, and settled in that country which is now called Judea, and there built Jerusalem and its tern-, pie." Now thus far he followed his ancient records; but after this he permits himself, in order to appear to have written what rumours and reports passed abroad about the Jews, and introduces incredible narrations, as if he would have the Egyptian multitude, that had the leprosy and other distempers, to have been mixed with us, as he says they were, and that they were condemned to fly out of Egypt « The Phoenician shepherds, whom Josephus niistuok for the Israelites. See the note on sect. 16. + In reading tliis and the remaining sections of this book, and some parts of the next, one may easily per- ceive that our usually cool and candid author, Joseptius, was too highly oti'ended with the impudent calumnies of Rlanetho, and the other bitter enemies of the Jews, with whom he had now to deal, and was thereby betrayed into a greater heat and passion than ordinary, ^nd that by consequence he does not hear reason with his usual fairness and impartiality; beseems to depart sometimes from ihe brevity and sincerity of a faithful historian, which is his grand character, and indulges the prolixity and colours of a pleader and a disputant: accordingly, 1 confess, 1 always read these sections with le^8 pleasure than 1 do the rest of his writings, though I lully believe the re- proaches cast on the Jews, which he here endeavours to cunlule and expuw, Wfre wliully groundless and uq< j re.i8uuabl«^ BOOK I, FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. 799 together; for he mentions Amenophis, a tictitious king's name, though on that account he durst not set down the number of years of his reign, which yet he had accurately done as to the other kings he mentions; he then ascribes certain fabulous stories to this king, as havirjg in a manner forgotten how he had already related that the departure of the shep- herds for Jerusalem had been five hundred and eighteen years before; for Tethmosis was king when they went away. Now, from his days, the reigns of the intermediate kings, according to Manetho, amounted to three hundred and ninety-three years, as he says himself, till the two brothers, Sethos and Her- meus; the one of whom, Sethos, was called by that other name of Egyptus ; and the other, Hermeus, by that of Danaus, He also says, that Sethos cast the other out of Egypt, and reigned fifty-nine years, as did his eldest son Rhampses reign after him sixty- six years. When Manetho therefore had acknowledged that our forefathers were gone out of Egypt so many years ago he introduces his fictitious king Amenophis, and says thus: — " This king was desirous to become a spectator of the gods, as had Orus, one of his predecessors in that kingdom, desired the same before him ; he also communicated that his desire to his name- sake Amenophis, who was the son of Papis, and one that seemed to partake of a divine ziature, both as to wisdom and the knowledge of futurities." Manetho adds, " How this namesake of his told him that he might see the gods, if he would clear the whole country of the lepers and of the other impure people; that the king was pleased with this injunction, and got together all that had any defect in their bodies out of Egypt, And that their number was eighty thousand; whom he sent to those quarries which are on the east side of the Nile, that they might work in them, 4nd might be separated from the rest of the Egyptians." He says farther, that " There were some o£ the learned priests that were polluted with the leprosy; but that still this Amenophis, the wise man and the prophet, was afraid that the gods would be angry at him and at the king, if there should appear to have been violence offered them; who also added this farther £out of his sagacity about futurities], that certain people would come to the assistance of these polluted wretches, and would conquer Egypt, and keep it in their pos- . se.s:-ion thirteen years: that, however, he durst not tell the king of these things, but that he left a writing behind him about all those mat- ters, and then slew himself, which made the king disconsolate." After which he writes 1 1U3, verbatim : — *' After those that were sent to work in the quarries had continued in that miserable btate for a long while, the king was desired that he would set apart thecity Avaris, which was then left desolate of the shepherds, for their habitation and protection; which desire he granted them. Now this city, accord- ing to the ancient theology, was Trypho's city. But when these men were gotten into it, and found the place fit for a revolt, they ap- pointed themselves a ruler out of the priests of Heliopolis, whose name was Osarsvph, and they took their oaths that they woulo be obe- dient to him in all things. He then, in th first place, made this law for them. That the_ should neither worship the Egyptian gods nor should abstain from any one of those sacred animals which they have in the highest esteem, but kill and destroy them all; thai they should join themselves to nobody but to those that were of this confederacy When he had made such laws as these, and many more such as were mainly opposite to the customs of the Egyptians,* he gave order that they should use the multitude of the hand- they had in building walls about their city. and make themselves ready for a war witi. king Amenophis, while he did himself take .into his friendship the other priests and those that were polluted with them, and sent am- bassadors to those shepherds who had beeii driven out of the land by Tethmosis to the city called Jerusalem ; whereby he informed them of his own affairs, and of the state of those others that had been treated after such an ignominious manner, and desired that they would come with one consent to his assistance in this war against Egypt. He also promised that he would, in the first place, bring them back to their ancient city and country Avaris, and provide a plentiful maintenance for their multitude ; that he would protect them and fight for them as occasion should require, aiui would easily reduce the country under their dominion. These shepherds were all very glad of this message, and came away with alacrity all together, being in number two hundred thousand men; and in a little time they came to Avaris. And now Amenophis the king of Egypt, upon his being informed of their invasion, was in great confusion, as calling to mind what Amenophis, the son of Papis, had foretold him ; and, in the first place, he assembled the multitude of the Egyp- tians, and took counsel with their leaders, and sent for their sacred animals to him, especially for those that were principally worshipped in the temples, and gave a particular charge to the priests distinctly, that they should hide the images of their gods with the utmost care. He also sent his son Sethos, who was also named Ramesses from his father Rhamp- ses, being but five years old, to a friend of his. He then passed on with the rest of the Egyptians, being three hundred thousand of the most .warlike of them, against the ene- my, who met them. Yet did he not join • This is a very valuable testimony of IVIanetho, that the laws of Osarsiph, or Moses, were not made in compliance with, but in op) ositiun to. the customs ot the Ejfjptians. See the uote ou Auuq. b. iii. cti. viii. sect 9. 800 FLAVIUS JOSeAiUS AGAINST APION. BOOK f. battle with them; but thinking that would be to fight against the gods, he returned back and came to Memphis, where be took Apis and the other sacred animals which he had sent for to him, and presently marched into Ethiopia, together with his whole army and jnultitude of Egyptians ; for the king of Ethiopia was under an obligation to him, on which account he received him, and took care of all the multitude that was with him, while the country supplied all that was necessary for the food of the men. He also allotted cities and villages for this exile, that was to be from its beginning during those fatally-determined thirteen years. Moreover, he pitched a camp for his Ethiopian army, as a guard to king Amenophis, upon the borders of Egypt. And this was the state of things in Ethiopia. But for the people of Jerusalem, when they came down together with the polluted Egyptians, they treated the men in such a barbarous manner, that those who saw how they subdued the fore -mentioned country, and the horrid Vi^-'ckedness they were guilty of, thought it a most dreadful thing; for they did not only set the cities and villages on fire, but were not satisfied till they had been guilty of sacrilege, and destroyed the images of the gods, and used them in roasting those sacred animals that used to be worshipped, and forced the priests and prophets to be the executioners and murderers of those animals, and then ejected them naked out of the country. It was also reported that the priest, who ordained their polity and their laws, was by birth of Helio- polis ; and his name Osarsiph, from Osiris, who was the god of Heliopolis; but that when he was gone over to these people, his name was changed, and he was called Moses." 27. This is what the Egyptians relate about the Jews, with much more, which I omit for the sake of brevity. But still Manetho goes on, that "After this, Amenophis returned from Ethiopia with a great army, as did his son Rhampses with another army also, and that both of them joined battle with the shepherds and the polluted people, and beat them, and slew a great many of them, and pursued them to the bounds of Syria." These and the like accounts are written by Manetho. But I will demonstrate that he trides, and tells arrant lies, after I have made a distinction which will relate to what 1 am going to say about bini; for this Manetho had graiited and confessed that this nation was not originally Egyptian, but that they had cou;e from another country, and subdued Egypt, and then went away again outof it. But thai those Egyptians who were thus diseased in their bodies were not mingled with us afterward, and that Muses whu brought the pecph; out was not one of that company, but lived many generations earber, 1 shall endea- vour 10 (ItuionRfate Iroui Munetlio's own ■ccounts themselves. 28. Now, for the first occasion of this fic- tion, Manetho supposes what is no better than a ridiculous thing; for he says that "King Amenophis desired to see the^^ods." What gods, T pray, ard~lie~"ffesife to see ? If he meant the gods whom their laws ordained to Jae worshipped, the ox, the goat, the crocodile, and the baboon, he saw them already; but for the heavenly gods, how could he see them, and what should occasion this his desire? To be sure,* it was because another king before him had already seen them. He had then been informed what sort of gods they were, and after what manner they had been seen, inso- much that he did not stand in need of any new artifice*for obtaining this sight. How- ever, the prophet by whose means the king thought to compass his design was a wise man. If so, how came he not to know that such his* desire was impossible to be accomplished ? for the event did not succeed. And what pretence could there be to suppose that the gods would not be seen by reason of the peo- ple's maims in their bodies, or leprosy? for the gods are not angry at the imperfection of bodies, but at wicked practices; and as to eighty thousand lepers, and those in an ill state also, how is it possible to have them gathered to- gether in one day? nay, how came the king not to comply with the prophet? for his in- junction was, that those that were maimed should be expelled out of Egypt, while the king only sent them to work in the quarries, as if he were rather in want of labourers, than intended to purge his country. He says farther, that " This {)rophet slew himself, as foreseeing the anger of the gods, and those events which were to coaie upon Egyp* afterward; and that he left this prediction tor the king in writing." Besides, how came it to pass that this prophet did not foreknow his own death at the first ? nay, how came he not to contradict the king in his desire to see the gods immediately ? how came that unreasonable dread upon him of judgnjents that were not to happen in his lile-tiuie; or what worse thing could he sutler, out of the fear of which he made haste to kill himself? But now let us see the silliest thing of all; — the king, although he had been informed of these things, and terrified with the fear of what was to come, yet did not he even theu eject these maimed people out of his cuuntrs, when it had been foretold him that he was to clear Egypt of then); but, as Manetho sa\s, " He then, upon their request, gave theui j that city to inhabit, which had formerly belonged to the shepherds, and was called Avaris ; whither when they were gone in crowds (he says) they chose one that tad formerly been priest of Heliopolis; and iJ.at this priest lirst ordained that thwy should nei- ther woi&hi|; iLe gods, nor abstain frou. those « Or. Uy J neuter. BOOK I. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. 801 animals that were worshipped by the Egyp- tians, but should kill and eat them all, and should associate with nobody but those that had consph-ed with them ; and that he bound the multitude by oaths to be sure to continue in those laws ; and that when he had built a wall about Avaris, he made war against the king." Manetho adds also, that "this priest sent to Jerusalem to invite that people to come to his assistance, and promised to give them Avaris; for that it had belonged to the fore- fathers of those that were coming from Jeru- salem, and that when they were come, they made a war immediately against the king, and got possession of all Egypt." He says also, that "the Egyptians came with an army of two hundred thousand men, and that Ame- nophis, the king of Egypt, not thinking that he ought to fight against the gods, ran away presently into Ethiopia, and committed Apis and certain other of their sacred animals to the priests, and commanded them to take care of preserving them." He says further, that " the people of Jerusalem came accord- ingly upon the Egyptians, and overthrew their cities, and burnt their temples, and slew their horsemen, and in short abstained from no sort of wickedness nor barbarity, and for that priest who settled their polity and their laws," he says, " he was by birth of Heliopolis, and his name was Osarsiph, from Osiris the god of Heliopolis; but that he changed his name, and called himself Moses." He then says, that "on the thirteenth year afterward, Amenophis, according to the fa- tal time of the duration of his misfortunes, came upon them out of Ethiopia with a great army, and joining battle with the shepherds and with the polluted people, overcame them in battle, and slew a great many of them, and pursued them as far as the bounds of Syria." 29. Now Manetho does not reflect upon the improbability of his lie ; for the leprous people, and the multitude that was with them, although they might formerly have been an- gry at the king, and at those that had treated them so coarsely, and this according to the prediction of the prophet ; yet certainly, when they were come out of the mines, and had received of the king a city, and a coun- try, they would have grown milder towards him. However, had they ever so much hated him in particular, they might have laid a private plot against himself, but would hardly have made war against all the Egyptians ; 1 mean this on the account of the great kindred they who were so numerous must have had among them. Nay still, if they had resolved to fight with the men, they would not have had impudence enough to fight with their gods; nor would they have ordained laws quite contrary to those of their .own country, and to those in which they had been bred up themselves. Yet arc we beholden to Mane- tho, that he does not lay the principal charge of this horrid transgression upon those that came from Jerusalem, but says that the Egyptians themselves were the most guilty, and that they were their priests that contrived these things, and made the multitude take their oaths for doing so ; but still how absurd is it to suppose that none of these people' own relations or friends should be prevaile with to revolt, nor to undergo the hazards ol war with them ; while these polluted people were forced to send to Jerusalem, and bring their auxiliaries from thence 1 What friend- ship, I pray, or what relation was there for- merly between them that required this assist- ance? On the contrary, these people were enemies, and greatly differed from them in their customs. He says, indeed, that they complied immediately, upon their promising them that they should conquer Egypt ; as if they did not themselves very well know that country out of which they had been driven by force. Now, had these men been in want, or lived miserably, perhaps they might have undertaken so hazardous an enterprise ; but as they dwelt in a happy city, and had a large country, and one better than Egypt itself, how came it about, that for the sake of those that had of old been their enemies, of those that were maimed in their bodies, and of those whom none of their own relations would en- dure, they should run such hazards in assist- ing them ? For they could not foresee that the king would run away from them : on the contrary, he saith himself, that " Ameno- phis's son had three hundred thousand men with him, and met them at Pelusium." Now, to be sure, those that came could not be ig- norant of this ; but for the king's repentance and flight, how could they possibly guess at it? He then says, that "those who came from Jerusalem, and made this invasion, got the granaries of Egypt into their possession, and perpetrated many of the most horrid actions there." And thence he reproaches them, as though he had not himself introduced them as enemies, or as though he might accuse such as were invited from another place for so doing, when the natural Egyptians them selves had done the same things before their coming, and had taken oaths so to do. How ever, " Amenophis, some time afterward, came upon them, and conquered them in a battle, and slew his enemies, and drove them before him as far as Syria." As if Egypt were so easily taken by people that came from any place whatsoever ; and as if those that had conquered it by war, when they were informed that Amenophis was alive, did neither fortify the avenues out of Ethiopia into it, although they bad great advantages for doing it, nor did get their other forces ready for their defence ! but that he followed them over the sandy dei^ert, and slew them as far aa Syria; uhile yet it is not an easy thing 802 FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. BOOK I. for an army to pass over that country, e n without fighting. 30. Our nation, therefore, according to a- netho, was not derived from Egypt, nor were any of the Egyptians mingled with us ; for it IS to be supposed that many of the lepro s and distempered people were dead in the mines, since they had been there a long time, and in so ill a condition ; many others must be dead in the battles that happened after- ward, and more still in the last battle am flight after it. • 31 . It Jiow remains -that I-debate-vvith Ma- netho about Moses. Now the Egyptians acknowledge him to have been a wonderful, and a divine person ; nay, they would wil- lingly lay claim to him themselves, though after a most abusive and incredible manner; and pretend that he was of Heliopolis, and one of the priests of that place, and was eject- ed out of it among the rest, on account of his leprosy ; although it had been demonstrated out of their records, that he lived five hundred and eighteen years earlier, and then brought our forefathers out of Egypt into the country that is now inhabited by us. But now, that he was not subject in his body to any such calamity, is evident from what he himself tells us : for he forbade those that had the leprosy either to continue in a city or to inhabit a village, but commanded that they should go about by themselves with their clothes rent ; and declares that such as either touch them, or live under the same roof with them, should be esteemed unclean ; nay, more, if any one of their diseases be healed, and he recover his natural constitution again, he appointed them certain purifications, and washings with spring- water, and the shaving oflf all their hair, and enjoins that they shall offer many sacri- fices, and those of several kinds, and then at length to be admitted into the holy city ; al- though it were to be expected that, on the contrary, if he had been under the same cala- mity, he should have taken care of such per- sons beforehand, and have had them treated after a kinder manner, as affected .with a con- cern for those that were to be under the like misfortunes with himself. Nor was it only those leprous people for whose sake he made these laws ; but also for such as should be maimed in the smallest part of their body, who yet are not permitted by him to officiate a priests; nay, although any priest, already initi- ated, should have such a calamity fall upon him afterward, he ordered him to be deprived of his honour of officiating. How can it then be supposed that Moses should ordain such laws against himself, to his own reproach and damage who so ordained them ? Nor indeed is that other notion of Manetho at all pro- bable, wherein he relate* the change of his name, and says, that *' he whs formerly called Osarsiph ;" and this a nnme no way agree- kble to the other, whi'i*. his true name wai Moiises, and signifies a person who "is pre- served out of the water, for the Egyptians call water Moil. I think, therefore, I have made it sufficiently evident that Manetho, while he followed his ancient records, did not much mistake the truth of the history ; but that when he had recourse to fabulous stories, without any certain author, he either forged them himself, without any probability, or else gave credit to some men who spake so, out of their ill-will to us. 32. And now I have done with Manetho, I will inquire into what Cheremon says ; for he also, when he pretended to write the Egyp- tian history, sets down the same name for this king that Manetho did, Amenophis, as also of his son Ramesses, and then goes on thus : — " The goddess Isis appeared to Ame- nophis in his sleep, and blamed him that her temple had been demolished in the war : but that Phritiphantes, the sacred scribe, said to him, that in case he would purge Egypt of the men that had pollutions upon them, he should be no longer troubled with such fright- ful apparitions. That Amenophis according- ly chose out two hundred and fifty thousand of those that were tKus diseased, and cast them out of the country : that Moses and Jo- seph were scribes, and Joseph was a sacred scribe ; that their names were Egyptian ori- ginally; that of Moses had been Tisithen, and that of Joseph, Peteseph : that these two came to Pelusium, and lighted upon three hundred and eighty thousand that had been left there by Amenophis, he not being willing to carry them into Egypt ; that these scribes made a league of friendship with them, and made with them an expedition against Egypt : that Amenophis could not sustain their at- tacks, but immediately fled into Ethiopia, and left his wife with child behind him, who lay concealed in certain caverns, and there brought forth a son, whose name was Messe- ne, knd who, when he was grown up to man's estate, pursued the Jews into Syria, being about two hundred thousand men, and then received his father Amenophis out of Ethio- pia." 33. This is the account Chcremon gives! us. Now, I take it for granted, that what 1 1 have said already hath plainly proved the fal-/ sity of both these narrations ; for had there! been any real truth at the bottom, it was im- possible that they should so greatly disagree about the particulars ; but for those that in- vent lies, what they write will easily give us very different accounts, while they forge what they please, out of their own heads. New, Manetho says that the king's desire of seeing the gods was the origin of the ejection of the polluted people; but Cheremon feigns that it was a dream of his own, sent upon him by Isis, thfit was the occjision of it. Manetho saysthiit the person who foreshowed this pur- gation of Egypt to the king, was Amenophis; BOOK I. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. 803 bnt this man says it was Phritiphantes. As to the numbers of the multitude that were ex- pelled, they agree exceedingly well,* the for- mer reckoning thera eighty thousand, and the latter about two hundred and fifty thousand ! Now, for Manetho, he describes these polluted persons as sent first to work in the quarries, and says, that after that the city Avaris was given them for their habitation. As also, he relates that it was not till after they had made war with the rest of the Egyptians that they invited the people of Jerusalem to come to their assistance; while Cheremon says only, that they were gone out of Ejj'vpt, and lighted uponttbree hundred and eighty thousand men about Pelusium, who had been left there by Amenophis, and so they invaded Egypt with them again; that thereupon Amenophis fled into Ethiopia; but then, this Cheremon commits a most ridiculous blunder in not informing us who this army of so many ten thousands were, or whence they came ; whe- ther they were native Egyptians, or whether they came from a foreign country. Nor indeed has this man, who forged a dream from Isis about the leprous people, assigned the reason why the king would not bring them into Egypt. Moreover, Cheremon sets down Joseph as driven away at the same time with Moses, who yet died four generations f before Moses ; which four generations make almost one hundred and seventy years. Besides all this, Ramesses, the son of Amenophis, by Manetho's account, was a young man, and assisted his father in his war, and left the country at the same time with him, and fled into Ethiopia: but Cheremon makes him to have been born in a certain cave, after his fa- ther was dead, and that he then overcame the Jews in battle, and drove them into Syria, being in number about two hundred thousand. O the levity of the manl for he neither told us who these three hundred and eighty thou- sand were, nor how the four hundred and thirty thousand perished; whether they fell in war, or went over to Ramesses; and, what is the strangest of all, it is not possible to learn jut of him, who they were whom he calls Jews, or to which of these two parties he .pplies that denomination, whether to the two hundred and fifty thousand leprous people, or to the three hundred and eighty thousand that were about Pelusium. But perhaps it will De looked upon as a silly thing in me to make any larger confutation of such writers as suf- ficiently confute themselves ; for had they been only confuted by other men, it had been more tolerable. 34. I siaall now add to these accounts about IManetho and Cheremon, somewhat " • By way of irony, I suppose. + Here we see that Jusephus esteemed a generation between Joseph and Moses tu be about 42 or 4.3 ye.irs; which, if taken between the earlier chii.iren, well agrees v'th the duration of hutiian l:fe in those ages. See AotBeut. hec. part li. pages 9»i6, 1019, iOitt about Lysimachus, who bath taken the topic ofTalsehood with those fore-mentioped, but hath gone far beyond them in the incre- dible nature of his forgeries ; which plainly demonstrates that he contrived them out of his virulent hatred of our nation. His words are these: — " The people of the Jews hebg leprous and scabby, and subject to certaii other kinds of distempers, in the days of Boc choris, king of Egypt, they fled to the tem pies, and got their food there by begging , and as the numbers were very great that were fallen under these diseases, there arose a scar- city in Egypt. Hereupon Bocchoris, the king of Egypt, sent some to consult the oracle of [Jupiter] Hatuniuii about this scarcity. The god's answer was this, that he must purge his temples of impure and impious men, by ex- pelling them out of those temples into desert places; but as to the scabby and leprous peo- ple, he must drowTi them, and purge his tem pies, the sun having an indignation at these men being suflfered to live; and by this moans the land will bring forth its fruits. Upon Bocchoris's having received these oracles, he called for their priests, and the attendants upon their altars, and ordered them to make a collection of the impure people, and to de- liver them to the soldiers, to carry them away into the desert; but to take the leprous peo- ple, and wrap them in sheets of lead, and let them down into the sea. Hereupon the scabby and leprous people were drowned, and the rest were gotten together, and sent into desert places, in order to be exposed to de- struction. In this case they assembled them- selves together, and took counsel what they should do; and determined, that, as the night was coming on, they should kindle fires and lamps, and keep watch; that they also should fast the next night, and propitiate the gods, in order to obtain deliverance from them. That on the next day there was one Moses, who advised them that they should venture upon a journey, and go along one road till they should come to places fit for habitation : that he charged them to have no kind regards for any man, nor give good counsel to any, but always to advise them for the worst; and to overturn all those temples and altars of the gods they should meet With : that the rest commended what he had said with one con- sent, and did what they had resolved on, and so travelled over the desert. But that the difficulties of the journey being over, thfey came to a country inhabited, and that there they abused the men, and plundered and burnt their temples, and then came into that ]and which is called Judea, and there they built a city, and dwelt therein, and that their aty was named Hierosyla, from 'this their robbing of the temples; but that still, upon tLe suc- cess they had afterwards, they through course of time changed its denomination, that it might not be a reproach to them, and called 804 FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. BOOK n. the city Hierosolyma^ and themselves Hiero- . toms of their country ; and in case they had solymUes. 3o. Now this man did not discover and mention the same king with the others, but feigned a newer name, and passing by the dream and the Egyptian prophet, he brings him to [Jupiter] Hammon, in order to gain oracles about the scabby and leprous people; for he says that the multitude of Jews were gathered together at the temples. Now, it is uncertain whether he ascribes this name to these lepers, or to those that were subject to such diseases among the Jews only; for he describes them as a people of the Jews. What people does he mean? foreigners, or those of that country? Why then dost thou call them Jews, if they were Egyptians? But if they were foreigners, why dost thou not tell us whence they came? And how could it be that, after the king had thrown many of them into the sea, and ejected the rest into desert places, there should be still so great a multi- tude remaining? Or after what manner did they pass over the desert, and get the land which we now dwell in, and build our city, and that temple which hath been so famous among all mankind? And besides, he ought to have spoken more about our legislator than by giving us his bare name ; and to have in- formed us of what nation he was, and what parents he was derived from; and to have assigned the reasons why he undertook to make such laws concerning the gods, and concern- ing matters of injustice with regard to men during that journey. For, in case the people were by birth Egyptians, they would not on the sudden have so easily changed the cus- been foreigners, they had for certain some laws or other which had been kept by them from long custom. It is true, that with regard to those who had ejected them, they might have sworn never to bear good-will to them, and might have had a plausible reason for so doing. But if these men resolved to wage an impla- cable war against all men, in case they had acted as vdckedly as he relates of them,j and this while they wanted the assistance of all men, this demonstrates a kind of mad con- duct indeed ; but not of the men themselves, but very greatly so of him that tells such lies about them. He hath also impudence enough to say that a name, implying " Robbers of the temples,"* was given to their city, and that this name was afterward changed. The rea- son of which is plain, that the former name brought reproach and hatred upon them in the times of their posterity, while, it seems, those that built the city thought they did honour to the city by giving it such a name. So we see that this fine fellow had such an unbounded inclination to reproach us, that he did not understand that robbery of temples is not expressed by the same word and name among the Jews as it is among the Greeks. But why should a man say any more to a person who tells such impudent lies ! However, since this book is arisen to a competent length, I will make another beginning, and endeavour to add what still remains to perfect my design in the following book. * That is the meaning of Hierosyla in Greek, not in Hebrew. BOOK II. § 1. In the former book, most honoured Epa- phroditus, I have demonstrated our antiquity, and confirmed the truth of what I have said, from the writings of the Phoenicians, and Chaldeans, and Egyptians. I have, more- over, produced many of the Grecian writers, as witnesses thereto. I have also made a refutation of Manetho and Cheremon, and of certain others of our enemies. I shall nowf therefore begin a confutation of the remaining authors who have written any thing against us; although I confess I have had a doubt + The former part of this second book is written •gainst the calutnnie* of Apion, and then more briefly acainit the like calumnies of Apullonius Molo. But after that, Josephiis leaves otf any mure particular re- ply to thu8<? adversaries of the Jews, and ^ives us a larf(e and excellent descriplion and vindicati»n of that theo- cracy which was settled for the Jewish uatiou by Moses, Uicir great lcgi*U«or. upon me about ApipnJ the grammarian, whether I ought to take the trouble of con- futing him or not; for some of his writings contain much the same accusations which the others have laid against us, some things that he hath added are very frigid and contemp- tible, and for the greatest part of what he says, it is very scurrilous, and, to speak no more than the plain truth, it shows him to be a very unlearned person, and what he lays together, looks like the work of a man of very bad morals, and of one no better in his whole life than a mountebank. Yet, because there are a great many men so very foolish, that they are rather caught by such orations than by what is written with care, and take plea- X Called by Tiberlua Cj/vibalumMundi, The drum of the world. BOOK n. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. 805 S'lre in repro! rhiiig other men, and cannot aMde to hear them commended, I thought it tc l»c i'.ecessaiy not to let this man go off wTthout examination, who had written such an aerusation against us, as if he would hring u? to make an answer in open court. For 1 al«o have observed, that many men are very much delighted when they see a man who first began to reproach another, to be himself exposed to contempt on account of the vices he hath himself been guilty of However, it is not a very easy thing to go over this man's discourse, nor to know plainly what he means; yet does^Jbe seem, amidst a great confusion and disorder in his falsehoods, toprodiice, in the first place, Such things as resemble what we have examined already, and telate tojthe dej-avture of our forefathers out oriEgypt; and, In the second place, he accuses those JewiJijjgit are inhabitants of Alexandria; as, in the third place, he mixes with these things such accusations as concern the sacred puri- fications, with the other legal rites used in the ttiiip-le, 2. New, although I cannot but think that I have already demonstrated, and that abun- du.'.tly, more than was necessary, that our fathers were not originally Egyptians, nor were thence expelled, either on account of be-tilly diseases, or any other calamities of ttat scrt, yet will I briefly take notice of w-bat A uLu adds up on that subject ; for in his third bcek, wbieh relates to the affairs of Egypt, he speaks thus ^---•' 1 have heard of the an- cie.it m(nroTT!gyptrthar3Toses was of Helio- pcl's, ar.d that he thought himself obliged to fclicw the customs of his forefathers, and offered his prayers in the open air, towards the city walls ; but that he reduced them all to be dijectc<l towards the sun-rising, which was agreeable to t e situation of Heliopolis : that he also set up pillars instead of gnomons,* ur.der which was represented a cavity like that of a boat, and the shadow that fell from their tops fell down upon that cavity, that it might go lound about tl e like course as the sun itself goes round ij the other." This is that wo.'idcrful relation which we have given us by thi'j grei;t grammarian. But that it is a false one is so plain, that it stands in need of few words to prove it, but is manifest from the wn:ks of Moses : for when he erected the first ta'jernacle to God, he did himself neither give oi.ler for any such kind of representation to be ma.ie at it, nor ordain that those who came dd make such a one. Moreover, after him s wi.t:. '.M a future age Solomon built his tem- plt i:j Jcri;s;dem,he avoided all such needless de^-'urations as Apion hath here devised. He sa.tjfarther, "How we had heard of the ancient me:., iLat Moses was of Heliopolis." To be « This setms to have been the first dial that liad been mule .r. Leyp/. and was a little before the time that Ah in:d«« hit- [first] dii»l inJiidea.and about anno 7V5, in the first year of the seventh olympiad, as we shall see ptnoeittiy. See '2 Kin^s xx. 11} isa xxxviiu A sure th»<'- was, because being a younger man himself, he believed those that by their elder age were acquainted and conversed with him. Now, this [man], grammarian as he was, could not certainly tell which was the poet Homer's country, no more than he could which was the country of Pythasfoias, who lived comparative- ly but a little while ago; yet does he thus easily (ietermine the age of Moses, who preceded them such a vast number of years, as depending on his ancient men's relation, which shows how notorious a liar he was. But then as to this chronological determination of the time when he says he brought the leprous people, the blind, and the lame, out of Egypt, see how well this most accurate grammarian of ours agrees with those that have written before him ! Manetho says that the Jews departed out of Egypt, in the reign of Tethmosis, three hun- dred and ninety-three years before Danaus fled to Argos ; Lysimachus savs it was under king Bocchoris, that is, one thousand seven hun- dred years ago ; Molo and some others deter- mined it as every one pleased : but this Apion of ours, as deserving to be believed before them, hath determined it exactly to have been in the seventh olyinpiad, and the first year of tliat olympiad; the very same year in which he says that Carthage was built by the Phoeni- cians. The reason why he added this build- ing of Carthage was, to be sure, in order, as -be thought, to strengthen his assertion by so evident a character of chronology. But he was not aware that this character confutes his assertion ; for if we may give credit to the Phoenician records as to the time of the first coming of their colony to Carthage, they re- late that Hirom their king was above one hundred and fifty years earlier than the build- ing of Carthage ; concerning whom I have formerly produced testimonials out of those Phcenician records, as also that this Hirom was a friend of Solomon when he was build- ing the temple of Jerusalem, and gave him great assistance in his building that temple ; while still Solomon himself built that temple six hundred and twelve years after the Jews came out of Egypt. As for the number of those that were expelled out of Egypt, he hath contrived to have the very same number with Lysimachus, and says they were a hundred and ten thousand. He then assigns a certain wonderful and plausible occasion for the name of Sabbath ; for he says, that " when the Jews had travelled a six days' journey, they had buboes in their groins : and that on this account it was that they rested on the seventh day, as having got safely to that country which is now called Judea; that then they preserved the language of the Egyptians, and called that day the Sabbath, for that malady of bu- boes in their groin was named Sabbatosis by the Egyptians." And would not a man now laugh at this fellow's trifling, or rather hate his impudence in writing thus? We must, Jl 806 FLAVItJS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APTON. BOOK II. seems, take it for granted, that all these hun- dred and ten thousand men must have these buboes ! But, for certain, if those men had been blind and lame, and had all sorts of dis- tempers upon them, as Apion says they had, they could not have gone one single day's journey; but if they had been all able to travel over a large desert, and, besides that, to fight and conquer those that opposed them, they had not all of them had buboes in their groins after the sixth day was over ; for no such distemper comes naturally and of neces- sity upon those that travel ; but still, when there are many ten thousands in a camp to- gether, they constantly march a settled space [in a day]. Nor is it at all probable that such a thing should happen by chance ; this would be prodigiously absurd to be supposed. However, our admirable author Apion hath before told us, that "they came to Judea in six days' time ;" and again, that " Moses went up to a mountain that lay between Egypt and Arabia, which was called Sinai, and was concealed there forty days, and that when he came down from thence he gave laws to the Jews." But then, how was it possible for them to tarry forty days in a desert place where there was no water, and at the same time to pass all over the country between that and Judea in the six days ? And as for this grammatical translation of the word Sab- bath, it either contains an instance of his great impudence or gross ignorance ; for the words Sabbo and Sabbath are widely different from one another; for the word Sabbath in the Jewish language denotes rest from all sorts of work ; but the word Sabbo, as he affirms, de- notes among the Egyptians the malady of a bubo in the groin. 3. This is that novel account which the Egyptian Apion gives us concerning the Jews' departure oyt of Egypt, and is no better than a contrivance of his own. But why should we •wonder at the lies he tells us about our fore- fathers, when he affirms them to be of Egyp- tian original, when he lies also about himself? for although he was born at Oasis in Egypt, he pretends to be, as a man may say, the to[i man of all the Egyptians ; yet does he for- swear his real country and progenitors, and by falsely pretending to be born at Alexan- dria, cannot deny the pravity of his family ; for you see how justly he cjills those Egyp- tians whom he hates, and endeavours to re- proach ; for had he not deemed Egyptians to be a name of great reproach, he would not have avoided the name of an Egyptian him- self; as we know that those who brag of their own countries, value themselves upon the de- nomination they acquire thereby, and reprove such as ui?justly lay claim tlu-reto. As for the Egy|)tiiina' claim to he of our kindred, they do it on one of the following accounts; I mean, either as they value themselves upon It, and pretend to bear that "elation to us; or else as they would draw us in to be partakers of their own infamy. But this fine fellow Apion seems to broach this reproachful ap- pellation against us [that we were origituilly Egyptians], in order to bestow it on the Alex- andrians as a reward for the privilege they had given him of being a fellow-citizen with them ; he also is apprised of the ill-will the Alexandrians bear to those Jews who are their fellow-citizens, and so proposes to him- self to reproach them, although he must there- by include all the other Egyptians also ; while in both cases he is no better than an impu- dent liar. 4. But let us now see what those heavy and wicked crimes are which Apion charges upon the" Alexandrian Jews. " They came (says he) out of Syria, aiul inhabited near thS tempestuous sea, and were in the neighbour^ hood of the dashing of the waves." Now, if the place of habitation includes any thii<g that is reproachful, this man reproaches not his own real country [Egypt], but what he pretends to be his own country, Alexandria ; for all are agreed in this, that the part of that city which is near the sea, is the best part of all for habitation. Now, if the Jews gained that part of the city by force, and have kept it hitherto without impeachment, this is a mark of their valour; but in reality it was Alexan- d&r himself that gave them that place for their habitation, when they obtained equal privi- leges there with the Macedonians. Nor can I devise what Apion would have said, had their habitation been at Necropolis,* and not been fixed hard by the royal palace [as it is]; nor had their nation had the denomination of Macedonians given them till this very day [as they have]. Had this man now read the epis- tles of king Alexander, or those of Ptolemy the son of Lagus, or met with the writings of the succeeding kings, or that pillar which is still standing at Alexandria, and contains the pri. vileges which the great [Julius] Caesar be- stowed upon the Jews ; had this man, I say, known these records, and yet hath the impu- dence to write in contradiction to them, he hath shown himself to be a wicked man: but if he knew nothing of these records, he hath shown himself to be a man very ignorant; nay, when he appears to wonder how Jews could be called Alexandrians, this is another like instance of his ignorance ; for all such as are called oul to be colonies, although they be ever so far remote from one another in their original, receive their names from those that bring them to their new habitations. And what occasion is there to speak of others, when those of us Jews that dwell at Antioch are named Antiochians, because Seleucift the founder of that city gave them the privileges belonging thereto? After the like manner do those Jews that inhabit Ephesus and the other • The burial-place ^ir dead bodirs, as I supposfli BOOK ir. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. 807 cities of Ionia enjoy the same name with those that were originally born there, by the grant of the succeeding princes; nay, the kindness and humanity of the Romans hath been so great, that it hath granted leave to almost all others to take tiie same name of Romans upon them; I mean not particular men only, but entire and large nations themselves also; for those • anciently named Iberi, and Tyrrheni, and Sabini, are now called Romani: and if Apion reject this way of obtaining the privilege of a ritizen of Alexandria, let him abstain from calling himself an Alexandrian hereafter ; for otherwise, how can he who was born in the ji'ery heart of Egypt be an Alexandrian, if thi« way of accepting such a privilege, of which he would have us deprived, be once abro- gated' Although indeed these Romans, who arc now the lords of the habitable earth, have forbidden the Egyptians to have the privileges of any city whatsoever, while this fine fellow, who is willing to partake of such a privilege himself as he is forbidden to make use of, endeavours by calumnies to deprive those of it that have justly received it; for Alexander did not therefore get some of our nation to Alexandria, because he wanted inhabitants for this his city, on whose building he had bestowed so much pains; but this was given to our people as a reward; because he had upon a careful trial, found them all to hav^iand were in danger of being utterly ruined, been men of virtue and fidelity to him ; for, as Ilecateus says concerning us, " Alexander honoured our nation to such a degree, that, for the equity and the fidelity which the Jews had exhibited *to him, he permitted them to hold the country of Samaria free from tribute. Of the same mind also was Ptolemy the son of Lagus, as to those Jews who dwelt at Alexandria." For he intrusted the fortresses of Egypt into their hands, as believing they would keep them faithfully and valiantly for him; and when he was desirous to secure the government of Cyrene, and the other cities of Libya to himself, he sent a party of Jews to inhabit them. And for his successor Ptolemy, who was called Philadelphus, he did not only set all those of our nation free, who were captives under him, but did frequently* give moiiey [for their ransom]; and, what was his greatest work of all, he had a great desire of knowing our laws, and of obtaining the books of our sacred scriptures; accordingly, he desired that such men might be sent him as might interpret our law to him ; and in order to have them well compiled, he committed that care to no ordinary persons, but ordained that Demetrius Pbalereus, and Andreas, and Aristeas ; the first, Demetrius, the mosf • for TiXXciins, or frequently, I would here read »»AJLi. a or«-a/ iJea( o-*' jni'ney ; tor we indeed read, both in /^n-Uas and J >sephus. that this Ptolemy Philadel- phus onre gave a very ^reat sum of mmiey to redeem aW-'Ve lOU.OiJU Jewish capu.es ; hut not of any sums *f money which he disuur:>ed ou their account at other Umes, Ibjl t ^ ni'W of. learned person of his age, and the others, such as were intru-ited with the guard of his body, should take the care of this matter: nor would he certainly have been so desirous of learning our law, and the philosophy of our nation, had he despised the men that made use of it, or had he not indeed had them in great admiration. . 5. Now this Apion was unacquainted with almost all tbe kings of those Macedonians whom he pretends t^o have been his progeni- tors, — who were yet very well atfected towards us ; for the third of those Ptolemies, who was called Euergetcs, when he had gotten possession of all Syria by force, did not offer his thank-offerings to the Egyptian gods for his victory, but came to Jerusalem, and, according to our own laws, offered many sacri- fices to God, and dedicated to him such gifts as were suitable to such a victory: and as for Ptolemy Philometor, and his wife Cleopatra, they committed their whole kingdom ta Jews, when Onias and Dositheus, both Jews, whose names are laughed at by Apion, were the generals of their whole army; but certainly instead of reproaching them, he ought to admire their actions, and return them thanks for saving Alexandria, whose citizen he pre- tends to be ; for when these Alexandrians were making war with Cleopatra the queen. these Jews brought them to terms of agree- ment, and freed them from the miseries of a civil war. "But then (says Apion) Onias brought a small afniy afterward upon the city at the time when Thermus the Roman ambas- sador was there present." Yes, do I venture to say, and that he did rightly and very justly in so doing; for that Ptolemy, who was called Physco, upon the death of his brother Philometor, came from Cyrene, and would have ejected Cleopatra as well as her sons out of their kingdom, that he might obtain it for himself unjustly.f For this cause then it was that Onias undertook a war against him on Cleopatra's account; nor would he desert that trust the royal family had reposed in hira in their distress. Accordingly, God gave a remarkable attestation to his righteous proce- dure ; for when Ptolemy Physco % had tbe presumption to fight against Onias 's army, and had caught all the Jews that were in the city [Alexandria], with their children and wives, and exposed them naked and in bonds to his elephants, that they might be trodden upon and destroyed, and when he had made + Here begins a great defect in the Greek copy; but the old Latin version fully supplies that defect. X V\ hat error is here generally believed to have been committed by our Josephus in ascribing a deliverance of the Jews to tlie reign of Ptolemy Physco, the seventh of those Ptolemies, which has been universally »up» posed to have happened under Ptolemy Philopator, the lourih of tiiem, is no better than a gross error of tbe moderns, and not of Joseplms, as I have fully proved in the Anthent. Rec. part i. p. 200 — 2W, whUher 1 refer the inquisitive reader. 808 FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. BOOK II. those elephants drunk for that purpose, the event proved contrary to his preparations; for these elephants left the Jews who were exposed to them, and fell violently upon Physeo's friends, and slew a great number of them; nay, after this, Ptolemy saw a terrible ghost, which prohibited his hurting those men; his very concubine, whom he loved so well (some call her Ithaca, and others Irene), making supplication to him, that he would not per- petrate so great a wickedness. So he com- plied with her request, and repented of what he either had already done, or was about to do; whence it is well known that the Alexan- drian Jews do with good reason celebrate this day, on the account that they had thereon been vouchsafed such an evident deliverance from God. However, Apion, the common V calumniator of men, hath the presumption to . accuse the Jews for making this war against [ Physco, when he ought to have commended them for the same. This man also makes mention of Cleopatra, the last queen of Alex- andria, and abuses us, because she was un- grateful to us ; whereas he ought to have reproved her, who indulged herself in all kinds of injustice and wicked practices, both with regard to her nearest relations, and husbands who had loved her, and indeed in general with regard to all the Romans, and those had her sister Arsinoe slain in a temple, when she had done her no harm : moreover, she had her brother slain by private treachery, and she destroyed the gods of her country and the sepulchres of her progenitors; and while she had received her kingdom from the first Caesar, she had the impudence to rebel against his son* and successor; nay, she cor- rupted Antony with her love-tricks, and ren- dered him an enemy to his country, and made him treacherous to his friends, and [by his means} despoiled some of their royal authority, and forced others in her madness to act wickedly; but what need I enlarge upon this head any farther, when she left Antony in his fight at sea, though he were her husband, and the father of their common children, and compelled him to resign up his government, with the army, and to follow her [into Egypt]; nay, when last of all Cjesar had taken Alexandria, she came to that pitch of cruelty, that she declared she had some hope of pre- serving her affairs still, in case she could kill the Jews, though it were with her own hand; to such a degree of barbarity and perfidious- ness had she arrived; and doth any one think that we cannot boast ourselves of any thing, if, as Apion says, this queen did not at a timesa>rupted. of famine distribute wheat among us? How ever, she at length met with the punishment ahe deserved. As for us Jews, we appeal to the great Caesar what assistance we brought him, and what fidelity we showed to h'lAx against the Egyptians; as also to the senate and its decrees, and the epistles of Augustus Caesar, whereby our merits [to the Romansj ' are justified. Apion ought to have looked upon those epistles, and in particular to have examined the testimonies given on our belialf, under Alexander and all the Ptolemies, and the decrees of the senate and of the greatest- Roman emperors ; and if Germanicus was not able to make a distribution of corn to aii the inhabitants of Alexandria, that only show s what a barren time it was, and how great a want there was then of corn, but tends no- thing to the accusation of the Jews; for whaj^ all the emperors have thought of the Alex- andrian Jews is well known, for this distribu- tion of wheat was no otherwise omitted with regard to the Jews, than it was with legard to the other inhabitants of Alexandria; but they still were desirous to preserve Avhat the kings had formerly intrusted to their ca:o, I mean the custody of the river: nor did those kings think them unworthy of having the entire custody thereof upon all occa?ioi.s. 6. But besides this, Apion objects to r.s thus: — "If the Jews (says he) be citizens oi; Alexandria, why do they not wot ship the same gods with the Alexandrians?" To which T give this answer : Since you are yourselves emperors that were her benefactors; who als{^^ Egyptians, why do you fight it out one agair.? ' ' ' ' ■ * ' ' ' ' ^ ^ another, and have implacable wars aboiAt your religion? At this rate we must not (a,!! ycu all Egyptians, nor indeed in general nvjn, because you breed up with great care beasts ci a nature quite contrary to thate^men, although the nature of all men se^ms to be one and the sailfte. Now if there -be such differences in opinion among* you Egyptians, why are you surprised that those who came to Alexandria from another courtry, and had original laws of their own before, should persevere in the observance of those laws? But still he charges us with being the authors of sedition : which accusation, if it be a just one, why is it not laid against us all, since we are known to be all of one mind? Moreover, those that search into such matters will soon discover that the authors of sedition have been such citizens of Alexandria as Apion is; for while they were the Grecians and Macedonians who were in possession of this city, there was no sedit'oa raised against us, and we were permitted to observe our ancient solemnities; but whtn tV.c number of the Egyptians therein came to !te considerable, the times grew confused, urd then these seditions brake out still more and more, while our people continued \ttu"t)r' These Egyptians therefore were the authors of these troubles, who not havir.^he constancy of Macedonians, nor the pruJunfo of Grecians, indulged all of them the evil manners of the Egyptians, and ccntiru-'^. their ancient hatred against us; for what xS here so presumptuously charged upon u^', if • Suter'8 ion, and adopted son. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. 809 owing to the differences that ar6 amongst themselves ; while many of them have not ob- tained the privileges of citizens in proper times, but style those who are well known to have had that privilege extended to them all, no other than foreigners ; for it does not appear that any of the kings have ever formerly bestowed those privileges of citizens upon Egyptians, no more than have the emperors done it more lately; while it was Alexander who introduced us into this city at first, the kings augmented our privileges therein, and the Romans have been pleased to preser\'e them always inviolable. Moreover, Apion would laj^ a plot upon us, because we do not erect images to our em- perors, as if those emperors did not know this before, or stood in need of Apion as their defender ; whereas he ought rather to have admired the magnanimity and modesty of the Romans^ whereby they do not compel those that are subject to them to transgress the laws of their countries, but are willing to receive the honours due to them after such a manner as those who are to pay them esteem consistent with piety and with their own laws; for they do not thank people for conferring honours upon them, when they are compelled by vio- lence so to do. Accordingly, since the Gre- cians and some other nations think it a right thing to make images, nay, when they have painted tne pictures of their parents, and wives, and children, they exult for joy: and some there are who take pictures for them- selves of such persons as were no way related to them : nay, some take the pictures of such servants as they were fond of. What wonder is it then if such as these appear willing to pay the same respect to their princes and lords ■? But then our legislator hath forbidden us to make images not by way of denunciation be- forehand, that the Roman authority was not to for Antiochus [Epiphanes], he had no just be honoured, but as despising a thing that was q^^^q for that ravage in our temple that he neither necessary nor useful for either God or ^ade ; he only came to it when he wanted sUch his materials; I mean I^sidonius and Apollonius [the son of^-Mo lo ,* who while they accuse us for not worshipping the same gods whom others worship, they think them- selves not guilty of impiety when they tell lies of us, and frame absurd and reproachful stories about our temple ; whereas it is a most shameful thing for freemen to forge lies on any occasion, and much more so to forge them about our temple, which was so famous over all the world, and was preserved so sacred by us ; for Apion hath the impudence to pretend, that " the Jews placed an ass's head in their holy place ;" and he affirms that this was dis- covered when Antiochus Epiphanes spoiled our temple, and found that ass's head there made of gold, and worth a great deal of mo- ney. To this my first answer shall be this, that had there been any such thing among us, an Egyptian ought by no means to have thrown it in our teeth, since an .ass is not a more contemptible animal than * * *,f and goats, and other such creatures, which among them are gods. But besides this answer, I say farther, how comes it about that Apion does not understand this to be no other than a palpable lie, and to be confuted by the thing itself as utterly incredible? For we Jews are always governed by the same laws, in which we constantly persevere ; and although many misfortunes have befallen our city, as the like have befallen others, and althoug^^ Theos [Epiphanes], and Pompey the Great, and Licinius Crassus, and last of all Titus Caesar, have conquered us in war, and gotten possession of our temple, yet has none ot them found any such thing there, nor indeed any thing but what was agreeable to the strict- est piety ; although what they found we are not at liberty to reveal to other nations. But man ; and he forbade them, as we shall prove hereafter, to make these images for any part of the animal creation, and much less for God himself, who is no part of such animal crea- tion. Yet hath our legislator nowhere forbid- den us to pay honours to worthy men, pro- vided they be of another kind, and inferior to those we pay to God ; with which honours we willingly testify our respect to our emperors, and to the people of Rome; we also offer perpetual sacrifices for them ; nor do we only offer them every day at the common expenses of all the Jews, but although we offer no other such sacrifices out of our common expenses, no not for our own children, yet do we this as a peculiar honour to the emperors, and to them alone, while we do the same to no other per son whomsoever. And let this suflSce for an ans\#r in general to Apion as to what he sayj with relation to the Alexandrian Jews. 7. However, I cannot but admire those other authors who furnished this man with money, without declaring himself our enemy, and attacked us while we were his associates and his friends : nor did he find any thing there that was ridiculous. This is attested by many worthy writers ; Polybius of Megalo- polis, Strabo of Cappadocia, Nicolaus of Da- mascus, Timagenes, Castor the chronologer, and Apollodorus, J who all say that it was out of Antiochus's want of money that He broke his league with the Jews, and despoiled their temple when it was full of gold and silver. Apion ought to have had a regard to these facts, unless he had himself had either an ass's heart or a dog's impudence ; of such a • Called more properly Molo, or Apollonius Molo, as hereafter; for Apollonius, the son of Molo, was another person, as Strabo informs us, lib. xiv. 4- Furones in the Latin, which what animal it denotes, does not now appear. t It is great pity that these six Pa^n authors her» njentioned to have described the famous profanation of ths Jewish temple by Antiochus Epiphanes, should be all lost; I mean so far of their writings as contained that description; though it is plain Josephus perused then all, as exant in his time 810 FLAVltJS JOSEPHtIS AGAINST APlON. BOOK II. Aog, I mean, as they worship ; for he had no othe* external reason for the lies he tells of u«. As for us Jews, we ascribe no honour or power to asses, as do the Egyptians to cro- codiles and asps, when they esteem such as are seized upon by the former, or bitten by the latter, to be happy persons, and persons ^v'o^thy of God. Asses are the same with us which they are with other wise men, viz. crea- tures that bear the burdens that we lay upon them; but if they come to our threshing- floors and eat our corn, or do not perform what we impose upon them, we beat them with a great many stripes; because it is their business to minister to us in our husbandry affairs. But this Apion of ours was either perfectly unskilful in the composition of such fallacious discourses, or however, when he began [somewhat better], he was not able to persevere in what he had undertaken, since he hath no manner of success in those re- proaches he casts upon us. 8. He adds another Grecian fable, in order to reproach us. In reply to which it would be enough to say that they who presume to speak about divine worship, ought not to be ignorant of this plain truth, that it is a de- gree of less impurity to pass through temples, than to forge wicked calumnies of its priests. Now such men as he are more zealous to jus- tify a sacrilegious king than to write what is j«st and what is true about us, and about ouf temple ; for when they are desirous of grati- fying Antiochus, and of concealing that per- fidiousness and sacrilege which he was guilty of, with regard to our nation, when he wanted money, they endeavour to disgrace us, and tell lies even relating to futurities. Apion becomes other men's prophet upon this occa- sion, and says, that " Antiochus found in our temple a bed and a man lying upon it, with a small table before him, full of dainties, from the [fishes of the] sea, and the fowls of the dry land ; that this man was amazed at these dainties thus set before him ; that he imme- diately adored the king, upon his coming in, as hoping that he would afford him all possi- ble assistance ; that he fell down upon his knees, and stretched out to him his right hand, and begged to be released: and that when the king badb him sit down, and tell him who he was, ana why he dwelt there, and what was the meaning of those various sorts of food that were set before him, the man made a la- mentable complaint, and with sighs, and tears in his eyes, gave him this account of the dis- tress he was in ; and said that he was a Greek, and that as be went over this province, in or- der to get his living, he was seized upon by foreigners, on a sudden, and brought to this temple, and shut up therein, and was seen by nobody, but was fattened by these curious I provisions thus set before him : and that truly j at the first such unexpected advantages seem- ed tu bim iuattec of great jo> ; that, after a while they brought a suspicion upon him, and at length astonishment, what their meaning should be; that at last he inquired of the ser vants that came to him, and was by them in- formed that it was in order to the fulfillir.^r a law of the Jews, which they must not tell him, that he was thus fed : and that they did the same at a set time every year : that they used to catch a Greek foreigner, and fatten him thus up every year, and then lead him to a certain wood, and kill him, and sacrifice with their accustomed solemnities, and taste of his entrails, and take an oath upon this sacrifi- cing a Greek, that they would ever be at en- mity with the Greeks ; and that then they threw the remaining parts of the miserable wretch into a certain pit." Apion adds far- ther, that " the man said there were but a few days to come ere he was to be slain, and im- plored Antiochus that, out of the rw erence he bore to the Grecian gods, he would disap- point the snares the Jews laid for his blood, and would deliver him from the miseries with which he was encompassed." Now this is such a most tragical fable, as is full of nothing but cruelty and impudence ; yet does it not excuse Antiochus of his sacrilegious attempts, as those who wrote it in his vindication are willing to suppose ; for he could not presume beforehand that he should meet with any such thing in coming to the temple, but must have found it unexpectedly. He was therefore still an impious person, that was given to un- lawful pleasures, and had no regard to God in his actions. But [as for Apion] he hath done whatever his extravagant love of lying hath dictated to him, as it is most easy to dis- cover by a consideration of his writings ; for the difference of our laws is known not to regard the Grecians only, but they are prin- cipally opposite to the Egyptians, and to some other nations also : for while it so falls out, that men of all countries come sometimes and sojourn among us, how comes it about that we take an oath, and conspire only against the Grecians, and that by the effusion of their blood also? Or how is it possible that all the Jews should get together to these sacrifices, and the entrails of one man should be suffi- cient for so many thousands to taste of them, as Apion pretends? Or why did not the kiiig carry this man, whosoever he was, and what- soever was his name (which is not set down in Apion's book), with great pomp back into his own country ? when he might thereby ha\ e been esteemed a religious person himself, and a mighty lover of the Greeks, and might there- by have procured himself great assistance from all men against that hatred the Jews bore to him. But I leave this matter; for the proper way of confuting fools is not to use bare words, but to appeal to the things themselves that make Jigainst them. Now then, all such as over saw the construction of our temple, of what na- turu it was, know well enough how the purity BOOK II. FLAVIUS JOSEPHtS AGAINST APION. 811 of it was never to be profaned; for it had four several courts,* encompassed with cloisters round about, every one of which had by our Jaw a peculiar degree of separation from the rest. Into the first court every body was allowed to go, even foreigners ; and none but women, during their courses, were prohibited to pass through it; all the Jews went into the second court, as well as their wives, when they were free from all uncleanness; into the third went the Jewish men when they were clean niid purified; into the fourth went the priests, having on their sacerdotal garments ; but for the most sacred place, none went in but the high.priests, clothed in their peculiar gar- ments. Now there is so great caution used about these offices of religion, that the priests are appointed to go into the temple but at certain hours: for, in the morning, at the opening of the inner temple, those that are to officiate receive the sacrifices, as they do again at noon, till the doors are shut. Lastly, it is not so much as lawful to carry any vessel into the holy house ; nor is there any thing therein, but the altar [of incense], the table [of shew-bread], the censer, and the candle- stick, which are all written in th* law: for there is nothing farther there, nor are there any mysteries performed that may not be spoken of; nor is there any feasting within the place. For what I have now said is pub- licly known, and supported by the testimony of the whole people, and their operations are very manifest; for although there be four courses of the priests, ajid every one of them have above five thousand men in them, yet do they officiate on certain days only ; and when those days are over, other priests succeed in the performance of their sacrifices, and assem- ble together at mid-day, and receive the keys of the temple, and the vessels by tale, without any thing relating to food or drink being carried into the temple ; nay, we are not al- lowed to offer such things at the altar, except- ing what is prepared for the sacrifices. 1 9. What then can we say of Apion, but Ithat he examined nothing that concerned {these things, while still he uttered incredible jwords about them ! But it is a great shame !for a grammarian not to be able to write krue history. Now, if he knew the purity of bur temple, he hath entirely omitted to take notice of it ; but he forges a story about the seizing of a Grecian, about ineffable food, and the most delicious preparation of dainties; and pretends that strangers could go into a place whereinto the noblest men among the Jews are not allowed to enter, unless they be • It is remarkable that Josep'ms here, and I think, nowhere else, reckons up four distinct courts of the tem- ple: that of the Gentiles, that of the women of Israel, that of the men of Israel, and that of the priests.- as also that the court of the women admitted of the men (I sup- pose only of the husbands of tlmse wives thit were there- iii). while tbei^u-^ of the men did not admit any wo»en lotu it at all priests. This, therefore, is the utmost de- gree of impiety, and a voluntary lie, in order to the delusion of those who will not examine into the truth of matters. Whereas, such unspeakable mischiefs as are above related, have been occasioned by such calumnies that are raised upon us. 10. Nay, this miracle of piety derides us farther, and adds the following pretended facts to his former fable; for he says that this man related how, " while the Jews were once in a long war with the Idumeans, there came a man out of one of the cities of the Idume ans who there had worshipped Apollo. This' man, whose name is said to have been Zabi- dus, came to the Jews, and promised that h'' would deliver Apollo, the god of Dora, intc their hands, and that he would come to oui temple, if they would all come up with him, and bring the whole multitude of the Jews with them; that Zabidus made him a certain wooden instrument, and put it round about him, and set three rows of lamps therein, and walked after such a manner, that he appeared to those that stood a great way off him, to be a kind of star walking upon the earth : that the Jews were terribly frighted at so surpri- sing an appearance, and stood very quiet at a distance ; and that Zabidus, while they con- tinued so very quiet, went into the holy house, and carried off that golden head o( an ass (for so facetiously does he write^, and then went his way back again to Dora in great haste." And say you so, sir ! as I may reply ; then does Apion load the ass, that is himself, and lays on him a burden of fooleries and lies ; for he writes of places that have no being ; and not knowing the cities he speaks of, he changes their situation ; for Idumea bordeiT" upon our country, and is near to Gaza, in which there is no such city as Dora, although there be, it is true, a city named Dora in Phoenicia, near Mount Carmel, but it is four days' journey from Idumea.f Now, then, why does this man accuse us, because we have not gods in common with other nations? If our forefathers were so easily prevailed upon to have Apollo come to them, and thought they saw him walking upon the earth, and the stars with him ; for certainly those who have so many festivals, wherein they light lamps, must yet, at this rfte, have never seen a candlestick! But still it seems that while Zabidus took his journey over the country, wtioie were so many ten thousands of people, nobody met him. He also, it seems, even in a time of war, found the walls of Jerusalem destitute of guards. I omit the rest. Now the doors of the holy house were seventy:!: cubits high, and twenty cubits broad, they were all plated over with gold, and + Jndea. in the Greek, by a gross mistake of the tran- scribers. t Seven in the Greek, by a like gross mistake of tha transcribers, ^cc of tbe War, b. v. cb. ▼. sect. 4. / A2 FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. BOOK 11. r almost of solid gold itself^ and there were no fewer than twenty* men required to shut tLem every day; nor was it lawful ever to *eave them open, though it seems this lamp- bearer of ours opened them easily, or thought he opened them, as he thought he had the ass's head in his hand. Whether, therefore, be returned it to us again, or whether Apion took it and brought it into the temple again, that Antiochus might find it, and afford a handle for a seconci fable of Apion, is uncer- tain. 1 1 . Apion also tells a false^story, when he mentions an oath of ours, as if we " swore by God, the maker of the heaven, and earth, and sea, to bear no good-will to any foreigner, and particularly to none of the Greeks." — Now this liar ought to have said directly that *' we would bear no good- will to any fo- reigner, and particularly to none of the Egyp- tians." For then his story about the oath would have squared M'ith the rest of his ori- ginal forgeries, in case our forefathers had been driven away by their kinsmen the Egyp- tians, not on account of any wickedness they had been guilty of, but on account of the calamities they were under ; for as to the Grecians, we are rather remote from them in place than different from them in our institu- tions, insomuch that we have no enmity with them, nor any jealousy of them. On the con- trary, it hath so happened, that many of them have come over to our laws, and some of them have continued in their observation, although others of them had not courage enough to persevere, and so departed from them again ; nor did any body ever hear this oath sworn by us: Apion, it seems, was the oidy person that heard it, for be indeed was the first composer of it. 12. However, Apion deserves to be admir- ed for his great prudence, as to what I am going to say, which is this, " That there is a plain mark among us, that we neither have just laws, nor worship God as we ought to do, because we are not governors, but are ra- ther in subjection to Gentiles, sometimes to one nation, and sometimes to another; and that our city bath been liable to several cala- mities, while their city [Alexandria] hath been of old time an imperial city, and not used toffe in subjection to the Romans." But now this man had better leave off his brag- ging; for everybody but himself would think that Apion said what he hath said against him- self; for there are very few nations that have bad the good fortune to continue many gene- rations in the principality, but still the muta- tions in human affairs have put them into sub- jection under others ; and most nations have been often subdued ; and brought into sub- jection by others. Now for the Egyptians, perhaps they are the only nation that have bad • Two liiindrFd in the Greek, contrary to the twenty the War, b. vii. cb. v. wet. 3 this extraordinary privilege, to have never served any of those monarchs who subdued Asia and Europe, and this on account, as they pretend, that the gods fled into their country and saved themselves, by being changed into the shapes of wild beasts. Whereas these Egyptianst are the very people that appear to have never, in all the past ages, had one day of freedom, no not so much as from their own lords. For I will not reproach them with relating the manner how the Persians used them, and this not once only, but many times, when they laid their cities waste, de- molished their temples, and cut the throats of those animals whom they esteemed to be gods ; for it is not reasonable to imitate the clownish ignorance of Apion, who hath no regard to the misfortunes of the Athenians, or of the Lacedemonians, the latter of whom were sty- led by all men the most courageous, and the former the most religious, of the Grecians. I say nothing of such kings as have been fa- mous for piety, particularly of one of them whose name was Cresus, nor what calamities he met with in his life ; I say nothing of the citadel of Athens, of the temple at Ephesus, of that at Delphi, nor of ten thousand others which have been burnt down, while nobody cast reproaches on those that were the suffer- ers, but on those that were the actors therein. But now we have met with Apion, an accu- ser of our nation, through one that still forgets the miseries of his own people, the Egyptians ; but it is that Sesostris, who was once so cele- brated a king of Egypt, that hath blinded him. Now we will not boast of our kings, David and Solomon, though they conquered many nations ; accordingly we will let them alone. However, Apion is ignorant of what every Dody knows, that the Egyptians were servants to the Persians, and afterwards to the Mace- Jouians, when they were lords of Asia, and were no better than slaves, while we have en- joyed liberty formerly ; nay, more than that, have had the dominion of the cities that lie round about us, and this nearly for a hundred and twenty years together, until Pompeius Magnus. And when all the kings everywhere were conquered by the Romans, our ancestors were the only people who continued to bo esteemed their confederates and friends, on account of their fidelity to them. • t This notorious disgrace belonging peculiarly to the people of Egypt, ever since the times of the old prophets of the Jews, noted both sect. 4, already and here, may be confirmed by the testimony of Isidbrua, an Egyptian of Pelusium, Kpist. lib. i. Ep. 480. And tins is a remark- able completion of the ancient prediction of (lod, by Ezekiel (xxix. 14, 15), that the Egyptians should " be a base kingdom, the basest of the kingdoms," and that " it should not exalt itself any more above the nations." The truth of which still farther appears by the present observation of Joseplnis, that these Egyptians had never, in all the past ages since Sesostris, had one day of liberty, no not so much as to have been free from despotic power under any of the monarchs of that day. And all this has been fjund equally true in the latter ages, under the Romans, Saracens, Mamelukes, and Turka, fi om the duyH of JoeophuB till the present age oLso. :^\ bt OK 11. FLAVICS JOSKPIIUS AGAINST APION. 813 ^?i. "But," says Apiori, "we Jews have act Lad any wonderful men araongst us, not any inventors of arts, nor any eminent for w\-fiom," *He then enumerates Socrates, and ^.'?no, and Cleanthes, and some others of the same sort ; and, after all, he adds himself to them, which is the most wonderful thing of ail that he says, and pronounces Alexandria to be happy, because it hath such a citizen as re is in it; for he was the fittest man to DP D witness to his own deserts, although he ha'li appeared to all others no better than a wicked mountebank, of a corrupt life, and ill discourses ; on which account one may iu-Tly pity Alexandria, if it should value ii?olf upon such a citizen as he is. But as to our own men, we have had those who have be'^n as deserving of commendation as any other whosoever; and such as have perused our Antiquities cannot be ignorant of them. 14. As to the other things which he sets <io-vn as blame- worthy, it may perhaps be the be it way to let them pass without apology, th-4t, he may be allowed to be his own accuser, and the accuser of the rest of the Egyptians. However, he accuses us for sacrificing animals, and for abstaining from swine's liesh, and laughs at us for the circumcision of our privy members. Now, as for our slaughter of tame animals for sacrifices, it is common to us and to all other men; but this Apion, by making it T crime to sacrifice them, demonstrates him- s.jlf to be an Egyptian; for had he beei%either a Grecian or a Macedonian [as he pretends to I e], he had not shown an uneasiness at it; for those people glory in sacrificing whole be?atombs to the gods, and make use of those sacrifices for feasting; and yet is not the world thpieby rendered destitute of cattle, as Apion was afraid would come to pass. Yet, if all men had followed the manners of the Egyp- tia'^s, the world had certainly been made desolate as to mankind, but had been filled full of the wildest sort of brute beasts, which, because they suppose them to be gods, they carefully nourish. However, if any one should ask Apion which of the Egyptians he thinks to be the most wise, and most pious of thetn all, he would certainly acknowledge the priests to.be so; for the histories say that two things were originally committed to their care by their kings' injunctions, the worship of the gods, and the support of wisdom and philoso- phy. Accordingly, these priests are all cir- cu.xcised, and abstain from swine's flesh; nor dop.«- any one of the other Egyptians assist tht:T» in slaying those sacrifices they offer to the cods. Apion was therefore quite blinded in *;is mind when, for the sake of the Egyp- tian*, he contrived to reproach us, and to ac- cuse sMch others as not only make use of that coiHnct of life which he so much abuses, but hav° also taught other men to be circumcised, as =ays Herodotus; which makes me think tb&t Apion is hereby justly punished for bis casting such reproaches on the laws of his own country ; for he was circumcised himself of necessity, on account of an ulcer in his privy member ; and when he received no benefit by such circumcision, but his member became putrid, he died in great torment. Now, men of good te/npers ought to observe their own laws concerning religion accurately, and to persevere therein, but not presently to abuse the laws of other nations, while this Apion deserted his own laws, and told lies <»ibout ours; and this was the end of Apion's life, and this shall be the conclusion of our dis- course about him. 15. But now, sinoe ApfiiLiQiusLJilolo, and Lysimachus, and some others, write treatises about our lawgiver Moses, and about our laws, which are neither just nor true, and this partly out of ignorance, but chiefly out of ill-will to us, while they calumniate Moses as an im- postor and deceiver, and pretend that our laws teach us wickedness, but nothing that is virtuous, I have a mind to discourse briefly, accordingly to my ability, about our whole constitution of government, and about the particular branches of it; for I suppose it will thence become evident that the laws we have given us are disposed after the best manner for the advancement of piety, for mutual communion with one another, for a general love of mankind, as also for justice, and for sustaining labours with fortitude, and for a contempt of death; and I beg of those that shall peruse this writing of mine, to read it without partiality; for it is not my purpose to write an encomium upon ourselves, but I shall esteem this as a most just apology for us, and taken from those our laws, according to which we lead our lives, against the many and the lying objections that have been made against us. Moreover, since this Apollonius does not do like Apion, and lay a continued accusation against us, but does it only by starts, and up and down his discourse, while he sometimes reproaches us as atheists, and man-haters, and sometimes hits us in the teeth with our want of courage, and yet sometimes, on the country, accuses us of too great bold- ness, and madness in our conduct; nay, he says that we are the weakest of all the barbarians, and that this is the reason why we are the only people who have made no improvOT:ients in human life; now I think I shall have then sufficiently disproved all these his allegations, when it shall appear that our laws enjoiu the very reverse of what he says, and that we very carefully observe those laws ourselves; and if I be compelled to make mention of the laws of other nations, that are contrary to our«, those ought deservedly to thank them- selves for it, who have pretended to depreciate our laws in comparison of their own; nor will there, I think, be any room afiter that for tiera to pretend, either that we have no such laws ourselves, an epiteme (»f whieb I will prwcnt 814 FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. BOOK II to the reader, or that we do not, above all men, continue in the observation of them. 16. To begin then a good way backward, I would advance this, in the first place, that those who have been admirers of good order, and of living under common laws, and who began to introduce them, may welf have this testimony that they are better than other men, both for moderation, and such virtue as is agreeable to nature. Indeed, their endeavour was to have every thing they ordained believed to be very ancient, that they ujight not be thought to imitate others, but might appear to have delivered a regular way of living to others after them. Since then this is the case, the excellency of a legislator is seen in pro- viding for the peoples living after the best manner, and in prevailing with those that are to use the laws he ordains for them, to have a good opinion of them, and in obliging the multitude to persevere in them, and to make no changes in them, neither in prosperity nor adversity. Now, I venture to say, that our legislator is the most ancient of all the legis- lators whom we have anywhere heard of; for / as for the Lycurguses, and Solons, and Za- \ leucus Locrensis, and all those legislators who ' are so admired by the Greeks, they seem to be of yesterday, if compared with our legis- lator, insomuch as the very name of a law was not so much as known in old times among the Grecians. Homer is a witness to the truth of this observation, who never uses that term in all his poems; for indeed there was then no such thing among them, but the multitude was governed by wise maxims, and by the injunctions of their king. It was also a long time* that they continued in the use of these unwritten customs, although they were always changing them upon several occasions; but for our legislator, who was of so much greater antiquity than the rest (as even those that speak against us upon all occasions do always confess), he exhibited himself to th^ people as their/ best governor and counsellor, and included in his legislation the entire con- duet of their lives, and prevailed with them to receive it, and brought it so to pass, that those that were made acquainted with his laws did most carefully observe them. 17. B^t let us consider his first and great- est work; for when it was resolved on by our foreluthers to leave Egypt and return to their own country, this Moses took the many ten thousands that were of the people, and baved tliem out of many desperate distresses, and brought them home in safety. And certaiidy It was here necessary to travel over a country without water, and full of sand, to overuome their enemies, and, during these battles, to preserve their children and their wives, and their prey; on uU which occasions be became • Vim. After the ^Tftntnt pi^rt of the world had left Ofl* their obedience to God, ib»ir orii(iuat iegislulor. an excellent general of an army, and a moaft prudent counsellor, and one that took the truest care of them all: he also so brought ii about, that the whole multitude depended upon him; and while he had tbem always obedient to what he enjoined, be made no manner of use of bis authority for his ow» private ad vantage, which is the usual time when governors gain great powers to themselves, and pave the way for tyranny, and accustom the multitude to live very dissolutely; where- as, when our legislator was in so great autho- rity, he, on the contrary, thought he ought to have regard to piety, and to show his great good- will to the people; and by this means he thought he might show the great degree of virtue that was in him, and might procure the most lasting security to those who had made him tbeir governor. When he had therefore come to such a good resolution, and Lad per- formed such wonderful exploits, we had just reason to look upon ourselves as having him for a divine governor and counsellor ; and when he had first persuaded himselff that his actions and designs were agreeable to God's will, he thought it his duty to impress, above all things, that notion upon the multi- tude; for those who have once believed that God is the inspector of their lives, will not permit themselves in any sin; and this is the character of our legislator: he was no impos- tor, nf deceiver, as his revilers say, though unjustly, but such a one as they brag Minos J to iiave been among the Greeks, and other legislators after hijn; for some of them sup- pose that they had their laws from Jupiter, while Minos said that the revelation of his laws was to be referred to Apollo, and his oracle at Delphi, whethei; they really thought they were so derived, or supposed, however, that they could persuade the people easily that so it was; but which of these it was who made the best' laws, and which had the greatest reason to believe that God was their author, it will be easy, upon comparing those + This language, that Moses iriiTccs tatrroy, " persuaded himsell " that what he did was according to God'» will, can mean nu more, by Jusephus's own constant no« tions elsewhere, than that he was ♦• tirmly persuaded," that he had *' fully salistied hmiself," tl>at »o H was, \'va. by the many revelations he had received from (iod, and the numerous miracles Gud had enabled him to work, as he both in these very two books against Apion, and in his Antiquities, most clearly and frequently assures us. J his i.-> farther evident Irom several passages lower, where he alFirms that IMoses was no impi>8tor nor de- ceiver, and where he assures us that Moses's constitution of ^overniiient was no other than a theocracy; and where he says they are to. hope for deliverance out oi their distresses by prayer to God, and that withal it was iiwing in part to this prophetic spirit of :>loses that the Jews expected a resuriection trom the dead. See almost as stranjje a use of the like words, ntOu* «> 04«», " to persuade God." Antiq. b. vi. ch. v. sect. G. t J'hat is, Moses really was, what the heathen legisla- tors pretended to be, under a divine direction; nor does it yet appear that these pretensions to a supernatural conduct, either in these legislators or orachs, were mere delusions of men witiiuiii ai<y demoniacal impressions, nor that JuseplHis took them so to be; us the ttiit'leute&t and c(iiileiiipor.iry uuthurs did still believe tbeiu to bt suptMuatuial. BOOK II. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION, 815 laws themselves together, to determine ; for it is time that we come to that point. Now* there are innumerable differences in the par- ticular customs and laws that are among all mankind, which a man may briefly reduce under the following heads: — Some legislators have permitted their governments to be under inffnarchies, others put them under oligar- chies, and others under a republican form; but our legislator had no regard to any of these forms, but he ordained our government to be what, by a strained expression, may be termed a Theocracy,^ by ascribing the autho- rity and the power to God, and by persuading a^I the people to have a regard to him, as the author of all the good things enjoyed either in common by all mankind, or by each one ir. particular, and of all that they themselves obtained by praying to him in their greatest dilBculties, He informed them that it was iinpcssible to escape God's observation, either in any of our outward actions, or in any of o«r inward thoughts. Moreover, he repre- sented God as unbegottenf and immutable, through all eternity, superior to all mortal concef tions in pulchritude ; and, though knowf. to us by his power, yet unknown to us as to his essence. I do not now explain how these notions of God are the sentiments * This whole very large passage is corrected by Dr. Huuson. from Eusebius's citation ol it. Prjep. Evansel. viii. I?, which is here not a little different from the pre- sent MSS. ot Josephus. ■t- This expression itself, Otcxiarixi etniuli «« TcXt- x-'j.iat. that '* Moses ordained the Jewish government to he a Theocracy," may l^ illustrated by that parallel expression in the Antiq b. iii. ch. viiL sect 9, that •• \l(ises left it to God to be present at his sacrifices when lie pleased ; and, when he pleased, to be absent." Both wavs ol speaking sound harsh in the ears of Jews and < liristians, as do several others which Josephus uses to the Heathens; but Still they were not very improper in liiiii. when he ail along thought fit to accommodate him- selt. both in his Antiquities, and in these his books ;ti<:iiiist Apion, all written for the use of the Greeks and ItKUians. to their notions and language, and this as far a> ever truth would give him leave; thoui;h it is very «)l>,sei vahle withal, that he never uses such expressions ill iiis books of the War, written originally for the Jews beyond t.uphrates. and in their language, in all these case*. However, Josephus directly supposes the Jewish setilenient, under Moses, to be a divine settlement, and in !e.d no other than a real Theocracy. ♦ These excellent accounts of the divine attributes, ami that God is not to be at all known in bis essence, as al^ii some other clear expressions about the resurrection of the dead, and the state of departed souls, &c. in this la'e work of Josephus, look more like the exalted no- t oils of the i-.ssenes, or rather Lbionite Christians, than limse of a mere Jew or Pharisee. The following large ac- r.oiiiits also of the laws of Moses, seem to me to show a I'eysrd to the higher interpretations and improviments ol .\Io!M-8's laws, derived from Jesus Christ, than to the b.iie letter of them in the Old Test;iment, whence alone J.isepbus took them when he wrote his Antiquities; nor, as I think, can some of these laws, though g'-ne- ruiiy excellent in their kind, be properly now tound cither in ttie copies of the Jewish Pentateuch, or in Philo, or in Josephus himself, before he became a Nazareiie or Ebioiiite Christian; nor even all of thera« among the laws of Catholic Christianity themselves. 1 dewise, therefore, the learned reader to consider, whe- ther some of these improvements or interpretations i:iuht not be (>eculiar to the i sseues among t;ie Jew?. i>r r.iiher lo the Nazarenes or Kbionites amon.' the Curis- ti .H». though we have indeed but imper eel am unts ol f'-ose .Nnzarenes or Kbioiuie Christian.- iraasu.iiteit down to u> ut thi> dny. of the wisest among the Grecians, and how they were taught them upon the principles that he afforded them. However, they testify, with great assurance, that these notions are just, and agreeable to the nature of God, and to his majesty; for Pythagoras, and An- axagoras, and Plato, and the Stoic philoso- phers that succeeded them, and almost all the rest, are of the same sentiments, and had the same notions of the nature of God; yet durst not these men disclose those true notions tc more than a few, because the body of the peo- ple were prejudiced with other opinions be- forAand. But our legislator, who made bis actions agree to his laws, did not only prevail with those that were his contemporaries to agree with these his notions, but so firmly imprinted this faith in God upon all their posterity, that it never could be removed. The reason why the constitution of this legis- lation was ever better directed to the utility of all than other legislations were, is this, that Moses did not make religion a part of virtue, but he saw and he ordained other virtues to be parts of religion; I mean justice, and fortitude, and temperance, and a univer- sal agreement of the members of the commu- nity with one another ; for all our actions and studies, and all our words [in Moses's settle- ment] have a reference to piety towards God; for he hath left none of these in suspense, or undetermined; for there are two ways of coming at any sort of learning and a moral conduct of life; the one is by instruction in words, the other by practical exercises. Now, other lawgivers have separated these two ways in their opinions, and choosing one of those ways of instruction, or that which best pleased every one of them, neglected the other. Thus did the Lacedemonians and the Cre- tans teach by practical exercises, but hot by words; while the Athenians, and almost all the other Grecians, made laws about what was to be done, or left undone, but had no regard to the exercising them thereto in practice. 18. But for our legislator, he very care- fully joined these two methods of instruction together ; for he neither left these practical exercises to go on without verbal instruction, nor did he permit the hearing of the law to proceed without the exercises for practice; but beginning immediately from the earliest infancy, and the appointment of every one's diet, he left nothing of the very smallest consequence to be done at the pleasure and disposal of the person himself. Accordingly, he made a fixed rule of law what sorts of food they should abstain from, and what sorts they should use; as also, what communion theyshould have with others, what great diligence they should use in their occupations, and what times of rest should be interposed, that, by living- ufider that law as under a father and a inH>ter, we might be guilty of no sin, neither voiu!itar\ nor out of ignorance; tur he did 81G FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. BOOK 71 not suflfer the guilt of ignorance to go on without punishment, but demonstrated the jaw to be the best and the most necessary instruction of all others, permitting the people to leave off their other employments, and to assemble together for the bearing of the law, and learning it exactly, and this not once or twice, or oftener, but e very week ; which thing all the other legislators seem to have neglected. 19. And indeed, the greatest partof mankind are so far from living according to their own laws, that they hardly know them; but when they havesinned they learnfromothers that they have transgressed the law. Those also who are in the highest and principal posts of the govern- ment, confess they are not acquainted with those laws, and are obliged to take such persons for their assessors in public administrations as profess to have skill in those laws; but for our people, if any body do but ask any one of them about our laws, he will more readily tell them all than he will tell his own name, and this in consequence of our having learned them im- mediately, as soon as ever we became sensible of any thing, and of our having them, as it were, engraven on our souls. Our transgres- sors of them are but few ; and it is impossible, when any do offend, to escape punishment. 20. And this very thing it is that principally creates such a wonderful agreement of minds amongst us all; for this entire agreement of ours in all our notions concerning God, and our having no difference in our course of life and manners, procures among us the most excellent concord of these our manners that is anywhere among mankind ; for no other people but we Jews have avoided all dis- courses about God that any way contradict one another, which yet are frequent among other nations ; and this is true not only among ordinary persons, according as every one is affected, but some of the philosophers have been insolent enough to indulge such contradictions, while some of them have undertaken to use such words as entirely take away the nature of God, as others of them have taken away his providence over mankind. Nor can any one perceive amongst us any difference in the conduct of our lives; but all our works are common to us all. We have one sort of discourse concerning God, which is conformable to our law, and affirms that he sees all things ; as also, we have but one way of speaking concerning the conduct of our lives, that all other things ought to have piety for their end; and this any body may hear from our women, and servants themselves. 21. Hence hath arisen that accusation which some make against us, that we have not produced men that have been the inven- tors of new operations, or of new ways of speaking; for others think it a line thing to persevere in nothing that has been delivered dow:i from their forefathers, and these testify it to bfi au ii)»titi>ce of the »h<ii ptst vvi.-.uoiii when these men venture to ttansgress those traditions; whereas we, on the contrary, sup- pose it to be our only wisdom and virtue tc admit no actions nor supposals that are con- trary to our original laws; which proced-'ic; of ours is a just and sure sign that our law li admirably constituted; for such laws as aJL not thus well made, are convicted upon trial to want amendment. 22. But while we are ourselves persuadtu- that our law was made agreeably to the will of God, it would be impious for us not :;v' observe the same; for what is there in it lu^t any body would change I and what can be invented better I or what can we take out of other people's laws that will exceed it! Perbajjis some would have the entire settlement of oui government altered. And where shall we liniU better or more righteous constitution than ouii,,. while this makes usesteem God to be the govej •• nor of the universe, and permits the priests in general to be the administrators of the principal affairs, and withal intrusts the government o ve * the other priests to the chief high-priest hiu; • self! which priests, our legislator, at their firil appointment, did not advance to that dignity for their riches, or any abundance of other pot- sessions, or any plenty they had as the gifts of fortune; but he entrusted the principal maij- agement of divine worship to those that ex- ceeded others in an ability to persuade men, uj.ii in prudence of conduct. These men had tha main care of the law, and of the other pa."iu of the people's conduct, committed to theru, for they were the priests who were ordained it> be the inspectors of all, and the judges ii. doubtful cases, and the punishers of tncsc that were condemned to suffer punishment. 23. What form of government then can bo more holy than thisl what more worthy kind of worship can be paid to God than we pay, where the entire body of the people art prepared for religion, where an extraordiiiujy degree of care is required in the priests, and where the whole polity is so ordered as it it were a certain religious solemnity! For \vhi.i things foreigners, when they solemnize such festivals, are not able to observe for a f-\v days' time, and call them Mysteries and Sa- cred Ceremonies, we observe with great plea- sure and an unshaken resolution during (.ui whole lives. What are the things then thi.t we are commanded or forbidden ? They ji.-;; simply and easily known. The first com- mand is concerning God, and affira)s tS.-: God contains all things, and is a being eve*> way perfect and happy, self-sufficient, and supplying all other beings; the beginn„>^, the middle, and the end of all things, lit is mar-.ifest in his works and benefits, and more conspicuous than any other being w^;:sv>. ever; but as to his form and magiu(c.i;c, he is most obscure. All materials, let Ct^ lie ever so contly, are unworthy to cuii.y;cd tilt un.>^«: for biuii and ail art« arv uiidufu. BC OK II. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUSAOAINST APIOR 817 tc f.vDress the notion we ought to have of hii'.. We can neither see nor think of any thlr.g like him, nor is it agreeable to piety to form a resemblance of him. We see his works, the light, the heaven, the earth, the sun and the moon, the waters, the generations cf animals, the productions of fruits. These (hings hath God made, not with hands, not <vith labour, nor as wanting the assistance of any to co-operate with him ; but as his will resolved they should be made, and be good also, they were made and became good im- mediately. All men ought to follow this Be:ng, and to worship him in the exercise of virtue; for this way of worship of God is the oiost holy of all others. 24. There ought also to be but one temple for one God ; for likeness is the constant foundation of agreement. This temple ought to be common to all men, because he is the common God of all men. His priests are to be continually about his W'orship, over whom he that is the first by his birth, is to be their ruler perpetually. H'.s business must be to offer sacrifices to GoJ, together with those priests that are joined with him, to see that the laws be observed, to determine controver- sies, and to punish those that are convicted of injustice; while he that does not submit to hl;r. shall be subject to the same punishment, ' as if he had been guiity of impiety towards God himself. When we offer sacrifices to him, we do it not in order to surfeit ourselves, or to be drunken ; for such excesses are against the will of God, and would be an oc- casion of injuries and of luxury; but by keep- ing ourselves sober, orderly, and ready for our other occupations, and being more temperate than others. And for our duty at the sacri- fices themselves, we ought in the first place to pray* for the common welfare of all, and after that our own; for we are made for fellowship one with another; and he who pre- fers the common good before what is peculiar to himself, is above all acceptable to God. And let our prayers and supplications be made humbly to God, not [so much] that he wouid give us what is good (for he hath al- ready given that of his own accord, and hath proposed the same publicly to all), as that we may duiy receive it, and when we have re- ceived it, may preserve it. Now the law has appointed several purifications at our sacri- • We may here observe, how known a thin^ it was among the Jews and heathens in this and many other instances, 'hat sacrifices were still accompamied with prajeis; wlicnce most probably cariie those phrases of "the sar.ritice of prayer, the sacrifice of praise, the sacri- fice of thanivSijJVing.'» However, those ancient forms used at sacritices are now generally lost, to the no small daaa^;e of true religion. It is here also exceeding remarkable, that although the temple at Jerusalem was built as the only place wLere the whole nation of the Jews were to offer their sacrifices, yet is there no men- ticn of the "sacrifices" themselves, but of "prayers" only, in Solomon's long and tamous form of devotion at its dedication, I Kings viii. 2 Chron. vi. Sire also tnany passages cited in the Apostolical Constitutions, viL 37, and of the Wax abov*, b. vii. chap. v. sect. 6, fices, whereby we are cleansed after a funeral, after what sometimes happens to us in bed, and after accompanying with our wives, and upon many other occasions, too long now to set downi. And this is our doctrine concern- ing God and his worship, and is the same that the law appoints for our practice. 25. But then, what are our laws about marriage? That law owns no other mixture of sexes but that which nature hath appointed, of a man with his wife, and that this be used only for the procreation of children. But it abhors the mixture of a male with a male and if any one do that, death is his punish- ment. It commands us also, when we marry, not to have regard to portion, nor to take a woman by violence, nor to persuade her deceitfully and knavishly; but demand her in marriage of him who hath power to dispose of her, and is fit to give her away by the nearness of his kindred; for, saith the Scrip- ture, "A woman is inferior to her husband in all things.f" Let her, therefore, be obedient to him; not so, that he should abuse her, but that she may acknowledge her duty to her husband; for God hath given the authority to the husband. A husband, therefore, is t-j lie only with his wife whom he hath married; but to have to do with another man's wife is a wicked thing; which, if any one venture upon, death is inevitably his punishment : no more can he avoid the same who forces a virgin betrothed to another man, or entices another man's wife. The law, moreover, enjoins us to bring up all our ofispring, avd forbids women to cause abortion of what is begotten, or to destroy it afterward; and if any woman appears to have so done, she will be a murderer of her child, by destroying a living creature, and diminishing human kind; if any one, therefore, proceeds to such forni- cation or murder, he cannot be clean. More- over, the law enjoins, that after the man and wife have lain together in a regular way, they shall bathe themselves; for there is a defile- ment contracted thereliy, both in soul and body, as if they had gone into another coun- try; for indeed the soul, by being united to the body, is subject to miseries, and is not freed therefrom again but by death ; on which account the law requires this purification to be entirely performed. 26. Nay, indeed, the law does not permit us to make festivals at the births of our child- ren, and thereby afford occasion of drinking to excess; but it ordains that the very begin- ning of our education should be immediately directed to sobriety. It also commands us to i bring those children up in learning, and to exercise them in the laws, and make them acquainted with the acts of their predecessors, in order to their imitation of them, and that they may be nourished up in the laws from their •f This text is nowhere in our present copies of Uf Old Testament 818 FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST AFION. BOOK 11. infency, and might neither transgress them, nor yet have any pretence for their ignorance of tbem. • 27. Our law hath also taken care of the dicent burial of the dead, but without any ex- travagant expenses for their funerals, and with- out the erection of any illustrious monuments for them; but hath ordered that their nearest relations should perform their obsequies; and bath shown it to be regular, that all who pass by when any one is buried, should accompany the funeral, and join in the lamentation. It also ordains, that the house and its inhabitants should be purified after the funeral is over, that every one may thence learn to keep at a g^reat distance from the thoughts of being pure, if he hath been once guilty of murder. 28. The law ordains also, that parents should be honoured immediately after God aimself, and delivers that son who does not requite them for the benefits he hath received Tom them, but is deficient on any such occa- jion, to be stoned. It also says, that the foung men should pay due respect to every alder, since God is the eldest of all beings. [t does not give leave to conceal any thing trom our friends, because that is not true friendship which will not commit all things to their fidelity: it also forbids the revelation of jecrets, even though an enmity arise between Ihem. If any judge takes bribes, his punish- ooent is death ; he that overlooks one that oflfers him a petition, and this when he is able ;o relieve him, he is a guilty person. What is not by any one intrusted to another, ought flot to be required back again. No one is to 'iouch another's goods. He that lends money QQUst not demand usury for its loan. These, 4nd many more of the like sort, are the rules that unite us in the bands of society one with Miother. 29. It will be also worth our while to see what equity our legislator would have us ex- ercise in our intercourse with strangers; for it will thence appear that he made the best pro- vision he possibly could, both that we should not dissolve our own constitution, nor show any envious mind towards those that would cultivate a friendship with us. Accordingly, Dur legislator admits all those that have a mind to observe our laws, so to do; and this after a friendly manner, as esteeming that a true union, which not only extends to our own stock, but to those that would live after the same manner with us; yet does he not allow those that come to us by accident only to be admitted into communion with us. 30. However there are other things which our legislator ordained for us beforehand, which of necessity we ought to do in common to all men; as to afi'ord tire, and water, and food to such as want it; to show tbem the roads; and not to let any one lie unburied. He also would have us treat those that are esteemed our enemies with moderation ; for he doth not allow us to set their country on fire, nor permit us to cut down those trees that bear fruit: nay, farther, he forbids us to spoil those that have been slain in war. He hath aUo provided for such as are taken captive, that they may not be injured, and especially that the women may not be abused. Indeed he bath taught us gentleness and humanity so eifec- tually, that he hath not despised the care of brute beasts, by permitting no other than a regular use of them, and forbidding any other; and if any of them come to our houses, like supplicants, we are forbidden to slay them : nor may we kill the dams, together with their young ones; but we are obliged, even in an enemy's country, to spare and not kill those creatures that labour for mankind. Thus hath our lawgiver contrived to teach us an equitable conduct every way, by using u» to such laws as instruct us therein; while at the same time he hath ordained, that such as break these laws should be punished, without the allowance of any excuse whatsoever. 31. Now the greatest part of offences with us are capital; as if any one be guilty of adultery ; if any one force a virgin ; if any one be so impudent as to attempt sodomy with a male; or if, upon another's making an attempt upon him, he submits to be so used. There is also a law for slaves of the like nature, that can never be avoided. Moreover, if any one cheats another in measures or weights, or makes a knavish bargain and sale, in order to cheat another; if any one steal what belongs to another and takes what he never deposited; all these have punishments allotted them, not such as are met with among other nations, but more severe ones. And as for at- tempts of unjust behaviour towards parents, or impiety against God, though they be not actu- ally accomplished, the oflfenders are destroyed immediately. However, the reward of such as live exactly acording to the laws, is not silver or gold; it is not a garland of olive-branches or of smallage, nor any such public sign of commendation; but every good man hath his own conscience bearing witness to himself, and, by virtue of our legislator's prophetic spirit, and of the firm security God himself affords such a one, he believes that God hath made thb grant to those that observe these laws, even though they be obliged readily to die for them, that they shall come into being again, and at a certain revolution of things receive a better life than they had enjoyed before. Nor would I venture to write thus at this' time, were it not well known to all by our actions that many of our people have many a time bravely resolved to endure any sufferings, rather tbaxi speak one word against our law. 32. Nay, indeed, in case it had so fallen out, that our nation had not been so thor- oughly known among all men as they are and our voluntary submission to our laws hart not been so opeii and maxufes* as it is, but BOOK II. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. 819 that somebody had pretended to have written these laws himself, and had read them to the Greeks, or had pretended that he had met with men out of the limits of the known world, that had such reverend notions of God, and had continued for a long time in the firm observance of such laws as ours, I cannot but suppose that all men would admire them on a redection upon the frequent changes they had therein been themselves subject to; and this while those that have attempted to write some- what of the same kind for politic government, and for laws, are accused as composing mon- strous things, and are said to have undertaken an impossible task upon them. And here I will say nothing of those other philosophers who have undertaken any thing of this nature in their writings. But even Plato himself, who is so admired by the Greeks on account of that gravity in his manner and force in his words, and that ability he had to persuade men beyond all other philosophers, is little better than laughed at and exposed to ridicule on that account, by those that pretend to sagacity in political affairs; although he that shall diligently peruse his writings, will find his precepts to be somewhat gentle, and pretty near to the customs of the generality of man- kind. Nay, Plato himself confesseth that it is not safe to publish the true notion concern- ing God among the ignorant multitude. Yet do some men look upon Plato's discourses as no better than certain idle words set oflF with great artifice. However, they admire Lycur- gus as the principal lawgiver; and all men celebrate Sparta for having continued in the firm observance of his laws for a very long time. So far then we have gained, that it is to be confessed a mark of virtue to submit to laws.* But then let such as admire this in the Lacedemonians compare that duration of theirs with more than two thousand years which our political government hath conti- nued ; and let them farther consider, that though the Lacedemonians did seem to ob- serve their laws exactly while they enjoyed their liberty, yet that when they underwent a change iu their fortune, they forgot almost all those laws; while we, having been under ten thousand changes in our fortune by the changes that happened among the kings of Asia, have never betrayed our laws uuder the most press- ing distresses we have been in ; nor have we neglected them either out of sloth or for a Uvelihood.f Nay, if any one will consider it. the difficulties and labours laid upon us have been greater thac what appears to have * It may not be amiss to set down here a very nemarkablt. testimony of the great philosopher Cicero, as to the pretv rence of ''laws to philosophy:" "1 will {says he) boldly declare my opiaion, thou|rh the whole world l»c utfeiided at it. I prefer this little book of the Twelve Tables alone to all the vulumes of the philoso- phers I tind it to b^ not only of more weight, but also much taore useful." — De Oratore. ♦ Or. .» e have observed our times of rest, and sortJ of owed us CJunuU our disuessesi been borne by the Lacedemonian fortitude, while they neither ploughed their land nor ex- ercised any trades, but lived in their own city, free from all such pains-taking, in the enjoy- ment of plenty, and using such exercises as might improve their bodies, while they made use of other men as their servants for all the necessaries of life, and had their food prepared for thetn by the others: and these good and humane actions they do for no other purpose but this, that by their actions and their suffer- ings they may be able to conquer all those against whom they make war. I need not add this, that they have not been fully able to observe their laws; for not only a tew single persons, but multitudes of them, have in heaps neglected those laws, and have deli- vered themselves, together with their arms, into the hands of their enemies. 33. Now as for ourselves, Iventure to say, that no one can tell of so many; nay, not of more than one or two that have betrayed our laws, no not out of fear of death itself; I do not mean such an easy death as happens in battles, but that which comes with bodily torments, and seems to be the severest kind of death of all others. Now I think, those that have conquered us have put us to such deaths, not out of their hatred to us when they had subdued us, but rather out of their desire of seeing a surprising sight, which is this, whether there be such men in the world who believe that no evil is to them so great as to be compelled to do or to speak any thing contrary to their own laws. Nor ought men to won- der at us, if we are more courageous in dying for our laws than all other men aro^ for other men do not easily submit to the easier things in which we are instituted ; I mean working with our hands, and eating but little, and being contented to eat and drink, not at random, or at every one's pleasure, or being under inviolable rules in lying with our wives, in magnificent furniture, and again in the observation of our times of rest; while those that can use their swords in war, and can put their enemies to flight when they attack them, cannot bear to submit to such laws about their way of living: whereas our being accustomed willingly to submit to laws in these instances, renders us fit to show our fortitude upon other occasions also. 34. Yet do the Lysimachi and the Molones, and some other writers (unskilful sophists as they are, and the deceivers of young men) re- proach us as the vilest of all mankind. Now I have no mind to make an inquiry into the laws of other nations ; for the custom of our country is to keep our own laws, but not to accuse the laws of others. And indeed, our legislator hath expressly forbidden us to laugh at and revile those that are esteemed gods by other people, J on account of the very name of God ascribed { See Antiq. b. iv. ch. viii. sect 10, »nd its Dota. 820 FLAVIUS J()8fc:PHU« AGALNsT APON, BOOK 11, to them. But since our antagonists think to run us down upon the comparison of their religion and ours, it is not possible to keep silence here, especially while what I shall say to confute these men will not be now first said, but hath been already said by many, and these of the highest reputation also; for who is there among those that have been admired among the Greeks for wisdom, who hath not greatly blamed both the most famous poets and most celebrated legislators, for spreading such notions originally among the body of the people concerning the gods? such as these, that they may be allowed to be as numerous as they have a mind to have themj that they are begotten one by another, and that after all the kinds of generation you can imagine. They also distinguish them in their places and ways of living,^ as they would dis- tinguish several sorts of animals; as some to De under the earth ; some to be in the sea; and the ancientest of them all to be bound in hell; and for those to whom they have allotted heaven, they have set over them one, who in title is their father, but in his actions a tyrant and a lord ; whence it came to pass that his wife, ■ and brother, and (daughter, which daughter he brought forth from his own head), made a conspiracy against him to seize upon him and confine him, as he had himself seized upon and confined his own father before. 35. And justly have the wisest men thought these notions deserved severe rebukes; they also laugh at them for determining that we ought to believe some of the gods to be beardless and young, au^ others of them to be old, and to have beards accordingly; that some are set to trades; that one god is a smith, and another goddess is a weaver; that one god is a war- rior, and fights with men; that some of them are harpers, or delight in archery; and be- sides, that mutual seditions arise among them, and that they quarrel about men, and this so far, that they not only lay hands upon one another, but that they are wounded by men, and lament, and take on for such their afflictions ; but what is the grossest of all in point of lasci- viousness, are those unbounded lusts ascribed to almost all of them, and their amours; which how can it beotherthan a most absurd supposal, especially when it reaches to the male gods, and to the female goddesses also? More- over, the chief of all their gods, and their first father himself, overlooks those goddesses whom be bath deluded and begotten with child, and suffers them to be kept in prison, or drowned in the sea. He is also so bound up by fate, that he cannot save his own off- spring; nor can be bear their deaths without shedding of tears. — These are fine things in- deed I as are the rest that follow. Adulteries truly are so impudently looked on in heaven by the gods^ that some of them have con- fessed they envied those that were found in the very act} aud wby should they not do so. when the eldest of them, who is their kirg also, bath not been able to restrain himself k the violence of his lust, from lying with his I wife, so long as they might get into their I bed-chamber? isow, some of the gods are j servants to men, and will sometimes be I builders for a reward, and sometimes will be shepherds; while others of them, like male- factors, are bound in a prison of brass; and what sober person is there who would not be provoked at such stories, and rebuke those that forged them, and condemn the great silliness of those that admit them for true I x<»y, others there are that have advanced a certaui ' timorousness and fear, as also madness and fraud, and any other of the vilest passions, into the nature and form of g'ods, and have per- suaded whole cities to otfer sacrifices to the better sort of them; on which account they have been absolutely forced to esteem some gods as the givers of good things, and to call others of them averters of evil. They also en- , deavour to move them, as they would the vilest I of men, by gifts and presents, as looking for ' nothing else than to receive some great mischief I from them, unless they pay them such wages. I 36. Wherefore it deserves our inquiry what ) should be the occasion of this unjust man- i agement, and of these scandals about the I Deity. And truly I suppose it to be derived I from the imperfect knowledge the heathen le- '. gislators had at first of the true nature of God; f nor did they explain to the people even se 1 far as they did comprehend cf it: nor did I they compose the other parts of their political ( settlements according to it, but omitted it aa I a thing of very little consequence, and gave I leave both to the poets to introduce what gods [ they pleased, and those subject to all sorts of passions, and to the orators to procure poli- tical decrees from the people for the admission of such foreign gods as they thought proper. The painters also, and statuaries of Greece, had herein great power, as each of them could contrive a shape [proper for a god}; the one to be formed out of clay, and the other by making a bare picture of sech a one ; but those workmen that were principally admired, had the use of ivory and of gold as the con- stant materials for their new statues-, [vvnere- by it comes to pass that some temples are quite deserted, while others are in great esteent, and adorned with a'il the rites of all kinds of purification.] Besides this, the first gods, who have long flourished in the Loi.ours done them, are now grown old [while those that flourished after them are come in their room as a second rank, that I may s^peuk the most honourably of them that 1 canj; ray, cer- tain other gods there are who are newly intro- duced, atul newly worsiiipped [as we, by way of digression have said already, and yet have left their places of worship desolate]; and fcr their temples, some of them are already left desolate, and others are built auew according BOOK II. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. 821 to the pleasure of men ; whereas they ought to have preserved their opinion about God, and that worship which is due to him, always and immutably the same. 37. But now, this Apollonius Molo was one of those foolish and proud men. How- ever, nothing that I have said was unknown to those that were real philosophers among the Greeks, nor were they unacquainted with those frigid pretences of allegories [which had been alleged for such things] : on which account they justly despised them, but have still agreed with us as to the true and be- coming notions of God; whence it was that Plato would not have poUtical settlements to admit of any one of the other poets, and dismisses even Homer himself, with a garland on his head, and with ointment poured upon him, and this because he should not destroy ', \the right notions of God with his fables. Nay, [ jPlato principally imitated our legislator in this point that he enjoined his citizens to have the main regard to this precept, " That every one of them should learn their laws accurately." He also ordained, that they should not admit of foreigners intermixing with their own peo- ple at random ; and provided that the com- monwealth should keep itself pure, and con- sist of such only as persevered in their own "laws. Apollonius Molo did no way consider this, when he made it one branch of his accu- sation against us, that we do not admit of such as have different notions about God, nor will we have fellowsliip with those that choose to observe a way of living different from ourselves ; yet is not this method pecu- liar to us, but common to all other men ; not among the ordinary Grecians only, but among such of those Grecians as are of the greatest reputation among them. Moreover, the Lacedemonians continued in their way of expelling foreigners, and would not, indeed, give leave to their own people to travel abroad, as suspecting that those two things would introduce a dissolution of their own laws : and perhaps there may be some reason to blame the rigid severity of the Lacede- monians, for they bestowed the privilege of their city on no foreigners, nor would give leave to them to stay among them : whereas we, though we do not think fit to imitate other institutions, yet do we willingly admit of those that desire to partake of ours, which I think I may reckon to be a plain indication of our humanity, and at the same time of our magnanimity also. 38. But I shall say no more of the Lace- demonians. As for the Athenians, who glory in having made their city to be common to all men, what their behaviour was, Apollonius did not know, while they punished those that spoke contrary to their laws about the gods, without mercy ; for on what other account was it that Socrates was put to death by them ! Certainly, he neither betrayed their city to its enemies, nor was he guilty of sacrilege with regard to their temples ; but on this account, that he swore certain new oaths,* and that he affirmed, either in earnest, or, as soma say, only in jest, that a certain demon used to make signs to him [what he should not do]. For these reasons he was condemned to drink poison, and kill himself. His accuse also complained that he corrupted the young men, by inducing them to despise the political settlement and laws of their city : and thus was Socrates, the citizen of Athens, punished. There was also Anaxagoras, who although he was of Clazomenae, was within a few suf- frages of being condemned to die, because he said the sun, which the Athenians thought to be a god, was a ball of fire. They also made this public proclamation, " That i'cey would give a talent to any one who would kill Dia- goras of Melos," because it was reported that he laughed at their mysteries: Portagoras also, who was thought to have written somewhat that was not owned for truth by the Athe- nians about the gods, had been seized upon, and put to death, if he had not fled immedi- ately. Nor need we wonder that they thus treated such considerable men, when they did not even spare women ; for they very lately slew a certain priestess, because she was accused by somebody that she initiated people into the worship of strange gods, it having been forbidden so to do by one of their laws ; and a capital punishment had been de- cieed to such as introduced a strange god; it being manifest, that they who make use of such a law, do not believe those of other na- tions to be really gods, otherwise they had not envied themselves the advantage of more gods than they already had ; and this was the happy administration of the affairs of the Athenians! Now, as to the Scythians, they take a pleasure in killing men, and differ lit- tle from brute beasts ; yet do they think it reasonable to have their institutions observed. They also slew Anacharsis, a person greatly admired for his wisdom among the Greeks, when he returned to them, because he ap- peared to come fraught with Grecian customs, ^^e find many punished among the Persians, on the same account. Apollonius was greatly pleased with the laws of the Persians, and was an admirer of them, because the Greeks enjoyed the advantage of their courage, and nad the very same opinion about the gods which they had. This last was exemplified in the temples they burnt, and their courage in coming, and almost entirely enslaving the Grecians. However, Apollonius has imi- tated all the Persian institutions, and that by his offering violence to other men's wives, ■and castrating his own sons. Now, with • See what those novel oaths were in Dr. Hudsoc's note, viz. to swear by an oak, by a goat, and by a doe, as aLso by a (janHer, as say Philostratns and others This swearin!! strange oaths was also forbidden by the Tyr-ani, b. i. sect 22, as Spanhcim here notes. 622 FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. BOOK II UB, it is a capital crime, if any one does thus abuse even a brute beast ; and as for us, nei- ther hath the fear of our g^overnors, nor a de- sire of following what other nations have in 80 great esteem, been able to withdraw us from our laws ; nor have we exerted our courage in raising up wars to increase our wealth, but only for the observation of our laws; and when we with patience bear other losses; yet when any persons would compel us to break our laws, then it is that we choose to go to war, though it be beyond our ability to pur- sue it, and bear the greatest calamities to the last with much fortitude ; and indeed, what reason can there be why we should desire to imitate the laws of other nations, while we see t|iey are not observed by their own legislators? And why do not the Lacedemo- nians think of abolishing that form of their government which suffers them not to associ- ate with any others, as well as their contempt of matrimony? And why do not the Eleans and Thebans abolish that unnatural and impu- dent lust, which makes them lie with males? For they will not show a sufficient sign of their repentance of what they of old thought to be very excellent, and very advantageous in their practices, unless they entirely avoid all such actions for the time to come : nay, such things are inserted into the body of their laws, and had once such a power among the Greeks, that they ascribed these sodomitical practices to the gods themselves, as part of their good charac- ter ; and indeed it was according to the same manner that the gods married their own sisters. This the Greeks contrived as an apology for their own absurd and unnatural pleasures. 39. I omit to speak concerning punish- ments, and how many ways of escaping them the greatest part of legislators have afforded malefactors, by ordaining that, for adulteries, fines in money should be allowed, and for corrupting* [virgins] they need only marry them;t as also what excuses they may have in denying the facts, if any one should attempt to inquire into them ; for amongst most other nations it is a studied art how men may trans- gress their laws ; but no such thing is permit- ted amongst us; for though we be deprived f our wealth, of our cities, or of other ad- vantages we have, our law continues immor- .,al ; nor can any Jew go so far from his own country, nor be so affrighted at the severest lord, as not to be more affrighted at the law than at him. If, therefore, this be the dis- • Why JoKpphus here should blame some heathen 1e(ri.<ilntors, when they allowed so easy a composition for simple fornication, as an ohiiir.-ition to marry the virfjin that was corrupted, is hard to say, seeing he had himself tnily informed us, that it was a law of the Jews, Antiq. h. iv. chap. Tiii. sect 2:J, as it is the law of Christianity also; nee lioreh (ovenant, p. Hi I am almost ready to inspect, that for yctfu^jf. we should her- read yafMnti •nd that corniptitm wedlock, or other men's wives, is tie cnme for which th.-se heathens wickedly allowed this eompiisition in money. ♦ Or "for corruptintr other men's wives, the same allowance." position we are under, with regard to the ex- cellency of our laws, let our enemies make us this concession, that our laws are most excel- lent; and if still they imagine that though we so firmly adhere to them, yet are they bad laws notwithstanding, what penalties then do they deserve to undergo who do not observe their own laws, which they esteem superior? Whereas, therefore, length of time is esteemed to be the truest touchstone in all cases, I would make that a testimonial of the excel- lency of our laws, and of that belief thereby delivered to us concerning God ; for as there hath been a very long time for this compari- son, if any one will but compare its duration with the duration of the laws made by other legislators, he will find our legislator to have been the most ancient of them all. 40. We have already demonstrated that our laws have been such as have always inspired admication and imitation into all other men ; nay, the earliest Grecian philosophers, though in appearance they observed the laws of their own countries, yet did they, in their actions and their philosophic doctrines, follow our le- gislator, and instructed men to live sparingly, and to have friendly communication one with another. Nay, farther, the multitude of man- kind itself have had a great inclination of a long time to follow our religious observances; for there is not any city of the Grecians, nor any of the barbarians, nor any nation whatso- ever, whither our custom of resting on the se- venth day hath not come, and by which our fasts and lighting up lamps, and many of our prohibitions as to our food, are not observed; they also endeavour to imitate our mutual con- cord with one another, and the charitable dis- tribution of our goods, and our diligence in our trades, and our fortitude in undergoing the dis- tresses we are in, on account of our laws ; and, what is here matter of the greatest admiration, our law hath no bait of pleasure to allure men to it, but it prevails by its own force ; and as God himself pervades all the world, so hath our law passed through all the world also.- So that if any one will but reflect on his own country and his own family, he will have rea- son to give credit to what I say. It is there- fore but just, either to condemn all mankind of indulging a wicked disposition, when they have been so desirous of imitating laws that are to them foreign and evil in themselves, rather than following laws of their own that are of a better character, or else our accusers must leave off their spite against us ; nor are \Ve guilty of any envious behaviour towards them, when we honour our own legislator, and believe what he, by his prophetic autho- rity, hath taught us concerning God ; for though we should not be able ourselves to understand the excellency of otir own laws, yet would the great multitude of those that desire to imitate them, justify us, in greatly valuing ourselves upon them. BOOK II. FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION. 823 41. But as for the [distinct] political laws by wLich we are governed, I have delivered them accurately in ray books of Antiquities ; and have only mentioned them now, so far as was necessary to ray present purpose, without proposing to myself either to blame the laws of other nations, or to make an encomium upon our own, — but in order to convict those ttat have written about us unjustly, and in an impudent affectation of disguising the truth : — and now I think I have sufficiently completed what I proposed in writing these books ; for whereas our accusers have pre- tended that our nation are a people of very late original, I have demonstrated that they are exceeding ancient ; for I have produced as witnesses thereto many ancient writers, who have made mention of us in their books, while they had said no such writer had so done. Moreover, they had said that we were sprung from the Egyptians, while I have proved that we came from another country into Egypt, while they had told lies of us, as if we were expelled thence on account of diseases on our bodies, it has appeared on the contrary that we returned to our country by our own choice, and with sound and strong bodies. Those accusers reproached our legis- lator as a vile fellow, whereas God in old time bare witness to his virtuous conduct; and since thattestimony ofGod, time itself hath been dis- co vered to have borne witness to the same thing. 42. As to the laws themselves, more words are unnecessary, for they are visible in their own nature, and appear to teach not impiety, but the truest piety in the world. They do not make men hate one another, but encou- rage people to communicate what they have to one another freely ; they are enemies to injustice, they take care of righteousness, they bankh idleness and expensive living, and in- struct men to be content with what they have, and to be laborious in their callings; they forbid men to make war from a desire of get< ting more, but make men courageous in de- fending the laws : they are inexorable in pu nishing malefactors : they admit no sophistry of words, but are always established by ac- tions themselves, which actions we ever pro pose as surer demonstrations than wha contained in writing only ; on which accou. I am so bold as to say that we are becon the teachers of other men, in the greates number of things, and those of the most ex- cellent nature only ; for what is more excel- lent than inviolable piety? what is more jusi than submission to laws? and what is more advantageous than mutual love and concord? and this so far that we are to be neither divided by calamities, nor to become injurious and seditious in prosperity; but to contemn death when we are in war, and in peace to applv ourselves to our mechanical occupations, or to our tillage of the ground ; while we in all things and all ways are satisfied that God is the inspector and governor of our actions. If these precepts had either been written at first, or more exactly kept by any others be- fore us, we should have owed them thanks as disciples owe to their masters ; but if it be visible that we have made use of them more than any other men, and if we have demon- strated that the original invention of them is our own, let the Apions, and the Molones, with all the rest of those that delight in lies and reproaches, stand confuted ; but let this and the foregoing book be dedicated to thee, Epaphroditus, vv^o art so great a lover of truth, and by thy means to those that have been in like manner desirous to be ac^^uainted with the afiairg of our nation. EXTEACT OUT OF JOSEPHUS'S DISCOURSE TO THE GREEKS CONCERNING HADES. € 1. Now as to Hades, wberein the souls of tiie righteous and unrighteous are detained, it is necessary to speak of it. Hades is a place n the world not regularly finished ; a subter- aneovs region wherein the light of this world does not shine; from which circumstance, that lU this region the light does not shine, it can- not be but there must be in it perpetual dark- less. This region is allotted as a place of custody for souls, in vvhich.angels are appoint- ed as guardians to them, who distribute to them temporary punishments, agreeable to every one's behaviour and manners. 2. In this region there is a certain place set apart as a lake of unquenchable fire, whereinto we suppose no one hath hitherto been cast ; but it is prepared for a day afore- determined by God, in which one righteous sentence shall deservedly be passed upon all men; when the unjust and those that have been disobedient to God, and have given ho- nour to such idols as have been the vain ope- rations of the hands of men, as to God him- self, shall be adjudged to this everlasting pu- nishment, as having been the causes of defile- ment; while the just shall obtain an incorrup- tible and never-fading kingdom. These are now indeed confined in Hades, but not in the same place wherein the unjust are confined. 3. For there is one descent into this re- gion, at whose gate we believe there stands an archangel with an host; which gate when those pass through that are conducted down by the angels appointed over souls, they do not go the same way; but the just are guided .o toe right hand, and are led with hymns, ■ung by the angels appointed over that place, unto a region of light, in which the just have iwelt from the beginning of the world ; net constrained by necessity, but ever enjoying the prospect of the good things they see, and rejoice in the expectation of those new enjoy- ments which will be peculiar to every one of them, and esteeming those things beyond what we have here ; with whom there is no place of toil, no burning heat, no piercing cold, nor are any briers there ; but the coun- tenance of the fathers and of the just, which they see, always smiles upon them, while they wait for that rest and eternal new life in hea- ven, which is to succeed this region. This place we call The Bosom of Abraham. 4. But as to the unjust, they are dragged by force to the left hand by the angels allotted for punishment, no longer going with a good- will, but as prisoners driven by violence ; to whom are sent the angels appointed over them to reproach them and threaten them with their terrible looks, and to thrust them still downwards. Now those angels that are set over these souls, drag them into the neigh- bourhood of hell itself; who, when they are hard by it, continually hear the noise of it, and do not stand clear of the hot vapour it- self; but when they have a nearer view of this spectacle, as of a terrible and exceeding great prospect of fire, they are struck with a fear- ful expectation of a future judgment, and in effect punished thereby; and not only so, but where they see the place [or choir] of the fa- thers and of the just, even hereby are they punished ; for a chaos deep and large is fixed between them ; insomuch that a just man that hath compassion upon them cannot be admit- ted, nor can one that is unjust, if he were bold enough to attempt it, pass over it. 6. This is the discourse concerning Hades, wherein the souls of all men aire confined JOSEIHUS'S DISCOURSE CONCERNING HADES. 825 until a proper season, which God hath deter- mined, when he will make a resurrection of all men from the dead, not procuring a trans- migration of souls from one body to another, but raising again those very bodies, which you Greeks, seeing to be dissolved, do not believe [their resurrection] : but learn not to disbe- lieve it; for while you believe that the soul is created, and yet is made immortal by God, according to the doctrine pf Plato, and this in time, be not incrednlocs; but believe that God is able, when he hath raised to life that body which was made as a compound of the same elements, to make it immortal; for it must never be said of God that he is able to do some things, and unable to do others. We have therefore believed th t the body will be raised again; for although it be dissolved, it is not perished; for the earth receives its re- mains, and preserves the ; and while they are like seed, and are mixed among the more fruitful soil, they flourish, and what is sown is indeed sown bare grain; but at the mighty sound of God the Creator, it will sprout up, and be raised in a clothed and glorious condi- tion, though not before it has been dissolved, oi-d mixed [with the earth]. So that we have not rashly believed the resurrection of the body; for' although it be dissolved for a time on account of the original transgression, it exists still, and is cast into the earth as into a potter's furnace, in order to be formed again, not in order to rise again such as it was be- fore, but in a state of purity, nd so as never to be destroyed any more; and to every body shall its own soul be restored ; and when it hath clothed itself with that body, it will not be subject to misery, but, being itself pure, it will continue with its pure body, and re- joice with it, with which it having walked righteously now in this world, and never hav- ing had it as a snare, it will receive it again with great gladness: but as for the unjust, they will receive their bodies not changed, not fieed from diseases or distempers, nor made glorious, but with the same diseases wherein they died; and such as they ere in their un- belief, the same shall they be when they shall be faithfully judged. 6. For ail men, the just as well as the un- m*t, shall be brought before God the word; for to him hath the Father committed all iudgment; and he, in order to fidjil the will ■if his Father, shall come as judge, whom we call Christ. For Minos and Rhadarnaiithus ire not the juf'gi's. a- ;, on Greek.< do sup;-()>e. bwt he whom God even the Fatk r hath glo- 'ified; concfrnisg whom we have else- / VIIERE GIVEN A MOKE PARTICULAR ACCOUNT, lOR THE SAKE OF THOSE '^^HO SEEK AFTER TRUTH, This person, exercising the righte- nis judgment of the Fathf t towards all men, Wath prepart'il ;i jimt sentence for every one. accolding to his works; at whose judo-rncnt- «eat wbe:j all men. and angels, and demons shall stand, they will send forth one voice, and say, just is thy judgment; the rejoin- der to which will bring a just sentence upon both parties, by giving justly to those that have done well an everlasting fruition ; but allotting to the lovers of wicked works eternal punishment. To these belong the unquench- able fire, and that without end, and a certain fiery worm never dying, and not destroying the body, but continuing its eruption out o» the body with never-ceasing grief; neither will sleep give ease to these men, nor will the night afford them comfort; death will not free them from their punishment, nor will the interceding prayers of their kindred pro- fit them; for the just are no longer seen by them, nor are they thought worthy of remem- brance; but the just shall remember only their righteous actions, whereby they have attained the heavenly kingdom, in which there is no sleep, no sorrow, no corruption, nc care, no night, no day measured by time, no sun driven in his course along the circle of heaven by necessity, and measuring out the bounds and conversions of the seasons, for the better illumination of the life of men; no moon decreasing and increasing, or introdu- cing a variety of seasons, nor will she then moisten the earth; no burning sun, no Bear turning round [the pole], no Orion to rise, no wandering of innumerable stars. The earth will not then be difficult to be passed over, nor will it be hard to find out the court of Paradise, nor will there be any fear- ful roaring of the sea, forbidding the passen- gers to walk on it: even that will be made easily passable to the just, though it will not be void of moisture. Heaven will not then be uninhabitable by men: and it will not be impossible to discover the way of ascending thither. The earth will not be unculti- vated, nor require too much labour of men, but will bring forth its fruits of its own ac- cord, and will be well adorned with them. There will be no more generations of wild beasts, nor will the substance of the rest of the animals shoot out any more; for it will not produce men, but the number of the righte- ous will continue, and never fail, together with righteous angels, and spirits [of Gofi], and with his word, as a choir of righteous men and women that never grow old, and continue in an incorruptible state, singing hymns to God, who hath advanced them to tiiHt h ippiness. by the means of a regular in- stitution of life: with whom the whole crea- tion also will lift up a perpetual hymn from corruption to incorruption, as glorified by 8 splendid and pure spirit. It will not then be restrained by a bond of necessity, but with a lively freedom shall oiFer up a voluntary hymn, and shall praise him that made them, tofetjier with the anpels, and spirits, and men wow freed from all Ixmdage. 7. And now, if you Gentiles will be per 826 JOSEPHUS S DISCOURSE CONCERNING HADES. iuaded by these motives, and leave your vain imaginations about your pedigrees, and gain- ing of ricbes and philosophy, and will not spend your time about subtilties of words, and thereby lead your minds into error, and if you will apply your ears to the hearing of the inspired prophets, the interpreters both of God and of his word, and will believe in God, you shall both be partakers of these things, and obtain the good things that are to come ; you shall see the ascent into the immense heaven plainly, and that kingdom which is there ; for what God hath now con- cealed in silence [will be then made mani- fest], what neither eye hath seen, nor ear hath heard, nor hath it entered into the heart of man, the things that God hath prepared for them that love him. 8. In whatsoever ways I shall find you, in them shall I judge you entirely; so cries the END of all things. And he who hath at first lived a virtuous life, but towards the lat- ter end falls into vice, these labours by kim before ei/dured, shall be altogether vain and unprofitable, even as in a play, brought to at? ill catastrophe. "Whosoever shall have livp,^ wickedly and luxuriously may repent ; how- ever, there will be need of much time to con- quer an evil habit, and even after repentance his whole life must be guarded with great care and diligence, after the manner of a bod" which, after it hath been a long time affiicted with a distemper, requires a stricter diet and method of living, for though it may be pos- sible, perhaps, to break off the chain of our irregular affections at once, — yet our amena- ment cannot be secured without the grace of God, the prayers of good men, the help of the brethren, and our own sincere repentaiJCu and constant care. It is a good thing not to sin at all ; it is also good, having sinned, to -repent, — as it is best to have health alwavs : but it is a good thing to recover from a dis- temper. To God be glory and domnion for ever cmd ever. Amen, APPENDIX. DISSERTATION I. THE TESTIMONIES OF JOSEPHUS CONCERNING JESUS CHRIST, JOHN THE BAPTIST, AND JAMES THE JUST, VINDICATED. SiN'CE we meet mth several important testi- monies in Joseph us, the Jewish historian, con- cerning John the Baptist, the forerunner of Jesus of Nazareth, concerning Jesus of Naza- reth himself, and concerning James the Just the brother of Jesus of Nazareth ; and since the principal testimony, which is that con- cerning Jesus of Nazareth himself, has of late been greatly questioned by many, and rejected by some of the learned as spurious, it will be fit for me, who have ever declared my firm belief that these testimonies were genuine, to set down fairly some of the original evidence and citations I have met with in the first fif- teen centuries concerning them; and then to make proper observations upon that evidence, for the reader's more complete satisfaction. But before I produce the citations them- selves out of Josephus, give me leave to pre- pare the reader's attention, by setting dcwn the sentiments of perhaps the most learned person, and the most competent judge, that ever was, as to the authority of Josephus, I mean of Joseph Scaliger, in the Prolegomena to his book De Emendatione Temporum, p. 17. "Josephus is the most diligent and the great- est lover of truth of all writers; nor are we afraid to affirm of him, that it is more safe to believe him, not only as to the affairs of the Jews, but also as to those that are foreign to them, than all the Greek and Latin writers; and this^ because his fidelity and his compass of learning are everywhere conspicuous." THE ANCIENT CITATIONS OF THE TESTIMO- NIES OF JOSEPHUS, FROM HIS OWN TIME TILL THE END OFTHE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. About A.D. 110. Tacit. Annal. lib. xv. cap. 44 — Nero in order to stifle the rumour [as if he himself had set Rome on fire], ascribed it to those people who were hated for their wicked practices, and called by the vulgar Christians: these he punished exquisitely. TTie author of this name was Christ, who, in the reign of Tiberius, was brought to punishment by Pontius Pilate the procurator. About A. D. 147. Just. Mart. Dialog, cum Tnjph. p. 230 You [Jews] knew that Jesus was risen from the dead, and ascended into heaven, as the prophecies did foretell was to happen. About A. D. 230. Origen. Comment, in Matth. p. 234 This James was of so shi- ning a character among the people, on account of his righteousness, that Flavius Josephus, when, in his twentieth book of the Jewish Anti^'iitJes, he bad a mind to set down what was the cause why the pfonle suffered s*ich miseries, till the very holy house was denio- lished, he said, that these things betel them by the anger of God, on account of what they had dared to do to James, the brother of Jesus, who was called Christ; and wonderful it ij, that while he did not receive Jesus for Christ, he did nevertheless bear witness that James was so righteous a man. He says farther, that the people thought they had suf* fered these things for the sake of James. About A. D. 250. Id. Contr. Cels. lib. i. p. 35, 36. — I would say to Celsus, who perso- nates a Jew, that admitted of John the Bap- tist, and how he baptized Jesus, that, one who lived but a little while after John and Jesus, wrote, how that John was a baptizer unto tHe remission of sins; for Josephus testifies, in the eighteenth book of his Jewish Xntiqui- ties, that John was the Baptist; and that be proniised purification to those that were bap. tized. The same Josephus also.although he did not bel'eve in Jesus as Christ, when he was 828 lylSSERTA^TION I. inquiring after the cause of the destruction of Jerusalem, and of the demolition of the tem- ple, and ought to have said that their machi- nations against Jesus were the cause of those miseries coming on the people, because they had slain that Christ who was foretold by the prophets, he, though as it were unwillingly, and yet as one not remote from the truth, says, " these miseries befel the Jews by way of revenge for James the Just, who was the brother of Jesus that was called Christ; because they had slain him who was a most righteous person." Now this James was he wnom that genuine disciple of Jesus, Paul, Baid he had seen as the Lord's brother [Gal. i. 19] ; which relation implies not so much nearness of blood, or the sameness of educa- tion, as it does the agreement of manners and preaching. If therefore he says the desola- tion of Jerusalem befel the Jews for the sake of James, with how much greater reason might he have said that it happened for the sake of Jesus? &c. About A.D. 324. Euseb. Demonstr. Evan. lib. iii. p. 124. Certainly, the attestation of those I have already produced concerning our Saviour may be sufficient. However, it may not be amiss, if, over and above, we reake use of Josephus the Jew for a farther witness; who, in the eighteenth book of his Antiquities, when he was writing the history of what happened under Pilate, makes men- tion of our Saviour in these words: — "Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call hira a man ; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as had a veneration for truth. He drew over to him both many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles: he was the Christ. And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men among us, had condemned him to the cross, those that loved him at first did not for- sake him; for he appeared unto them alive again the third day, as the divine prophets had spoken of these, and teft thousand other won- derful things concerning him: whence the tribe of Christians, so'named from him, are not extinct at this day." If therefore we have this historian's testimony, that he not only brought over to himself the twelve apos- tles, with the seventy disciples, but many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles also, he must manifestly have had somewhat in him extraordinary, above the rest of mankind; for how otherwise could he draw over so many of the Jews and of the Gentiles, unless he performed admirable and amazing works, and used a method of teaching that was not common? Moreover, the scripture of ths Acts o/the Apostles (xxi. '20) bears witness, that there were many ten thousands of Jews, who were persuaded that he was the Christ of God, who was foretold by the prophets. About A.D. 330. Id. Hist. Eccles. lib. i. cap. 11. Now the divine scripture of the Gospels makes mention of John the Baptist as having his head eut off by the younger Herod. Josephus also concurs in this history, and makes mention of Herodias by name, as the wife of his brother, whom Herod had married, upon divorcing his former lawful wife. She was the daughter of Aretas, king of the Petrean Arabians ; and which Herodias he had parted from her husband while he was alive; on which account also, when he had slain John, he made war with Aretas [Aretas made war with him], because his daughter had been used dishonourably: in which war, when it came to a battle, he says, that all Herod's army was destroyed; and that he suffered this because of his wicked contrivance against John. Moreover, the same Josephus, by acknowledging John to have been a most righteous man, and the Baptist, conspires in his testimony with what is written in the Gos- pels. He also relates, that Herod lost his kingdom for the sake of the same Herodias, togetherwith whomhe was himself condemned to be banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul ; and this is his account in the eighteenth book of the Antiquities, where he writes this of John verbatim : — " Some of the Jews thought that the destruction of Herod's army came from God, and that very justly, as a punishment for what he did against John that was called the Baptist ,• for Herod slew him, who was a good man, and one that commanded the Jews to exercise virtue, both as to righteous- ness towards one another, and piety towards God, and so to come to baptism, for that by this means the washing [with water] would appear acceptable to him, when they made use of it, not in order to the putting away [or the remissiop] of some sins [only], — but for the . purification of the body, supposing still that the soul was thoroughly purified beforehand by righteousness. Now when [many] others came in crowds about him, for they were greatly delighted in hearing his words, Herod was afraid that this so great power of persuading men might tend to some sedi- tion or other, for they seemed to be disposed to do every thing he should advise them to, so he supposed it better to prevent any attempt for a mutation from him, by cutting him off, than after any such mutation should be brought about, and the public should suffer, to repent [of such negligence]. Accordingly he was sent a prisoner, out of Herod's suspi- cious temper, to Macherus, the castle I before mentioned, and was there put to death." — When Josephus had said this of <John, he makes mention also of our Saviour in the same history after this manner : — " Now there was about this time one Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man ; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles also :— he was the Christ. And DISSERTATION I. 829 when Pilate, at the suggestion of the princi- pal men among us, had condemned him to the cross, those that loved him at the first did not forsake him; for he appeared to them alive again the third day, as the divine pro- phets had foretold these, arid ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him ; and still the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day." And sinct this writer, sprung from the Hebrews them- selves, hath delivered these things above in his own work, concerning John the Baptist and our Saviour, what room is there for any farther evasion ? &c. Now James was so wonderful a person, and was so celebrated by all others for righ- teousness, that the judicious Jews thought this to have been the occasion of that siege of Jerusalem, which came on presently after hi& martyrdom; and that it befel them for no other reason than that impious fact they were guilty of against him. Josephus therefore did not refuse to attest thereto in writing, by the words following : — " These miseries befel the Jews by way of revenge for James the Just, who was the brother of Jesus that was called Christ, on account that they had sladn him who was a most righteous person." The same Josephus declares the manner of his death in the twentieth book of the Anti- quities, in these words: — "Caesar sent Albi- nus into Judea to be procurator, when he had heard that Festus was dead. Now A nanus, junior, who, as we said, had been admitted to the high-priesthood, was in his temper bold and daring in an extraordinary manner. He was also of the sect of the Sadducees, who are more savage in judgment than any of the other Jews, as we have already signified. Since therefore this was the character of Ananus, he thought he had now a propei opportunity [to exercise his authority], because Festus was dead, and Albinus was but upon the road ; so he assembles the sanhedrim ot judges, and brings before them James, the brother of Jesus who was called Christ, and some others [of his companions] ; and when he had formed an accusation against them, as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned : but as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and those who were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done. They also sent to the king [Agrippa], desiring him to send to Ananus that he should act so no more, for that what he had already done could not be justified," &c. ^bout A. D. 360. Ambrose, or Hegesippus de Exdd. Urb. Hierosolym. lib. ii. cap. 12. — We have discovered that it was the opinion and belief of the Jews, as Josephus affirms (who is an author not to be rejected, when he writes against himself), that Herod lost his army, not by the deceit of men, but by the anger of God, and that justly, as an effect of | revenge '^r what be did to John the Baptist, a just man, who had said to him, It is not lawful for thee to have thy orothtr's wife. The Jews themselves also bear witness to Christ, as appears by Josephus, the writer ol their history, who says thus: — "That there was at that time a wise man, if (says he) it be lawful to have him called a man, a doer of wonderful works, who appeared to his disci- ples after the third day from his death alive again, according to the writings of the pro- phets, who foretold these and innumerable other miraculous evehts concerning him; from whom began the congregation of Christians, and hath penetrated among all sorts of men : nor does there remain any nation in the Roman world which continues strangers to his religion." If the Jews do not believe us, let them at least believe their own writers. Josephus, whom they esteem a very great man, hath said this, and yet hath he spoken truth after such a manner; and so far was his mind wandered from the right way, that even he was not a beUever as to what he himself said; but thus he spake, in order to deliver historical truth, because he thought it not lawful for him to deceive while yet he was no believer, because of the hardness of his heart and his perfidious intention. How- ever, it was no prejudice to the truth that he was not a believer; but this adds more weight to his testimony, that while he was an unbe- liever, and unwilling this should be true, he has not denied it to be so. About A. D. 400. Hieronym. de Vir. lllustr. in Josepho Josephus in the eighteenth book of Antiquities, most expressly acknowledges that Christ was slain by the Pharisees, on account of the greatness of his miracles; and that John the Baptist was truly a prophet; and that Jerusalem was demolished on account of the slaughter of James the apostle. Now, he wrote concerning our Lord after this man- ner: — " At the same time there was Jesus, a wise man, if yet it be lawful to call him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of those who willingly receive the truth. He had many followers, both of th'i Jews and of the Gentiles: — he was believed to be Christ. And when by the envy of our principal men, Pilate had con- demned him to the cross^ yet notwithstanding, those who had loved him at first persevered, for he appeared to them alive on the third day, as the oracles of the prophets had fore- told many of these and other wonderful things concerning him: and the sect of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day." About A. D. 410. Isidorus Pelusiota, the Scholar of Chry^ostom, lib. iv. epist. ±15 There was one Josephus, a Jew of the great- est reputation, and one that was zealous of the law; one also that paraphrased the Old Testament with truth, and acted valiantly for 830 DISSERTATION I. the Jews, and had showed that their settle- ment was nobler than can be described by words. Now since he made their interest give place to truth, for he would not support the opinion of impious men, I think it neces- sary to set down his words. What then does he say? "Now there was about that time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of the Jews and many of the Gen- tiles: — he was the Christ. And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men among us, had condemned him to the cross, those that loved him at first did not forsake him; for he appeared to them the third day alive again, as the divine prophets had said these, and a vast number of other wonderful things concerning him: and the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day." Now 1 cannot but wonder greatly at this great man's love of truth in many respects, but chiefly where he says, "Jesus was a teacher of men who received the truth with pleasure." About A. D. 440. Sozomen. Hist. Eccles. lib. i. cap. 1. — Now Josephus, the son of Matthias, a priest, a man of very great note, both among the Jews and the Romans, may well be a witness of credit as to the truth of Christ's history; for he scruples to call him a man, as being a doer of wonderful works, and a teacher of the words of truth. He names him Christ openly; and is not ignorant that he was condemned to the cross, and appeared on the third day alive, and that ten thousand other wonderful things W^ere foretold of him by the divine prophets. He testifies also, that those whom he drew over to him, being many of the Gentiles, as well as of the Jews, continued to love him; and that the tribe named from him was not then extinct. Now he seems to me by this his relation, almost to proclaim that Christ is God. However, he appears to have been so affected with the strangeness of the thing, as to run, as it were, in a sort of middle way, so as not to put any indignity upon believers in him, but rather to afford his suffrage to them. About A. D. 510. Cassiodorus Hist. Tri- partit. e Sozomeno. — Now Josephus, the son of Matthias, and a priest, a man of great nobility among the Jews, and of great dignity among the Romans, shall be a truth of Christ's history: for he dares not call him a man, as a doer of famous works, and a teacher of true doctrines: be names him Christ openly; and is not ignorant that he was con- demned to the crohs, and appeared on the third day alive, and that an infinite nu(nber of other wonderful things were foretohl of bim by the holy prophets. Moreover, he testifieii also, that there were then alive many whom he had chosen, both Greeks and Jews, and that they continued to love him; and that the sect which was named from him was by no means extinct at that time. About A. D. 640. Chron. Alex. p. 514 — Now Josephus also relates in his eighteenth book of Antiquities, how John the Baptist, that holy man, was beheaded, on account ol Herodias, the wife, of Philip, the brother ol Herod himself; for Herod had divorced his former wife, who was still alive, and had been his lawful wife: she was the daughter of Aretas, king of the Petreans. When there- fore Herod had taken Herodias away from her husband, while he was yet alive (on whose account he slew John also), Aretas made war against Herod, because his daughter had been dishonourably treated. In which war, he says, that all Herod's army was destroyed, and that he suffered that calamity because of the wickedness he had been guilty of against John. The same Josephus relates, that Herod lost his kingdom on account of Herodias, and that with her he was banished to Lyons, &c. P. 526, 527.] Now that our Saviour taught his preaching three years, is demon- strated both by other necessary reasonings, as also out of the holy Gospels, and out of Josephus's writings, who was a wise man among the Hebrews, &c. P. 584, 586.] Josephus relates, in the fifth book of the [Jewish] war, that Jerusa- lem was taken in the third [second] year o' Vespasian, as after forty years since they had dared to put Jesus to death: in which time he says, that James, the brother of our Lord, and bishop of Jerusalem, was. thrown down [from the temple] and slain of them, by stoning. About A. D. 740. Anastasius Abbas contr. Jud. — Now Josephus, an author and writer of your own, says of Christ, that he was a just and good man, showed and declared so to be by divine grace, who gave aid to many by signs and miracles. About A. D. 790. Georgiua Syncellut Chron. p. 339. — These miseries befel the Jews by way of revenge for James the Just, who was the brother of Jesus that was called Christ, on the account that they had slain him who was a most righteous person. Now I as Ananus, a person of that character, thought he had a proper opportunity, because Festus was dead, and Albinus was but upon the road, so he assembles the sanhedrim of judges and brings before them James, the brother of Jesus, who was called Christ, and some of bis companions; and when he had forujed an accusation against them, as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned; hut as for those that seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and those that were the most i uneasy at the breach of the laws, tbev disliked DISSERTATION I. 831 what was done. They also sent to the king [Agrippa] desiring him to send to Ana- nus that he should act so no more, for that what he had aheady done could not be justi- fied, &c. About A. D. 850. Johan Malela Chron. lib. X — From that time began the destruction of the Jews, as Josephus, the philosopher of the Jews, hath written; who also said this, That from the time the Jews crucified Christ, who was a good and a righteous man (that is, if it be fit to call such a one a man, and not God), the land of Judea was never free from trouble. These things the same Jose- phus the Jew has related in his writings. About A. D. 860. Photius Cod. Ub. xlviii. — I have read the treatise of Josephus About the Universe, whose title I have elsewhere read to be. Of the Substance of the Universe. It is contained in two very small treatises. He treats of the origin of the world in a brief manner. However, he speaks of the divinity of Christ, who is our true God, in a way very like to what we use, declaring chat the same name of Christ belongs to him, and writes of his ineffable generation of the Father after such a manner as cannot be blamed ; which thing may perhaps raise a doubt in some, whe- ther Josephus was the author of the work, though the phraseology does riot at all differ from this man's other works. However, I have found in some papers, that this discourse was not written by Josephus, but by one Caius, a presbyter. Cod. ccxxxviii.] Herod, the tetrarch of Gahlee and of Perea, the son of Herod the Great, fell in love, as Josephus says, with the wife of his brother Philip, vi^Jiose name was Herodias, who was the grand-daughter of He- rod the Great, by his son Aristobulus, whom he had slain. Agrippa was also her brother. Now Herod took her away from her husband, and married her. This is he that slew John the Baptist, that great man, the forerunner [of Christ], being afraid (as Josephus says) lest he should raise a sedition among his peo- ple ; for they all followed" the directions of John, on account of the excellency of his virtue. In his time was the passion of our Saviour. ^ Cod. xxxiii.] I have read the Chronicle of Justus of Tiberias. He omits the greatest part of what was most necessary to be related; but, as infected with Jewish prejudices, being also himself a Jew by birth, he makes no mention at all of the advent, oi of the acts done, or of the miracles wrought, by Christ. The time uncertain. Macarius tnActis Sane- torarti, tom. v. p. 149, ap. Fabric. Joseph, p. 61 Josephus, a priest of Jerusalem, and one that wrote with truth the history of the Jewish affairs, bears witness that Christ, the true God, was incarnate, and crucitied, and the third day rose agam ; whose writings are reposited tiie public library. Tnus he says: — "Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man; if it be lawful to call him a man ; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles also ; this was the Christ. And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men among us, had condemned him to the cross, those that loved him at the first, did not forsake him; for he appeared to them alive again on the third day, as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him :' and still the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day." Since, therefore, the writer of the Hebrews has en- graven" this testimony concerning our Lord and Saviour in his own books, what defence can there remain for the unbelievers? About A. D. 980. Suidas in voce 'u<r9v{^- "We have found Josephus, who hath written aboutthe taking of Jerusalem (of whom Eu- sebius Pamphilii makes frequent mention in his Ecclesiastical History), saying openly in his Memoirs of the Captivity, that Jesus offi- ciated in the temple with the priests. Thus have we found Josephus saying, a man of ancient times, and not very long after the apostles, &c. About A. D. 1060. Cedrenus Compend. Histor. p. 196. — Josephus does indeed write concerning John the Baptist as follows:—. Some of the Jews thought that the destruc- tion of Herod's army came from God, and that he was punished very justly for' what punish- ment he had inflicted on John, that was called the Baptist; for Herod slew him, who was a good man, and commanded the Jews to ex- ercise virtue, both by righteousness towards one another, and piety towards God, and so to come to baptism. But as concerning Christ, the same Josephus says, that about that time there was Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man ; for he was a doer of won- derful works, and a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure: for that Christ drew over many even from the Gentiles, whom, when Pilate had crucified, those who at first had loved him did not leave off to preach concerning him; for he appeared to them tlje third day alive again, as the divine prophets had testified, and spoke these and other wonderful things concerning him. About A. D. 1080. Theophylact. in Joan. lib. xiii. — The city of the Jews was taken, and the wrath of God was kindled against them; as also Josephus witnesses, that this came upon them on account of the death of Jesus. About A. D. 1120. Zonaras Annal. tom. i. p. 267. — Josephus, in the eighteenth book of Antiquities, writes thus concerning our Lord and God Jesus Christ: Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man; for he was a doer of 832 DISSERTATION I. wonderful works, a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him many of the Jews, and many of the Gentiles: he was the Christ. And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men among us, had condemned him to the cross, those that loved him at first did not forsake him ; for he appeared to them the third day alive again, as the divine prophets had said these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him : and the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day. About A.D.I 120. Glycus Annal. p. 234. —Then did Philo, that wise man, and Jose- phus, flourish. This last was styled The Lover of Truth, because he commended John, who baptized our Lord; and because be bore witness that Christ, in like manner, was a wise man, and the doer of great mira- cles; and that, when he was crucified, he Appeared the third day. About A. D. 1170. Gotfridus Viterbiensis Chron. p. 366, e Vers. Rufini. — Josephus relates that a very great war arose between Aretas, king of the Arabians, and Herod, on account of the sin which Herod had committed against John. Moreover, the same Josephus writes thus concerning Christ: There was at this time Jesus, a wise man, if at least it be lawful to call him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as willingly hear truth. He also drew over to him many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles: — he was Christ. And when Pilate, at the accusation of the principal men of our nation, had decreed that he should be crucified, those that had loved him from the beginning did not forsake him; for he appeared to them the third day alive again, according to what the divinely inspired prophets had foretold, that these and innumerable other miracles should come to pass about him. Moreover, both the name and sect of Chris- tians, who were named from him, continue in being unto this day. About A. D. 1360. Nicephorus Callistus Hist. Eccles. lib. i. p. 90, 91. — Now this [concerning Herod the tetrarch] is attested to, not only by the book of the holy Gospels, but by Josephus, that lover of truth; who also makes mention of Herodias his brother's wife, whom Herod had taken away from him while he was alive, and married her; having divorced his former lawful wife, who was the daughter of Aretas, king of the Petrean Arabians. This Herodias he had married, ftnd lived with her: on which account also, when he had slain John, he made war with Aretas, because his daughter had been dis- honourably used; in which war he relates that all Herod's army was destroyed, and that ae Buflfered this on account of the most unjust slaughter of John. He al?o adds, that John was a most righteous man. Moreover, he makes aention of hia baptism, agreeing 'n all points thereto relating with the Gospel. He also mforms us, that Herod lost his kingdom on account of Herodias, with whom also he was condemned to be banished to Vienna, which was their place of exile, and a city bordering upon Gaul, and lying near the utmost bounds of the west. About A. D. 1450. Hardmannus Schede- lius Chron. p. 110. — Josephus the Jew, who was called Flavins, a priest, and the son of Matthias, a priest of that nation, a most cele- brated historian, and very skilful in many things: he was certainly a good man, and of an excellent character, who had the highest opinion of Christ. About A. D. 1480. Platina de Yitis Ponti- Jicum, in Christo. — I shall avoid mentioning what Christ did until the 30th year of his age, when he was baptized by John, the son of Zacharias, because not only the Gospels and Epistles are full of those acts of his, which he did in the most excellent and most holy manner, but the books of such as were quite remote from his way of living, and acting, and ordaining, are also full of the same. Flavius Josephus himself, who wrote twenty books of Jewish Antiquities in the Greek tongue, when he had proceeded as far as the government of the emperor Tiberius, says, There was in those days Jesus, a certain wise man, if at least it be lawful to call him a man ; for he was a doer of wonderful works, and a teacher of men, of such especially as willingly hear the truth. On this account he drew over to him many, both of the Jews and Gentiles: — he was Christ. But when Pilate, instigated by the principal men of our nation, had decreed th|it he should be crucified, yet did not those that had loved him from the beginning forsake him; and besides, he appeared to them the third day after his death alive, as the divinely inspired prophets had foretold, that these and innumerable other miracles should come to pass about him: and the famous name of Christians, taken from him, as well as their sect, do still continue in being. The same Josephus also affirms. That John the Baptist, a true prophet, and on that account one that was had in esteem by all men, was slain by Herod, the son of Herod ' the Great, a little before the death of Christ, ■ in the castle of Macherus, — not because he 'was afraid for himself and his kingdom, as the same author says, — but because he had inces- tuously married Herodias, the sister of Agrippa, and the wife of that excellent per- son his brother Philip. About A. D. 1480. Trithemius Abbas de Scriptor. Eccles. — Josephus the Jew, although he continued to be a Jew, did frequently commend the Christians; and in the eigh- teenth book of his Antiquities, wrote down an eminent testimony concerning our Lord Jesus Christ. DISSERTATION I. 833 OBSERVATIONS FROM THE FOREGOING E\^DE^'CE AND CITATIONS. I. The style of all these original testi- monies belonging to Josephus is exactly the style of the same Josephus, and especially the style about those parts of his Antiquities wherein we find these testimonies. This is denied by nobody as to the other concerning John the Baptist and James the Just, and is now becoming equally undeniable as to that concerning Christ. II. These testimonies therefore being con- fessedly and undeniably written by Josephus himself, it is next to impossible that he should wholly omit some testimony concerning Jesus Christ; nay, while his testimonies of John the Baptist and of James the Just are so honour- able, and gave them so great characters, it is also impossible that this testimony concerning Christ should be other than very honourable, or such as afforded him a still greater char- acter also. Could the very same author, who gave such a full and advantageous character of John the Baptist, the forerunner of Jesus of Nazareth, all whose disciples were by him directed to Jesus of Nazareth as to the trne Messias, and all whose disciples became after- wards the disciples of Jesus of Nazareth, say nothing honourable of that Jesus of Nazareth himself? — and this in a history of those very times in which he was born, and lived, and ilied, and that while the writer lived but a little after him in the same country in which be was born, and lived, and died. This is almost incredible. And further, could the very same author, who gave such an advantageous char- acter of James the Just, and this under the very appellation of James the brother of Jesus, loho was called Christ, which James was one of the principal disciples or apostles of this Jesus Christ, and had been many years the only Christian bishop of the believing Jews of Ju- dea and Jerusalem, in the very days and in the very country of this writer;— could he, I say, wholly omit any, nay, a very honourable account of Jesus Christ himself, whose disciple and bishop this James most certainly was? This is also almost incredible. Hear what Ittigius, one of the wisest and learnedst of all those who have lately inclined to give up the testimony concerning Christ, as it stands in our copies, for spurious, says upon this occa- sion : — " If any one object to me, that Jose- phus hath not omitted John the Baptist, the forerunner of Christ, nor James the disciple of Christ, and that therefore he could not nave done the part of a good historian, if he had been entirely silent concerning Christ, I shall freely grant that Josephus was not en- tirely silent concerning Christ; nay, I shall further grant, that when Josephus was speak- ing of Christ,- he did not abstain from his comiuendHtion: for we are not to determine from that inveterate hatred which the modern Jews bear to Christ, what was the behaviour of 'those Jews, upon whom the miracles that were daily wrought by the apostles in the name of Christ imprinted a sacred horror." III. The famous clause in this testimony of Josephus concerning Christ, This was Christ, or the Christ, does not mean that this Jesus was the Christ of God, or the true Messiah of the Jews; but that this Jesus was distinguished from all others of that name, of which there were not a few, as mentioned by Josephus himself, by the addition of the other name of Christ; or that this person was no other than he whom all the world knew by the name of Jesus Christ, and his followers by the name of Christians. This I esteem to be a clear case, and that from the arguments following: — (1.) The Greeks and Romans, for whose use Josephus wrote his Antiquities, could no otherwise understand these words. The Jews indeed, and afterwards the Christians, who knew that a great Messias, a person that was to be Christ, the anointed of God, and that was to perform the office of a King, a Priest, and a Prophet, to God's people, might readily so understand this expression; but Josephus, as I have already noted, wrote here not to Jews or Christians, but to Greeks and Ro- mans, who knew nothing of this: but knew very well that an eminent person, living in Judea, whose name was Jesus Chrest, or Jeszis Christ, had founded a new and numerous sect, which took the latter of these names, and were everywhere, from him, called Chrestians, or Christians; in which sense alone., they conld understand these words of Josephus, and in which sense I believe he desired they should understand them; nor does Josephus ever use the Hebrew term Messiah in any of of bis writings, nor the Greek term Christ in any such acceptation elsewhere. (2.) Josephus himself as good as explains his own meaning, and that by the last clause of this very passage, where he says the Chris- tians were named from this Christ, without a syllable as though he really meant he was the true Messiah, or Christ of God. He far- ther seems to me to explain this his meaning in that other place, where alone he elsewhere mentions this name of Christ; that is, when upon occasion of the mention of James, when he was condemned by Ananus, he calls him the Brother of Jesus, not that was the tnie Messiah, or the true Christ, but only that waa called Christ. (3.) It was (\m^ beside the purpose of Josephus to declare himself here to be a Chris- tian, or a believer in Jesus as the true Mes- siah. Had he intended so to do, he would surely have explained the meaning of the word Christ to his Greek and Roman readers; he would surely have been a great deal fuller ft'jid larger i:i his accounts of Christ, and ol 8Q &34 DISSERTATION I. the Christian religion; nor would such a de- clarat'^on at that time have recommended him, or bis nation, or his writings, to either the Greeks or the Romans; of his reputation with both which people he is known to have been, m tbe writing of these Antiquities, very greatly solicitous. (4.) Josephus's usual way of writing is historical and declarative of facts, and of the opinions of others, and but rarely such as di- rectly informs us of his own opinion, unless we prudently gather it from what he says his- torically, or as the opinions of others. This is very observable in the writings of Joseph us, and in particular as to what he says of John the Baptist and of James the Just; so that this interpretation is most probable, as most agreeable to Josephus's way of writing in parallel cases. (5.) This seems to be the universal sense of all the ancients, without "exception, who cite this testimony from him; and though they almost everywhere own this to be the true reading, yet do they everywhere suppose Jo- sephus to be still an unbelieving Jew, and not a believing Christian; nay, Jerome appears so well assured of this interpretation, and that Josephus did not mean to declare any more by these words, than a common opinion, that, according to -his usual way of interpreting authors, not to the words but to tbe sense (of which we have, I think, two more instances in Lis accounts out of Josephus now before us), be rendersthis clause, Crerfe6a<Mr esse Christus, i.e. He was believed to be Christ. Nor is the paraHel expression of Pilate to be otherwise understood, when he made that inscription up- on the cross, Thisis Jesus, the King of the Jews (Matt, xxvii. 37); which is well explained by himself elsewhere, and corresponds to the import of the present clause, What shall I do with Jesus, who is called Christ (Matt, xxvii. 17, 22)? And we may full as well prove from Pilate's inscription upon the cross, that he hereby declared himself a believer in Christ, for the real King of the Jews, as we can from these words of Josephus, that he thereby de- clared himself to be a real believer in him, as the true Mes^ah. IV. Though Josephus did not design here to declare himself openly to be a Christian, yet could he not possibiy believe all that he here asserts concerning Jesus Christ, unless be were so far a Christian as the Jewish Na- zarenes or Ebionites then were, who believed Jesus of Nazareth to be the true Messiah, without believing be was more than a man; who also believed the necessity of the obser- vation of tbe ceremonial law of Moses in or- der to salration for all mankind, which were the two main articles of those Jewish Chris- tians' faith, though in opposition to all the thirteen apostles of Jesus Christ in the tirst century, and in 0[)position to the whole 1/atbuiic Church of Christ in the following centuries also. Accordingly, I have elsewhere proved, that Josephus was no other in his own mind and conscience than a Nazarene or Ebionite Jewish Christian; and have observ- ed, that this entire testimony, and all that Jo- sephus says of John the Baptist and of James, as well as his absolute silence about all tbe rest of the apostles and their companions, ex- actly agree to him under that character and no other; and indeed to me it is most aston- ishing, that all our learned men, who have of late considered these testimonies of Josephus, except the converted Jew Galatinus, should miss such an obvious and natural observation. We all know this from St. James's own words (Acts xxi. 20), that so many ten thousands of Jews as believed in Christ, in the first century, were all zealous of the ceremonial law, or were no other than Nazarene or Ebionite Christians; and, by consequence, if there were any reason to think our Josephus to be in any sense a believer or a Christian,. as from all these tes- timonies there were very great ones, all those, and many other reasons, could not but con- spire to assure us, he was no other than a Nazarene or Ebionite Christian; and this I take to be the plain and evident key of this whole matter. V. Since therefore Josephus appears to have been, in his own heart and conscience, no other than a Nazarene or Ebionite Chris- tian, and, by consequence, with them rejected all our Greek Gospels and Greek Books of the New Testament, and received only the Hebrew Gospels of the Nazarenes or Ebio- nites, styled by them, the Gospel according to the Hebrews, or according to the Twelve Apos- tics, or even according to Matthew, we ought always to have that Nazarene or Ebionite Gospel, with the other Nazarene or Ebionite fragments, in view, when we consider any passage of Josephus relating to Christ or to Christianity. Thus, since that Gospel omitted all that is in the beginning of our St. Matthew's and St. Luke's Gospels, and be- gan with the ministry of John the Baptist; in which first parts of the Gospel History are the accounts of the slaughter of the infants, and of the enrolment or taxation under Augustus Cijesar and Herod, it is no great wonder that Josephus has not taken care parti- cularly and clearly to preserve those histories to us. Thus when we find that Josephus calls James, the brother of Christ, by the name of James the Just, and describes him as a mod Just or righteous man, in an especial man- ner, we are to remember that such is his name and character in the Gospel according to the Hebrews, and tbe other Ebionite remains of Hegesippus, but nowhere else, that 1 remem- ber, in the earliest antiquity; nor are we to suppose they herein referred to any oth<-r than that righttousness which was by the Jewish law, wherein St. Paul (Philip, iii. 4, 5, 6.). before be euibra.*cd Christianity) protcbhvd DISSERTATION 1. S25 Mmself to have been blameless. Thus when Josephus, with other Jews, ascribed the mise- ries of that nation under Vespasian and Titus, with the destruction of Jerusalem, to the bar- barous murder of James the Just, we must remember what we learn from the Ebionite fragments of Hegesippus, that these Ebionites interpreted a prophecy of Isaiah as foretelling this very murder, and those consequent mise- ries: — Let us take away the just one, for he is unprofitable to us: therefore shall they eat the fruit of their own ways (Isaiah iii. 10;. Thus when Josephus says, as we have seen, that the most equitable citizens of Jerusalem, and those that were most zealous of the law, were very uneasy at the condemnation of this James, and some of his friends and fellow- Christians, by the high-priest and sanhedrim, about A. D. 62, and declares that he himself was one of those Jews who thought the terri- ble miseries of that nation effects of the ven- geance of God for their murder of this James, about A. D. 68, we may easily see those opi- nions could only be the opinions of converted Jews or Ebionites. The high-priest and sanhedrim, who always persecuted the Chris- tians, and now condemned these Christians, and the body of these unbelieving Jews, who are supposed to suffer for murdering this James, the head of the Nazarene or Ebionite Christians in Judea, could not, to be sure, be of that opinion; nor could Josephus himself be of the same opinion, as he declares he was without the strongest inclinations to the Christian religion, or without being secretly a Christian Jew, i. e. a Nazarene or Ebionite; which thing is, by the way, a very great addi- tional argument that such he was, and no other. Thus, lastly, when Josephus is cited in Suidas, as affirming that Jesus officiated with the priests in the temple, this account is by no means disagreeable to the pretensions of the Ebionites. Hegesippus affirms the very same of James the Just also. VI. In the first citation of the famous tes- tia\ony concerning our Saviour from Tacitus, almost all that was true of the Jews is directly taken by him out of Josephus, as will be demon- sWated under the Third Dissertation hereafter. YU. The second author I have alleged- for it is Justin Martyr, one so nearly coeval with Josephus, that he might be born about the time when he wrote his Antiquities: he appeals to the same Antiquities by that very name; and though he does not here directly quote them, yet does he seem to me to allude to this very testimony in them concerning our Saviour, when he affirms, in this place, to Trypho the Jew, that his nation oriyinally knew that Jesus was risen fooin the dead, and ascended into heaven, as the prophecies did foretell uius to happen. Since there neither now is, nor probably in the days of Justin was, diiy other Jewish testimony exfunt which is Ko airreeable to what Justjn here atfinns of those Jews, as is this of Josephus the Zew.' before us; nor indeed does he seem to me to have had any thing else particularly in his view here, but this very testimony, where Josephus says, " That Jesus appeared to his followers alive the third day after his cruci- fixion, as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him." VIII. The third author I have quoted for Josephus's testimonies of John the Baptist, of Jeeus of Nazareth, and of James the Just, is Origen, who is indeed allowed on all hands to have quoted him for the excellent character of John the Baptist, and of James the Just; but whose supposed entire silence about this testimony concerning Christ is usually alleged as the principal argument against its being genuine, and particularly as to the clause. This was the Christ: and that, as we have seen, because he twice assures us that, in his o'pinion, Josephus himself did not acknowledye Jesus for Christ. Now, as to this, latter clause, I have already shown that Josephus did not here, in writing to Greeks and Romans, mean any such thing by those words as Jews and Christians naturally understand by them: I have also observed, that all the ancients allow still, with Origen, that Jose- phus did not, in the Jewish and Christian ' sense, acknowledge Jesus for the true Mes- ! siah, or the true Christ of God, notwithstanding I their express quotation of that clause in Jose- Jphusas genuine; so that unless we suppose \ Origen to have had a different notion of these words from all the other ancients, we cannot ' conclude from this assertion of Origen, that ' he had not those words in his copy, not to say ' that it is, after all, much more likely that his ' copy a little differed from the other copies in this clause, or indeed omitted it entirely, than that he, on its account, must be supposed not to have had the rest of this testimony therein, though indeed I see no necessity of making any such supposal at all. However, it seems to me that Origen affords us four several indications that the main parts at least of this testimony itself were in his copy: — (1.) When Origen introduces Josephus's testimony concerning James the Just, that ho thought the miseries of the Jews were an instance of the divine vengeance on that nation for putting James to death instead of Jesus he uses aq expression no way necessary to his purpose, nor occasioned by any words of Jose- phus there, That they had slain that Christ which was foretold in the prophecies. Whence could this expression come here into Origen's mind, when he' was quoting a testimony of Josephus concerning a brother of Christ, but from his remembrance of a clause in the testimony of the same Josephus concerning Christ himself, that the prophets had foretold his death and resurrection, and ten thousand oth<'r wonderful things concerning himf 836 DISSERTATION I. (2.) How came Origen to be so surprised at Josephus's ascribing the destruction of Jerusalem to the Jews' murdering of James the Just, and not to their murdering of Jesus, as we have seen he was, if he had not known that Josephus had spoken of Jesus and his death before, and that he had a very good opinion of Jesus, which yet he could learn no way so authentically as from this testimony? rJor do the words he here uses, that Josephus was not remote from the truth, perhaps allude • o any thing else but to this very testimony efore us. (3.) How can the same Origen, upon .nother slight occasion, when he had just set lovvn that testimony of Josephus concerning Tames the Just, the brother of Jesus, who was .ailed Christ, say that "it may be questioned whether the Jews thought Jesus to be a man, or whether they did not suppose him to be a Deing of a diviner kind?" This looks so very like the fifth and sixth clauses of this testi- mony in Josephus, that Jesus was a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man, that it is highly probable Origen thereby alluded to them; and this is the more to be depended on, oecause all the unbelieving Jews, and all the est of the Nazarene Jews, esteemed Jesus with one consent, as a mere man, the son of ^oseph and Mary; and it is not, I think, j^ossible to produce any one Jew but Josephus, who in a sort of compliance with the Romans nd the Catholic Christians, who thought him God, would say any thing like his being a God. (4.) How came Origen to affirm twice, so expressly, that Josephus did not himself own, n the Jewish and Christian sense, that Jesus jas Christ, notwithstanding his quotations of ^uch eminent testimonies out of him for John the Baptist his forerunner, and for James the Just, his brother, and one of his principal dis- ciples? There is no passage in all Josephus so likely to persuade Origen of this as is the famous testimony before us, wherein, as he and all the ancients understood it, he was generally called Christ indeed, but not any otherwise than as the common name whence the sect of Christians was derived, and where he all afong speaks of those Christians as a sect then in being, whose author was a won- derful person, and his followers great lovers of him and of the truth, yet as such a sect as he had not joined himself to ; which exposition, as it is a very natural one, so was jt, I doubt, [ but too true of our Josephus at that time; nor can I devise any other reason but this, and the parallel language of Josephus elsewhere, I when he speaks of James as the brother, not ' of Jesus who was Christ, but of Jesus who was • called Christ, that could so naturally induce! Origen and others to be of that opinion. , IX. Thefe are two remarkable passages in I Suidas and Theophylact, already set down, I as citing Josephus; tb« f(<:mer that Jetus', officiated with the priests in the temple; tLvi the latter, that the destruction of Jerusalem, and miseries of the Jews, were owing to their putting Jesus to death, which are in none of our present copies, nor cited thence by any ancienter authors, nor indeed do they seem altogether consistent with the other most authentic testimonies. However, since Suidas cites his passage from a treatise of Josephus, called Memoirs of the Jews' Captivity, a book never heard of elsewhere, and since both cita- tions are not at all disagreeable to Josephus's character as a Nazarene or Ebionite, I dare not positively conclude they are spurious, but must leave them in suspense, for the farther consideration of the learned. X. As to that great critic Photius, in the ninth century, who is supposed not to have had this testimony in his copy of Josephus, or else to have esteemed it spurious; because, in his extracts out of Josephus's Antiquities, it is not expressly mentioned, — this is a strange thing indeed 1 — that a section, which had been cited out of Josephus's copies all along before the days of Photius, as well as it has been all along cited out of them since his days, should be supposed not to be in his copy, because he does not directly mention it in certain short and imperfect extracts, no way particularly relating to such matters. Those who lay a stress on this silence of Photius, seem little to have attended to the nature and brevity of those extracts. They contain little or nothing, as he in effect professes at their entrance, but what concerns Antipater, Herod the (Jreat, and his brethren and family, with their exploits, till the days of Agrippa junior, and Cumanus, the governor of Judea, fifteen years after the death of our Saviour, without one word of Pilate, or what happened under his government, which yet was the only proper place in which this testimony could come to be mentioned. However, since Photius seems therefore, as we have seen, to suspect the treatise ascribed by some to Josephus, Of the Universe, because it speaks very high things of the eternal generation and divinity of Christ, this looks very like his knowledge and belief of somewhat really in the same Josephus, which spake in a lower manner of him, which codld be hardly any other passage than this testimony before us; and since, as we have also seen, when he speaks of the Jewish History of Jus- tus of Tiberias, as infected with the prejudices of the Jews in taking no manner of notice of the advent, of the acts, and of the miracles of Jesus Christ, while yet he never speaks so of Josephus himself, this most naturally implies also, that there was not the like occasion here as there; but that Jgsephus had not wholly omitted that advent, those acts, or miracles, whicn yet he has done everywhere else, in the books seen by Photius, as well as Justus of Tiberias, but in this famous testimony before us, so thut it is niortt probuble, Pbotias DISSERTATION II. 837 ucyt onlf iiad ttis testimony in his copy, but believed it to be genuine also. XL As to the silence of Clement of Alex- •ndria. who cites the Antiquities of Josephus, but never cites any of the testimonies now be- fore us, it is no strange thing at all, since he never cites Josephus but once, and that for a point of chronology only, to determine how many years had passed from the days of Moses to the days of Josephus, — so that his silence may almost as well be alleged against a hundred other remarkable passages in Josepbus's works as agaiust these before us. XII. Nor does the like silence of Tertul- Han impl.y that these testimonies, or any of them, were not in the copies of his age. Ter- tuUian never once hints at any treatises of Josephus but those against Apion, and that in general only, for a point of chronology; nor does it any way appear that Tertullian ever saw any of Josepfeus's writings besides and far from being certain that he saw even those. He had particular occasion in his dis- pute against the Jews -to quote Josephus, aboveany other writer, toprove the completioTi of the prophecies of the Old Testament in the destruction of Jerusalem and miseries of the Jews at that time, of which he there discour- ses, yet does he never once quote him upon that solemn occasion; so that it seems to me that Tertullian never read either the Greek Antiquities of Josephus, or his Greek books of the Jewish wars: nor is this at all strange in Tertullian, a Latin writer, that lived in Africa, by none of which African writers is there any one clause, that I know of, cited out of any of Josepbus's writings; nor is it worth my while, in such numbers of positive citations of these clauses, to mention the silence of other later ^\Titers as being here of very small consequence. DISSERTATION II. CONCERNING GOD'S COMMAND TO ABRAHAM TO OFFER UP ISAAC. HIS SON, FOR A SACRIFICE. Since this command of God to Abrajam (Gen. xxii.) has of late been greatly mistaken by some, who venture to reason about very ancient facts from very modern notions, and this without a due regard to either the cus- toms, or opinions, or circumstances of the times whereto those facts belong, or indeed to the true reasons of the facts themselves; since the mistakes about those customs, opi- nions, circumstances, and reasons, have of late so far prevailed, that the very same action of Abraham, which was so celebrated by St. Paul (Rom. iv. 16—25), St. James (chap. ii. 21^ 22), the author to the Hebrews (chap. xi. 17 — 19j, Philo,* and Josephus,t in the first century, and by* innumerable others since, as an uncommon instance of signal vir- tue, of heroic faith in God, and piety towards him; nay, is in the sacred history (Gen. xxii. 15 — 18) highly commended by the divine Angel of the Covenant, in the name of God himself, and promised to be plentifully re- warded; since this command, I say, is now at last, in the eighteenth century, become a stone of stumbling and a rock of offence among us, and that sometimes to persons of otherwise good sense, and of a religious disposition of mind also, I shall endeavour to set this mat- ter in its true, i. e. in its ancient and original * Pbii. de Gi^aaU p. ^^ + Antiq. b. i. ch. xiiL light, for the satisfaction of the inquisitive In order whereto we are to consider, 1. That till this very profane age, it has been, I think, universally allowed by all so- ber persons, who owned themselves the crea- tures of God, that the Creator has a just right over all his rational creatures, to pro- tract their lives to what length he pleases, — to cut them oiF when and by what instru- ments he pleases, — to afflict them with what sicknesses he pleases, — and to remove them from one state or place in this his great pa- lace of the universe to another, as he pleases; and that all those rational creatures are bound in duty and interest to acquiesce under the divine disposal, and to resign themselves up to the good providence of God in all such his dispensations towards them. I do not mean to intimate, that God may, or ever does, act in these cases after a mere arbitrary manner, or without sufficient reason, believ- ing, according to the whole tenor of natural and revealed religion, that he hateth hotntng that he hath made (Wisdom, xi. 14); tnat whatsoever he does, how melancholy soerer it may appear at first sight to us, is really in- tended for the good of his creatures, and, at the upshot of things, will fully appear so to be : but that still he is not obliged, nor does in general give hia creaturtfs an Qec9>u)t Qt 838 DISSERTATION 11. the particular reasons of such his dispensations towards them immediately, but usually tries and exercises their faith and patience, their rtsignation and obedience, in their present -late of probation, and reserves those reasons to the last (fay. the day «f the revelation of the righteous Judgment of God. (Rom. ii. 5.) 2. That the entire histories of the past ages, from the days of Adam till now, show that Almighty God has ever exercised his power over mankind, and that without giving 'hem an immediate account of the reasons of such his conduct; and that withal, the best and wisest men of all ages. Heathens as well as Jews and Christians, — Marcus Antoninus, H?! well as the patriarch Abraham and St. Paul, have ever humbly submitted themselves to this conduct of the Divine Providence, nnd always confessed that they were obliged ♦o the undeserved goodness and mercy of God for every jenjoyment, but could not de- nand any of them of his justice; — no, not so much as the continuance of that life whereto those enjoyments do appertain. When God was pleased to sweep the wicked race of men away by a flood, the young innocent infants, as well as the guilty old sinners; \vhen he was pleased to shorten the lives of men after the Flood, and still downward till the days of David and Solomon; when he was pleased j to destroy impure Sodom and Gomorrah I by fire and brimstone from heaven, and to j axtirpate the main body of the Amorites out | of the land of Canaan, as soon as their iniqui- ties were full (Gen. xv. 16), and in these in- stances included the young innocent infants, together with the old hardened sinners ; when God was pleased to send an angel, and by him to destroy 185,000 Assyrians (the number attested to by Berosus the Chaldean, as well as by our own Bibles) in the days of Hezekiah, most of whom seem to have had no othtr peculiar guilt upon them than that common to soldiers in war, of obeying with- out reserve their king Sennacherib, his ge- nerals and captains; and when at the plague of Athens, Loudon, Marseilles, &c. so many thousand righteous men and women, with innocent bates, were swept' away on a sud- den, by a fatal contagion, — I do not remem- ber that sober men have complained that God deu-h unjustly with such his creatures, in tlju<e to us seemingly severe dispensations. Nor are we certain when any such seemingly iif'vere dispensations are really such, nor do we know but shortening the lives of men may suir.etime8 be the greatest blessing to them, iifMt prevent or put a stop to those courses of KrosB wickedness which might bring them to a greater misery in the world to come ; nor is it fit for such poor, weak, and ignorant creatures as we are, in the present state, to call our almighty, and all- wise, and all-good Creator and Benefactor to an account upon an/ M(h oeonaiong— •inc8 we cannot but acknowledge that it is He that hath made u», and not we ourselves (Psalm c. 3), that we are nothing, and have nothing of ourselves independent of him, but that all we are, all we have, and all we hope for, is derived frono him, from his free and undeserved bounty, which therefore he may justly take from us ii» what way soever and whensoever he pleases; all wise and good men still saving in such cases with the pious Psalmist (Ps, xxxix. 9), J was dumb, I opened not my mouth, because thou didst it; and with patient Job (ch. i. 21 ; ii, 10), Shall we receive good at the hand of Gody and shall hot we receive evil? The Lord yave, andtheZardhathtukenaway,blesscdbelhetiame oj the Lord. If thereiore this shortening of taking away the lives of men be an objection- against any divine command for that purpose, it is full as strong against the present system of the world, against the conduct of Divine Providence in general, and against natural religion, which is founded on the justice of that Providence, and is no way peculiar to revealed religion, or to the fact of Abra- ham now before us; nor in this case much different from what was soon after the days of Abraham thoroughly settled, after Job's and his friends' debates, by the inspiration of Elihu, and the determination of God himself, where the Divine Providence was at length thoroughly cleared and justified before all the world, as it will be, no question, more generally cleared and justified at the final judgment. 3. That till this profane age, it has also, I think, been unive»sally allowed by all sober men, that a command of God, when suf- ficiently made known to be so, is abundant authority for the taking away the life of any person whomsoever. I doubt both ancient and modern princes, generals of armies, and judges, even those of the best reputation also^ have ventured to take many men's lives away upon much less authority; nor indeed do the most sceptical of the moderns care to deny this authority directly; they rather take a method of objecting somewhat more plausilde, though it amounts to much the same: they say that the apparent disagreement of any command to the moral attributes of God, such as this of the slaughter'of an only child seems plainly to be, will be a greater evidence that such a command does not come from God, than any pretended revelation can be that it does; but as to this matter, although divine revelations have now so long ceased, that we are not well acquainted with the manner of con.veying such revelations with certainty to men, and by consequence the apparent disa- greement of a command with the moral attri- butes of God, ought ^at present, generally, if not constantly, to deter men from acting upon such a pretended revelation, yet v\as there no such nnceriumty in the dnvs of the oh' pro- phets of Go<i, or i>f Abraham, the friend of DISSERTATION II. 830 God (Isa. xli. 8), who are trer found to have had an entire certainty of those their revelations ; and what evidently shows they were not deceived, is this, that the events and consequences of things afterwards always cor- responded, and secured them of the truth of SUCH divine revelations. Thus the first mira- ciilous voice from heaven (Gen. xxii. 11, 12) calling to Al)rahatn not to execute this command, and the performance of those emi- nent promises made by the second voice (Gen. xxii. 17, 18), on account of his obe- dience to that command, are demonstrations that Abraham's commission for what he did was truly divine, and are an entire justifica- tion of his conduct in this matter. The words of the first voice from heaven will come hereafter to be*set down i; a fitter place ; out the glorious promises made to Abraham's obedience by the second voice, must here be produced from verse 15 — 18. "And the angel of the Lord called unto Abraham out of heaven the secolTd time, and said. By my- self have I sworn, saith the Lord; for because thou hast done this thing, and hast not with- held thy son, thine or>ly son from me, that in blessing I will bless thee, and in multiplying I will multiply thy seed as the stars of heaven, and as the sand which is upon the sea-shore, and thy seed shall possess the gate of his ene- mies; and in thy seed shall all the nations of the earth be blessed, because thou hast obeved uiy voice." Every one of which promises have been eminently fulfilled; and, what is chiefly reiiiarkable, the last and principal of thezn, that ill Abraham's SEED all the nations of the earth should be blessed, was never promised till this time. It had been twice promised him (chap. xii. 3; and xviii. 18), that in himself should all the families oftheearth be blessed; but that this blessing was to belong to future times, and to be bestowed by the means of one of his Idte posterity, the Messias, that great son and seed of Abraham only, was never revealed be- fore, but on such an amazing instance of his faith and obedience as was this his readi- ness to offer up his only-begotten son Isaac, was now first promised, and has been long ago performed in the. birth of Jesus of Nazar- eth, the son of David, the son of Abraham (Matt. i. 1), which highly deserves our obser- vation in this place; nor can we suppose that any thing else than clear conviction that this command came from God could induce so good a man and so tender a father as Abraham ^vas, to sacrifice his own beloved son, and to lose thereby all the comfort he received from him at present, and all the expectation he had of a numerous and happy posterity from hiin hereafter. 4. That long before the days of Abraham, the (ieinons or heathen gods had required and received human sacrifices, and particularly that of the offerer's own children, and this borii before and after the Deluge. This prac- tice had been indeed so long left off" in Egypt, and the custom of sacrificing animals there was confined to so few kinds in the days of Hero- dotus, that he would not believe they had ever offered human sacrifices at all; for he says,* that "the fable, as if Hercules was sacrificed to Jupiter in Egypt, was feigned by the Greek?, who were entirely unacquainted with the na- ture of the Egyptians and their laws; for how should they sacrifice men, with whom it is unlawful to sacrifice any brute beast, boars and bulls, and pure calves and ganders ordy excepted?" However, it is evident, from Sanchoniatho, Manetho, Pausanias, Diodorus Siculus, Philo, Plutarch, and Porphyry, that such sacrifices were frequent both in Phoe- nicia and Egypt, and that long before the days of Abraham, as Sir John Marsham and Bishop Cumberland have fully proved: nay, that in other places (though not in Egypt) this cruel practice continued long after Abra- ham, and this till the very third, if not also to the fifth century of Christianity, before it was quite abolished. Take the words of Ihe original authors in English, as most of them occur in their originals, in Sir John Mar- sham's Chronicon, p. 76—78, 300—304. " Chronus offered up his only -begotten son as a burnt-offering to his father Uranus, when there was a famine and a pestilence, "f " Chronus, whom the Phoenicians name Israel [it should be II], and who was, after his death, consecrated into the star Saturn, when he was king of the country, and had, by a nymph of that country, named Ano- bret, an only- begotten son, whom, on that account, they called Jeud (the Phoenicians to this day calling an only-begotten son by that name), he in bis dread of very great dangers that lay upon the country from war, adorned his son with royal apparel, and built an altar, and offered him in sacrifice."]: "The Phoenicians, when they were in great dangers by war, by famine, or by pestilence, sacrifict;d to Saturn one of the dearest of their people, whom they chose by public suffrage for that purpose; and Sanchoniatho's PtiaMiician history is full of such sacrifices." [These hitherto I take to have been before the Flood.] § " In Arabia, the Dumatii sacrificed a child every year."|j " They relate, that of old the [Egyptian"] kings sacrificed such men as were of the same colour with Typho, at the sepulchre ot Osi- ris."^ " Manetho relates, that they burnt Ty- phonean men alive in the city Idithyia !cr Ilithyia], and scattered their ashes like cnalt that is winnowed ; and this was done * Apud IVlarsh. Chron. p. 303. + F^hil. Bib. ex Sanchon. p. 76. t Phil. Bib ex Sanchon. p. 77. i Purphyry, p. 77. 'I I'orphyry, p. 77 ^i l»iod. SiC p. "8. S40 DISSERTATION II. publicly, and at an appointed season in the dog-days."* " The barbarous nations did a long time admit of the slaughter of children, as of a holy practice, and acceptable to the gods; and this thing, both private persons, and kings, and entire nations, practise at proper seasons."! •' The human sacrifices that were enjomea by the Dodonean oracle, mentioned in Pau- sanias's Acbaics, in the tragical story of Coresus and Callirrhoe, sufficiently intimate that the Phoenician and Egyptian priests had set up this Dodonean oracle before the time of Amosis, who destroyed that barbarous practice in Egypt." J • Isque adylis haec tristia dicta reportat : Sanguine placas lis ventos, et virgine ccesa, Cumprinium Itiacas Danai venistis ad oras ; Sanguine qiuerendi reditus, animaque Ittandum Aryolica ViRO. JEn. ii. 115. He from the gods this dreadful answer brought: O Grecians, when the Trojan shores you sought. Your passage with a virgin's blood v^s bought! So must your safe return be bought again, And Grecian blood once more atone the main. These bloody sacrifices were, for certain, instances of the greatest degree of impiety, tyranny, and cruelty in the world : that either wicked demons or wicked men, who neither made nor preserved mankind, who had there- fore no right over them, nor were they aole to make them amends in the next world for what they thus lost or suffered in this, should, after so inhuman a manner, command the tak- ing away the lives of men, and particularly of the offerer's own children, without the commission of any crime; this was, I think, an abomination derived from him who was a murderer from the beginning (John viii. 44); a crime truly and properly diabolical. 5. That, accordingly, Almighty God him- self, under the Jewish dispensation, vehe- mently condemned the Pagans, and sometimes the Jews themselves, for this crime; and for this, among other heinous sins, cast the idola- trousnations(nay,sometimesthe Jews too) out of Palestine. Take the pruicipal texts hereto relating, as they lie in order in the Old Testament: — '* Thou Shalt not let any of thy seed pass through the fire to Molech. Defile not your- selves in any of these things, for in all these the nations are defiled, which I cast out be- fore yuu," &c. (Lev. xviii. 21.) " Whosoever he be of the children of Is- rael, or of the strangers that sojourn in Israel, that giveth any of his seed unto Molech, he snail surely be put to death; the people of the land shall stone him with stones." (Lev. XX. 2.) *' Take 'heed to thyself, that thou be not • Plutarch, p. 78. -f Nonnulli apiid Phil. p. 7G } Cnmb>Tl. Sanuhun. p 37(4, snared by following the nations, after that they be destroyed from before thee; and that thou inquire not after their gods, saying, How did these nations serve their gods, even so will I do likewise. Thou shalt not do so unto the Lord thy God; for every abomina- tion of the Lord, which he hateth, have they done unto their gods ; for even their sons and their daughters have they burnt in the tire to their gods." (Deut. xii. 30, 31. See chap, xviii. 10, and 2 Kings xvii. 17.) " And Ahaz made his son to pass through the fire, according to the abominations of the heathen, whom the Lord cast out before the children of Israel." (2 Kings xvi. 3.) "Moreover, Ahaz burnt incense in the valley of the son of Hinnom, and burnt his children (his son, in Josephus) in the fire, after the abominations of the heathen, whom the Lord had cast out before the children of Israel." (2 Chron. xxviii. 3.) - • " And the Sepharvites burnt their children in the fire to Adrammelech and Anamelech, the gods of Sepharvaim," &c. (2 Kings xvii. 31.) "And Josiah defiled Tophet, which is m the valley of the children of Hinnom, that no man might make his son or his daughter to pass through the fire unto Molech." (2 Kings xxiii. 10.) " Yea, they sacrificed their sons and their daughters unto demons; and shed innocent blood, the blood of their sons and of their daughters, whom they sacrificed unto the idols of Canaan; and the land was polluted with blood." (Psal. cvi. 37, 38. See Isa. Ivii. 5.) " The children of Judah have done evil in my sight, saith the Lord; they have set their abominations in the house which is call- ed by my name to pollute it; and they have built the high places of Tophet, which is Ui the valley of the son of Hinnom, to burii their sons and their daughters in the tire, which I commanded them not, nor camt it into my heart." (Jer. vii. 30—32.) " Thus saith the Lord of Hosts, the Goc of Israel, Behold I will bring evil upon this place, the which whosoever heareth, his ears shall tingle, because they have forsaken me and have estranged this place, and have burnt incense unto other gods, whom neither they nor their fathers have known, nor tlie kings of Judah, and have tilled this phice with the blood of innocents. They have built also the high places of Baal, to burn their sons with tire for burnt-offerings unto Baal, which 1 commanded not, nor spake it, neither came it into my mind," &c. (Jer. xix. 3—^.) " They built the high places of Baal, which are in the valley of the son of Hinnom, to cause their sons and their daughters to pads through the tire unto Molech, which 1 co. ii- manded them nut, neither came it iiUu aiy DISSERFATION !!• 841 mind that they should do this abomination, to cause Judah to sin." (Jer. xxxii. 33.) " Moreover, thou hast taken thy sons and thy daughters, whom thou hast born unto me, and these hast thou sacrificed unto them to be devoured. Is this of thy whoredoms a small matter, that thou bast slain my chil- dren, and delivered them to cause them to pass through the tire for them?" (Ezek. xvi. 20, 21. See chap. xx. 26; 1 Cor. x. 20.) '* Thou hatest the old inhabitants of thy holy land, for doing most odious works of witchcraft and wicked sacrifices; and also those merciless murderers of children, and devourers of man's flesh, and feasts of blood, with their priests, out of the midst of their idolatrous crew, and the parents that killed with their own hands souls destitute of help." (Wisd. xii. 4—6.) 6. That Almighty God never permitted, in any one instance, that such a human sacrifice should actually be offered to himself (though he had a right to have required it, if he had so pleased) under the whole Jewish dispensa- tion, which yet was full of many other kinds cf sacrifices, and this at a time when mankind generally thought such sacrifices of the great- est virtue for the procuring pardon of sin and the divine favour. This the ancient records of the heathen world attest. Take their notion in the words of Philo Biblius,* the translator of Sanchoniatho: — " It was the custom of the ancients, in the greatest calamities and dan- gers, for the governors of the city or nation, in order to advert the destruction of all, to devote their beloved son to be slain, as a price of redemption to the punishing [or avenging] demons; and those so devoted were killed after a mystical manner." This the history of the king of Moab (2 Kings iii. 27), when he was in great distress in his war against Israel and Judah, informs us of; who then "took his eldest son, that should have reigned in his stead, and offered him for a burnt-offering upon the city-wall." This also the Jewish prophet Micah (chap. vi. 6 — 8) implies, when he inquires, " Wherewith shall I come before the Lord, and bow myself before the High God? Shall I come before him with burnt- offerings, with calves of a year old? Will the Lord be pleased with thousands of rams, and ten thousands of fat kids of the goats? Shall I give my first-born for my transgres- sion, the fruit of my body for the sin of my soul?" No, certainly; "For he hath showed thee, O man, what is good; and what doth the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to humble thyself to walk with thy God?" It is true, God did here try the faith and obedience of Abraham to himself, whether they were as strong as the Pagans exhibited to their demons or idols, yet did he withal • Apud Marsh, p. ?& take effectual care, and that by a miraculous interposition also, to prevent the execution, and provided himself a ram, as a vicarious substitute, to supply the place of Isaac imme- diately: — "And the angel of the Lord called Uiito Abraham, and said, Abraham, Abra- ham 1 — and he said, Here am I: — and he said. Lay not thine hand upon the lad, neither do thou any thing unto him; for now I know that thou fearest God, seeing thou hast not withheld thy son, thine only son, from me. And Abraham lifted up his eyes, and looked, and behold a ram caught in a thicket by his horns; and Abraham went and took the ram, and offered him up for a burnt-offering in the stead of his son." (Gen. xxii. II — 13.) Thus though Jephtha (Judg. xi. 36—39) has, by many, been thought to have vowed to offer up his daughter and only child for a sacrifice, and that as bound on him, upon sup- position of his vow, by a divine law (Levit. xxvii. 28, 29), of which opinion I was once myself; yet upon more mature consideration, I have, for some time, thought this to be a mis- * take, and that his vow extended only to her being devoted to serve God at the tabernacle, or elsewhere, in a state of perpetual virginity; and that neither that law did enjoin any human sacrifices, nor do we meet with any example of its execution in this sense afterwards. Philo never mentions any such law, no more than Josephus; and when Josephus thought that Jephtha had made such a vow, and executed it, he is so far from hinting at its being done in compliance with any lav>f of God, that he expressly condemns him for it, as having acted contrary thereto; or, in his own words,f "as having offered an oblation neither conformable to the law, nor acceptable to God, nor weigh- ing with himself what opinion the hearers would have of such a practice." 7. That Isaac being at this time, according to Josephus, J who is herein justly followed by Archbishop Usher,§ no less than twenty-five years of age, and Abraham being, by conse- quence, one hundred and twenty-five, it is not to be supposed that Abraham could bind Isaac, in order to offer him in sacrifice, but by his own free consent; which free consent of the party who is to suffer, seems absolutely necessary in all such cases; and which free consent St. Clement, as well as Josephus, dis- tinctly takes notice of on this occasion. St. Clement! describes it thus: — "Isaac, being fully persuaded of what he knew was to come, cheerfully yielded himself up for a sacrifice." And for Josephus, after introducing Abraham in a pathetic speech, laying before Isaac the divine command, and exhorting him patiently and joyfully to submit to it, he tells us\ that + Antiq. b. v. ch. vii. sect 10. t Antiq. b. i. ch iL i Ush. Annal. ad A.M. 213a. II S. Clem, sect 31. ¥ Antiq. b. i. ch. xiii. sect 3^ 84? DISSERTATION II. *' Isaac very cheerfully consented;" and then introduces him in a short, but very pious an- swer, acquiescing in the proposal; and adds, that " be then immediately, and readily, went to the altar to be sacrificed." Nor did Jeph- tha (Judges xi. 36, 37) perform his rash vow, whatever it were, till his daughter had given her consent to it. 8. It appears to me that Abraham never despaired entirely of the interposition of Providence for the preservation of Isaac, although in obedience to the command he prepared to sacrifice him to God. This seems to me intimated in Abraham's words to his servants, on the third day, when he was in sight of the mountain on which he was to offer his son Isaac: " We will go and worship, and we will come again to you." As also in his answer to his son, when he inquired, "Behold the fire and the wood; but where is the lamb for a burnt-offering? — and Abra- ham said. My son, God will provide himself a lamb for a burnt-offering." (Gen. xxii. 5 — 7.) Both these passages look to me some- ' what like such an expectation. However, 9. It appears most evident that Abraham, and I suppose Isaac also, firmly believed, that if God should permit Isaac to be actually slain as a sacrifice, he would certainly and speedily raise him again from the dead. This, to be sure, is supposed in the words already quoted, that both " he and his son would go and worship, and come again to the servants;" and is clearly and justly col- lected from this history by the author to the Hebrews (chap. xi. 17, 18, 19); "By faith Abraham, when he was tried, offered up Isaac; and he that had received the promises offered up his only-begotten, of whom it was said, That in Isaac shall thy seed be called, accounting [or reasoning] that God was able to raise him from the dead." And this rea- soning was at once very obvious and wholly undeniable, that since God was truth itself, and had over and over promised that he would " multiply Abraham exceedingly ; that he should be a father of many nations; that his name should be no longer Abram, but Abraham,, because a father of many na- tions God had made him," &c.; that " Sarai his wife should be called Sarah; that he would bless her, and give Abraham a son also of her;" and that " he would bless him; and she should become nations ; and kings of people should be of her," &c. (Gen. xvii. 2, 4, 6, 6, 16); and that "in Isaac should his seed be called" (Gen. xxi. 12): — and since withal it is here supposed that Isaac was to be slain as a sacrifice before he was married, or had any seed, God was, for certain, obliged by bis promises, in these circumstances, to raise Isaac again from the dead ; and this was an eminent instance of that faith whereby "Abraham believed God, and it was ini- o him for righteousness" (Gen. xv. 6), viz. that if God should permit Isaac to be sa- crificed, he would certainly and quickly raise him up again from the dead, "from whence also he received him in a figure," as the author to the Hebrews (chap. xi. 19) here justly observes. 10. That the firm and just foundation of Abraham's faith and assurance in God for such a resurrection was this, besides the gene- ral consideration of the divine veracity, that during the whole time .of his sojourning in strange countries, in Canaan and Egypt, ever since he had been called out of Chaldea or Mesopotamia at seventy -five years of age (Gen. xii. 4), he had had constant experience of a special, of an over-ruling, of a kind and gracious Providence over him, till his 125th year, which, against all human views, had continually blessed him and enriched him, and, in his elder age, had given him first Ishmael by Hagar, and afterward promised him Isaac to " spring from his own body now dead, and from the deadness of Sarah's womb (Rom. iv. 19), when she was past age (Heb. xi. 11), and when it ceased to be with Sarah after the manner of women (Gen. xviii. 11), and had actually performed that and every other promise, how improbable so- ever that performance had appeared, he had ever made to him, and this during fifty en- tire years together; so that although, at his first exit out. of Chaldea or Mesopotamia, he might have been tempted to staygtr at such a promise of God, through unbeliefs yet might he now, after fifty years' constant experience, be justly strong in Jaith, giving glory to God, as being fully persuaded, that what God had promised (the resurrection of Isaac) he was both able and willing to perform. (Rom. iv. 20, 21.) 11. That this assurance, therefore, that God, if he permitted Isaac to be slain, would infallibly raise him again from the dead, en- tirely alters the state of the case of Abraham's sacrificing Isaac to the true God, from that of all other human sacrifices whatsoever offered to false ones, all those others being done without the least promise or prospect of such a resurrection; and this indeed takes away all pretence of injustice in the divine command, as well as of all inhumanity or cruelty in Abraham's obedience to it. 12. That upon the whole, this command to Abraham, and what followed upon it, looks so very like an intention of God to typify or represent 'beforehand, in Isaac, a beloved or only -begotten son, what was to happen long afterwards to the great Son and seed of Abraham, the Messiah, the be- loved and the only -begotten of the Father whose day Abraham saw by faith beforehand, and rejoiced to see it." (John viii. 56), viz that he, by the di terminate counsel and fori knowledge of God, should be crucified ana blain, as a sacrifice, and should be raided BISSERTATION II, 843 mffom the third dag (Acts ii. 22— 32), and this at Jerusalem also; and that in the mean time, God would accept of the sacrifices of ram? and the like animals, at the same city Jeiusalem, that one cannot easily avoid the application. This seems the reason why Abraham was obliged to go to the land of Moriah, or Jerusalem, and why it is noted that it was the third day (Gen. xxii. 2, 4) that he came to the place, which implies that the return back, after the slaying of the sacrifice, would naturally be the third day also; and why this sacrifice was not Ishmael the son after thejiesh only, but Isaac the son by pro- ruisey the beloved son of Abraham; and why Isaac was styled the only son, or only begotten son of Abraham (Heb. xi. 17), though he had Ishmael besides; and why Isaac himself was to bear the wood on which he was to be sacri- ficed (Gen. xxii. 6; John xix. 17); and why the place was no other than the land of Moriak, or vision, i. e. most probably a place where the Shechinah or Messiah had been seen, and God by him worshipped, even before the days of Abraham, and where lately lived, and per- haps now lived, Melchisedeck, the grand type of the Messiah (who might then possibly be present at the sacrifice); and why this sacri- fice was to be offered either on the mountain called afterwards distinctly Moriah, where the temple stood, and where all the Mosaic sacrifices were afterwards to be offered, as Josephus* and the generality suppose, or per- haps, as others suppose, that where the Mes- siah himself was to be offered, — its neighbour mount Calvary. This seems also the reasoa why the ram was substituted as a vicarious sacrifice instead of Isaac. These circumstances seem to me ver\ peculiar and extraordinary, and to render the present hypothesis extremely probable. Nor perhaps did St. Clement mean any thing else, when, in his fore-cited passage, he says, that *' Isaac was fully persuaded of what he knew was to come," and therefore *' cheerfully yielded himself up for a sacrifice." Nor indeed does that name <rf" this place, Jehovah'Jireh, which continued till the days of Moses, and signified God will see, or rather, God will provide, seem to be given it by Abra- ham, on any other account, than that God would there, in the fulness of time, provide biinselj a lamb (that Lamb of God, John i. 29, which was to take away the sin of the world) tor a burnt-offeriny. But now, if after all it be objected, that how peculiar and how typical soever the cir- cumstances of Abraham and Isaac might be in themselves, of which the heathens about them could have little notion, yet such a divine command to Abraham for slaying his beloved son Isaac, must however be of very ill example to the Gentile world, and that it probably did either first occasion, or at \e&&t greatly encourage, their wicked practices, * Antiq. b. L cb. xiiu sect 2. in offering their children for sacrifices to their idols, I answer by the next considera- tion: — 13. That this objection is so far from truth, that God's public and miraculous prohibition of the execution of this command to Abra- ham (which command itself the Gentile*, would not then at all be surprised at, because it was so like to their own usual practices), a> well as God's substitution of a vicarious obla- tion, seems to have been the very occasion of the immediate abolition of those impiou.- sacrifices by Tethmosis or Amosis, among tht- neighbouring Egyptians, and of the substitu- tion of more inoffensive ones there instead ot them. Take the account of this abolition, which we shall presently prove was about the time of Abraham's offering up his son Isaac, as it is preserved by Porphyry, from Manetho, the famous Egyptian historian and chronolo- ger, which is also cited from Porphyry by Eusebius and Theodoret: — "Amosis," says Porphyry,! "abolished the law for slaying ot men at Heliopolis in Egypt, as Manetho bears witness in his book of Antiquity and Piety. They were sacrificed to Juno, and were exa- mined^as were the pure calves, that were also sealed with them: they were sacrificed three in a day. In whose stead Amosis commanded that men of wax, of the same number, should be substituted." Now 1 have lately shown that these Egyp- tians had Abraham in great veneration, and that all the wisdom of those Egyptians, in which Moses was afterwards learned, was derived from no other than from Abraham. Now it appears evidently by the fore-cited passage, that the first abolition of these human sacri- fices, and the substitution of waxen images in their stead, and particularly at Heliopolis, in the north-east part of Egypt, in the neigh- bourhood of Beersheba, in the south of Pales- tine, where Abraham now lived, at the distance of about a hundred and twenty miles only, was in the days, and by the order ot Tethmosis or Amosis, who was the first ot the Egyptian kings, after the expulsion of the Phoenician shepherds. Now therefore we are to inquire when this Tethmosis or Amosis live(.', and compare his time with the time ut the sacrifice of Isa^c. Now, if we look into my Chronological Table, published a. D. 1721, we shall find that the hundred and twenty- fifth year of Abraham, or, which is all one, the twenty-fifth year of Isaac, falls icto A. M. 2573, or into the thirteenth year of Teth- mosis or Amosis, which is the very middle of his twenty-five years' reign; so that this abo- lition of human sacrifices in Egypt, and sub- stitution of others in their room, seems to have been occasioned by the solemn prohibition of such a sacrifice in the case of Abraham, and by the following substitution of a ram in its stead: which account of this raatternot ■f A pud AJarsb. p. 3UL 844 DISSERTATION HI. only takes avray the groundless suspicions of direct occasion of putting a stop to the bar- tr.e moderns, but shows the great seasonable- barity of the Egyptians in offering humio ness of the divine prohibition of the execution j sacrifices, and that for many, if not ior all 01 tois command to Abraham, as probably the | generations afterwards. DISSERTATION III. TACITUS'S ACCOUNTS OF THE ORIGIN OF THE JEWISH NATION, AN1> OF THE PARTICULARS OF THE LAST JEWISH WAR; THAT THE FORMER WAS PROBABLY WRITTEN IN OPPOSITION TO JOSE- PHUS'S ANTIQUITIES, AND THAT THE LATTER WAS FOR CER- TAIN ALMOST ALL DIRECTLY TAKEN FROM JOSEPHUS'S HISTORY OF THE JEWISH WAR. Since Tacitus, the famous Roman historian, has written more largely and professedly about the origin of the Jewish nation, about the chorography of Judea, and the last Jewish war under Cestius, Vespasian, and Titus, than any other old Roman historian : and since both Josephus and Tacitus were in favour with the same Roman emperors, — Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian; and since Tacitus was Hn eminent pleader and writer of history at Home during the time, or not long after, our Josephus had been there studying the Greek language, reading the Greek books, and writing his own works in the same Greek lan- guage, which language was almost univer- sally known at Rome in that age; and since therefore it is next to impossible to suppose that Tacitus could be unacquainted with the writings of Josephus, it cannot but be highly proper to compare their accounts of Judea, of the Jews, and Jewish affairs, together. Nor is it other than a very surprising paradox to me, how it has been possible for learned men, particularly for the several learned editors of Josephus and .Tacitus, to be so very silent about this matter as they have hitherto been, especially when not only the correspondence ot the authors as to time and place, but the likeness of the subject matter and circum- stances, is so often so very remarkable: nay, indeed, since many of the particular facts be- longed peculiarly to the region of Judea, and to the Jewish nation, and are such as could hardly be taken by a foreigner from any other author than from our Josephus, — this strange Kiler.ce is almost unaccountable, if not inex- cusable. The tv\ooiiiy other writers vvhou) we know of, from whom Jewish affairs might be supposed to be taken by Tacitus, who never appears to have been in Judea himself, are Justus of Tiberias, a Jewish historian, cootsm- porary with Josephus, and one Antonius Julia- nus, once mentioned by Minutius Felix, in hi* Octavius (sect. 33), as having written on the same subject with Josephus, and both already mentioned by me on another occasion (Dis- sert. I.) As to Justus of Tiberias, he could not be the historian whence Tacitus took his Jewish affairs; because, as we have seen in the place just* cited, the principal passage in Tacitus of that nature, concerning Christ and his sufferings, under the emperor Tiberius, and by his procurator Pontius Pilate, was not there, as we know from the testimony of Pho- tius (Cod. xxx); — and as to Antonius Juli- anus, his very name shows him to have been not a Jew, but a Roman. He is never men- tioned by Josephus; and so probably knew no more of the country or affairs of Judea than Tacitus himself. He was, I suppose, rather an epitomizer of Josephus, and not so early as Tacitus, than an original historian himself before him. Nor could so exact a writer as Tacitus ever take up with such poor and almost unknown historians as these were, while Josephus's seven books of the Jewish War were then so common ; were in such great reputation at Rome; were attested to, and recommended, by Vespasian and Titus, the emperors, by king Agrippa, and king Archelaus, and Herod king of Cbalcis; and he was there honoured with a statue; and these his books were reposited in the public library at Rome, as we know from Josephus himself, from Eusebius, and Jerome, while we never hear of any other history of the Jews that had then and there any such attestationa or recommendations. Some things intieed Tacitus wight take tioiu the Rouiun records of this war. 1 mean from the Cuuinientaries of Ves{)asian, which are mentioned by Jose- phus himself, in biii own Lite (ticct. 65> DISSERTATION III. 845 and some others from the relations of Roman people, where the affairs of Rome were con- cerned: as also other affairs might be remem- bered by old officers and soldiers that had been in the Jewish war. Accordingly I still suppose that Tacitus had some part of his information these ways, and particularly where he a little differs from or makes additions to Josephus: but then as this will all reach no farther than three or four years during this war, so will it by no means account for that abridgment of the geography of the country, and entire series of the principal facts of history thereto relating, which are in Tacitus, from the days of Antiochus Epiphanes, two hundred and forty years before that war, with which Anti- ochus both Josephus and Tacitus begin their distinct histories oi the Jews, preparatory to the hisitory of this last war. Nor could Taci- tus take the greatest part of those earlier tacts belonging to the Jewish nation from the days of Moses, or to Christ and the Christians in the days of Tiberius, from Roman authors; of which Jewish and Christian affairs those authors had usually very little knowledge, and which the heathen generally did grossly per- vert and shamefully falsify; and this is so true as to Tacitus's own accounts of the ori- gin of the Jewish nation, that the reader may almost take it for a constant rule, that when Tacitus contradicts Josephus's Jewish Anti- quities, he either tells direct falsehoods, or truths so miserably disguised as renders them little better than falsehoods, and hardly ever lights upon any thing relating to them that is true and solid, but when the same is in those Antiquities at this day: — of which matters more will be said in the notes on this history immediately following. HISTORY OF THE JEWS. BOOK V. CHAP, II. Since we are now going to relate the final period of this famous city [Jerusalem], it seems proper to give an account of its origi- nal.* — The tradition is, that the Jews ran away from the island of Crete, and settled themselves on the coast of Xibya, and this at the time when Saturn was driven out of his kingdom by the power of Jupiter: an argu- ment for it is fetched from their name. The mountain Ida is famous in Crete; and the neighbouring inhabitants are named Idcei, which, with a barbarous augment, becomes the name of Judai [Jews]. Some say they were a people that were very nunierous in Egypt, under the reign of Isis; and that the Egyptians got free from that burden, by • Most of these stories are so entirely e:roundle8Si and no contradictory to one another, that tliey do ii .f (iest-rw a serious ct.ni'.itdUon. It is stranjce Tacitus could \\<-<- fc^ade bim.seif ihus cmdely to set tht-m down. sending them into the adjacent countries, under their captains Hierosolymus and Judas. The greatest part say they were those Ethiopians whom fear and hatred obliged to change their habitationsjin the reign of king Cepheus.'' There are those who report that they wtfre Assyrians, who, wanting lands, got together, and obtained part of Egypt, and soon afterward settled themselves in cities of their own, in the land of the Hebrews, and the parts of Syria that lay nearest to them.° Others pretend their origin to be more eminent, and that the Solymi, a people celebrated in Homer's poems, were the founders of this nation, and gave, this their own name Hierosolyma to the city which they built there."* Chap. III.] Many authors agree, that when once an infectious distemper was arisen in Egypt, and made men's bodies impure, Bocchoris, their king, went to the oracle of [Jupiter] Hammon, and begged he would grant him some relief against this evil, and that he was enjoined to purge his nation of them, and to banish this kind of men into other countries, as hateful to the gods.« That when he had sought for, and gotten them all together, they were left in a vast desert: that hereupon the rest devoted themselves to weep- ing and inactivity; but one of those exiles, Moses by name, advised them to look for no assistance from any of the gods, or from any of mankind, since they had been abandoned by both, hut bade them believe in him, as in a celestial leader,* by whose help they had already gotten clear of their present miseries. They agreed to it; and though they were unac- quainted with every thing, they began their journey at random; but nothing tired them so much as the want of water; and now they laid themselves down on the ground to a great extent, as just ready to perish, when a herd of wild asses came from feeding, and went to a rock overshadowed by a grove of trees. Moses followed them, as conjecturing that there was [thereabouts] some grassy soil, and so he opened large sources of water for them.8 That was an ease to them; and when they had journeyed continually six*^ entire b One would wonder how Tacitus, or any heathen, could suppose the African Ethiopians under Cepheus, who are known to be blacks, could be the parents ol the Jews, w6o are known to be whites. e 'I'his account comes nearest the truth, and this Tacitus might have from Josephus, only disguised by himself. ^ This Tacitus might have out of Josephus, Antiq. b. vii ch. iii sect. 2, • Strange doctrine to Josephus .' who truly obser'^'-s on this occasion, that the gods are angry, not at bodily imper- fections, but at wicked practices. Apion, b. i. sect. •iH. f This believing in nloses as in a celestial Uader, seem!> a blind coiilession of Tacitus that Moses processed to have his laws Iroin ftod. B Tliis looks also like a plain confession of 7-citus, that Moses brought the Jews water out of a rock in great plenty, whicb he might have from Josephus, Antiq. b. iii. ch i. stcL 7. o Strange indeed.' that 600,000 men should travel ab ve iOO miles, over the deserts of Arabia, in six days, and cui.quer Judea on the seventh. 846 DISSERTATION III. days, on the seventh day they drove out the inhabitants, and obtained those lands wherein their city and temple were dedicated. Chap. IV.] As for Moses, in order to se- cure the nation firmly to himself, be ordained new rites, and such as were contrary to those o^ otner men. AH things are with them pro- fane which with us are sacred : and, again, those practices are allowed among them which are by us esteemed most abominable.* They place the image of that animal in their most holy place, by whose indication it was that they had escaped their wandering coodition and their thirst.'' They sacrifice rams by way of reproach to [Jupiter] Hammon. An ox is also sacrificed, which the Egyptians worship under the name of Apifi^ They abstain from swine's flesh, as a me- morial of that miserable destruction which the mange, to which that creature is liable, brought on them, and with which they 'had been defiled."" That they had endured a long famine they attest still by their frequent fastings:" and that they stole the fruits of the earth, we have an argument from the bread of the Jews, which is unleavened.® It is generally supposed that they rest on the seventh day;P because that day gave them [the first] rest from their labours. Besides which, they are idle on every seventh year,<i IS being pleased with a lazy life. Others say that they do honour thereby to Saturn ; ' or perhaps the Idiei gave them this part of their religion, who [as we said above] were expell- ed, together with Saturn, and who, as we have been informed, were the founders of this nation; or else it was because the star Saturn moves in the highest orb, and of the seven planets exerts the principal part of that energy ' 'I'his is not true in general, but only so far, that the Israelites were by circurnci:sion and other rites to be kept separate Irom the wicked and idolatrous nations about tiieiu k I his strange story contradicts what the same Taci- tus wiil tell us presently, that when Ponipey went into the holy of holies he tound no image there. > Thetie are only guesses of Tacitus, or of bis heathen authors, but no more. ■n Such memorials of what must have been very re- proachlul, are straiiG;ers to the rest of mankind, and witliuut amy probability. n Tlie Jews had but one solemn fast of old in t>>e whole year, — the threat day oi expintioo. Unleavened bread was only used at the Passover. p It is very strange thai Tacitus should not know or confess that the Jews' seventh day and severilh year ot rent were in memory of the seventh or Sabbath dayte resi, aitrr the six days of creation. Lveiy Jew, as well as rvery Cbrisliau, could have informed him of those matters. <* A strange hypothesia of the origin of the Sabbatic year, and withuut all KU(>d foundation. Tacitus pio- baoiy hud never heard ol the Jews' year oj Jubilee; so Oe says uothint; ol it. ' As if the Jews in the days of Moses, or long before, knew that the Greeks and Honians would long after- ward call the sevenih day ot the week Saturn't day; wfiich l)io observes was not so called in old tim»'j and it «k a qursaou, whether, before the Jews felt into ido- latry, tticy ever heard ot such a »lpr ' god as ^aturn. V. a6j ActsviL -a. whereby mankind are governed; and indeed the most of the heavenly bodies exert their power and perform their courses according to the number Seven.* Chap. V.] These writes, by what manner soever they were first begun, are supported by their antiquity.* The rest of their institu- tions are awkward," impure, and got ground by their pravity ; for every vile fellow, des- pising the rites of his forefathers, brought thither their tribute and contributions, by which means the Jewish commonwealth was augmented ; and because among themselves there is an unalterable fidelity and kindness always ready at hand, but bitter enmity to- wards all others;" they are a people separated from all others in their food and in their beds; though they be the lewdest nation upon earth, yet will they not corrupt foreign women,y though nothing be esteemed unlaw- ful among themselves.' ; They have ordained circumcision of the part used in generation, that they may there- by be distinguished from other people. The proselytes to their religion have the same usage.* They are taught nothing sooner than to despise the gods, to renounce their country, and to have their parents, children, and bre- thren in the utmost contempt;** but still they take care to increase and multiply, for it ia esteemed utterly unlawful to kill any of theii children. They all look on the souls of those that die in battl^, or are put to death for their crimes, as eternal. Hence comes their love of posterity and contempt of death. They derive their custom of burying," instead of burning their dead, from the Egyp- tians; they have also the same care of the dead with them, and the same persuasion about the invisible world below; but of the gods above, their opinion is contrary to theirs. The Egyptians worship abundance of animals, and images of various sorts. • That the sun, moon, and stars rule over the aflairs pf mankind, was a heathen, and not a Jewish notion; neither Jews nor Christians were permitted to deal in astrolop, though Tacitus seems to have been deep ii. it. t This acknoMlediiment of the antiquity of IVloses, and of his Jewish settlement, was what the heathen cared not always to own. " VV hilt these pretended awkward and impure institu- tions were, 'I'acitus does not inform us. * Josephus shows the contrary, as to the laws of Moses, Apion, b. ii. sect. 22. y A high, and, I doubt,a false commendation of the Jews. » An entirely false character, and contrary to their many laws against uncleanness. bee Josephus, Antiq. b iii. ch. xi. sect. I'i. •The proselytes of justice only, not the proselytes of the gate. >> How does this agree with that unalterable fidelity and kindness which Tacitus told us the Jews had towards one another t* — unless he only means that they preferred the divioe commands betbre their nearest relations, which is the highest degree of Jewish and (Jhiistian piety. c This custom is at least as old among the Hebrews as the days of Abraham and the cave of Machphela, long i>efore the Israelites went into tgypt. Gen. xxiii. l— l«i: aud XXV. U— 10. DISSERTATION III. 847 The Jews have no notion of any more than one Diviije Being;'* and that known only by the mind. They esteem such to be profane who frame images of gods out of perishable matter, and in the shape of men; that this Being is supreme and eternal, immutable and unperishable, is their doctrine. Accord- itigly, they have no images in their cities, «nuch less in their temples: they never grant this piece of flattery to kings, or this kind of honour to emperors.* But because their priests, when they play on the pipe and the timbrels, wear ivy round their head, and a golden vine has been found in their tem- ple,' ipme have thought that they worshipped our father Bacchus, the conqueror of the East; whereas the ceremonies of the Jews do not at all agree with those of Bacchus, for he appointed rites that were of a jovial nature, and fit for festivals, while the practices of the Jews are absurd and sordid. Chap. VL] The limits of Judea easterly are bounded by Arabia; Egypt lies on the south; on the west are Phajnicia and the [Great] Sea. They have a prospect of Syria on their north quarter, as at some distance from them.ff The bodies of the men are healthy, and such as will bear great labours. They have not many showers of rain: their soil is very fruitful; the produce of their land is like ours, in great plenty.** They have also, besides ours, two trees pecu- liar to themselves, the balsam-tree and the palm-tree. Thtir groves of palms are tall and beautifuL The balsam-tree is not very large. As soon as any branch is swelled, the veins quake as for fear, if you bring an iron knife to cut them. They are to be opened with the broken piece of a stone, or with the shell of a fish. The juice is useful in physic. Libanus is their principal mountain, and is very high; and yet, what is very strange to be related, it is always shadowed with trees, and never free fvom snow. The same moun- tain supplies the river Jordan with water, and affords it its fountains also. Nor is this <• These are very valuable concessions which Tacitus bere makes as to the unspotted piety of the Jewish nation, in the worship of o[i« intinite invisible God, and absolute rejectiaa of all idolatry, and of ali worship of iinaues; nay. of the ima^e of the em^>eror Caius hiaiself, or of attording it a place in their temple. • All these concessions were to be learned from Jose- phus, and almost ooiy from him; out of whom, there- fore, i conclude Tacitus took the tinest part of his cha- racter of the Jews. ' This particular fact, that there was a G;olden vine in the front of the Jewish temple, wa.", in all probability, taken by Tacitus out of Jusephus; but as th« Jewish priests were never adorned with icy, the siini&l of Bac- chus,— bow Tacitus came to imatjipie this I cannot tell. « "See the chorography of Judea in J< sephus. Of th*- War, biii.ch.iiL whence most probably Tacitus framed this short abridkcment of it. It comes in both authors UHturaliV before Vespasian's Hrst campaign. •« The latter brancli o: this, lacitus mit^ht have from Jow'phus ((»f the War, k^ iii. < ti. iiu sect. 2, 3, 4}} the •t.'ier ii aol m the preseni copies. Jordan carried into the sea: it passes thronrV one and a second lake undiminished; hut : is stopped by the third.* This third lake is vastly great in cironni- ference, as if it were a sea.'' It is ot an tl taste; and is pernicious to the adjoining jni bitants by its strong smell. The wind riu no waves there, nor will it maiutaUi en i fishes or such birds as use the water. 1' reason is uncertain, but the fact i^ thus, tli bodies cast into it are borne up as by st'i' what solid. Those who can, and those wi. cannot swim, are equally borne up \> it.' At a certain time of the year" it ca ■ out bitumen; the manner of gathering i like other arts, has been tauj^ht by experieji.- The liquor is of its own nature, of a bU colour; and, if you pour vinegar upon it, , clings together, and swim? on the top. Tho whose business it lb, take it in their haii< and pull it into the upper parts of the sh after which it follows, without farther atn . tion, and tills the ship full, till you cut it off, .;• I can you cut it off either with a brass or an n . j instrument; but it canruit bear the toucL i blood, or of a cloth wet with the menstiu. I purgations of women, as the ancient autuoi say; but those that are acqu.^inted with th place assure us that these waves of bitudic. are driven along, and by the hand drawn t the shore, and that when they are dried by th warm steams from the earth, and the foie of the sun, they are cut in pieces with a\. and wedges, as timber and stones are cut i pieces. Chap. VII.] Not far from this lake ai. those plains, which are related to have been « old fertile, and to have had many cities" fu. of people, but to have been burnt up by stroke of lightning: it is also said tfiat t footsteps of that destruction still remain; ,.•. that the earth itself appears as burnt ear and has lost its natural fertility; and tha' an argument thereof, all the plants that gi! of their own accord, or are planted by i hand, whether they arrive at the degree ni herb, or of a flower, or at complete matun become black and empty, and, as it wei vanish into ashes. As for myself, as am willing to allow that these once famoit 1 These accounts of Jordan, <^ the fountains derivt-o fro(U mount Liiiauus, and of the two lakes it runs thronnu. ai.d its stoppai;e by the th.rd, are exactly agreeabte t Josephiis, Of the War, b, iiu ch x. sect. 7, 8. k No less than five hundred and eiguty furlongs Ion and one hunored and titty broad, in Josepbus, Ot ih> War, b. V. ch. viiL sect 4. 1 *>trabo sajs, that a man could not sink into t^t- water of tnis lake so deep as the navel. <» Josephu never says t.iat this bitumen was ca^t ur at a certain time of the year only; and Strabo says tft direct contrary; but Piiny aurees with lacitus. ° Tliis is exactly according to Josepbus, and mu«< have been taken rom iii:u in the place fore-citedt a«i<' thiit, particularly, because it is peculiar t» him, so tar a- I know, in alt antiquity. The rest thought the citif were in the very same i^lace where now the lake is; hi" Ju!«plius aid Facitus Ka> they were in its neighbuut bouu only; which is .>lr. Kelaad's upinioa also. 848 DISSERTATION III, cities were burnt by fire from heaven, so vould I suppose that the earth is infected •vith the vapour of the lake, and the spirit j_or air] that is over it thereby corrupted, and that by this means the fruits of the earth, both corn and grapes, rot away, both the soil and the air being equally unwhole- -.orae. The river Belus does also run into the sea ot Judea; and the sands that are collected • oout its mouth, when you mix nitre with iiem, are melted into glass : this sort of ■ jore is but small, but its sand, for the use t those that carry it off, is inexhaustible. Chap. VIIL] A great part of Judea is oinposed of scattered villages; it also has irger towns; Jerusalem is the capital city of he whole nation. In that city there was a .'inple of immense wealth ; in the first parts nat are fortified is the city itself; next it the .)yal palace. The temple is enclosed in its most inward recesses. A Jew can come no f jrther than the gates; all but the priests are excluded by their threshold. While the East was under the dominion of the Assyrians, the Medes, and the Persians, the Jews were of all slaves the most despicable.** After the dominion p of the Macedonians prevailed, king Antiochus tried to conquer their superstition, and to introduce the cus- toms of the Greeks; but he was disappointed of his design, which was to give this most profligate nation a change for the better ; and that was by his war with the Parthians, for at this time Arsaces had fallen off [from the Macedonians]. Then it was that the Jews set kings over them, because the Macedonians were become weak, the Parthians were not yet very powerful, and the Ronians were very remote ; which kings, when they had been expelled by the mobility of the vulgar, and had recovered their dominion by war, at- tempted the same things that kings used to do, I mean they introduced the destruction of cities, the slaughter of brethren, of wives, and parents, but still went on in their supersti- tion: for they took upon them withal the honourable dignity of the high-priesthood, as firm security to their power and authority. Chap. IX.] The first of the Romans that conquered the Jews was Cneius Pompeius, who entered the temple by right of victory. Thence the report was everywhere divulged, that therein was no image of a god, but an empty place, and mysteries, most secret ulaces that have nothing in them. The walls of Jerusalem were then destroyed, but the *«eniple continued still. Soon afterward arose A civil war among us; and when therein tJnese provinces were reduced under Marcus • A great slander against the Jews, without any just ^udatiun. Josephus would liave iiilormed him better. • Here begin Josrphus's and 'J'acitus's true accuinits at tiie Jews preliminary to the last war. 8e« uf Uie War, 9ia, sect 7. Antonius, Pacorus, king of the Parthians, got possession of Judea, but was himself slain by Paulus Ventidius, and the Parthians were driven beyond Euphrates ; and for the Jews, Caius Sosius subdued them. Antonius gave the kingdom to Herod ; and when Augustus conquered Antonius he still aug mented it. After Herod's death, one Simon, withou waiting for the disposition of Caesar, too upon him the title of Kiny, who was brough to punishment by [or under] Quinctilius Va rus, when he was president of S>ria. After- ward the nation was reduced, and the children of Herod governed it in three partition&;' Under Tiberius the Jews had rest. After some time, they were enjoined to place Caius Caesar's statue in the temple ; but rathei than permit that they took up arms;'! which sedition was put an end to by the death of Caesar. f Claudius, after the kings were either dead or reduced to smaller dominions, gave the province of Judea to Roman knights, or to freed-men, to be governed by them ; among whom was Antonius Felix, one that exercised all kind of barbarity and extravagance, as if he had royal authority, but with the dis- position of a slave. He had married Dru- silla, the grand -daughter of Antonius: so that Felix was the grand-daughter's husband, and Claudius the grand- son of the same Antonius. ANNALS, BOOK XII. But he that was the brother of PalLis, whose surname was Felix, did not act with the same moderation [as did Pallas himself]. He had been a good while ago set over Judea, and thought he might be guilty of all sorts of wickedness with impunity while he relied on so sure an authority. The Jews had almost given a specimen of sedition; and even after the death of Caius was known, and they bad not obeyed his command, there remained a degree of fear lest some future' prince should renew that command [for the settitig up the prince's statue in their temple]; and in the mean time, Felix, by the use of unseasonable ren)edies, blew up the coals of sedition into a flame, and was imitated by bis partner in the govern- ment, Ventidius Cumanus, the country being thus divided between them; that the nation of the Galileans were under Cumanus, and the Samaritans under Felix; which two na- tions were of old at variance, but now, out of q They came to I'etroniuo, the president of Syria, in vast numbers; but without arms, and as humble sup- plicants only. See Tacitus presfotly, » hf re he alier- wartU sets tins matter almost riijiit, iUcoiiiiuK to Jose- phus, and by wiiy ol ooireuiiou; lui iiml uccuiirit is \n his AnoaW, wliicti viktk wriitt-n atlei this which is m \x'u |tisu>rifs« DISSERTATION III. 849 contempt of their governors, did less restrain their hatred; they then began to plunder one another, to send in parties of robbers to lie in wair, and sometimes to fight battles, and withal to bring spoils and prey to the procu- rators [Cumanus and Felix]. Whereupon these procurators began to rejoice; yet when the mischief grew considerable, sohliers were sent to quiet them, but the soldiers were killed; and the province had been in a flame of war, had not Quadratus, the president of Syria, afforded his assistance. Nor was it long in dispute whether the Jews, who had killed the soldiers in the mutiny, should be put to death; it was agreed they should die, — only Cuuianus and Felix occasioned a delay; for Claudius, upon hearing the causes as to this rebellion, had given [Quadratus] authority to determine the case, even as to the procurators themselves; but Quadratus showed Felix among the judges, and took him into his seat of judgment, on purpose that he might dis- courage his accusers. So Cumanus was con- demned for those flagitious actions,, of which both he and Felix had been guilty, and peace was restored to the province.'' HISTOR. BOOK V. CHAP. X. However, the Jews had patience till Ges- sius Florus was made procurator. Under him it was that the war began. Then Cestius Callus, the president of Syria, attempted to appease it, and tried several battles, but gene- rally with ill success. Upon his death,* whether it came by fate, or that he was weary of his life, is uncertain, Vespasian had the good fortune, by his repu- tation, and excellent officers, and a victorious army, in the space of two summers, to make himself master of all the open country and of all the cities, Jerusalem excepted. [Flavius Vespasianus, whom Nero had chosen for his general, managed the Jewish war with three legions. Histor. b. i. ch. x.] The next year, which was employed in a civil war [at home], so far as the Jews were concerned, passed over in peace. When Italy was pacified, the care of foreign parts was revived. The Jews were the only people that stood out; which increased the rage of [the Romans]. It was also thought most proper that Titus should stay with the army, to pre- vent any accident or misfortune which the new government might be liable to. [Vespasian had put an end to the Jewish war; the siege of Jerusalem was the only enterprise remaining, which was a work hard and difficult; but rather from the nature of r Here seems to be a great mistake about the Jewish affairs in Tacitus. See of the W ar, book ii. chap. xii. sect. 8. • Josephus ?aj8 nothing of the death of Cestius; so Ti'"itus seems to have koown uettuui^ in particuiar toout it the mountain and the obstinacy of tbe Jewish superstition, than because the besieged had strength enough to undergo the distresses [of a siege]. We have already informed [the reader] that Vespasian bad with him three legions, well exercised in war. Histor. b. ii. ch. v.] When Vespasian was a very young man, it was promised him that he should arrive a the very highest pitch of fame: but what di first of all seem to confirm the omen, was hi triumphs, and consulship, and the glory of his victories over the Jews. When he had once obtained these, he oelieved it was por- tended that he should come to the empire.' There is between Judea and Syria a moui»- tain and a god, both called by the same name of Carme/, though our predecessors have informed us that this god had no image, and no temple, and indeed no more than an altar and solemn worship. Vespasian was once offering a sacri- fice there, at a time when he had some secret thought in his mind; the priest, whose name was Basihdes, when he, over and over, looked at the entrails, said, " Vespasian, whatever thou art about, whether the building of thy house or enlargement of thy lands, or augmen- tation of thy slaves, thou art granted a mighty seat, very large bounds, and a huge number of men." These doubtful answers were soon spread abroad by fame, and at the time were explained; nor was any thing so much in pub- lic vogue, and very many discourses of that nature were made before him, and the more, because they foretold what he expected. Mucianus and Vespasian went away, hav- ing fuliy agreed on their designs; the former to Antiochj the latter to Cesarea. Antioch is the capital of Syria, and Cesarea the capi- tal of Judea. The commencement of Ves- pasian's advancement to the empire was at Alexandria, where Tiberius Alexander made such haste, that he obliged the legions to take the oath of fidelity to him on the kalends of July, which was ever after celebrated as the day of his inauguration, although" the army in Judea had taken that oath on the fifth of the Nones of July, with that eagerness, that they would not stay for his son Titus, who was then on the road, returning out of Syria, chap. Ixxix. Vespasian delivered over the strongest part of his forces to Titus, to enable him to finish what remained of the Jewish war. Histor. b. iv. ch. Ii. During these months in which Vespasian t Josephus takes notice in general of these many omens ot Vespasian's advancement to the empire, and distinctly adds his own remarkable prediction of it also. Of the War, b. iii. ch. viii. sect. 3—9. u This although seems to imply that V'spasiaa wa» proclaimed emperor in Judea before he was proclaimed at Alexandria, as the whole history of Josephus implies, and the place where now Vespasian was, which was no other than Judea, rt-quires also, though the inaugura- tion-day might be celebrated a.'terward from his first proclamation at the great city Alexandriai only then the Nones or Ides in I'acitus and isuetonius mukL be of J uue, and out of J uly. a u 850 DISSERTATION III, ocTJttnued at Alexandria, waiting for the usual set time of the summer gales of wind, and staid for settled fair weather at sea, many miraculous events happened; by which the good- will of Heaven, and a kind of inclination of the Deity in his favour was declared. A certain man of the vulgar sort at Alex- andria, vvell known for the decay of his eyes, kneeled dovvn by him and greaned and beg- ged of him the cure of his blindness, as by the admonition of Serapis, the god which this su- perstitious n »tion worships above others. He also desired that the emperor would be pleased to put so«ne of his spittle upon the balls of his eyes. Another infirm man there, who was lame of his hand, prayed Csesar, as by the same god's suggestion, to tread upott him with his foot. Vespasian at first began to laugh at them and to reject them; and whei they were instant with him, he sometimes feared he should have the reputation of a vain person, and sometimes, upon the solicitation of the infirm, he flattered himself, and other: flattered him, with the hopes of succeeding. At last he ordered the physicians to give their opinion, whether this sort of blindness and lameness were curable by the art of man or not? The physicians answered uncertainly, that the one had not the visual faculty utterly destroyed, and that it might be restored, if the obstacles were removed: that the other's limbs were disordered, but if a healing virtue were made use of, they were capable of being made whole. Perhaps, said thev, the gods are willing to assist, and that the emperor is chosen by divine interposition. However, they said at last, that if the cureS succeeded, Caesar would have the glory; if not, the. poor miserable objects would only be laughed at. "Whereupon Vespasian imagined that his good fortune would be universal, and that nothing on that account could be incredible; so he looked cheerfully, and in the sight of the multitude, who stood in great expectation, he did what they desired him; upon which the lame hand was recovered, and the blind man saw immediately. Both these curts" are re- lated to this day by those that were present, and when speaking falsely will get no reward. * The miraculoiiii cures done by Vespasian are attested to both by Suetonius in Vespasian (sect. 7) and by Dio (p. 217), and seem to me well attested. Our Sariour seems to have overruled the heathen oracle itt Serapis to procure the divine approbation to Vespasian's ad- /ancpment to the empire of Rome, as he sui;E»»sted the like approbation to the advancement both of Vespasian and Titus to Josephus; which two were to be his chosen instruments in brim^in^ on that terrible de- struction upon the Jewish nation, which he ha<^ Hireatened to execute by these Roman armies. Nor could any other Roman generals than Vespasian and Titus, at that time, in human probability, have pre- vailel over the Jews, and destroyed Jerusalem, as this whole history in Josephus implies. Josephus also everywhere supposes Vespasian and Titus raised up to command attains! Judea and .lernsalem. and t" govern the Riimnn empire l»y Divine Providence, and nnt in the ordinary wav; as also he always supfoten this de- truction a diviue Judjfment on the Jews lor thf ir sins.; BOOK v. CHAP. I. At the beginning of the same year, Titus Caesar, who was pitched upon by his father to finish the conquest cf Judea, and. while both he and bis father were private persons, was celebrated for his martial conduct, acted now with greater vigour and hopes of repu- tation, the kind inclinations both of the provinces and of the armies striving one with another who should most encourage him. He was also himself in a disposition to show that he was more than equal to his fortune; atid when he appeared in arms, he did all things after such a ready and graceful way, treating- all after such an affable manner, and with such kind words, as invited the good- will and good wishes of all. He appeared also in his actions and in his place in the troops; he mixed with the common soluiers, yet without any stain to his honour as a general. y He was received in Judea by three legions, the fifth, and the tenth, and the fifteenth, who were Vespasian's old soldiers. Syria also aflforded him the twelfth, and Alexandria soldiers out of the twenty-second and twenty- third legions. Twenty cohorts of auxiliaries accompanied, as also eight troops of horse.* King Agrippa also was there, and king Sohemus, and the auxiliaries of king Antio- chus, and a strong body of Arabians, who, as is usual in nations that are neighbours to one another, went with their accustomed hatred against the Jews, with many others out of the city of Rome, as every one's hopes led him, ot getting early into the general's favour, before others should prevent them. He entered into the borders of the enemy's country with these forces, in exact order ol war; and looking carefully about biro, and being ready for battle, he pitched his camp not far from Jerusalem. Chap. X.] When therefore he had pitched his camp, as we said just now, before the walls of Jerusalem, he pompously showed his legions ready for an engagement.* Chap. XL] The Jews formed their camp under the very walls'* [of the city]; and il they succeeded, they resolved to venture far- ther; but if they were beaten back, that was their place of refuge. When a body of ca- valry were sent against them,*' and with them J This character of Titus afi;rees exactly with the History of Josephus upon all occasions. » These twenty cohorts and eij;ht troops of horse, are not directly enumerated by Josephus, of the War, b. v. ch. i. sect. 6. » This word in Tacitus, pompously showed his legions, looks as if that pompous show which was some months afterward, in Josephus, ran in bis mind. Of the War, il. V. ch. ix. sect. I. b These first bickerings and battles near the walls of Jerusalem, are at large in Josephus, of the War, b. v. .-.h. 11 e Josephus disljnclly mentions these horsemen oi ca- <-airy, six hundied in number, uinuiig whom I itus had (.ke to have bien slaiu or taken prisoner, of the War, b v. ch ii sect. I. U H Dissertation hi. 851 cohorts that weVe expedite and nimble, the tight was doabtful; but soon afterwards the enemies gave ground, and on the following days there were frequent skirmishes before the gates, till after many losses they were driven into the city. The Romans then betook themselves to the siege, for it did not seem honourable to stay till the enemies were reduced by famine.** The soldiers were very eager to expose themselves to dangers; part of them out of true valour, and many out of a brutish fierceness, and out of a desire of reward. Titus had Rome, and the riches and plea- sures of it, before his eyes; all which seemed to be too long delayed, unless Jerusalem could be soon destroyed. The city stood on a high elevation,* and it had great works and ramparts to secure it, such indeed as were sufficientfor its fortification, had it been on plain ground; for there were two hills, of a vast height, which were enclosed by walls made crooked by art, or [naturally] bending inwards, that they might flank the besiegers, and cast darts on them sideways. The extreme parts of the rock were craggy, and the towers, when they had the advantage of the ground, were sixty feet high; when they were built on the plain ground they were not built lower than one hundred and twenty feet: they were of uncommon beauty, and to those who looked at them at a great distance, they seemed equal. Other walls there were beneath the royal palace, besides the tower of Antonia, with its top particu- larly conspicuous. It was called so by Herod, in honour of Marcus Antonius. Chap. XII.] The temple was like a cita- del, having walls of its own, which had more ' labour and pains bestowed on them than the rest. The cloisters wherewith the temple was enclosed were an excellent fortification, j They had a fountain of water that ran per- petually, and the mountains were hollowed | under ground; they had moreover pools^ and cisterns for the preservation of the rain-water. They that built this city foresaw, that from the difference of their conduct of life from their neighbours, they should have frequent wars; thence it came to pass that they had pro- vision for a long siege. After Pompey's con- quest also, their fear. and experience had taught them generally what they should want.* Moreover, the covetous temper that pre- * Such a delib«ration and resolution, with this very reason, that it would be dishonourable to stay till the Jews were starved out by famine, is in Josephus, of the War, b V. ch. xii. sect. 1. • This description of the city Jerusalena, its two hills, its three walls, and four towers, &c. are in this place at lari;e 'u Josephus, of the W:ir, b.v. ch. iv. See also Pom- pey's Siege, Antiq. b. xiv. ch. iv. sect. 2. t Of these pools, see Joseptius, of the War, b. v. ch. xi. •ect- 4. The cisterns are not mentioned by him here, though they be mentioned by travellers. See Kelaud's: Palestine, torn i. p -VH f 1 his is Tacitus's or the Romans' own hypothesis, ontjpDortPd by Josephus. vailed under Claudius, gave the Jews an opportunity of purchasing for money'' leave to fortify Jerusalem; so they built walls in time of peace, as if they were going to war, they being augmented in number by those rude multitudes of people that retired thither on the ruin of the other cities; for every obsti- nate fellow r'an away thither, and there becam more seditious than before. There were three captains, and as manjr armies. Simon had the remotest and largest parts of the walls under him. John, who was also called Bar Gioras (the son of Gioras), had the middle parts of the city under him: and Eleazar had fortified the temple itself. John and Simon were superior in multitude and strength of arms, Eleazar was superior by his situation, but battles, factions, and burnings, were common to them all; and a great quan- tity of corn was consumed by fire. After a while, John sent some, who, under the pre- tence of offering sacrifice, might slay Eleazar and his body of troops, which they did, and got the temple under their power. So the city was now parted into two factions, until, upon the coming of the Romans, this war abroad produced peace between these that were at home. Chap. XIII.] Such prodigies' had hap- pened, as this nation, which is superstitious enough in its own way, would not agree to expiate by the ceremonies of the Roman reli- gion, nor would they atone the gods by sacri- fices and vows, as these used to do on the like occasions. Armies were seen to fight in the sky, and their armour looked of a bright light colour, and the temple shone with sudden flashes of fire out of *the clouds. The doors of the temple were opened on a sudden, and a voice greater than human was heard, that the gods were retiring, and at the same time there was a great motion perceived, as if they were going out of it, which some esteemed to be causes of terror. The greater part had a firm belief that it was contained in the old sacerdotal books, that at this very time the east would prevail, and that some that came out of Judea should obtain the empire of the world, which obscure oracle foretold Vespa- sian and Titus; but the generality of tlie common people, as usual, indulged their own inclinations, and when they had once inter preted all to forebode grandeur to themselves, adversity itself could not persuade them h This sale of leave for the Jews to build the walls ol Jerusalem for money is also Tacitus's or the Romans' own hypiilhesis, unsupported by Josephus. Nor is Josephus's character of Claudius near so bad, as to other thin<;s also, as it is in Tacitus and Suetonius. Dio says he was far from covetousness in particular. The others seem lo have misrepresented his meek and qviet temper and learnin^r, but without ambition, and his tireat kind- ness to the Jews as the most cotiteuiptible folly. See Antiq. b xix. ch. iv. 8«»ct. 4. He was indeed much ruled , at first by a very bad minister, Pall;iS; and at last w&k I ruled and pois.ned by a very bad wife. A|;r<ppina • These prod igiis and more are at large m Juaepbus, of lh« War. b. vi. ch. t. sect 3. 852 DISSERTATION III. to cbange their minds, tbough it were from falsehood to truth.'' We have been informed, that the number of the besieged, of every age and of both sexes, male and female, was six hundred thousan(i.' There were weapons for all that could carry them; and more than could be expected, for thfir number were bold enough to do so. The men and the women were equally obsti- nate; and when they supposed they were to be carried away captive, they were more afraid of life than of death. Against this city and nation Titus Caesar resolved to fight, by ramparts and ditches, since the situation of the place did not admit of taking it by storm or surprise. He parted the duty among the legions; and there were no fartbe engagements, until whatever had been invented for the taking of cities by the ancients, or by the ingenuity of the moderns, was got ready. ANNALS, BOOK XV. Nero, in order to stifle the rumour [as if he had himself set Rome on fire], ascribed it to those people who were hated for their wicked practices, and called by the vulgar Christians; these he punished exquisitely. The author of this name was Christ, who, in the reign of Ti- oerius, was brought to punishment by Pontius Pilate, the procurator.™ For the present this pernicious superstition was in part sup- pressed; but it brake out again, not only over Judea, whence this mischief first sprang, but in the city of Rome also, whither do run from every quarter and make a noise, all the fla- grant and shameful enormities. At first, therefore, those were seized who confessed; afterward a vast multitude were detected by them, and were convicted, not so much as really guilty of setting the city on fire, but as bating all mankind ; nay, they made a mock of them as they perished, and destroyed them by putting them into the skins of wild beasts, and setting dogs upon them to tear them to pieces: some were nailed to crosses, and others flamed to death; they were also used in the night-time instead of torches for illumination. Nero had offered his own gar- dens for this spectacle. He also gave them Circensian games, and dressed himself like the driver of a chariot, sometimes appearing among the common people, sometimes in the k This interpretation, and the reflections upon it, are in Josephus, of tbe War, b. vi. ch. v. sect 4. I The number (iOO,(XX) for the besieged is nowhere in Josephus, but is there for the poor buried at the public charge, of the War, b. v. ch. xiii. ttect 7, which niii;ht be about Ihe number of the besieged, under Cestius Oallus, thmigh there were many more afterward at Ti- tus's siege, as Josephus implies, of the War, b. vi. ch. ix. sect -.i. ■This passage seems to hare been directly taken from JuseptiUH's famous testimony concerniiii; Christ and the Cltri!itian>), Anti*]. b, xviii. ch. iii. sect. 3, of Wbicb see Dissert I, before. circle itself; whence a commiseration arose, though the punishments were levelled at guilty persons, and such as de!?erved to be made the most flagrant examples, as if these people were destroyed,— ^not for the publ:-; advantage, but to satisfy the barbarous humour of one man. *J* Since I have set down all the vile calumnies of Tacitus upon the Christians as well as the Jews, it will be proper befo'-e I come to my Observations, to set down two heathen records in their, favour, and those hardly inferior in antiquity, and ot nmch greater authority than Tacitus; I mean Phny's Epistle to Trajan when he was pro-consul of Bithynia; with Trajan's Answer or rescript to PUny, cited by Tertullian. Eusebius, and Jerome. These are records ot so great esteem with Havercamp, the last editor of Josephus, that he thinks they not only deserve to be read, but almost to be learned by heart ale<». PLINY'S EPISTLE TO TRAJAN. ABOUT A.D. 112. SiB, It is my constant method to apply myself to you for the resoliition of all my doubts; for who can bettef govern my dilatory way of proceeding, or instruct my ignorance? I have never been present at the examination of the Christians [by others], on which ac- count I am unacquainted with what uses to be inquired into, and what, and how far they used to be punished; nor are my doubts small, whether there be not a distinetion to be made between the ages [of the accused]? and whether tender youth ought to have tbe same punishment with strong men? Whether there be not room for pardon upon repent- ance?" or whether it may not be an advan- tage to one that had been a Christian, that he has forsaken Christianity? Whether the bare name," without any crimes besides, or the crimes adhering to that name, be to be punished ? In the mean time, 1 have taken this course about those who have been brought before me as Christians. I asked them whe- ther they were Christians or not ? If they confessed that they were Christians, I asked them again, and a third time, intermixing threatenings with the questions. If they per- severed in their confession, I ordered theia to be executed ;P for I did not doubt but, lei n Till now, it seems, repentance was not commonly allowed those that had been once Christians ; t>ut, thouG;b they recanted and returned to idolatry, yet were they commonly put to death. This was persecution in pertection .' o This was the just and heavy complaint of the an- cient Christians, that they commonly suffered (or that bare name, without the pretence ot any crimes they could prove against them, ibis was aUo persecuiiun in perfection .' p Amazing doctrine.' that a Arm and fixed resolation of keeping a g<Mjd conscience should be thought without dispute to deserve death, and this by such comparatively excellent heathens as Pliny and Trajan DISSERTATION III. 80 their confession be of any sort whatsoever, this positiveness and inflexible obstinacy ♦Jeserved to be punished. There have been some of this cnad sect whom I took notice of in particular as Roman citizens, that they might be sent to that city.^ After some time, as is usual in such examinations, the crime spread itself, and many more cases came before me. A libel was sent to me, though without an author, containing many names [of persons accused]. These denied that they were Christians now, or ever had been. They called upon the gods, and sup- plicated to your image,' which I caused to be brought to me for that purpose, with frankin- cense and wine; they also cursed Christ;' none of which things, it is said, can any of those that are really Christians be compelled to do so I thought fit to let them go. Others of them that were named in the libel, said they were Christians, but presently denied it again; that indeed they had been Christians, but had ceased to be so, some three years, some many more; and one there was that said he had not been so these twenty years. All these worshipped your image, and the images of our gods; these also cursed Christ. How- ever, they assured me that the main of their fault, or of their mistake, was this: — That they were wont, on a stated day, to meet together before it was light, and to sing a hymn to Christ, as to a god, alter- nately; and to oblige themselves by a sacra- ment [or oath], not to do any thing that was ill; but that they would commit no theft, or pilfering, or adultery; that they would not break their promises, or deny what was deposited with them, when it was required back again; after which it was their custom i to depart, arid to iiicei agdi:i at a. -jb.r.... but innocent meal,* which they had ieft off upon that edict which I published at your command, and wherein I had forbidden any such conventicles. These examinations made nne think it necessary to inquire by torments what the truth was; which I did of two servant-maids, who were called Deaconesses: but still I discovered no more than that they were addicted to a bad and to an extra- vagant superstition. Hereupon I have put off any further examinations, and have recourse to you, for the affair seems to be well worth consultation, especially on account of q This was the case of St. Paul, who, beinsf a citizen of Rome, was allowed to "appeal unto Caesar;" and was "sent to Rome" accordingly. Acts xxii. i5— i9; xxv. 23; xxvi. 3!>; xxvii. r ' Amazing stupidity .' that the emperor's ima?e, even whilt^ he waf alive, should be allowed capable of divine worship, o\fi'. by such comparatively excellent heathens as Pliny and Trajan. • Take here a parallel arcount out of the Martyrdom of Polycarp, sect 9. Th* proconsul said, " Keproach Christ" Polycarp replied, " Kighty and six years have 1 now served Christ, and he has never done me the least wroni;, how then can I blaspheme my Kint; and my Saviour?" I 1 his, most probably, must be some (eait of Charity, i the number" of those that are in danger; for there are many of every age, of every rank, and of both sexes, who are now and hereafter likely to be called to account, and to be in danger; for this superstition is spread like a contagion, not only into cities and towns, but into country villages also, which yet there is reason to hope may be stopped and corrected. To be sure, the temples, which were altuost forsaken, begin already to be frequented; and the holy solemnities, which were long inter- mitted, begin to be revived. The sacrifices begin to sell well everywhere, of which very few purchasers had of late appeared; whereby it is easy to suppose ]iow great a multitude of men may be amendai if place for repentance be admitted. Jtt^ TRAJAN'S EPISTLE TO PLINY. My Pliny, You have taken the method which you ought in examining the causes of those that had been accused as Christians, for indeed no certain and general form of judging can be ordained in this case. These people are not to be sought for; but if they be accused and convicted, they are to be punished; but with this caution, that he who denies himself to be a Christian, and makes it plain that he is not so by supplicating to our gods, although he had been so tormerly, may be allowed pardon, upon his repentance. As for libels sent without an author, they ought to have no place in any accusation whatsoever, for that would be a thing of very ill' example, and not agreeable to my reign. OBSSRYATIONS UPON THE PASSAGES TAKEN OUT OF TACITUS, I. We see here what a great regard the best of the Roman historians of that age, Tacitus, had to the history of Josephus, while though he never names him, as he very rarely names any of those Roman authors whence he derives other parts of his history, yet does it appear that he refers to his seven books of the Jewish Wars several times in a very few pages, and almost always depends on his accounts of the affairs of the Romans and Par- thians, as well as of the Jews, during no fewer than 240 years, to which those books extend. II. Yet does it appear that 'vhen he now and then followed other historan." •>'■ '•eports concerning the Romans, the Partnians, or the o Some of late are very loth to believe that the Chris- tians were numerous in the second century; but this is such an evidence that they were very numerous, at least in Bithynia, even in th« beginning of that century, as is wholly undeniable. d&4 DISSERTATION III. Jews, during that long interval, he was com- monly mistaken in them, and had better have kept dose to Josephus than hearken to any of his other authors or informers. III. It also appears highly probablp that Tacitus had seen the Antiquities of Josephus, and knew that the most part of the accounts he produced of the origin of the Jewish na- tion entirely contradicted those Antiquities. He also could hardly avoid seeing that those accounts contradicted one another also, and were childish, absurd, and supported by no good evidence whatsoever: as also, he could hardly avoid seeing that Joseph us's accounts in those Antiquities \^;ere authentic, substan- tial, and thoroughly attested to by the ancient records of that nation, and of the neighbour- ing nations also, which indeed no one can now avoid seeing, that carefully peruses and considers them. IV. Tacitus, therefore, in concealing the greatest part of the true ancient history of the Jewish nation, which lay before him in Jose- phus, and producing such fabulous, ill-ground- ed, and partial histories, which he had from the heathens, acted a most unfair part; and this procedure of his is here the more gross, in regard he professes such great impartiality (Hist. b. i. cb. i.), and is alloved indeed to have observed that impartiality as to the Roman affairs. V. Tacitus's hatred and contempt of God's peculiar people, the Jews, and his attachment to the grossest idolatry, superstition, and astral fatality of the Romans, were therefore so strong in him, as to overbear all restraints of sober reason and equity in the case of those Jews, though he be allowed so exactly to have followed them on other occasions relating to the Romans. VI. Since, therefore, Tacitus was so bitter against the Jews, and since he knew that Christ was a Jew himself, and that his apos- tles, and first followers were Jews, and also knew that the Christian religion was derived into the Roman provinces from Judea, — it is no wonder that his hatred and contempt of the Jews extended itself to the Christians also, whom the Romans usually confounded with the Jews; as therefore his hard words of the Jews appear to have been generally ground- less, arid hurt his own reputation instead of theirs, so ought we to esteem his alike hard words of the Christians to be blots upon his own ri.&'-ii:ter, and not upon theirs. VJl. J«ince therefore Tacitus, soon after the t;ufciication of Joseph us's Antiquities, and in contradiction to them, was determined to produce such idle stories about the Jews, and since one of those idle stories is much the same with that published in Josephus, against Apion, from Maiiethoand Lysimachus, and nowhere else met with so fully in all an- tiquity, it is most probable that those Antiqui- ties of Josephus were the very occasion of Tacitus giving us these stories; as we know from Josephus himself, against Apion, b. i. sect. 1, that the same Antiqjities were the very occasion of Apion's publication of his equally scandalous stories about them, and which Josephus so thoroughly confuted in these two books, written against him; and if Tacitus, as I suppose, had also read these two books, his procedure in publishing such stories after he had seen so thorough a confutation of them, was still more highly criminal. Nor will Tacitus's fault be much less, though we suppose he neither saw the Antiquities, nor the books against Apion: because it was very easy for him, then at Rome, to have had more authentic accounts, of the origin of the Jewish nation, and of the nature of the Jewish and Christian religions, from the Jews and Christians themselves, who he owns were very numerous there in his days; so that his publication of such idle stories is still utterl)) inexcusable. VIII. It is therefore very plain, after all, that notwithstanding the enconjiums of several of our learned critics upon Tacitus, and hard suspicions upon Josephus, all the (involun- tary) mistakes of Josephus, in all his large works put together, their quality as well as quahtitif considtied, do not amount to near so great a sum as do these gross errors and mis- representations of Tacitus about the Jews amount to in a few pages; so little reason have some of our later and lesser critics to prefer the Greek and Roman historians and writers to the Jewish, and particularly to Josephus. Such later and lesser critics shoidd have learned more judgment and modesty from their great father Joseph Scaliger, wiien, as wehaveseen, afterallhisdeeper inquiries \h- solemnly pronounces {^De Emend. Temp. Pro- Icyom. p. 17), that "Josephus was the must diligent and the greatest lover of truth of all writers;" and is not afraid to affirm, that " it is more safe to believe him not only as to the affairs of the Jews, but also as to those that are foreign to them, than all the Greek and Latin writers; and this because his fidelit\ and compass of learning are everywhere conspicuous." TABLE OVTfiB JEWISH WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. PaTticularly of those mentioned in Josephus s Woris, OF THE J£WISH MEASURES OF LENGTH. Oubit, the standard , Zereth or large span Small span Palm of hand's breadth Inch or thumb's breadth Digit or finger's breadth Orgyia or fathom Ezekiel's Canneh or reed Arabian Cannah or pole Schcenus, line or chain Sabbath-day's journey . Jewish mile Stadium or furlong Parasang Inchek 21 10.5 7 3.5 1.16 .875 84 126 168 1680 42000 84000 8400 252000 re«t. 1 7 10 14 140 3500 7000 700 21000 9 lOi 7 ^ 1.16 .87.^ 6 OF THE JEWISH MEASURES OF CAPACITY. Bath or Epha . • . Corns or Chomer Seah or Saton . Ditto, according to Josephus Hin .... Ditto, according to Josephus Omer or Assaron Cab Log .... Metretes or Syrian firkin Cub. Inches. 807.274 8072.74 269.091 828.28 134.54 414.12 80.722 44.859 11.21 207 Pint* or Pounds. 27.83 278.3 9.266 28.3 4.4633 14.3 2.78 1.544 .39 7.125 OF THE JEWISH WEIGHTS AND COINS. £ s. d. Stater, Siclus, or shekel of the sanctuary, the standard . • • . 2 6 Tyrian coin, equal to the shekel , 2 6 Bekah, half of the shekel . . .' 13 Drachma Attica, one-fourth , , OO^-J Drachma Alexandrina, or Darchon, or Adarchon, one-half , . , ,013 Gerah or Obolus, one-twentieth , , 1| Maneh or Mna — 100 shekels in weight — 21,900 grains, Troy, Maneh, Mna or Mina, as a coin, — 60 shekels . . , , • , 7 10 Talent of silver,— 3000 shekels 375 Drachma of gold, not more than , . . ,'. , » , ,011 Shekel of gold, not more than .'.»•••, 044 Daric of gold .,«.104 Talent of gold, not more than . . • • • • 648 860 TABLE OF THE JEWISH MONTHS IN JOS PHUS AND OTHERS, WITH THE SYEO-MACEDONIAN NAMES JOSiiPHUS GIVES THEM, AND THE NAMES OF THE JULUN OR ROMAN MONTHS CORRESPONDING TO THEM. Hebrew NameOb 1. Nisan 2. Jyar 3. Si van 4. Tamuz 5. Ab 6. Elul 7. Tisri 8. Marchesvan 9. Casleu 10. Tebeth 11. Shebat 12. Adar Yeadar, or tht Syro-Macedonian Names. Xanthicus Artemisius Daesius Panemus Lous Gorpiaeus Hyperberetaeus Dius Apellaeus Audynaeus Peritius Dystni8 ^^ond Adar J intercalated. Roman Names. March and April April and May May and June June and July July and August August and Septenrter September and October October and November November and Decembw December and January January and February February and March INDEX. N.B. — THE FIKST NUMBER IN ORDEB IS THAT OP THE BOOK; THE SECOND^ OF THE CHAPTER; AND THE THIRD, OF THE SECTION, OR SECTIONS. Aarox, Antiq. b. ii. ch. xiii. sect 1 ; b. xx. cb. x. ; is made hi?h-priest, b. iii. ch. riit sect. 1; bis sons, ib; his death, b. ir. ch. iv. sect. 7, Abassar, of Sanabassar, Antiq. b. xi. c. iv. sect 6. Abbarus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, b. i. sect. 21. Abdastartas, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, b. i. sect. 18. AbdemoD, a Tyrian, Antiq. b. viii. c. v. 3; Against Apion, b. i. sect. 17, 18. Abdenago, or Abednego, Antiq. b. x. c. X. 1. Abdon succeeds Elon as judfre, Antiq. b. v. c. vii. 15. Abel, Antiq. b. i. c. ii. 1; his sacrifice, ib. Abenari?, kingof Charax Spasini, Antiq. b. xx. c ii. 1. Abia, or Abijah, the son of Rehoboam. Antiq. b. vii. c. X. 3 b. viii. ex. 1; succeeds his father, sect 4; con- quers the ten tribes, b. viii. c. xi. 2, 3 Abia, king of the Arabians, Antiq. b. xx. c. iv. 1. Abiathar, the son of Ahimelech, Antiq. b. vi. c. xiv. 6; saves his life and flies to David, sect. 8; is high-priest, b. vi. c xir 6; and b. vii.c. v. 4; and c. ix. 2; and c. xi.8; and c. xiv. 4; is deprived of the high-priesthood, b. viii. c. i. 3. Abibalus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, b. 1, sect 17. Abigail, Antiq. b. vi. c. xiii. 7; married to David, sect 8. Abigail, Amasa's mother, Antiq. b. vii. c. x. I- Abihu, the son of Aaron, Antiq. b. iiL c. viii. 1 Abijah, or Abia, tlie son of Rehoboam, Antiq. b. vii. c. X. 3; and b viiL c. x. 1; succeeds his father, sect 4; conquers the ten tribes, b. vii. c. xi. 2, 3. Abilamaradochus. or Evil Merodacb, Antiq. b. x. c xi. Ab mael, Antiq. b. i c. vi. 4. Abimelech tyrannizes over the Shechemites, Antiq. b. v. c.viu 1; is' expelled, sect 3; he destroys them all, sect 4; is killed by a piece of a mill-stone, sect 5. Abinadab, Antiq. b. vi. n. i. 4; b. viii. c. ii. 3. ^biram, Antiq. b. iv. c. ii. 2. Abisha?, a virgin, David's nurse, Antiq. b. vlL c xiv. 3. Abishai, Antiq. b vi. c. xiii. 9. Abner, Antiq. b. viL c. i. 4; son of Ner, c. xiii. sect 1 ; Saul's kinsman, b. vi. c iv. 3; general of his array, b. vii. c. i. 3; reconciles the Israelites to David, b. vii. c L 4; {skilled, sect 5. Abram, or Abraham, the son of Terah, Antiq. b. i. c. vi. fi; leaves Chaldea, and goes to ' Canaan, c. vii. sect 1 ; lives at Damascus, sect. 2; advises his sons to plant colonies, c xv. ; instructs the Egyptians in the mathe- matical sciences, c. viii. sect 2; divides the country between himself and Lot sect 3; God promises him a son, c. X. sect 3 ; be beats the Assyrians, c x. ; dies, c. xviL Absalom, Antiq. b. vii. c. iii. 3; flies to (iesbur, c. viii. sect. 3; is recalled by a stratagem of Joab, sect. 4. 5; rebels against David, b. vii. c. ix. ; pursues after bun, c X. sect. 1 ; his army is put to flight sect. 2; hangs on i\ tree by his hair, ib. ; is stabbed by Joab, and dies, ib. Acencheres, king of Rgj'pt Against Apion, b. i. 8«ct liV Attcncbres, queen of Egypt, ib. Achar, or Achan, is guilty of theft, Antiq. b. t. 10; >s punished, sect 14. Achitophel, or AhitopheK Absalom's favourite, Antiq. b. vii. c. ix. 2; gives evil counsel, sect 5; bangs him- self, sect 8. Achonius, Antiq. b. xi. c. v. 4. Acme, War, b. i. c. xxxii. 6; her letters to Antipater and Herod, Antiq. b. xviL c. v. 7; her death, c. vii. Acmon, son of Araph, or ishbi, the son of Ob, of the race of the giants, attacks David, Antiq. b. vii. c. xiL 1 j is killed by Abishai, ib. Acratheus, or Hatach, Antiq. b. xi. c. vi 7. Actium, battle at, Antiq. b. xv. c v. 1; and c. vi. 1; War, b. i. c. xix. 1 ,- in the seventh year of Herod's reign, Antiq. b. xv. c, r. 2. Ada, the wife of Lamech, Antiq. b. L c, ii. 2. Adad, a king of Damascus, Antiq. b. vii. c v. 2, &c. Adam created, Antiq. b. i. c. i. 2; his fall, ib. Ader, or Hadad, an Idumean, Antiq. b. viii. c. vii. 6. Adonias, or Adonijah, pretends to the crown, Antiq. b. vii. c. xiv. 4; takes sanctuary at the altar, sect 6, 9; demands Abishag to wife, b. viiL c. i. 1, 2; is refused, sect 3. Adonibezek, king of Jerusalem, Antiq. b. v. c. ii. 2; is made a prisoner, and has his hands and feet cut off, and dies at Jerusalem, ib. Adoram, Antiq. b. vii. c.v. 4; and b. viii. c. iL 9. Adrammelech, Antiq. b. x. c. i. 5. Adrasar, or Hadadezer, king of Sophene, or Zoba, An- tiq. b. viii. c. V. 1. ; b. viii, c. vii. d, ./Ebutius, a decurion. Life, sect 24. .£gypt named from a king. Against Apioti, b. i. sect ^Egyptian kings called Pharaohs for 1300 years, till the reign of Solomon, Antiq. b. viiL c. vi. 2. .Egyptians, famous before all other nations for wisdom, Antiq. b. viii. c. iL 5; learned mathematios of Abra- ham, Antiq. b. i. c viii. 2; their sacred scribes or priests, b. ii. c. ix. 2; they held it unlawful to feed cattle, b. ii. c. vii. 5. .^Egyptians' false prophet put to flight by Felix, Antiq. b. XX. c. viii. 6; War, b. ii. c. xiiL & .^iius Gallus, Antiq. b. xv. c. ix. 3. iEmilius Regulus, Antiq. b. xix. c. i. 3. .^neas, surnamed Aretas, succeeds Obodas in Arabia, Antiq. b. xvL c. ix. 4. ^sopus, a servant, Antiq. b. xv. c. iiL 2. iEthiopian commodities were slaves and mookeys, An> tiq. b. viiL c. vL 5, &c. ; and c. viL 2. .Stbiopians bordering on the Arabians, Antiq. b ix. c V.3. A gag, king of the Amalekites, Antiq. b. vL c viL 2; is killed, sect. 5. Agar, or Hagar, and Ishmael, are sent away by Abra- ham, Antiq. b. i. c. xiiL 3. Aggeus, or Haggai the prophet, Antiq. b. xi. c, iv. 5, 7; he prophecies at the rebuilding of the temple, ih. Agones, or ^Ames every fifth year, in honour of Cae-iar, instituted by Herod, Antiq.' b. xv. c, viiL I; War. b. L c xxL 8; at the fiHishiuj{ Cesarea, Antiq. b. xvL o. V. L 858 INDEX. Agrippa't (Marcus the Roman) boanty towards the Jews, Anbo. xii. iii. 2; is splendidly entertained by Herod, X»L ii. 1; makes equal returns to him at Synope, sect. 2; his expedition to the Bosphorus, ib. ; his speech to the Jews at Jerusalem, War, iL xvi. 3, 4; he Confirms their privileges, Antiq. xvi. ii. 5; his letter to the Ephesians, in favour of the Jews, c. vi. sect. 4; and to those of Cyrene, sect. 5. Agrippa the Great, or Elder, Herod's grandson, Antiq. xvii. ii. 2f and xviii. v 4; War, i. xxviii. 1; his va- rious adventures, Antiq. xviii. 5, 4, &c.; is manacled and imprisoned, c. vi sect. 6; his future liberty and happiness foretold, sect. 7 ; is released and made lord of two.tetrarchies, with the title of king, sect. 10; gives Caius a sumptuous entertainment at Rome, c. xviii. sect. 7; is sent by the senate to Claudius, xix. iv. 1, 2; his advice to Claudius, ib. &c.; is sent back to the kiugdom,c. iv. sect, 1; Claudius bestows on him almost all the dominions of his grandfather, c. V. sect. 1; his eulogium, c. vii. sect. 3; his bounty towards those of Berytus, sect 5; he treats several kings splendidly, c. viii, sect. 1; entertains Cesarea with shows, and appears himself upon the stage io a magnificent dress, and is applauded as a god, sect. 2; dies soon after an unnatural death, ib. ; his death and children, War, ii. xi. 5, 6. Agrippa, his son by Cypres, War, ii. xi. 6; did not im- mediately succeed in his father's kingdom, Antiq. xix. JC 2; Claudius gave him that of his uncle Herod [of Chalcis], XX. v. 2; War, ii. xii. 1; to which he added the tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias, c. vii. sect. 1 ; he is hurt by a sling-stone at the siege of Gamala, iv. i 3; his letters to Josephus, Life, sect. 64; his famous speech to the Jews, to dissuade them from a war with the Romans, War, ii. xvi. 4, 5. Agnppa, son of Felix and Drusilla, Antiq. xx. vii. 2. Agrippa Ponteus slain. War, vii. iv. 3. Ahab, king of Israel, Antiq, vii. xiii. 1; is reproved by Elijah, sect. 8; fights with Henhadad. and beats him, C xiv. sect I, &c. ; pardons him, sect 4; is afterwards killed himself by the Syrians, c. xv. sect 5.) his sons, ix. 6, S. Ahaziah, his son, Antiq. viii. xv. 6; and ix. ii. 2; tu sect 3. » Ahaziah, kingof Judah, Antiq. ix. vi, 3. Ahaz, king of Judah, Antiq. ix. xii. 2. Ahijab, the prophet, Antiq. viii. vii. 7; his prophecy, x. iv. 4. Ahikam, Antiq. x. ix. 1. Ahimaaz, the son of Zudok, Antiq. vii. ix. 2: c x. sect 4, 5; high-priest, x. viii. <j. Ahimelech, or Achimelech, the priest, or high-priest, slain by the order of Saul, Antiq. vi. xiii. 4, &c Ahitub, Antiq. viii. i. 3. Ahitophel, or Achitophel, Antiq. vii. ix. ; gives evil counsel, s^ct. 5; liangs himself, sect 8. Ai besieged, Antiq. v. i. 12; taken, sect 15. Aizel, or Uzal, Antiq. i. vi. 4. Alans, War, vii. vii. 4. Albinus, procuratoV of Judea, Antiq, xx. iv. 1. Alcimus, or Jacimus, the wicked high-priest, Antiq. xiii. ix. 7; calumniates Judas before Demetrius, c. x. sect 1; dies, sect. 6. Alcyon, a physirian, Antiq. xix. i. 20 Alexander, Lysimachiis, the alabarch, Antiq. xviii. vi. 3; and xix. v. 1 ; and xx. v. 2. Alexander, the son of Alexander by Glaphyra, War, i. xxviii. 1. Alexander, the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, Antiq. xiii. ii. 1; surnamed Balas, ib. in note; king of Sy- ria, sect 2; his letter to Jonathan, ib.; engages in a battle with Demetrius, sect. 4; demands Ptolemy Philometer's daughter in marriage, c. iv, sect, 1 ; is killed in Arabia, and his head sent to Ptolemy, sect. & Alexander and Aristobulus, Herod's sons, put in prison, Antiq. xvi. x. 6; strangled by their father's order, c, xi. sect 6; War, i. xxvii. 6. Alexander, the son of Aristobulns. Antiq, xiv. iv. a- War, i. viii. 7; troubles Syria, Antiq. xiv. iv. 2; makes war upon the Romans. War i. viii, 6; is conquered by Gabinus, ib.; killed by Pompey's order, Antiq. xiv. vii. 4; War, i. ix. 2. Alexander Janneus succeeds his brother Aristobulns, War, i. iv. 1; a sedition raised acainst him. Antiq, xiii, xiv. 2. &c. ; his excedilion aKainnt Ploleinais. c. xii. sect 2; he is called Thnicidav lor his bariiaroim enielty. c. xiv. tect. 2; dies o»' a quartan airiie. afier ttiiwr years' sickness, c, xv. s«ct 5; W ar, i. iv. 8; his sons, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, Antiq, xiii, xvi; War, i, V. 1. Alexander the Great, succeeds his father Philip, Antiq. xi. xiii, 10; conquers Darius, sert. 3; pursues his vc- tories through Asia, ib. &c.; sends a let»er to the high priest at Jerusalem, ib.; goe.* himself to Jerusalem sect, 5; his dream, ib, ; he adores the name of (lod on the high-priest's forehead, ib.; enters the temple, ib. ; grants privileges to the Jews, ib. ; the Pamphylian sea gives way to his army, Antiq. ii. xvi. 5; his arras and armour kept in the temple of Diana, at Elymais, xii. ix. 1; his empire divided alter his death, c. i. Alexander, the son of Phasaelus and Salampsio, Antiq. xviii. V. 4. Alexander (Tiberius) succeeds Caspius Fadus as procu- rator of Judea, Antiq. xx. v. 2; War, ii. xi, 6; is made procurator of Egypt, ii, xv. I; c, xviii, sect. 7; is made chief commander of the Roman army under Vespasian, iv. X. 6; and vi. iv. 3. Alexander Zebina, king of Syria, is conquered by An- tiochus Grypus, and dies, Antiq, xiii, ix, 3. Alexandra, Alexander .(anneus's widow, holds the admi- nistration, after his death, Antiq. xiii, xvi, 1 ; falls sick and dies. sect. 3, 6; her eulogium, ib. Alexandra, daughter of Hyrcanus wife of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, Hyrcanus's brother, and mother of another Aristobulns and Mariamne, Antiq, xv, ii. 5, writes a letter to Cleopatra, il>, ; sends the pictures of her son and daughter to Antonius, by the advice of Dellius, sect. 6; is feignediy reconciled to Herod, sect 7; is suspected by Herod, c, iii, sect, 2; prepares to fly into Egypt, ib, ; bemoans the death of Aristobulus, sect. 4 J acquaints Cleopatra with the snares of Herod, and the death of her son. sect. 5; is put into prison, I sect 9; her indecent behaviour towards her daughter ' IMariamne, c. vii. sect. 4; is killed by Herod's order, I sect, a . Alexandra, daughter of Phasaelus and Ralampsio, Antiq I xviii. v. 4; is married to 'I'iniius Cyprius, ib. j Alexandria's cau.seway to the i.sland Pharos, seven fur- ' longs long, Antiq. xii. ii. 12; a great part of that city I assigned to the Jews, xiv. vii. 2; the Jews declared ' its citizens on a brazen pillar by Julius Ca;sar, c. x. j sect 1,2 Alexas, Salome's husband, Antiq. xvii. i. 1; War, L ' xxviii (i. Alexas Seicias, Aleyas's son, Antiq. xviii. v. 4. Alisphragmuthosis, or Halisphragmuthosis, king of Egypt, Ai,'ainst Apion, i. sect 14. Aliturus. a Jew, Life, sect 3, Alliance between Ptolemy and Antiochus, Antiq. xii. iv Altar of incense, Antiq. iii. vi. 8; of burnt-offeriuc- made of unhewn stone. War, v. v, 6; Against Apion, i, sect, 22. Amadetha, or Hammadetba, Antiq. xi. vi. .5, 12. Anjalekites attack the Israelites, ,\ntiq. iii. ii. I ; arc conquered and plundered, sect. 4, 3. Aman, or Haman, the enemy of the Jews, Antiq. xi, vi. 1.5; his edict against the .'ews, sect, (i; he orders a gallows to he erected fcir iMordecai, sect 10; is obliged to htmour Mordecai, ib. ; his malicious design is laid before the kinu', ject. 11, his edict countermanded, sect. 12; he is himself hanged on the callows, sect, 13. Amarinus, or Umri, king oif the Israelites, Antiq. viii, xii. 5. Amasa, general of the army, Antiq. vi. x. 1; and xi. 1; - the son of Jether, c. xv. sect. 1 ; killed by Joab, ib. c. ^ xi. sect 7. Amasias, or Amaziah, king of Judah, Antiq. ix. viii. 4; c. ix. sect 1; makes war on Jehoash, kins; of Israel, sect 3; is beaten, ih. ; and murdered in a conspiracy, ib. Amasias, or Maaseiah, king Aliaz's son, slain in battle. Antiq, ix. xii. 1. Amasias, or Maaseiah, governor of the city, Antiq. x. 17 Amathius, Antiq. i. vi. 2. Ambassadors sent with presents to Hezekiah, Antiq. x. ii. 2; ambassadors of the Jews slain by the Arabs, xv V. 2; this a violation of t. e law of lations, hrct >, c vii, sect. 9; ambassirtlcrs had a rig' t to sit anions ih« Konian senators in the tlieatre, xiv. x. (i. AmbassHge sent by Jonathan to the Lacedemonians, An tiq. xiii. V. b; sent by the Jews to Home, xii. x. (i. Ambition and avarice causes of many mischiefs, Antiq vii. i. 5. Ambivius, (Marcus) procurator of Judea, Antiq. xvilt ii. 2. TNT>EX. 859 lincnop^ is, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i. sect 16, Amcises, queen of Egypt, Aejfiinst Apion, i. sect. 15. Aminaiiab, Antiq. vi. i. 4; and xi. iv. 1. Ainmonius, Antiq. xiii. iv. 6; killed, ib. Amnon, David's son, Antiq. vii. iii. 3; falls in love with iiis sister Tamar, c. viii. sect. 1; is slain by Absalom's order, sect. 2. Amorites ^iven to the tribes of Reuben and Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh, Antiq. iv. vii. 3. Amphitheatre built at Jerusalem, and another in the ad- joining plain, by Herod the Great, Antiq. xv. viii. 1; another at Jericho, xvii. viii. 2. Amrara, Moses's father, Antiq. iL ix. 3. Amram, Antiq. xx. i. 1. Aniraphel, Antiq. i. ix. Amutal, or Hamutal, Antiq. x. v. 2. Anacharias, or Rabsaris, a general of Senacherib, Antiq. X. i. 1. Aiianclus made hi?h-priest, Antiq xv. ii. 4; deprived of it, c. iii. sect. I : restored to it, sect. 3. Ananias, »on ot Nebedius, made hiKh-priest, Antiq. xx. v. -2; War, ii. xii. 6; c. xvii. sect. 2; his son Ananus, c. xii. sect. 6; both sent in fetters to Rome, Antiq. xx. vi. 2; slain, together with his brother lizekias. War, ii. xvii. 9. Ananias (different from the former), Antiq. xi. iv. 6; son of Onias, xiii. x. 4; c. xii. sect. 2. Ananias, the son of Masambalus, high-priest, War, v. xiii. 1. Ananus senior, made high-priest, Antiq. xx. ix. 1; his eulogium. War, iv. iii. 7. Ananus junior, the son of Ananus, made high-priest, An- tiq. xx. ix. 1; Life, sect 38, War, iv. iii. 9; his speech to the people, .sect. 10; accused of the murder of James the Bishop. Antiq. xx ix. I ; deprived of the high- priesthood, ib,; his death, War, iv. v. 2. Ananus [or Annas], son of Seth, made high-priest, An- tiq. xviii. ii. I ; deposed, sect. 2. Ananus, son of Bamadus, one of Simon's life-guard^ War. V. xiii. 1 ; flies to Titus, vi. iv. 2. Ananus, governor of the temple, Antiq. xx. vu 2. Ananus, son of Jonathan, War, ii. xix. 5. Anchus, or Achish, kin? of Gath, Antiq. vi. xiv. 1. Andreas, captain of Ptiilaflelphu-s's lite-guard, Antiq. xii. ii. 2, 3, 4; Against Apion, ii. sect 4. Anilromachus expelled the court of Herod, Antiq. xvi. viii. 3. Andronicus, son of Mesalamus, Antiq. xiii. iiL4. Aner, Abraham's confederate, Antiq. i. v. 2. Ayya.^viirA'iie.i, or forcible pressure taken oflT the Jews by Demetrius, Antiq. xiii. ii. 3. Anarels of God become familiar with women, Antiq. L iii. 1. Anelius. Antiq. xviii. ix. 1,4,5; killed by the Babylo- nians, sect. 7 Anna, or Hannah, the wife of Elcanah, Antiq. v. x. 2. Annibas, put to death by Fadus, for a mutiny, Antiq. xx. i. 1. Annius (Lucius) takes Grerasa, War, iv. ix. 1. Aniiius Minucianus, Antiq. xix. i. 3. Annius Rufus, procurator of Judea, Antiq. xviii. ii. 2. Anoch, or Knoch, Ant q. i. ii. 2. Anteius killed, Antiq. xix. i. 15. Antigsnus governs Asia, after Alexander's death, An- tiq. xii. Ij his fleet beaten by Piolemy, c. xi. sect 10. Antigonus, son of Aristobulus, Antiq. xiv. iv. 5; c vii. sect 1; impeaches Hyrcanus and Antipater, c. viii. sect. 4; War, i. x. 1; is conquered by Herod, Antiq. xiv. xii. 1; invades Judea, by the help of the Parthians, c. xiii. sect 3; is re-es'ablished in the g.ivernment, sect 10; War, I. xiii. 9; cuts off Hyr- canus's ears, and causes the death of Phasaelus, ib. ; surrenders himself to Sosius. Antiq. xiv. xvi. 2; War, i. xviii. 2; is sent in fetters to Marcus Anto- nius, ib. ; was the first king whose head was cut off by the Romans, Antiq. xv. L 2; reigned before Herod, xvii. v. 2. Untiiconus, son of Hyrcanus I., and brother of king Aris- tohulus, made commander at the siege of .*<araaria, Antiq. xiii. x. 2; is l)eloved by his brother, c. xi. sect 1 ; is watched by the qneen and her favourites, and by their calumnies slain, sect 2; War, i. iii. 2, .3, 4. Antioch is the chief city in Syria, and the third city in the Roman empire. War, iii ii. 4; the Jews made citi- zens thereof by Seleiicu.t Nicator, .4ntiq- xii. iii. 1; it is burnt down. War, viii. iii. 4 ntioclius rebels against Denietriii*, Antiq. xiii iv. 7 Vieir envy against the Jews, xii. liu 1. .\ntiochu8, king of Commagene, Antiq. xviii. ii. 6; and xix. V. i; c. viii. sect 1; War, v. xi. 3; and vii. cii. 1 ; a part of Cilicia, together with Commai;ene, grantt.^ him by Claudius, Antiq. xix. v. I. Antiochns Cyzicenus, Antiq. xiii. x. 1; assists the Sa- maritans, but is put to flight, sect 2; War, i. ii. 2; is taken prisoner, and put to death by Seleucus, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 4. Antiochus Dionysins, fourth son of Antiochus Grypus, king of Syria, makes an expedition against the Jews, Antiq. xiii. xv. 1 ; War, i. iv. 7. Antiochus the Great Antiq. xii. iii. 3; his letters in favour of the Jews. ib. &c. ; his wars with Ptolemy Philopater and Physcon, ib. ; marries his daughter Cleopatra to Ptolemy, c. iv. sect. 1. Antiochus Epiphanes makes an expedition into Egypt, Antiq. xii. v. 2; takes Jerusalem, and plunders tie temple, sect 3, &c.; War, i. i. 1, &c.; and vi. x. • goes into Persia, Antiq. xfii. Vii. 2; desif^ns to destjoy the Jews upon his return, ib. ; his answers to the Sa- maritans, c. V. sect. 5; his impiety, xiii. viii. 2; he dies, and leaves the administration to Philip, xii. ix, 1,2. Antiochus Eupator, his son, invades Judea, Antiq. xii. ix. 4; ficchts with Judas, ro.; War, i. i. 5; makes peace with the Jews. Antiq. xii. ix. 7; breaks itib.; is killed by Demetrius, c. x. sect. 1. Antiochus Grypus, son of Demetrius Soter, Antiq. xiii. X. 1 ; his death, c. xiii. sect. 4. Antiochus Philometer, Antiq. xiii. xii. 2. Antiochus Pius, son of Antiochus Cyzicenus, makes waf with Seleucus, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 4; is slain in battle, ib. Antiochus Eusebius, or Pius, the brother of Demetrius besieges Jerusalem. Antiq. xiii. viii. 2; raises the siege sect. 4; makes an expedition against the Parthians, is defeated and killed, ib. Antiochus, the grandson of Seleucus, and son of Alexan« der, is commonly called The God, Antiq xii. iii. 2; is crowned in his jouth, xiii. v. 3; enters into alliance with Jonathan the high-priest sect. 4; is slain^y Try- phon, his tutor, c. vii. sect I; War, i. ii. 1. ADtiochus,the brother of s^eleucus, slain in battle, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 4. Antiochus Soter, brother of Demetrius, father of Grypus, Antiq. xiii. x. 1 j makes war with Trypho, c. vii. sect 2. Antipas, Herod's son by Malthace, a Samaritan. Antiq. xvii. 1. b; War, i. xxviii. 4; is tetrarch of Galilee, c. viii. sect. 1; c. xi. sect 4; and i. xxxiii. 7; ijoes to Rome to get to be a king, Antiq. xvii. ix. 4; War, ii. ii. 3; what was left him by Herod, Antiq. xvii. viii. I ; what was given him by Caesar, c. xi. sect 4; once declared king by Heral, War. i. xxxii. 7. Antipas, one of the royal lineage, is put in prison and slain, War, iv. iii. 4, 5. Antipater, the Idumean, Herod's father, called Antipas, excites troubles. Antiq. xiv. i. 3; is sent ambassador to Aretas, by Scaurus. c. v. sect 1 ; his wife Cyprus, the Arabian, and his children, c. vii. sect. 3; his val. our, c. viii. sect. 1; he advises Hyrcanus to put him- self under the protection of Aretas, War, i. vi. 2; makes his son Phasaelus governor of Jerusalem, and Herod of Galilee, Antiq. xiv. ix. 2, War, i. x. 4; endeavours to deserve Caesar's favour, c. viii sect 1; and i. ix. 3; is honoured by Cajsar, and made citizen of Rome, Antiq. xiv. viii. 3; War, i. ix. o; his de- fence against Antigonus, Antiq. xiv. viii. 4; \^'n, L X. 2; is made governor of Judea, Antiq. xiv. viii. 5; War, i. X. :j; is greatly esteemed among the .l.-ws, Antiq. xiv. ix. 2; is poisoned, c xi. sect 4; War, L xi. 4. Antipater, son of Phasaelus nnd Salampsio, grandson of Herod the Great, Antiq. xviii. v. 4. Antipater, son of Salome, impeaches Archelaus before Csesar, Antiq xvii- ix. 5 ntipater, son of Herod, Antiq. xiv. xii. 1; is sent to Rome to Caesar, xvi. iii. 3; War, L xxix. 2; c. xxxL sect. 2; while he is there, he, by letters, sets his la- ther against his brethren, Antiq xvi. iv. 1; War. i. xxiii. 1 ; c. xxiv. sect 1 ; his subtilty, Antiq. xvi. vii. 2; is recalled by Hercd, c. iii. sect. 3; and xvii. v. 1; he leigns jointly with his father, c. i. sect. 1 ; is hated by everybody after the slaughter of his brethren, ib.; attempts hi^ father's life, ib.; is concerned for him- self ib. ; War, i. xxxi. 3; appears before Varus's tribunal. Antiq. xvii. v. 3; War. i. xxxii 1 ; his plea for himself, ib. ; is put in irons, Antiq xvii. v. 7; War. i. xxxii. 5; is put to death, Antiq. xvii. vii.s War, i. xxxiii. 7. 860 INDEX. Antipater, a Samaritan, Antiq. xriu ir. 3; War, L xxx. 6 Antipater, Herod's sister's son, Antiq. xvii. i. 3. Antipatns, taken by Vespasian, War, iv. rii. 1. Actiihiliis, Antiq. xvii. iv. 2; War. i. xxx. 3; his letter to Antipater, H roA's son, Antiq. xvii. v. 7. Antonia. Claudius's daughter by I»etina, War, ii. xii. 8. Antonia, Claudius's mother, and Drusus's wife, lends money to Agrippa the elder, Antiq. xviii. vi. 4; her en Ionium, sect. 6. Antonia, the towr, called Baris before. War, i, iii. 3; is taken by Titus, vi. i. 7, &c Antony, a captain, VN ar, iii. ii. I, &c. Antony, a centurion, c. vii. sect. 35. Antony (Mark;, his valour, Antiq. xiv. ^ 3^ War, i. viii, 4; his and I'olahella's decree in favour of the Jews, Antiq. xiv. x. 9, &c.; he marches into Asia after Cas- sius's defeat, c. xji. sect. 2; bis letter to Hyrcanus, sect. 3; to the Tyffans, sect? 4, ••'he falls in love with Cleo- patra, c. xiii. sect. 4; makes Phasaelus and Herod te- trarchs, ib. ; orders their accusers to be put to death, sect. 5; confers signal favours on Herod, c. xiv. sect. 5; sojourns at Athens, c. xv. sect 5; War, i. xvi. 4; *•}? i'jvijry, Antiq. xv. ii. 6. Antonins ^Luctus), MarkTiintony's son, sends a letter to the Sardians, in favour of the Jews, Antiq. xiv, x. 17. Antonttts Primus, War, iv. xi. 5J. Anubis. a god, Antiq. xviii. iii. 4. Apachnas, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i. sect. 14. Apame, Darius's concubine, Antiq. xi. iii. 5. Apion, ambassador for the Alexandrians to Caius, Antiq. xviii. viii. 1. Apollo's temple at Gaza, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 3. Apollo's temple in the palace at Rome, War, i. ii. 6. Apollodotus, captain of\he Gazeans, .Antiq. xiii. xiii. 3; killed, ib. Apollonius, son of Alexander, Antiq. xiii. ix. 2. Apollonius Daus. governor of Coelesyria, Antiq. xiii. iv. 3,- challenges Jonathan to an engagement, and is de- feated* ib. Apollonius, governor of Samaria, Antiq. xii. v. 5; c. vii. sect Aponius, Antiq. xix. iv. 5. Apophis, king of Egypt Against Apion, i. sect 14. Apsalom, War, ii. xvii. 9. Apsan, or Ibzan, judge after Jephtha, Antiq. v. vii. 13, 14. Aquila, the murderer of Caius, Antiq. xix. i. 14. Arabians circumcise their children when thirteen years old, Antiq. i. xii. 2; ten towns taken from them by Alexander, king of the Jews, xiv. i. 4; Ethiopians are their neighbours, ix. v. 3. Arabia borders on Judea, Antiq xiv. 5. 4; Petra the king's residence, ib. ; Zabdiel their lord,c. iv. sect. 8; Arabians are defeated, xv. v. 5; their women are great poisoners, xvii. iv. 1. Aarani, Antiq. i. vi. 4. Am, or Haran, the father of Lot, Antiq. i. vi. 5. Arasca, or Nisioch, a temple, Antiq x. L 3. Arases. or Resin, king oi the Syrians, Antiq. ix. xii. 1. Aranna, or Orona. the Jebusite, Antiq, viii. xiii. 4: his thrashing-floor, ib.; the place where Isaac was to have been sacrificed, and where the temple was afterwards built, ib. Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. comes to Herod, Antiq. xvi. viii. 6; c. x. sect. 7; War, i. xxv. 1. &c.; goes with him to Antioch, ib. ; reconciles Herod to his son Alexander, and to his brother Pheroras, ib. ; War, i. xxv. 3, 4. ArcSelaus, son of Herod the Great, Antiq. xvii. i. 3; c. iv. sect. 3; War, i. xxvii. 4; c. xxxi. sect, 1 ; is made ethnarch, Antiq. xvii. xi. 4; War, ii, vii. 3; marries Glaphyra, Antiq. xvii, xiii. 1; War. ii. vii. 4; is pro- "slaimed king after Herod's death, Antiq. xvii, viii. 2; War. i. xxxiii. 9; his speech to the people, Antiq. xvii. viii. 4; War, ii. i. 1; he endeavours to appease the people, Antiq. xvii. ix. 1, &c. ; goes to Rome, sect 3; War, ii. ii. 1; is accu.sed there by the deputies of the people, Antiq. xvii. xi. 2; War, ii. vi I, &c. ; is banished to Vienna in Gaul, c. vii. sect 3; his dieams and Glaphyra'8, Antiq. xvii. xiii. 3, 4; War, ii. vii. 3,4. Archelaus, son of Chelcis, Antiq, xix. ix. 1. Archelaus, son of Magadatus, VVar, vi. iv. 2. Aremmantus, Antiq. x. viii. 2. Aretas, king of the Arabians, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 3; and xiv. i. 4i andxvi. X. 9; War. i. vi. 2; r. x xix. sect 3; makes an expedition against Aristobuhis, Antiq. aiv. ii. 1 ; succeed* Obodaa, xvi. ix. 4{ afTords suc- cours to Hyrcantis, War, i. VI. 2; impeaches Sy Ileus, jointly with Antipater, before Caesar, Antiq. xvii. iii. 2. Aretas, king of Coelesyria, makes an expedition into Ju- dea, Antiq. xiii. xv. 3. Aretas, of Petra, Antiq. xvii. x. 9: and xviii. v. 1. Arioch, captain of Nebuchadnezzar's life-guards, Antq. X. X. 3. Arion. treasurer of Alexandria. Antiq, xii. iv. 7, &c. Aristeus, or Aristeeus» one of Ptolemy Philadelphus's life-guards, Antiq. xii. ii. 4; Against Apion, ii. sect. 2, Aristobulus. son of Hyrcanus I., Antiq. xiii. x. 2; the first high-priest who assumed the title of Kiuit of the Jews. c. xi. sect 1; called Fhillelen, or lover of the Greeks, sect. 3. Aristobulus, son of Alexander Janneus, an enterprising and bold man, Antiq. xiii. xvi. 1; complains of the Pharisees, sect. 2; reproaches his mother Alexandra, sect. 3; endeavours to take possessicm of the kingdom during his mother's life, sect. 5; fights with his elder brother Hyrcanus for the crown, xiv. 1, 2; brings him to an accommodation, ib. ; War, i. vi. I; sends a gol- den vine to Pompey, Antiq. xiv. iii. 1: is, witb his children, brought captive to Rome, by i^ompey, c. iv sect 3; escapes out of prison, but is retaken and sent back again to Rome by Gabinus, c. vi, sect. I ; VVar, i. vii. 7; c. viii. sect. 6; his firmness in adversity, Antiq. xiv. vi. sect. 1 ; is poisoned by the partizans of Pom- pey, c. vii. sect 4; his children, ib. Aristobulus, son of Herod the Great, Antiq. xv. x. 1 ; marries Bernice, Salome's daughter, xvi. i, 2; is j)ut in prison, c. x. sect 5; is accused by his father in an assembly at Berytus, and condemned, c. xi. sect 2; is strangled, sect 6; Wf xxvii. 6; his children, An- tiq. xvii. 1, 2; War, i. iii. 1. Aristobulus, son of Hen, king of Chalcis, Antiq. xx. viii. 4; VVar, vii. vii. 4. Aristobulus, son of Joseph and JWariamne, Antiq. xviii. v. 4. Aristobulus, son of Aristobulus. and brother to the fa- mous Mariamne, a beautiful youth, is made high- priest by Herod, Antiq. xv. iii. 1,3; is drowned by the secret order of the same Herod, ib. ; War, i. xxii. 2. Aristobulus, son of Aristobulus and Bernice, and grand- son of Herod the Great. Antiq. xviii. v. 4. Aristocracy the best form of government, Antiq. iv. viiL 17. Aristocracy instituted in Judea by Gabinus, War, i. viii. 3. Arithmetic and astronomy came from Chaldea to Egypt, and thence into Greece, Antiq. i. viii. 2. Arius, king of the Lacedemonians, sends a letter to Onias tte bi^h-priest, Antiq. xii. iv. 10; c. v. s«ct. 8. Ark of God, its description, Antiq. iii. vi. 3; taken by the Philistines, vi. i. 1 ; restored to the Israelites, sect. 2, &c. ; carried to Jerusalem, and lodged in the house of Obed-edom, after it had been with Aminadab, Antiq. vii. iv. 2. Ark of Noah, where it rested, Antiq. i. iii. 6; mentioned by all barbarian historians, ib. ; its remains long preserved, XX. ii. 3. Armais, king of Fgynt Against Apion, i. sect 15. Armenia conquered by A titonius, Antiq. xv. iv. 3; Cotyi, king of the Lesser Armenia. Antiq xix. viii. 1. Armesses, king of I'gypt, Against Apion, i, sect 15. Armory of David in the temple, Antiq ix. vii. 2. Aropheus, or Armariah, Antiq. viii. i. 3. Arphaxed, Antij. i. vi. 4. Aruntius (Euaristus), Antiq. xix. i. 18. Aruntius (Paulus), Antiq. xix, i. 14. Arsaces, king of the Parthians, Antiq. xiii. v. 11; c. viii. sect. 4. Artabanus, king of Media, Antiq. xviii. ii. 4. Artabanus, king of the Parthians, Antiq. xviii. iv. 4, 5; c. ix. sect .3, 4; he flies to Izates, xx. iii. I ; ii kindly received by him, and restored to his kingdom, sect. 1, 2; dies, sect 3. Artabazes, or Artavasdes, son of Tigranes. is given as a present to Cleopatra by Antonins, War, i. xviii. 3. Artaxerxes. king of the Persians. Antiq. xi. vi. 1; hit edict agHinst the Jews, sect, rt; contradicted, sect 1:2* Artaxias, king of Armenia, Antiq. xv. v. .3. Artorius cunninaly saves his own life, War, vi. ii. 2. Arucas, Antiq. i. vi, i'. Arudeus, Aniiq i vi. 2. Ata, king of .IrroRalem. Anti(|. viii. xii. 1; makes na alliance with the kingot Damascus, stct 4. II1DEX. 861 Asahel'kllka by Abner, \ntiq. tR. i. 3. Asamoneus, Antiq. xii. vi. 1. Asamoneans, the end of their reign, Antiq. xir. xvi, 4. Ascalonites, punished for their itubbornness, Antiq. xiu iv. o. Asermoth, or Hazermaveth, Antiq. i. vi. 14. Aserymua, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, L sect. 18. Ashdod, or Azotus, taken by Jonathan, Antiq. xiii. iv. its inhabitants plagued on account of the aik of God, Ti. L I. Ashkenaz, Antiq. i. \u 1. Ashpenaz, an eunuch, Antiq. x, x. 2. Ashur, Antiq. i. vi. 4. Asia, its convention at Ancyra, Antiq. xvi. vi. 8, Vale- rius proconsul of Asia, xix. U 20; five hundred towns of Asia, W ar, ii. xvi. 4. Asineus and Anileus, two brethren, Antiq. xviii. ix. I, &c Asocheus. or Shisliek, king of Egypt. War, vi. x. Asprenas. Antiq. xix. i. 13; cut in pieces, sect. 15. Assemblies forbidden to all at Rome, but to the Jews only, by Julius Caesar, Antiq. xiv. x. 3. Ass's head falsely reported by Apion as an object of wor- ship amoni; the Jews. Against Apion, iu sect. 7. Asms, king of Kgypt, Against Apion, i. sect. 14. Assyrian empire overthrown, Antiq. x. ii. 2. Astarte's temple, Antiq. vi. xiv. 8; Against Apion, i. sect 18. Astartus, kine of the Tyrians, Against Apion, L sect 18. Astionomy; for its improvement the first men lived near a thousand years, Antiq. i. iii. 2; came outof Chaldea into Egy pt, and thence into (^reece, i, vii. 2. Asylum, or right of sanctuary, belonging to seme towns m Judea, \ntiq. iv. vii. 4. Athenians decree honours tc^ rcanus, Antiq. xiv. viii, 6. Athenio, Antiq. xii. iv. 3. Athenio, a general of Cleopatra, War, i. xix, 2 ; his per- fidiousness, Antiq. xv. v. 1. Athronges, a shepherd, crowns himself king of Judea, Antiq. xvii. x. 7; War, iu iv. 3; is conquered with his brethren, ib. Atratinus, Herod's advocate, Antiq. xiv. xiv. 4. Augustus' arrival in Syria, Antiq. xv. x. 3; his letter to Herod, xvu xi. I; holds a council .about the affairs of Judea, xvii. ix. 5; his edict and letter in fdvour of the Jews, xvi, vi. I, &c.; is angry with Herod, c. ix. sect. 3; is reconciled to him by the means of Nicolaus of Damascus, c. x. sect. 8; divides Herod's dominions. War, iu vi. 3; his death, Antiq. xviiL iii, 2; War, ii. ix. 1. Axioranins, high-priest, Antiq. x. vii. 6. Azariah, the prophet. Antiq. viii. xiu 2. Azarias, high-priest, Antiq. x. viii, 6. Azarias, one of David's companions, Antiq. x. x. 1. Azaria<<. a commander under Judas, is defeated by Gor- gias at Jamnia, Antiq. xii. viii. 6. Azaa, or Hazo, Antiq. i. vi. 5. Azizus. king of Eruesa, Antiq. xx. vii. 1; is circumcised, and marries Drusilla, the sister of Agrippa junior, ib.; dies, c viii. sect. 4. Azotus. or Ashdod, its inhabitants plagued on account of the Ark of God, Antiq. vi. u 1 ; takes by J onathan, xiiu iv. 4- Azricam, Antiq. ix. xii. 1. • Baal, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, vi. sect. 21. Baal, god of the Tyrians, Antiq. ix. vi. 6. Baalis, king of the Ammonites, Antiq. x. ix. 2,3. Baanah, the son of Rimmon, Antiq. viii. ii. 1. Baaras, a place and a plant there growing. War, viu vu 1 ■ Baasha, king of Israel, Antiq. viiu xiu 3; kills Nadab his pre<leces.sor, c. xi. sect 4 ; dies, c. xii. sect 4. Baba's children preserved by Costobarus, Antiq. XT. vii. lOj afterwards killed by Herod, ib. Babylon, derived from Babel (confusion of languages), ' Antiq, L iv. 3; taken by Cyrus under the reign of Bal- tazar, x. xi. 4; the great number of Jews who lived there, XV. ii. 2; and xviiu ix. 1. Nebuchadnezzar's building at Babylon, X. xu 1 ; its wall was not built by Semiramis; but by Nebuchadnezzar, according to the testimony of Berosus, Against Apion, u sect 19, 20; its walls curiously built by Nabonnedus. of brick and bi- tumen, according to the same Berosus. ib.; its pensile fardens erected by Nebuchadnezzar, in imitation of the mountain* of Media, ib.; Antiq. x.xi. 1. ■••cWd**, Antiq. xii. x. 2; c xL s«Gt 1 1 b* attMks ih» Jews, xiiu i. 2, 3; he rages against them, and !• slain. War, •■. i. 2, 3. Baderotus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, i. seet Badus, or Bath, a Jewish measure, Antiq. viiu ii. 9. Bagoa.s an eunuch, Antiq. xvii. ii. 4. Bagoses, an enemy of the Jews, Antiq. xu nu 1. Balak, king of Moab, Antiq. iv. vi.2, &c Baladan, king of Babylon, Antiq. x. ii. 2. Balaam, the prophet, 4ntiq. iv. vu2,&c.; his ass speaks, ib. Balatorus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, i. sect Baleazarus, king of the Tynans, Against Apion, i. sect Bahis, or Barea, king of Sodom, Antiq. i. ix. 1. Balm, or Bal.sam, near Jericho, Antiq. xiv. ir. 1; and XV. iv. 2; War, i. vl 6. Baltasar [Belshazzar, or Naboandel, or NabonadiusJ, king of Babylon, Antiq. x. xi. 2; his terrible vision, and its intt^rpretation, ib.; his death, ib. Balthasar [Belteshazzarj, Daniel's name, Antiq. x. x. Banacates, Antiq. viii. ii. 4. Banus, an hermit, Josephus's master, Life, sect 2. Barachias, Antiq. ix. xii. 2. Bjirak, excited by Deborah, encounters Sisera, Antiq. t. v. 2. &c. Barbarians, their riches formeriy consisted in cattle. An- tiq. iu xi. 2. Bardanes, king of the Parthians, Antiq. xi. iii. 3; he is slain, ib. Baris, a tower built a:t E<;batana, by Daniel, Antiq. x. xi. 7. Barnabazus, Antiq. xi. vi. 4. Barsas, king of Gomorrah, Antiq. i. ix. 1. Baruch, well skilled in the Hebrew tongue, and left with Jeremiah the prophet in Judea at the Babylonian Cap- tivity, Antiq. x. ix. 1, 2. Barzaphemes, governor in Parthia, War, i. xiii. 1. Barzillai, Antiq. vii. ix. 8. Basan, or Baasha, king of Israel, Antiq. viii. xiu 3; slays Nadab his predecessor, c. xi. sect 4. Basima, or Basmath, Solomon's daughter, Antiq. viii. ii, a Baskets carried upon the head, Antiq. ii. r. 3. Bassus (Venditius), See Venditius. Bassus (Cecilius, murderer of 8extus Csesar), Antiq. xir. xi. 1; \^r. i. X. 10. Bassus (Lucillius), is sent with an army into Judea; h» besieges and takes IVIacherus, War, vii. vii. 1, 6. Baths, hot bathsatCallirrhoebeyoud Jordan, Antiq. xvii. vi.3. Bathsheba, Antiq. viu vii. 1, 2, 4. ^ Bath, or Badus, a Jewish measure, Antiq. vii. iu w Bathyllus, War, i. xxxi. 1. bdthyllus, Antipater's freedman, Antiq. xvii. iv. X Batteriag-raro, its description. War, iii. viiu 19. Battle at Tarrichese, upon the Lake of Gennesaretb, War, iii. X. 1. Beeltethmus, Antiq. xu ii. 2. Bela, or Zoar, the king of it, Antiq. i. ix. 1. Belshazzar (or Baltasar, or Naboandel, or Nabonadlos), king of Babylon, Antiq. x. xi. 2; his terribl* vision, and its interpretation, ib. ; his death, ib. Belteshazzar, Daniel's name, Antiq. x. x. I. Bel us, the god of the Tyrians, Antiq. viii. xiiu 1. Belus, the god of the Babylonians, Antiq. x. xu 1; his temple there, ib. Benaiah, a priest by birth, a man of valour, Antiq. viu xii. 4; son of Jehoiada, c. v. sect 4j made commander of some troops of Solomon, viii. i. 4; son of Achillus, c. ii. sect 3. Beneticence, its commendation and reward, Antiq. ri. xiv. 4. Benhadad (or the son of Hadad), king of Syria, besieges Samaria the first time, Antiq. viiu xiv. 1, &c. th« second time, ix. iv. 3; falls sick, and is smothered, by Hazael, sect 6. Benjamites are attacked for their enormous crimes at Gibea, and at last terriBly defeated and cut oH AAti^ V. ii. 8—11; their tribe restered, sect 13. Beon, Against Apion, i. sect 14. Bernice, daughter of Agrippa senior, Antiq. rvlIL r. 4| she is married to Herod, Agrippa's brother, xix. v. 2. Bernice, Agrippa's mother, dies, Antiq. xviiu vL 1. Bcrnic*, Archclaa ' and Mariamne's daoshtor, 4nti> «b vfl. 11. 862 INDEX. Brrnie«, tbe widow of Herod, marrioB Polemon, Antiq. XX. vii. 3; leaves him, ib. Bernice, Salome's daagbter, Aristobalus's wife, Antiq, xvL I. 2. Bemicf, Agrippa senior's daughter, and junior's sister, in danRer of her life. War, ii. xv. 2. Bernicianus, Herod of Chaleis's son by Bernice, his bro- ther Agrippa's dauRhter, War, ii. xi. 6. Berytus, where the cause between Herod and his sons was debated in a- council or cjurt, Antiq, xvi, xi. 2, &c.; Komans living at Berytus, xvi. x. 8. Bethtiel, Antiq. i. vi. 5. Bezaleel and Aholiah, sacred architects, Antiq. iii. vi. Biglhan, Antiq. xi. vi. 4. Birth-day of Ptolemy's son kept by the Syrians, Antiq. xii.^v. 7; presents made thereupon, sect. 9. Bobelo, Antiq. xi iv. 9. Bocchorns, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i. 33. Book of the law found) Antiq. x. iv 2. Books composed by tSolomon, Antiq. viii. li. 5; twenty- two most sacred books among the Jews, Against Apion, 1.8. Booz, of Elimelech's family, Antiq. v. x. 2; his kindness towards Ruth, ib>; he marries her, sect. 4. Brazen vessels more valuable than gold, Antiq. xi. v. 2. Bride, how she was to part from one that refused to marry her, according to the law of Moses, Antiq. v. ix. 4. Britons, War, vi. vi. 2, Britannicus, son of Claudins by Messalina, War, ii. xii. & Brocchus, a tribune, Antiq. xix. iii. 4. Brother, a title which Alexander Balas gave to Jonathan the high-priest, Antiq. xiii. ii. 2; the same title was also given him by Demetrius Soter, e. iv. 9. Buckle, or button (a golden one), sent to Jonathan by Alexander, king of Syria, Antiq. xiii. iv. 4; and by Demetrius, c. v. 4. Bnkki, son of Abishua, high-priest, Antiq. viii. i. 3. Barthus, Nero's Greek secretary, Antiq. XX. viii, 9l Buz, Nahor's son, Autiq. i. vi. 5. Cecilius Basstis, the murderer of Sextus Caesar, Antk. xiv. xi. I ; War, i. x. 10. Cesinna, War. iv. xi. 3; sent to Vespasian, ib, """•K^aesar (Julius^, makes war in Egypt, Antiq. xiv, viii. 1? his decrees m favour of the Jews, o. x. sect.*5, &c. ; u murdered by Brutus and Cassius, c. xi. sect. 1. Ceaarea built by Herod, Antiq. xv. ix. 6; it was GOO far- longs from Jerusalem, xiii. xi. 2; War, i. iii. 5. Cajsarean -games instituted by Herod, Antiq xv. viii. 1; VV|^i. xxi. 8; begun at the finishing of Csesarea Au- gusta, Antiq. xvi. v. 1. Cabsennius Petus, president of Syria, War, vii. vii. 1. Ceesonia, wife of Caius, killed by Lupus, Antiq. xix. IL 4. Cain murders his brother Abel, Antiq. i.ii. 1; his punish- ment, ib. ; he peoples the land of Nod. sect. 2. Caius, the son of Germanicus, is made Emperor, Antiq. xviii. vi. 9; War, ii. ix. ,% 6; puts T berias, the grand- son of Tiberias the emperor, to death, Antiq. xviii. vi, 9; his cruelty, c. vii. ; his behaviour in the government. c vii. sect. 2; he orders his statue to be erected in the temple at Jerusalem, c. viii. sect. 2; gratifies Agrippa, and forbids its erection, sect. 8; his letter to Petronius. lb.; he rages aeainst the Jews, xix. i. 1; calls himself the brother of Jupiter, ib. ; a conspiracy formed against Lim, sect, 2; the conspirators increase in number, sect. Til; his death, c. i. sect. 14; his threatening letter to Petronius retarded till he was dead, xviii. viii. 9; War, i'. X. 5; his character, Antiq. xix. ii. 5. (Ifllpb, one that searched the land of Canaan, Antiq. iii. xiv. 4; and v. ii. 3. Calf (golden) near Dapbane, Of Dan, War, i. ii. rnlleas, Antiq, xvii. I. fallimander, Antiq. xiii. x. 2, 3. Callinicns, son of Antiochus, king of Commagena, War, vii. vii. 2. Callistns, afreed-man of Caius) Antiq. xiv. i. 10. Oambysen succeeds Cyrus, Antiq. xi. it. 2; dies after a reign of six years, sect. 2. Camp of the Jews, Antiq. iii. xii. 6; of the Assyrians, War, V. vii. 3; c. xii. sect. 2. < amnel, or Kemnel, Nahor's son, Antiq. i. vi. 5. Canaan, land of, its description and division, Antiq. v. i. ^1, ^j CanaanitesdittraiB tb« tribe of Pan, c. ill. sect. sect 5; war denotmeed against tbetn by the txibts ol Judea and Simeon, sect. I. Candlestick in the tabernacle, Antiq. iii. vi. 7. Cantheras removed from the high-priesthood, Antiq. xx« Capellus, son of Antyllus, Life, sect. 13, Capito, a centuriou, or captain of an hundred soldiers, War,,vii. v. 6. Capitol, the end of the triumphant shows. War, vii, v. 6, Captives of the Jews, how many killed, and bow man} kept alive, War, vi. ix. 2, 3; captives carried in th« triumph, c. v. sect. 3. Captivities of the ten, and of the two tribes, Antiq. x, ix. 7. Careas (Kareah), Antiq. x. ix. 2. Carus, Herod's Catamite, Antiq. xvii. ii. 4. Cassander governs Macedonia, after Alexander's deativ Antiq. xii. i. L Cassius Longinus, president of Syria, Antiq. xiv. xi. 2; and XV. xi. 4; and xx. i, I; favours Antipater and He- rod, xiv. )ri. 2, &c.; repels the Parthian.s, and then retirto to Judea, c. vii. sect. 3; War, i, viiir9; is de- feated at Philippi, Antiq. xiv. xii. 2. Castles, or citadels, two at Jerusalem, one in the city, and the other by the temple, Autiq. xii. i. 3; and xv. vii. 8; c. viii. sect. 6. Castor, the Jew, his cunning trick. War, v. vii. 4. Castration of man or beast lorbidden by the law of Mosesy Antiq. iv. viii. 40; young men of ro\al blood castrated by Nebuchadnezzar's order, and among others Daniel the prophet, x. x. 1. Catullu*, governor of Lybia Pentapolitana, War, vii. xL 1. j his calumny against the Jews, sect. 2; Lis death and the divine vengeance on him, sect. 3, 4. Celadus, Antiq. xvii. xii. 2; War, ii. vii. 2. Celenderis, War, i. xxxi. 3. Celer, a tribune, Antiq. xx. vi. 2; he is put to death, sect. 3. Celtic legien, Antiq. xix. i. 15. Cendebeus, commander of Antioehus's troops, Antiq, x'.ii vii. 3; War, i. ii. 2. Cerealis (Petelius), sent against the Samaritans, War, iii. vii. 32; marches towards Hebron, iv, ix. 9; is or- dered to attack the temple, vi. ii. 5; called to a coun- cil of war about the temple, c. iv, sect. 3. Cestius Gallcs, president of Syria, Life, sect. 43, War, ii. xiv. 3; he gathers an army a^ain.st the Jews, War. ii. xvi",'. 9; enters Jerusalem, c. xix. sect. 4; is beaten, sect. 7. &c. Chereas (Cassius), is stirred up against Caius, Antiq. xix. i. 3. 4; draws others into the conspiracy, se(;t. 5; gives Caius the first blow, sect. 14; is beheaded, c. xiv. sect. 5. Chagiras, son of Nabateus, War, v. xi. 5. Chalaman, king of the Syrians, Antiq. vii, vi, 3- Chalool, Antiq. viii. ii. 5. Cham, or Ham, the son of Noah, Antiq. i. iv. 1; hi* posterity, c. vi. sect. 2. Chanaan,' or Canaan, the son of Ham, Antiq. i. vi. 2j his posterity, ib. Charan, or Haran, Antiq. i. vi. 5. Chares, War. iv. i. 4; dies, sect. 9. Chatura, or Keturah, Abraham's last wife, Antiq. i. xi. I. Chebron, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i, sect, 13. Chebron, or Hebron.' older than Memphis (Tanis), Wir, ^v. ix. 7; taken by the Israelites, Antiq. v. ii. 3. Chedorlaomer, Antiq. i. iv. Chelbes, king of the Tyrians, Aeainst Apion, i. sect 2L Chelcias, Antiq. xiii. x. 4; c. xiii. sect. 1. Chellio, or Chilio. Antiq. v. ix. 1. Cherubim, their shape not known, Antiq. viii. iii. 3. Ch»«ed, Nahor's son. Antiq, i. vi. 3. Chetim, or Kittim, Antiq. i. vi. 1. Children not always like their parents, Antiq. vi. iii. 3. Christ and Christians. Antiq. xviiL iii. 3. Chiisarthes. or Chusan, the king of Assyria, oppresses the Israelites, Antiq. v. iii. 2. rhnsi, or Hushai, Antiq. vii. ix. 2. Cbntheans (people ot Cutha), who they were and whence they came, .Antiq. ix. xiv. 3; go to Samaria, x. ix. 7; hinder the rebuilding of the temple, xi. ii, 1. Cinnamus, Antiq. xx. iii. 2. Circumcision is received in Palestine by the Jews, Against Apion, i. sect 22; its institution, Antiq. t x. The Arabians circumcise tl)eir children nftrr tlw'^bir- teenth year of their age, c. xii. sect. 3; the Syri9na in Palestine received cirrumci«i<»D from the Kgyr^tians. ^foordiog to Hi-rodotus, viLL *> 3, not to tgie fwroe^ INDEX. 863 Qpon any body, in the opinion of Josepbaa, Life, sect, ay; the Idumeans forced to be circumcised, or leave their country, by John Hyrcanas, xiii. ix. 1 ; the Itu- rcans torced to be circumcised by Aristobulus, c xi. sect 3. Classirus, War, vii. iv. 2. Claudius Ccesar, Antiq. xix. ii. 1; c. iii. sect. 1 ,- be is dragfited out of a corner to the imperial dignity, ib. ,- War, li. XI. 1 ; he is favoured by the army, Antiq. xix. IV. .3. his liberality to Ajtrippa, c. ▼. sect 1; his edict in favour of the Jews, sect. 3; his letter to the Jews, Antiq. xx. i. 2; he dies. c. viii. sect 1; War, iL xii. 8; his wile and children, ib. Clement, Antiq. xix. 1. 6. Cleopatra, daut^hter of Antiochus, married to Ptolemy, Antiq. xii. iv. 1. Cleopatra, wileol Philometer. Antiq. xiii. iii. 1,2; Against Apion, ii. sect 5; she takes up arms against Ptolemy Lathynis, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 1; makes an alliance with Alexander, sect. 2; takes Ptolemais, ib. Cleopatra, wife of Demetrius II., Antiq. xiii. viL 1; mar- ried to Antiuchns Soter, sect 2 Cleopatra, queen of Kgypt, meets Antony in Cilicia, An- tiq. xiv. xiii. 1 ; her cruelty and avarice, xv. iv. I ; .War, i. xviii. 4; kills her sister .Arsinoe, Antiq. xv. iv. 1; obtains from Antony apart of Arabia and Judea, ib. ; tempts Herod to lie with her, sect 2; -Herod con- ducts her towards Egypt, ib. Cleopatra (Selene) besieged by Tigranes, Antiq. xiii. xvi. 4; War. i. v 3. Cleopatra of Jerusalem, the wife of Herod, Antiq. xvii. i. 3; War, i. xxviii. 4. Cleopatra,-wife of Florus, Antiq. xx. xi. 1. Clitus, author of a rebellion at Tiberias, Life, sect. 34; cuts off his left hand by the order of Jose^.'aus, ib.; W ar, ii. xxi. 10 Clevins, Antiq. xix. i. 13. Coligna (Cneus). War, vii. iii. 4. Colonies within and without Italy, Antiq. xix. v. 3. Columns, or pillars in the land of Siriad, Antiq. L h. 3; of the Corintiiian order in Solomon's palace, viii. v.S; in Herod's temple. War. v. v. 2. Commandments written upon two tables, Antiq. iiu v. 4; written by the hand of '^od, sectS; not to Lave their very words published, sect. 4. Conquests easier gotten than maintained, Antiq. viiL iv. 4 Conscience of good actions is safer to be relied on, than on the concealment of evil ones, Antiq. ii. iv. 4. Conspiracy against Herod. Antiq. xv. viii. 3, &c. Convention, of Asia at Ancyra. Antiq. xvL vi. 2; conven- tion at Jerusalem. Life, sect 13. Coponius, procurator of Judea, Antiq. xviii. L I; c. ii. sect. 2; War, ii. viii. 1. Coracinus, a fish. War, iii. X. 8. _ Corban. or secret treasure, War, ii. ix. 4. Cores, or Korah, raises a sedition against Moses, Antiq. iv. ii. 2; perishes with his faction, c. iii. sect 3. Corinthus, one of Herod's life-guards. Antiq. xvii. iiu 2; an Arabian by birth. War, L xxix. 3. Cornelius, Faustus, son of Sylla, Antiq. xiv. iv. 4; War, i. vii. 5. Cornelius, the brother of Longus, War, vi. iii. 2. Corns, a Jewish measure of 10 Attic medumni, Antiq. iiL XV. 3. Costobarus, an Idumean, Salome's husband, Antiq. xv. viii. 9. Costobarus, a ringleader of the robbers, Antiq. xx. ix. 4. Cotylas. or Zeno, Antiq. xiii. viii. 1; War, i. ii. 4. Cotys, king of lesser Armenia, Antiq. xix. viii. 1. Cow, the red cow for purification, Antiq. iv. iv. 6. Cozbi, a Midianitish woman, Antiq. iv. vi. 10 Coze, or Kose, an idol of the Idumeans before they turned Jews, Antiq. xv. vii. 9. Crassus, governor of the east, succeeds Gabinus, Antiq. xiv. vi. 4; arrives in Judea and plunders the temple of its treasurers, c. vii. sect 1; War, i. viiL 8; perishes in an expedition against the Parthians, ib. Creation of the world, Antiq. i. ii. i. Crimes are encouraged by indulgence to those that com- mit them, Antiq. vi. vii. 4. Crown, or mitre of the high-priest, Antiq. iiL viL 7. C^manus, procurator of Judea, Antiq. xx. ▼. 2; War, ii. xii. 1. Curses denounced from mount F.bal. Antiq. iv. viii. 44; and V. i. 19. Cnspius Fadus, procomtor of Juden, .Antiq. xv. xi. 4; and xix. iv. 8; xx. \ kc; War. ii. xi. C Customs, or taxes of Syria, Phsenicia^ Judta, asd ria, 8000 talents, Antiq. xii. iv. 4. Cypres, king Agrippa's wife. War, ii. xi. 6. Cypros, Antipater senior's wife, by whom he had foor children, Antiq. xiv. vii. 3; War, L viii. 9. Cypros, Antipater's daughter by Cyprus, Antiq. xviii. T. 4; married to Alexas Selcias. ib. Cypres, Herod's daughter, married to Aotipater, Salome^ son, Antiq. xviii. v. 5. Cypros, daughter of Phasaelus and Salampsio, married to Agrippa senior. Antiq. xviii. v. 4; c. vi. sect 2, 3. Cyrenius, or Quirinius, Antiq. xviL xiii. 5; and xviiL i. 1; War, vii. viii. 1. • Cyn-ueansderived from the Lacedemonians, War, iL xvi.4. Cyrus, king of Persia, Antiq. x. xi. 2, &c.; purposes to rebuild the Jewish temple, xi. L 1, &c. ; releases the Jews from their captivity by an edict, sect 2, 3; his death, c. ii. sect 1. Cyrus, the son of Xerxes, called by the Greeks Artaxer- xes, made king, Antiq. xL vL I, &c.; his letter re- scinding the edict of Uamao, sect 12. Demons, War, vi. vi. 3. Dagon, the god of Ashdod, Antiq. vi. 1 ; his temple burnt, xiii. iv. 4. Damascene colonies transported into Higher Media, An- tiq. ix. xii. 3. Damascus taken by Tiglathpileser, Antiq. ix. xiL 3; taken by the Romans, xiv. iL 3. Dan built by the Danites. Antiq. v. iii 1. Danaus, or Hermeus, king of Egypt, Against Apion, L sect 20. Daniel the prophet, Antiq. x. x. 1, &c. ; is castrated with his companions, ib.; their austerity of life, sect 2; Daniel foretells the times of future events, ib. ; tells Nebuchadnezzar his dream, and interprets it to hen, sect 3, 4; is honoured for it, sect 5; his companions are cast into a fiery furnace, ib.; Daniel explains the hand-writine upon the wall. c. xL sect 2; is carried into Media by Darius, sect 4; is made one of the pre- sidents of the kingdom, ib. ; a conspiracy against him, sect £, 6, is thrown into the lion's den, sect 6; builds a tower at Ecbatana, sect 7, the manner and certainty of his prophecies, ib. ; his vision of the ram and the he-goat, ib. ; his prophecy of the destruction of the Jews by the Romans, ib. ; of the profanation of the temple by Antiochus Epipbanes, xiL viL 6. Danaa, Ant.q. viii. ii. 5. D&rius, the son of Astyges, called by another name among the Greeks, Antiq.x. xi. 2, 4. Darius, the son of Hystaspes, made king, Antiq. xL iii. 1; makes a splendid entertainment sect 2; proposes questions to be resolved, ib. ; his letters in favour of Zerobabel, for rebuilding the temple, sect 8; has Cy- rus's records searched about that temple, Antiq. xL iv. 6; gives orders for its rebuilding, !b.; bis edict again«t the Samaritans, sect 9. Dathan, Antiq. iv. iL 1. David's genealogy, Antiq«T. ix. 4; is anointed by Sa- muel, vi. viii. 1 ; pliys upon the harp before Saul, sect 2; fights Goliah. vL ix. 10; c. xL sect 4; his and Jo- nathan's friendship, c. xL sect 1. 6, &c. ; is reconciled to >iaul by Jonathan, sect 2; is in danger of being killed by Saul, sect 3; his flight, vL xiL 1; c. xiiL sect 10; he spares Saul's life twice, c. xiiL sect 4, 9; promises to assist the king of Gath, c. xiv. sect 1; pursues after the Amalekites, and puts them to flight, sect. 6; makes a funeral oration for Saul and Jonathan, vii. LI; is made king of Judah, sect 2; and of the Israelites, vii. iL 2; takes Jerusalem, c iiL sect 1; casts the Jebusites out of it, sect 2; marries several wives, and begets eleven children, sect 3; conquers the Philistines, c. 4, sect. 1 ; has the ark carried to Jerusalem, sect. 2; is reproached by Michal, sect 3; purposes to build the temple, sect 4; his victories, c V. sect 1; his liberality to Mephibosheth, sect 5; he falls in love with Bathsheba, c. viL sect 1; caases Uriah to be slain, ib.; marries Bathsheba, viL vii. 1; is reproved for all by Nathan the prophet c vii. sect 3; his son by Bathsheba dies, sect 4; he mourns for Absalom's death, c. x. sect 5; orders the people to be numbered, c. xiiL sect 1; chooses the pestilence ra- ther than famine or the sword, sect 2; mak«>s great preparations for the building of the temple, c. xiv sect 1; exhorts .Solomon to build it, sect 2, 9; divides the priests into twenty-four courses, sect. 7; he dies, c. xv, sect 2: is buried with great pomp, sect 3; the tr»a- sures hidden in his monumcjjt, ib. xiii. viii. 4) and xvL vii. I ; War, i. iL 5. 864 INDEX. Day unusaaUy lengthened, Antiq. ▼. L 17. Debora, Antiq. v. v. 3. Deceased, what care was taken of them by the Jews, Against Apion, ii. sect 26. Decrees of the Romans, &c., in favour of the Jews, Antiq. xiv. viii. 5; ex. sect 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 12, 13, 14, 1.5, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 2& Dedan, Antiq. i. vi. 2. Dellius the wicked, Antiq. xiv. xv. 1; and xv. ii. 6; M ar, i. XV. 3. Deluge, Antiq. i. iii. 3, &c. Demetiius, alaba,rch at Alexandria, Antiq. xx. vii. 3. Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, joins with Jonathan and Ptolemy his father-in-law, and conquers Alexan- der; Antiq. xiii. iv. 7, 8; called Nicator, sect 9; his letter in favour of the Jews, ib.; is hated by Antiochus, c. v. sect. 3; breaks friendship with Jonathan, ib. ; is coiquered by Antiochus, and flies into Cilicia, sect. 4; is made prisoner by Arsaces, and released, sect. 11 ; Trypho rebels against him, c. vii. sect. I ; is hated by the army, c. ix. sect. 3; is defeated ^^nd flies in vain to Cleopatra his wife, ib. ; goes thence to Tyre, is made prisoner and dies, ib. Demetrius Eurerus, fourth son of Antiochus Grypus, is made kins? of Syria, Damascena, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 4; his assistance desired by the Jews, sect. 5; he makes war upon Alexander, and conquers him, c. xiv. sect. 1, War, i. iv. 4, 5; he makes war with his brother Philip, is carried prisoner into Parthia, and dies there, Antiq. xiii. xiv. 3. Demetrius of Gadara, Pompey's freed man, obtains the rebuilt! insr of that city, Antiq. xiv. 4. Demetrius Phalereus, keeper of the Alexandrian library, Antiq. xii. ii. 1; Against Apion, ii. sect. 4; his peti- tion to king Philadelphus, Antiq. xii. ii. 3; he places the seventy-two interpreters near the sea-side, sect 2. Demetrius Soter, son of Seleucus, made king of Syria, Antiq. xii. x. 1; puts king Antiochus to death, ib. ; sends Bacchides and Nicanor against the Jews, sect 2,4; his charafcter, xiii. ii. 1; his letter to Jonathan, sect 3; is killed in the war against Alexander, sect 4. Demoteless, Antiq. xiii. v. 8. Diana's temple at Elymais in Persia, Antiq. xiu ix. 1 ; Diana's temple in Egypt, xiii. iii. I. Dido, queen of the Tyrians, Against Apion, i. sect 18. Diklath, Antiq. i. vi. 4. Dinah, Jacob's daughter, Antiq. i. xxi. 1. Dioclerus, Antiq. viii. ii. 3. Diodorus, son of Jason, Antiq. xiii.ix. 2. Diodorus. or Trypho, Antiq. xiii. v. 1. Dionysius, tyrant of Tripoli, Antiq. xiv. iiu 2. Diophantus, a forger of letters, Antiq. xvi. x. 4 Divorce, what are the causes of it, Antiq. iv. viii. 28; whether it be lawful for a wife to send a bill of divorce to her husband, Antiq. xv. viii. 10. Doeg the Syrian, Antiq. vi. xii. 4. Dogs, it is not natural for ttem to devour the bones with the flesh, Antiq. xi. iv. 9. Dolabella's letter to the Ephesians in favour of the Jews, Antiq. xiv. x. 12. Dolesus, War, iv. vii. 2. Domitian kind to Josephus, Lifft, sect 75. Domitian, the son of Vespasian, is made regent in his father's absence, War, iv. xi. 4; is kind to Josephus, Life, sect 75; hi., expedition against the Germans, War, vii. iv. 2. Domitius Sabinus, War, v, viii. 1. Doris, Herod's first wife, Antiq. xiv. xii. 1; is mother of Anti pater, ib. xvii. i. 3; War, i. xxviiu 4; is expelled the court, L xxx. 4. Dorians erect CKsar's statue in a Jewish synagogue, Antiq. xix. vi. 3; Petrontus's edict against them, ib. Dorotheus, Antiq. xii. ii. 11. Dortus, Antiq. xx. vi. 2. Dositheus, a Jew, his perfldionsness, Antiq. xv. yi. 3. Dositbeus, a general of the Jews, Against Apion, iL sect S. Dove sent out of the Ark, Antiq. L iii. 6. Draco's laws, Against Apion, i. sect. 4. Drusilla, daughter of Agrippa senior, by Cypros, Antiq. xviii. v. 4; married to Azizus, king of Emesa, xx. vii. i ; afterwards to Felix, procurator of Judea, sect 2. Dru»u< her brother, Antiq. xviii- v. 4. DnisuB, brntlier of Tiberius, Antiq. xviii. vi. 8. Duration ot the Jewish law, Aguinst Apion, ii. sect 31. Eagle, golden eagle pulled down from the front of tiM temple, Antiq. xvii. vi. 3 ; holding a dragon in his claws in the seal of Lacedemonians, xii. iv. 10. Earthquake, wherein the followers of Dathan and Abi- ram were swallowed up, Antiq. iv. iii. 1. Earthquake, a very great one in Judea, Antiq. xv. v. 2. Eating the sinew upon the hip, why refused by the Jews, Antiq. i. xx. 2. Ebal, Antiq, i. vi. 4. Eban, David's son, Antiq. vii. iii. 3. Ebutius, a decurion. War, iii. vii. 3; slain in battle. It i.5. Eclipse of the moon, Antiq. xvii. vi. 4. Ecnibalus, king of Tyre, Against Apion, i. sect 21. Eglon, king of Moab. oppresses the Israelites, Antiq. t. iv. 1 ; is made a judge, ib. Elab succeeds Baasha in the kingdom of Israel, Antiq. viii. xii. 4. Elam, Antiq. i. vi. 4. Elcanah, or Elkanah, Antiq. ix. xii. 1. Elcanah, or Elkanah, Samuel's father, Antiq. T. x. 2. Elcias, the high-priest, Antiq. x. viii. 6. Eleazar's house, Antiq. vii. xv. 7. Eleazar's commendation. War, v. vi. 1. Eleazar, the son of Aaron, Antiq. iii. viii. 1. Eleazar, the son of Ananias, high-priest, Antiq. xviii. iL 2; War, ii. xvii. 2. Eleazar, the son of Dineus, Antiq. xx. vi. 1 ; c. viii. sect. 5; War, ii. xii. 4. Eleazar, the son of Dodo, Antiq. vii. xii. 4. Eleaxar cast out a demon, Antiq. viii. ii. 4. Eleazar, brother of Joazar, made high-priest, Antiq. xvii. xiii. 1; deprived, ib. Eleazar. brother of Judas Maccabeus, called Auran, An- tiq. xii. vi. 1; c. ix. sect 4; is crushed to death by an elephant, ib. ; War. i. i. 5. Eleazar, a ring-leader of the robbers, Antiq. xx. i. 1| War, vii. viii. 1; is taken prisoner and sent to Rome, Antiq. xx. viii. 5; War, ii. xiii. 2. Eleazar, of Masada's speech to his garrison, War, vii. viii. 6. Eleazar, the son of Moses, Antiq. ii. xiii. 1. Eleazar, the hi^h-priest in the days of Joshua, Antiq. iv iv. 7 ; he dies, v. i. 29. Eleazar, the high-priest in the days of Philadelphus, Antiq. Pref. sect 3; and xii. ii. 4; and xvii. xiii. 1; his letter to Philadelphus, xiL ii. 7; he dies, c. iv. sect 1. Eleazar, treasurer of the temple, Antiq. xiv. vii. 1. Eleazar, the son of Sameas's valour. War, iii. vii. 21. Eleazar, the son of Simon, War, ii. xx. 3; and iv. iv. Ij and v. i. 2; c. iii. sect 1; and vi. iv. 1. Eleazar, the companion of Simon, dies. War, iv. ix. 5. Eleazar, commander of the temple, Antiq. xx. ix. 3j War, ii . xvii. 2. Eleazar taken prisoner by Rufus, War, vii. vi. 4. Eleutheri, horsemen so called. War, i. xiii. 3. Elhanan, Antiq. vii. xii. 2. Eli, the high-priest, Antiq. viii. i. 3; is judge in Lsrael after Samson, Antiq. v. ix. 1; his profligate sons, c. x. sect 1. Eliakim, Antiq. X. i. 2. Eliashib, the high-priest, Antiq. xi.v. 4, &c. ; dies, c. vii. sect. 1. Elien, David's son, Antiq. vii. iii. 3. Elijah the prophet Antiq. viii. xiii. 2, &c. ; his miracles wrought tor the widow of Serepta, ib. ; he presents himself to Ahab, sect 4; foretells rain, ib. ; the false prophets are killed by his order, sect 6; calls for lire from heaven, ix. ii. 1; is taken up, sect 2; his letter to king Jelioram, c. v, sect 2. Elimelich, Antiq. v. ix. 1. Elioncus. the son of Cantharus, is made high-priest, An- tiq. xix. viii. 1. Eliphale, or Elipholet, David's son, Antiq. vii. iii. 3, Elisa, Antiq. i. vi. 1. Elisha, the prophet, the son of Shaphat Antiq. viii. xiii 7; and ix. ii. 2; c. iii. sect 1 ; bis miracles, i. x. iv. 1, &c. ; his death and eulogium, c. viii. sect Oj his curs of the barren fountain, War, iv. viii. 3. Elkanah, or i-.lcanah, Antiq. ix. xii. I. Elkanah, or Elcanah, Samuel's father, Antiq. v. X. 2. Elmodad, Antiq. i. vi. 4. Elon succeeds Ibson as judge, Antiq. v. vii. 14. Elpis, Herod's wife, Antiq. xvu. i. 3; War, i. xxv^ 4. Elthemus, ecnrral of the Arabians, War, i. xix. Qi, Elultus, king of the Tyrians, Antiq i. xiv. 2. INDEX. 865 ^ Bmnos, David's son, Antiq. rii. iii. Ennaphen, Darid's son, Antiq. vii. iff. 3. Enemies, when conquered, may be lawfully killed, Aatiq. iK. iv 3. Entich, Aiiliq. i. ij, 2; c. iii. sect. 2. Enoch and Elijah transhitt-d, Antiq. ix. ii. 2. Enos, the son of Seth, Antiq, i. iii. 2. Ensigns of the Romans, with Csesar's image, Antiq.xviiL iii. 2; sacritices offered to them. War, vL vu 1. Epaphroditus, his character, Antiq. Pref. sect. 2; a great friend of Josephus, Life, sect. 75. Ephesians, their decree in favour of the Jews, Antiq. xiv. X. 25. Rphod, Antiq. iii. vii. 3. Kpicrates, Antiq. xiii. x. 2, 3. 'Epicureans, tlieir error concerning providence confuted, Antiq. x. xi. 7. Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus, king of Commagena, Antiq xix. ix 1. Epistle of Jonathan the high-priest to the Lacedemonians, Antiq. xiii. v. 8; of Philadelphus for freeing the cap. tive Jews, Antiq. xii. ii. 3: to Eieazar the high-priest, sect. 4; of Solomon, and Hiram king of the Tyrians, viii, ii. 6, 7; of Xerxes to Esdras, xi. v. I; of Arta- xerxes to the governors near Judea. c, vi. sect. 12; of Antiochus the Great, to Ptolemy Epinhanes, xii. iii. 3; of the Samaritins to Antiochus Theus, c. v. sect. 5; of Alexander Balas to Jonathan, xiii. ii. 2; of Onias to Ptolemy and Cleopatra, c. iii. sect. 1; of Demetrius to Jonathan and the Jews, c. iv. sect 9; of Julius Coe- sar to.the Koman magistrates, xiv. x. 2, &c.; of Mark Antony to the Tyrians, c. xii. sect. 4. Esaiah the prophet Antiq. ix. xiii. 3; and X. i. 3, 4; c. ii. sect 1. 2; his eulogium, sect 2; his prophecy con- cerning the Assyrians, x xiv.; concerning Cyrus, 210 years before his" reign, xi. i. 2; the same read by Cyrus, lb.; his prophecy concerning tne temple of Onias, War, vii. X. 3. Esau, or Edom, Antiq. ii. L 1; his birth, i. xviii. L Escol, Antiq. i. x. i, Esdras. Antiq. xi. v. 1, &c. ; his grief for the foreign mar- riages, sect 3; he reads the law of Moses to the peo- ple, sect. 6; he dies, ib. Essen, or high-priest's breast-plate, Antiq. iii. viii. 5; when its shining ceased, sect 9. Essens honoured by Herod, Antiq. xv. x. 5; are against swearing, War, ii. viii. 6: tbeir manners, rites, and doctrines described, Antiq. xiii. v. 9, and xviii. i. 5; War, iu viii. 2, &c. ; they abstain from anointing them- selves with oil, sect 3; their diligence in reading their sacred book.s, sect 6; Simon the Essen an interpreter of dreams, Antiq. xvii. xiii. 3. Esther, Antiq. xi. vi. 2 ; is married to the king, ib. ; is , concerned for the Jews, sect. 7, &c. ; invites the king -' and Haman to an entertainment, sect 9. Ethan, Antiq. viii. ii. 5. Ethbaal, or Ithobalus, king of Tyre, Antiq. viii. xiii. 1, 2; Against Apion, i. sect 18, 21. Ethi, or Ittai the Gittite, Antiq. vii. ix. 2. Ethnarch (Simon), Antiq. xiiL vi. 6; contracts thence dated, ib. Ethnarch fArchelaus), Antiq. xvii. xi. 4; War, ii. vi. 3. Euartns Cous, Antiq. xvi. x. 2; War, i. xxvi. 5. Euaristis AiTuntius, Antiq. xix. i. 10. Fve created, Antiq. i. i. 2; her fall, sect 4; Evi, king of the IMidianites, Antiq. iv. vii. 1. Evil-Merodach, Antiq. x. xL 2; Against Apion, i. sect 10. Euodus, freed-man of Tiberias, Antiq. xviii. vi. 8. Enpolemus's son John, Antiq. xii. x. 6. Enrycles slanders the sons of Herod, Antiq. xii. x. 6; War, i. xxvi. I, &c. ; he returns to bis own country, sect 4. ■• Eutychus, Agrippa's freed-man and charioteer, Antiq. xviii. vi. 5. r.utychus. Caius Caesar's coachman, Antiq. xix. iv. 4. Exempt from military service, who, Antiq. iv. viii. 41. Exorcisms, or forms' of casting out demons, composed by Solomon, Antiq. viii ii. 6. Ezekias. a rincleader for the robbers, Antiq. xiv. ix, 2. Ezekiel the prophet, Antiq. x. v. 1; c. viii. sect 2; is carried captive into Babylon, c. vi.sect 3; bis prophecy concerning the destruction of the Jews, c. vii. sect 2; bis prophecy reconciled to that of Jeremiah, ib. Fabatus, Caesar's servant Antiq. xvii. iii. 2; Herod's steward, W ar, i. xxix. 3. Fabiud, governor of Damascus, Antiq. xiv. xi. 7; War, i. xiL 1. Fabinns, a centnrion, Antiq. nv. tr. 4; War, i. xii. 1. Factions, three in Jerusalem, Antiq. v. u 4. Fadus (Cuspins), procurator of Judea, Antiq. xv. xL 4{ and xix. ix. 2; and xx. 1. &c.; War, ii. xi. 6. Famine in Judea in the 13th year of Herod's reign, An- tiq. XV. ix. I; another in the reignof Claudius, iii. xv. 3: and xx ii. 6; c. v. sect 2; a dismal famine in Jerusalem, War, v. x. 2; c. xii. sect 3; vi. 3; for Saul's cruelty to the (iibeonites, Antiq. viii. xii. 1; at Samaria, xiii. x. 2; famine and pestilence, two of the greatest evils, x. vii. 4. Fannius the consul's decree in favour of the Jews, Antiq. xiv. X. 15. Fannius, a Roman prgafor, Antiq. xiii. ix. 10. Fast, observed at Jerusalem, Antiq. xiv. xvL; on the day on which Pompey took Jerusalem, ib. c. iv. sect 4. Fate unavoidable, Antiq. viii. xv. 6; War, v. xiii. 7; and vi. i. 8; c. ii sect 1; c. iv. sect 8; and c v. sect 4. Feastof unleavened bread. See pasinover. Guests placed at feasts according to their condition, Antiq. xii. iv. 9; funeral feasts among the Jews, War. ii. L. .. Felicity too great, the cause of many evils, Antiq. viii. x. 7. Felix. Antiq. xiv. xi. 7 ; War, i. xii. 1 ; brother of Pallas, and procurator of Judea, Antiq. xx. vii. 1; c viii. sect. 5. War, ii. xii. 8; c, xiii. sect 7; he punishes the mu- tineers, Antiq. xx. viii. 7; is accused at Rome, sect. 9. Festivals of the Hebrews, Antiq. iii. x. 1, &c. ; three great ones, ib. xviii. iv. 3; at those festivals Roman guards were posted at the temple. War, ii. xii. 1; im- munity granted them at those festivals by Demetrius Soter, Antiq. xiii. ii. 3; celebrated by the Jews in shin- ing garments, c. xi. sect, i ; and on them did no man- ner of work, iii. x. 6; celebrated by the Gentiles in idleness and pleasure, L xxi. 1; no mousing arooni; the Jews at such times, xi. v. 5; nor did they then travel far, xiii. viii. 4; Egyptian women appeared at such times in public, ii. iv. 3; wood carried on a festi- val day for the altar. War, ii. xvii. t); festival at de- dication of the temple by Judas Maccabeus, Antiq. xiu vii. 7. Festus (Porcius), procurator of Judea, Antiq. xx. viiL 9; he dies, c. ix. sect 1. Flaccus (Norbanus), proconsul, Antiq. xri.vi.; president of Syria, xviii. vi. 2. Flesh of horses, mules, &c., forbidden to be brought within the walls of Jerusalem, Antiq. xii. iii. 4. Flies (the god of), le. Beelzebub, the god of Ekron, An- tiq. ix. ii. 1. , Florus (Gessius), procurator of Judea, Antiq. xviii. i. 6; and xi. xix. 2; and xx. ix..5; is the cause of the Jew- ish war, c. xi. sect 1; Life, sect. 6; War, ii. xiv. 3, 6; c. XV. sect 1, &c. ; he is derided by the people, ii. xiv. 6; he plunders the city, sect 9; he calumniates the Jews before Cestius, War. ii. xvi. 1. Fonteius Agrippa, killed by the Scythians, W'ar, vii. iv. 3. Fountain near Jericho, War, iv. viii. 3; is cured by Eli- sha, ib. ; its wonderful virtue, ib. Friends never free irom envy, Antiq. vi iv 3 Frigius (Titus), War, vL iv. 3. Fronto, War, vi. iv. 3. Fulvia, a lady defrauded of her money by a Jew, Antiq. xviii. iiL 5. Furtus, a centurion, Antiq. xiv. iv. 4; War, i. vii. 4. Gaal protects the Shechemites against Abimelech, An tiq. V. vii. 3. Gaam, Antiq. i. vi. 6. Oabris, or Gabares, Antiq viii. ii. 3. Gabinus, Antiq. xiv. iii. 2; c. iv. sect 1; War, L vi. 6; is made president of Syria, Antiq. xiv. T. 2j War, i. viii. 2. Gad, the prophet, Antiq.'Vii. xiii. 2, &c. Gadara, taken by Vespasian, War, iv. vii. 3; the Gada- rens made prisoners, and killed, iii. vii. 1. Gaddis (John), Antiq. xiii. i. 2. Galadens, their queen Laodice, Antiq. xiii. xiiL 4. Galba. Antiq. xviii. 6, 9; succeeds Nero, War, iv. ix. 2; is murdered in a conspiracy, ib. Galilee, comes all under the Roman dominion. War, iv. i, 1 ; c. it sect 5 Galli, eunuchs so called, Antiq. iv. viii. 40. Gallicanos, War, iii. viii. 1. Gallus (iElius), Antiq. xv. ix. 3. Gallus (Cestius), president of Syria, Life, sect 4{ Waff ii. xiv. 3. Gallus, a centurion. War, iv. i. 5. 3 I 866 INDEX. Callus (Ruhrias), War, yii. ir. 3. Oamala besieged. War, iv. i. 1, &c. Games ot: the circus, Antiq. xix. i. 4; Olympic games restored by Herod, xvi. v. 3; Caesarean games insti- tuted by Herod, xv. viii, 1 ; and xvi. v. 1 ; War, i. xxi. b; ordained by Titus on the birth-days of his father and brother, vii. iii. 1. Gerrizzim, its temple demolished, Antiq. xiii. ix. 1. Gauls, War, ii. xvi. 4; possess at home the source of hap- piness, ib. ; became Herod's life-guards, i. xx. 3. Gaza taken and demolished, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 3. Gazeans, grievously punished by Jonathan, Antiq. xiii. V. 5. Gamelhis (Tiberius), Antiq. xviii. vi. 8. Gamellus, Herod's friend, expelled his court, Antiq. xvi. ▼iiu 3. Gentile gods, not to be derided, in the opinion of Jose- phus, Antiq. iv. viii. 10; Against Apion, ii. sect. 34. Geometry, invented by the long-lived patriarchs, Antiq. i. iii. 9. Gera, the father of Ehud, Antiq. v. iv. 2. Gerastratus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, i. sect 21. Germanicus's bouse, Antiq. xix. i. lb; the father of Caius, xviii. vi. 8; is sent into the east, c. ii. sect. 3; is poisoned by Piso, ib. Germans described, V\ ar, ii. xvi. 4; are enslaved by the Romans. vL vi. 2; they mutiny, vii. iv. 2; a German's predictions concerning Agrippa, Antiq. xviii. vi. 7; Germ;in guard, xix. i. 1. Gessius Florus, procurator of Judea. See Florus above. Grether, Antiq. i. vi. 4. Giants, Antiq. v. ii. 3; and vii. xii. 1, &c.; their re- mains in Hebron, Antiq. iii. xiv. 2; and v. ii. Gibeah, its inhabitants guilty of a rape, Antiq. v. ii. 8. Gibeonites, ky a vpiJe, make a covenant with Joshua, An- tiq. v. i. 16; their fraud detected and punished, ib.; they are satisfied for the attempt of Saul to slay them, ▼ii xii. 1. Gibeon's stratagem, Antiq. v. vi. 5; he dies, sect 7. Glaphyra, daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, is married to Alexander the son of Herod, Antiq. xvi. i. 2; c vii. sect 2; her enmity with Salome, c. 1, sect 2, &c. ; War, i. xxiv. 2, &c.; her pride, ib.; her lamen- tation vrhen ber husband was put in chains, Antiq. xvi. X. 7; she is sent back a widow to her father, xvii. i. 1 ; she is afterwards married to Juba, king of Libya, and afterwards to Archelaus, elhnarch of Judea, c. xiii. sect 4; her dream, and death, ib. God (the true God), his presence in Uie tabernacle, Antiq. iiL viii. 5; his wisdom, and that he cannot be bribed, c. xi. sect. 3; his mercy only obtained by religion, v. i. S8; his foreknowledge, and that his decrees cannot be avoided, iv. iii. 2; bis will is irresistible, ii. ix. 2; with- out his will nothing can happen, c. vi. sect 5; bis pro- vidence asserted against the Fpicureans, x. xi. 7; that nothing is concealed from him, ii. iii. I ; it is dangerous to disobey him, vi. vii. 2; whether it is easier to serve God or man, viii. x. 3; he uses beasts to punish the wicked, x. xi. 6: judged to be only the god of the hills by the Syrians, viii. xiv. 3; is not ft be imposed on by the wicked, iv. viii. 38; delights not in sacrifices, but in good men, vi. vii. 4; is called on in time of danger, by even bad men, xvii. v. 6; foretells futurities, that men may provide against them, ii. v. 6; affords assis- tance only when the case is desperate, c. xv. sect 5: delights in those that promote his worship, xvi. ii. 4; discovers his ineffable name to Moses, ii. xii 4; is by nature merciful to the poor, iv. viii. 26; is omnipresent, it iii. 1 ; and vi. xi. 8; his bounty the cause of all men's happiness, iv. viii. 2. Gods (false gods) of Laban stolen, Antiq. i. xix. 9, &c. ; of Cutha in Persia, brought to Samaria, ix. xiv. 3; of the conquered Amalekites, wt^rshipped by Amaziah,c. ix, sect 2; of the heathen not to be cursed or blas- phemed, in the opinion of Jo8ephu.s,iv. viii. 10; Against Apion, ii. sect 24; Beelzebub, the god of flies at Ek- ron. Antiq. ix. ii. 1. Goliath of Gath, a giant. Antiq. vi. ix. 1, &c. ; challenges the Jews to a single combat, ib.{ is slain by David, ■ect &, Oomer, and Gomerites, Antiq. vi. L Oori^ias, governor of Jamnia, is put to flight. Antiq xii. ▼ii. 4; has b«*tter success afterwards, c. viii. sect. 6. Gorion, the son of Josephus, and Simeon the son of Ga- maliel, exhort the people to attack the mutineers, An- tiq. iv. iii. 9; is put to death, c. vi. sect 1. GratOA, procurator of Judea, Antiq. xviii. vi. H; puts "'" u, Herod's old slave to death, xvii. x. 6{ meets Varus coming to Jerusalem, War, Ii. v. 2; one Grata discovers Claudius, and brings him out to be emperor, Antiq. xix. iii. 1. Greeks call old nations by names of their own, Antiq i. V. and put the Hebrew names into their own form. c. vi. Guards placed about the temple by the Romans, Antiq XX. V. 3. Hadad, king of Syria, Antiq. vii. v. 2, &c. Hadad. or Hadar, an Edomite, becomes Solomon's ene. my, Antiq. viii. vii. 6. Hadadezer, or Hadarezer, king of Sophane, or Zobah, Antiq. viii. vii. 6. Hagar, and Ishmael, are sent away by Abraham, Antiq. i. xiii. 3. Haggai, a prophet after the captivity, Antiq. xi. iv. 5, 7j he and Zechariah encourage the Jews to rebuild their temple, ib. Hagijith. David's wife, Antiq. vii. xiv. 4. Halicarnasseans' decree in tavour of the Jews, Antiq. xiv. X. 23. Haman, an enemy of the Jews, Antiq. xi. vi. 5; his edict against the Jews in the name of Artaxerxes. sect 6; he orders a gibbet to be erected for iMordecai, sett. 10; is obliged to honour Mordecai, ib. ; the edict is contra dieted, sect 12; he is hanged on his own gibbet, sect 13. Hannah, the wife ofEIkanab, Antiq. v. x. 2. Haran, the father of Lot, Antiq. i. vi. 5. Haran, or Charran, a city of Mesopatamia, Antiq. i. vi. 5. Harlots (common ones), excluded from marriage, Antiq. iv. viii. 23. Hatach, or Acratheus. Antiq. xi. vi. 7. Havilah, the son of Cusb, Antiq. i. vi. 2; his country Havilah, sect 4. Hazael, kinjc of Syria, Antiq. viii. xiii. 7; and ix. iv. 6; he plunders Judea, c. viii. sect 4j he dies, sect. 7. Hazermaveth, Antiq. i. vi. 4. Hazo. or Azau, Antiq. i. vi. 5. Heber, Antiq. i. vi. 4. Hebrews, twice carried captives beyond Euphrates, An- tiq. X. ix. 7; thought by some to have come oriijinaUy from Euypt. and not from Chaldea, ii. vii. 4; not put to servile labour, in the days of ^^^)Iomon, viii. vi. 3; of those Hebrews that came to offijr their sacrifices from beyond Euphrates, iii. xiv. 3; they have peculiar rules about meats and drinks, iv. vi. 8; they fight the Cnnaanites against Moses' order, c. i. sect. 1 ; ten tribes lived beyond Euphrates, and out of the bounds of the Roman empire, xi. v. 2; their languace and charactei came near to the Syriac, xii. ii. 1 ; their nouns have all the same formation and termination, i. vi. 2; they have but one temple and altar, iv. viii. 5; met at .*»hi- loh thrice in a year, v. ii. 12; only the two tribes under the dominion of the Romans, xi. v. 2; an unexampled sedition among them, iv. ii. 1; their wise men in the days of Solomon, viii. ii. ,\ Hecatontomachi, Antiq. xiii. xii. 5. Helcias the Great, Antiq. xviii. viii. 4. Helcias, treasurer of the temple, Antiq. xx. viii. 11. Helena, queen of Adiabene, embraces the Jewish religion, Antiq. xx. ii. I; goes to Jerusalem, sect 6; is buried there, c. iv. sect 3. Hephizhah, Antiq. x. iii. I. Hercules' temple. Against Apion, i. sect 18. Herennius Capito, governor of Jamnia, Antiq. xviii. vi. 3. Hermeus, or Danans, king of Egypt, Against Apion, I. 8>'ct 26. Herod, the son of Antipater, Antiq. xiv. vii. 3; War, i. viii. 9; began to rule in Galilee in the 15th and | 25th] year of his ago, Antiq. xiv. ix. 2; puts Ezechias and other robbers to death, ib. ; War, i. x. 5; being accused for it. he takes his trial. Antiq. xiv. ix. 3; makes hi* escape, sect 4; goes to Sextus Ceesar. and is by him made governor of Coelosyria, sect. 5: is in favour with Cassius and the Romans, c. xi. sect. 2, ) , made a go- vernor of Syria by him, sect 4; War, i. xi. 4; puts Malichus to death, sect 6; beats Antigonus out of Jndca, Antiq. xiv. xii. I ; bribes Mark Antony, sect 2; is impeached by the Jews, but is notwithstanding made a tetrach by Antony, c. xiii. sect 1; gets tho better of the Jews that oppose him, sect 2; escapes the snares of the Parthians, sect 6,7; the accidents of his flight. Kect. 8; W ar, i. xiii.7; goes to Egvptand thence to Rhodes, and thence to Rome, Antiq. xiv Xiv. 2, 3- N^ ar. i. xiv. 2, 3; made king by the Roman INDEX. 86T senate, h\ the desire of Antony, Antiq. xiv. xir. 4; War, ii. xiv. 4; sails bacic to Judea, and fights ai;aiD8t Antigonus, Antiq xiv. xv. I; takes Joppa and be- «ieges Jerusalem, sect. 1, 2; War, i. xv. 4; takes Sep- phoris, Antiq. xiv.xv. 4; conquers his enemies, and the robbers of Judea, sect. 4, 5; joins his troops with An- tony's at the siesje of Samnsata, and is received there with great honour, sent. 6.9; is providentially delivered from prreat dangers, sect. 1 1 13; defeats Pappus, sect, 12; besieges Jerusalem, takes it. makes Antigonuspri- soner, and sends him in chains to Antony, xiv.xvi. 1. 4; War. i. xvii. 9, *cc.: promotes his friends, and de- stroys those of Antigonus, Antiq. xv. i. ; marries the (aiiious Mariamne, tne daughter of Alexandra, c. ii, sect 5; War, i. xvii. 8; complains of Alexandra, his inother-in.law, Antiq. xv. ii 7; causes his wile's bro- ther, Aristobulus, to be cuntiingly drowned at Jeiicho, c. iii. sect 3; is summoned by Antony to take bis trial for it, sect 5; brings Antony over to his interest by bribes, sect. 8; puts Joseph to death, sect 9; is soli- cited to adultery by Cleopatra, c iv, sect 2; makes war against the Arabians by Antony's order, c. v. sect 1; War. L six. 1, &c.; his speech to the army in dis- • tress, after he had been beaten, Antiq. xv. 3: War, i. xix. 7; he beats the Arabians in battle. Antiq. xv. v. 4; W ar, i, xix. 6; he puts Hyrcanus to death, Antiq. XV. vL 2; Herod's commentaries, sect 3; orders Ma- riamne to be put to death, if he himself come to an ill «nd, sect. 5; his presence of mind before Augustus Cassar, sect 6; he is confirmed in his kingdom by Cae- sar, sect. 7; War. L xx. 2. &c; he entertains Cajsar magnificently, ih.; he receives more favours from Cae- sar, and has hi* dominions enlarged, Antiq. xv. xi. 3; War. i. XX. 3; he puts Mariamne his wife to death. Antiq. xv, vii. 4, 3: War, i. xxii. 5; he is very uneasy at her death, Antiq. xv. vii. 7; War, L xxii. ft; he is afflic'ed with a kind of madness by divine vengeance, Autiq. xviu vi. 5; War. i. xxxiii. 5; departs from the manners and customs of the Jews, Antiq. xv, viii. 1 ; builds theatres and exhibits shows to the people, ib.; a conspiracy against him, sect 3. &c; builds a temple at Samaria, sect 5; a palace at Jerusalem, c. ix. sect -3; and a citadel six furlongs from Jerusalem, sect. 4; relieves the people in a great famine, sect i; marries Simon's daughter, sect 3; his policy, sect O; he builds Cjesarea, s«s t 6; he sends his sons to Kome, c x. sect. 1 ; builds a temple to Caesar, sect 3; eases the people of a third part of their taxes, sect 4; (oibids the people to meet together privately, ib ; keeps his spies and be- comes one himself, ib. ; honours the Essens. sect. 5; rebuilds the temple at Jerusalem, c. xi. sect. 1 ; War, i. xxi. l; makes a new law concerning thieves, Antiq. XVI. i. 1, &c. ; goes to Ctcsar, brings home his sons, and marries them, sect 2; entertains Marcus A grippa, c. si. sect 1; is in great favour with Agrippa. r. ii. sect 1; eases bis subjects .of the fourth part of their taxes, sect 5; the quarreJs in his family, c. iii. sect 1; he favours Antipater in opposition to ttie sons of Mari- amne, sect 3; goes to Aquileia. and imjeaches his sons, at Home, before Caesar, c. iv. sect 1 ; is recon- «iled to them, sect 4 ; War, L xxiii. 3 ; celebrates games in honour of Cajsar, Antiq. xvi. v. I ; builds towns and castles, sect 2, builds ApoHo's temple, and renews the Olympic games, sect 3; War, i. xxi. 12; his temper described, Antiq. xvL v. 4; he opens David's sepul- chre, c. vii. sect 1 ; he snsptcts his kindred, sect. 3; he is accused by Sylleus before Caesar, c ix, sect 3; his cruelty to hi.s' sons, c. xL sect 1 ; he accuses them in a council at Berytos. sect 2; inquires, of Nicolaus of Damascus, what they think of him and his sons at Rome, sect 3; he orders them both to be strangled, sect. 6; provides for their children, xvii. i. 2; his wives and children, sect 3; xviii. v. 4; he contracts mar- rinees for M.jriamne's children, xvii. i. 2; War, i. sxviiL 6; alters those contracts, sect 6; sends Anti- pater to Caesar, Antiq. xvii. iii. 2; War. i. xxix. 2; is made to believe that his brother Pheroras was poisoned. Antiq xvii. iv. 1; War, l.xxx. 1; finds the poison was for himself, Antiq xvii. iv. 2; War, i. xxx. 2: tries Antipater. and puts him in chains, Antiq xvii. v. 7; bis bitterness in his old age, c. vi. sect. 1 ; he makes bis will, ib. ; his »€rrihle sickness, sect 5; War, i xxxiii 1. 5; his barbarous order for mnrderi tig the prmcipai of the Jew.s, Antiq. xvii. vi. 5; he attempts to murder himself, sect 7; he alters his will, c. viii. «ect. 1; his character, ib. ; his death and burial, sect 1, 3; War i. xxxiii. t*, 9. his will opened and read, Ant-q. xvii viii. 2; not to take place till confirmed by Cesar, e. xL sect 4. Herod, the son of Herod, made tetrach, Antiq. xviii. ii. 1 ; c. vii. sect 1; War, ii. ix 1; he builds towns in honour of Caesar, ib,; sends a letter to Cassar, Antiq. xviiL iv. 5; makes war upunAretas, king of Arabia, c. v. sect 1, &o.; is banished, ib.; War. ii. ix. 6. Herod, half brother to the tetrach, Antiq. xviii. v. I. Herod, son of Aristobu4us, by Salome, sect 4. Herod, son of Aristobulus, by Bermice, Salome's daugh- ter, Antiq. xvii. I. 2; War, i. xxviii. 1. Herod, Herod's son by Mariamne, Simon's dauehter, Antiq. xvii. i. 2; c. iii, sect 2; and xviii. v. 1; U ar, i. xxviii. 4; c. xxix. sect 2; he is blotted out of Herod's" will, U ar. i. xxx. 7, Herod, Herod's son 4)y Cleopatra of Jerusalem, Antiq. xvii. i. 3; War, i. xxviii. 4. Herod, Agrippa senior's brother, king of Chalcis Antiq. XIX. V. i; he marries Mariamne, daui;hter of Joseplius by Olympias, king Herod's daughter, xviii v. 4; be has the power over the temple given him by Claudius, XX. i. 3; bis death and children, c v. sect 2; War, ii. xi. a Herod, son of Phasaelus and Salampsio, Antiq. xviii. v. 4. Herod, Polemo's brother, kingof Cbalcis, Antiq. xix. viii. Herodias. daughter of Aristobulus, by Berenice, Salome's daughter. Antiq. xviii. v. 1; War, i. xX' iii. 1; Agrippi senior's sister, and wife of Herod the tetrarch, and en- vies Agrippa the royal dignity, Antiq. xviii. viii. 1; V^ar, ii. ix. 6; follows her husband in his banishment. Anliq. xviii. vii. 2; married to Herod, son of Herod the Great, by Mariamne, Simon's daughter, c. v. sect 2; c. vL sect 2; afterward marned to Herod, the for- mer husband's brother, while her former husband was alive, c. v. sect 4. Hezekiah, king of Judah. Antiq. ix. xiii. 2; his religions speech to the people, ib. ; his lustration of tlje temple and solemn celebration of the passover, sect 2, 3; he makes war upon the Philistines, sect. 3; defends him- self from Sennacherib, x. i 1 ; recovers from sickness, c. ii. sect 1 ; dies, c. iii, sect I. Hin. an Hebrew measure, Antiq. iii. viii. 5. Hilkiah. the high-priest, Antiq. x. v. 1; c. viii. sect 6. Hiram, king of Tyre, David's friend, Antiq. viL iii. 2. Hiram, king of I'yre, sends ambassadors to Solomon, Antiq. vii. ii. 6. Hiram, king of Tyre, Against Apion, i. sect 17, 18, 21. Historians, their duty. Antiq. i. i. Hophni. son of Eli, Antiq. v. x. 1; he is slain in battle, c xi. .'ect. 2. House of the forest of I^banon, Antiq. viii. vi, 5. Hoshea, king of Israel, Antiq. ix. xiii, 1; he is made a prisoner, c. xiv. sect. i. Huldah, the prophetess. Antiq. x. iv. 2. Human sacrifice, Antiq. ix. iii. 2. Hur, a prince of the Midianites, Antiq. iv. viL !{ an head of the Ephraimiies, Antiq. viii ii. 3. Htishai, Antiq. vii. ix. 2, 6, 7; c. X. sect. 4, a. Hnz Antiq. i. vi. 5. Hymns, composed by David in various sorts of metre, Antiq. vii. xii. 3. Hyrcanus, son of Joseph Tobias. Antiq. xii. iv. 6; his artful invention, ih. ; he is sent to Ptolemy, atid kindly received by him, sect 7, 9; his actions and death, sect 10. Hyrcanus (John), son of Simon the Maccabee, escapes being slain, Antiq. xiii, vii. 4; attacks Ptolemy, c. viii. sect 4; War, i. ii. 3; is made high-priest, Antiq xiii. vHi. I; War, i. ii. 3; is besieged by Antiochus, Antiq. xiii. viii. 2; buys a peace with 300 talents taken <;ut of David's sepulchre, sect 3, 4, 5; marches into Syri.i and recovers the towns that had been taken away, and renews the alliance with t'le Romans, Antiq xiii. ix. 1, 2; besieges Samaria, takes it and demolishes it, c X. sect 2, 3; his intercourse with God, ib. ; his dream concerning his sons, c, xii, sect I ; he was ethnarch, high-priest, and prophet. War, L ii, 8; bis death and eulogium, Antiq. xiii. x. 7, 8. Hyrcanus II. son of Alexander J annens, made high-priest, Antiq. xiii. xvi. 1, 2; War, L v. I ; agrees to leave the civil government to his brother, Antiq. xiv. i. 1; hia inactive genius, and why he fled to Aretas, ib.; ho in vain tries to hribe ^caurus to be for him, c. ii sect 3; pleads against his brother before Pompey, c. iii. sect 2; recovers the high-priesthood, c. iv sect 4; is confirmed therein by Ca-sar, c viii. sect 6; War, i x. 3; is ha- nourco by the Romans and Athenian.^, Antiq. xiv. viii. 5; and by Julius Caesar, x. ii.; is taken prisoner, and has his cars cut off by Antigonus, c xiii. sect 10; is 868 INDEX. released by the ParthiatJS, and returns to Herod, xv. ii. 2; he is perfidiously treated,, and put to death by him, ib., the various adventures of his life^ sect 4» Hystaspes, father of Darius, Antiq. xi. iiu 1. Jnbal, Antiq. i. i. 2. Jabfsh, father of Shallum, Antiq. ix. xi. 1. Jabesh Gilead demolished, Antiq. v. ii. 11. Jabin, king of Canaan, enslaves the Israelites, Antiq. v. ii. 11. Jaciiuus, or Alcimus, the wieked high-priest, Antiq. xii. ix. 7. Jacob born, Antiq. L xviii. 1; contracts with Laban for Rachel, c. xix. sect. 7 ; he wrestles with an angel, c. XX. sect 2; his sons, sect 8; c. xx. sect. 3; he pri- vately departs from I .aban, sect. 9 ; his posterity, when they went down into Egypt, ii. vii. 4; he weeps upon sending away his son Benjamin itito Egypt, c. vi. sect. 5; be meets with h's brother Ksau, i. xx. 3. Jacob, son of Sossas, War, iv. iv. 2; and v. vi. I ; and vi. viii. 2. Jacob, an Idumean, betrays his country. War, iv. ix. 6. Jadus, or Jaddua. son of John, high-priest, Antiq. xi. vii. 2; he meets Alexander in his pontifical garments, c. viii. sect. 5; he dies, sect 7. Jadon, the prophet Antiq. viii. viii. 5; is killed by a lion, c. ix sect. 3. Jael, wife of Heber the Kenite, kills Sisera, Antiq- v. v. 4. Jehaziel, the prophet, Antiq. ix, i. 2. Jamblicus, the Syrian ruler, Antiq. xiv. viii^lj War,.i. ix. 3. James, the brother of Jesus Christ, stoned, Antiq. xx. ix. 1. Janias, king of Egypt, Against Apion, 1. sect. 14. J.iphet, Ant q. i. iv. 1 ; what countries his soBS possessed, c. vi. sect 1. Jarden, a woodland, surrounded by Bassus, War, vii.vi. 5. lared, Antiq. i. i. 2; c. iii. sect 2. lason, or Jesus, Antiq. xii. v. 1. lason, son of Eleazar, Antiq. xiu x. 6. lavan, Antiq. i. vi. I. I >har. or Jehan, son of David, Antiq. vii. iii. 3. Ibis, an animal in Egypt that destroys serpents, Antiq. ii. X. 2. Ihzan, a judge of Israel, after Jephthah, Antiq. v. vii. 13, 14. Ifle, a freed woman, Antiq. xviii. iii. 4; is hanged, ib. Idumeans, Antiq. x-i. viii. 1; War. iv. iv. 1, 4, 5, H, 7; and vii viii 1; refuse to give the Israelites passage, Antiq. iv. iv. 5; turn Jews. xiii. ix. 1; are but half Jews, xiv. XV. 2; Coze their former idol, xv. viL9; celebrate the Jewish festivals, xvii. x. 2. leban. or Ibhar, David's son, Antiq. vii. iii. 3. lebosthus, or Ishbosheih, Saul's son, is made Jcing, An- iiq vii. L3; he is tieacherously murdered, c. ii. sect (.-cnliah, Antiq. ix. x. 3i Ifdidiah, king Josiah's mother, Antiq. x. iv. 4. IfUM, one of the posterity of Moses, Autiq. viL xiv. 10^ leiioabaz, king of Jodah, Antiq. x. v. 2; he die* in Egypt lb. Ichoaz, son of Jehu, king of Israel. Antiq. ix. viii. 1. lebuash, son of Ahaziah, saved, Antiq. ix. vii. 1; !« made king. sect. 2; murdered, c. viii. sect 4. <e oiachin. or Jeconiah, king of Judah, Antiq. x. v. 3. J hoiada, Antiq. vii. ii 2. l>-h'»iada. the liigh-priest, Antiq. x. viii. 6. •ehoiakim, king of Judah, Antiq. x. v. 2; c. vi. ; he re- IwU Hgainst the Babylonians, c. vi. sect. 2; he is slain bv Nebuchadnezzar, and cast out of the gate of J^eru- salem, sect 3. Jehonadab, an old friend of Jehn, Antiq. ix. vi. 5, Jehoram, king of Jnduh, Antiq. ix. iv 1, ice. leboram, king of Israel. Antiq. ix. ii. 2, his expedition asrainst the Moabites, c. iii. sect I ; bis distemper and death, c. V. sect. 2, 3; c. vi. sect 1. Jebosapbat, th« son of Aliitiib, Antiq. vii. v. 4. Jehosaphat a pious king of Judah, Antiq. viii. xv. Tj and ix. i. 1; pardoned for makint; an alliance with Ahab, ib. ; his fleet broken to pieces, c. i. sect 4; his death, c iii. seet 2. Jebothebah, sister of Abaziab, king of Judah, Antiq. ix. vii. 1. Jrbu, son of Nimshi. Antiq. viii. xiii. 7; is made king of Israel, Ix. vi. 1, &c.; hia actions, sect 3. &c ; he puts Baal't priaiU to death, ecct 0; be diM • viii. sect 1. Jehu the prophet, the son of Hannsi, Antiq. viii xif. 31. Jenae, David's son, Antiq vii. iii. ,3. Jephtha puts the Ammonites to flight Antiq. v. vii. 9^ 10; sacrifices his daughter (according to the opinion of Josephus), ib.; makes a great slaughter among the Ephraimites, sect. 11. Jeremiah, the prophet Antiq. x. v. 1; his lamentation, upon the death of Josiah, ib. ; his prophecy against Jerusalem, c. vi. sect 2; c. vii. sect 2, 3. tj; his scribe- Baruch, c. vi. sect 2; he is accused and di.scbarged ib.; his prophecy read in the temple, and his roll biirnt^ ib.; bis prophecy of the Jews' release from captivity, c. vii. sect 3; he" is put in prison, and thrown into the dungeon, sect 3. 5; is left with Bariich in Judca, alter Zedekiah's captivity, Antiq. x. ix. I. Jericho taken, Antiq. v. i. 5; its rebuilder cursed, sect 8; it is plundered by the Romans, xiv. xv. 3. Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, conspires against Solomon^ Antiq. viii, vii. 7; he is made king of the b-n tribes c viii. sect. 3. &c.; erects goiden calves, sect 4; his hand withered, sect 5j his expedition against Abij^ih, c. xL sect. 2: he dies, sect. 4. Jeroboam II. the son uf Joash king of Israel, Antiq. ix> X. 1; he makes war against the >yrians, ib. ; he uieSy sect 3. Jerusalem taken by David. Antiq. vii. iii. 1, &c.; whence that name was derived, sect. 2; besieg^d and taken b> the Bab\lonians, X. xii. 4, &c. ; c. viii. .sect 2* be- sieged and laken by Pompey, xiv. iv 2, &c. ; by Heri)d, and Sosius, c. xvi. sect. 2, 4; by Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, xii I ; how many times taken, \* ar. vi. x. 6; made tributary to the Ifomans, Antiq. xiv. iv. 4; level- led with the ground. War, vii. i. 1 j declared holy, in- violable, and free, b> Demetrius, king of Syria, Antiq. xiii. "i 3; two citadels therein, xv. vii. 8; who fiisi built it. War, vi. x; situated in the middle of Judeaj. iii iii. 5; set on fire by the Romans, vi. viii. 5: a fast kept there yearly, Antiq. xiv. xvi 4; as also when it was taken b> Pompey, and b> Herod, and >osius, c. iv, sect. 5; c. iv. sect 3; c. xvi. sect. 4; a Jebusite king of Jerusalem, with lour others, make war on the Gi- beonites, V. i. 27; they are put to flight by Joshua, ib.^ Jerusalem described. War, v. iv. ; Against Apion, i. seet. 22. Jerushah, Jotham's mother. Antiq. ix. xi. 2. Jessai, the son of Achimaaz, Antiq. vii. xii. 2. Jesse, the son of Ohed, and father of David, Antiq. vu viii. I. Jesns Christ, a testimony to him, Antiq. xviii. iii. Jesus the son of Phabet deprived of the high-priesthoofli. Antiq. vi. v 8. Jesus, son of Ananus^his ominous clamour, and deaths War, vi v. 3. Jesus, or Jason, Antiq. xii. v. 1, Jesus, the son of .Sapphias, governor of Tiberias, Life» sect. 12, 27 ; War. ii. xx. 4. • Jesus, brother of Unias, deprived of the high-priesthood by Antiochus I'piphanes, .Antiq. xv. iii. 1. Jesus, son of Gamaliel, made high-priest, Antiq. xx. ix. 4. Jesus, the eldest priest after Ananus, War, iv. iv, 3; c. V. sect. 2; his speech to the Idutneans, c iv. sect 3. Jesus, son ol Damneus, made high-priest, Antiq. xx. ix- Jesus, son of Gamala, Life, sect. 38, 41. Jesus, or Joshua, the son of Nun, Aniiq. iii. xiv. 4; be- comes the accessor of I\1o.ses,,iv. vii. 2; commands the Israelites against the Amalt kites,^ iii. ii. 3; propheries. in the liietinie of Mose.s. iv. viii. 4(5; leads the Israel- ites to the river Jordan, v. i. 1 ; consults about the partition ol the land, sect. 20, &c. ; his speech to the^ two tribes and half, sect 25; his death, sect. 29. Jesus, son of >aphat ringleader of the robbers, Lif»,^ sect 22; War, iii. ix. 7. ' Je.«us, son ot rhcbuthiis, a priest. War, vi. viii. 3. Jesus, son of Jozedek. Antiq. xi. iii. 10, Jethro the Midianite, Autiq. v. ii. 3. Jews Koverned of old by an aristocracy, Antiq. xiv. v. ♦; War, i. viii. S; Jewish priests carelul to marry accord, ing to their law. Against Apion, i. sect. 7; at Alexan- d'ia had equal privileges with the Greeks, War, ii» xviii. 7; are in great danger at Antioch, vii. iii. 3; at Ecbatuna, near Galilee, Lil'e^ sect II; are cut ofl" at Cesiirea, War, ii. xviii. 1; at Sc^tbopolix, seet 3; are in factions on account of the hmh-priesthood, Antiq. xii. v. I; are killed on the Sabbath-day, c. vi. sect. 2; Jews beyond Euphrates, xv. iii. I; at Alexandria i» Egypt and Cyprus, xiii. x. 4; go to war under Alex, ander tb« Great, v viii, 6; ar« carried ioto Egypt bf INDEX. 869 Ptolemy Lafi, xii. i. 1; are banished Rome, xviii. iil. O; bfesii'« to be a Roman province, xvii. xi. 2; are favoured by Seleucus Nicator, xii. iii. I ; by Vespasian and Titus ser*. 1, 2; by Marcus Agrippa. sect. 2; by Amiochus, the Great, ib.; are shut up in the Hippo- ilrom<r, but afterwards released, xvii. viii. 2; pray for the welfare of the Spartans, xiii. v. «; Antiochus, a 'ew, accuses his own father at Antioch, War, vii. iii.- 3; Jews have privileges granted them by the kings of ^sia, Antiq. xv. vl 1 ; Egyptians and Tyrians chiefly kated the Jews, Against Apion, L sect 13j Demetrius remits them part of their tribute, Antiq. xiii. iL3; Jews at Alexandria are allowed an ethnarcb, or alabarcb, xiv. vii. 2; are allowed to gather their sacred collec- tions at Rome, c. x. sect. 8; enjoy their liberty under the Romans, only are to pay their taxes, xviii. ii. 2; are derived from the same orii;in with the Spartans, xii. iv. 10; have their own laws under Alexander the Great, xi. viii. 5; ar» prohibited to meddle with foreign women, xii iv. 6; are very tenacious of their own laws. Against Apion, i. sect. 22; their ambassadors' place tt Rome in the theatre, Antiq. xiv. x. 6; are numerous at Alexandria, c. vii sect 2; at Babylon, xv. ii. 2; the form of their government, xi. iv. 8; their quarrel with the Syrians at Cesarea about their privileges, xx. viii. 9; their marriages, Against Apion, ii. sect. 24; they had a synagogue at Antioch, War, vii. iii. 3; their pri- vileges under the Romans, Antiq. xvi, ii. 4; they send «n embassy to Caesar, against Archelaus, xvii. xi. 1; the Asiatic J^-ws send an embassy to Caesar, xvi. vL 1 ; t great slaughter of Jews, xviii. ix. 9; War, i. xviii. 3, &c. ; and vii. viii. 6: their calamities in Mesopotamia »nd Babylonia, Antiq. xviii. ix. 1: beginning of the Jewish war, xx. xi. 1; antiquity of the Jewish rites, XV. ii. 4; towns in Syria. Phoenicia, and Idumea, be- tonging to the Jews. xiii. xv. 4. •cabcl, Ahab's wife. Antiq. viiL xiii. 4; is torn to pieces by dogs, ix. vL 4. Jezaniah, Antl(^. x. ix. 2. Jidlaph, Antiq. i. vi. 5. Ima&ies. or brazen oxea, were not lawful to be made by Solomon, in the opinion of Josephus, Antiq. viii. vii. 5; images of aaimals are against the Jewish law, xv. viii; c. ix. sect. 6; War, i. xxxiii. 2; to set them up, or consecrate them, was forbidden the Jews, Antiq. iii. vi. 2; and xvi. vi. 2. Impostors throughout Jud^a, Antiq. xx. viii. 5. Incense only to be offered by tho posterity of AaroD, An- tiq. ix. X. 4. I f.. to m„r^B,f>H in F.gyp^' Anti;}. i;. is. 2. Innocence makes men courageous. AnUq. xii vi;. 1. Joab. general of David's army. Antiq vii. i. 3; takes the citadel of Jerusalem, c. iii. sect. I; conspires with Adonj.ah, r. xiv. s«Tt. 4. &c. Joathan, or Jotbam, high-piiest, Antiq. viii. L 3rand X, viii. 6. Joazor, son of Boethus, high-priest, Antiq. y vii vL4; and xviii. i. 1 ; c. iii. sect. 1 ; is deprived by At<bcAb<, xvii. xiii. 1; and xviii. 2, 1. Johanan. the son of Kaieah, Antiq. x. ix. 2; be pnrwjeB after IsKmael, sect. 5. John Hvrcanus. See Hyrcanus. !john the Baptist, put to death by Herod, Antiq. xvilt v. * 2. John, the son of Dorcas, W ar, iv. iii. 5. John, called Gaddis, Jonathan's brother, is kitled, Antiq. xiii. 1. 2. John, son of Levi, rebuilds Gischala, Life, sect. 10; War, ii. XX. 6; and vii. viii. 1 ; an enemy to Jo.-iephus, Life, .lect 13, &c.; sect 23; War, ii. xxi. 1; aims at abso- lute dominion, iv. iii. 13; c vii. sect 1. John, son of Sosas, War, iv. iv. 2. John the Essen, War, ii. xx. 4; and iii. iL L John, son of Judas, high-priest, Antiq. xi. vii. 1; mur- ders bis brother in the temple, sect 2. John, captain of the Idumeans, killed. War, v. vu 6. John, son of Eliasib, Antiq. xi. v. 4. John, or Johannan, son of Kareah, Antiq. x. xi. 2; pur- sues after Ishmael, sect 6. Joktan. > ntiq. L vu 4. Jonadab. Ammon's kinsman, Antiq. vii. viii. 1; son of Samea.«, sect iii; he kills a giant, c. xii. sect. 2. Jonas, the prophet Antiq. ix x. 1. &c Jonathan, son of Ananus, Antiq. xix. vi. 4; refuses the high-priesthood, ib. ; his actions \\ ar. ii. xii. 5, &c.; he is murdered by the Sicari', c. xiii. sect 3. Jonathan, called Apphu%thc \laccabee. A iiliq. xii. vi. 1 .- h- maVrs a league with Anii<K:hus Rnj-atur, War, i. ii. Ij is surprised by Trypho, aud killed, lb. { Jonathan, son of Saul, beats a garrison of the Philistines Antiq. vi. si. 2; reconciles Saul to David, c. xi. seel 2; his conference with David, sect, 27; is slain in bat- tle by the Philistines, Antiq. vi. xiv. 7. Jonathan, a .sadducee, provokes Hyrcanus against the Pharisees, Antiq. xiii. x. (3. Jonathan, a Jew, challenges the Romans to a single com bat War, vu ii. 1; be is killed by Priscus, ib. Jonathan, the son of Abiather, Antiq. vii. ix. 2. Jonathan, ringleader of the Sicarii, War, vii. xi. L Jonathan, the high-priest, murdered by the order of Ft iix, Antiq. XX. viii. ^ -» Jonathan the Maccabee, made commander of the Jews* after Judas, Antiq. xiiL i. 1; with bis brother Simon ■" defeats the Nabateans, sect 4; makes peace with Bac- chides, sect. 6; restores the divine worship, c ii. sect 1, &c.; defeats Demetrius's captains, sect 7; renews the league with the Romans and Spartans, c. v. sect 8; his letter to the Spartans, ib.; he is killed by Try- i^ho, c vi. sect. 5. Joppa, taken by the Romans, War, ii. xviii. 10; demo- lished, iii. ix. 2. Joram, high-priest, Antiq. X. viii. 6. Jordan, the Israelites pass over it, Antiq. i. 3. Jozedek, high-priest at the captivity, Antiq. x. viii. 6. Joseph, son of Zaocharias, Antiq. xii. viii. 6. Joseph, son of Antipater, Antiq. xiv. viu 2; War, i. viii. 9. Joseph Cabi, son of Simon the high-priest, Antiq. xx. viii. 11; he is deprived, c. ix. sect 1. Joseph, son of Gamus, is made high-priest, Antiq. xx. 3; he is deprived, c v sect 2. Joseph, called Caiaphas, is made high-priest, Antiq. xviii. ii. 2; c. iv. sect 6, Joseph, the son of a female physician, stirs up a sedition at Gamala, Life, sect. 37. Joseph, son of Daleu.% War, vi. v. 1. Joseph, the son of Eilemus, o(!i iates for Matthias the high-priest, Antiq. xvii. vi. 4. Joseph, a relation of Archelaus. War, ii. v. 2. Joseph, a treasurer, Antiq. xv. vi. o. Joseph, son of Gorion, War. ii. xx. 3. Joseph, Herod's uncle, Antiq. xv. iii. 5; he marries Sa- lome, Herod's sister. War, i. xx. 4; he discovers his injunction to kill Mariamne, and is put to death, An- tiq. XV, iii. 3; War, i. xxii. 4. Joseph, Herod's brother, Antiq. xiv. xv. 4; and xviii. v. 4; he is sent into Idumea, xiv. xv. 4; War, i. xvi. Ij his death, Antiq. xiv. xv. 10; War, i, xvii 1, 2. Joseph, son of Joseph, Herod's brother, Antiq. xviii. t. 4. Joseph, son ofTobia.s reproaches his uncle Onias, An- tiq. xii. iv. 2; goes on an embassy to Ptolemy, ib.; becomes his tax-gatherer, sect 4; goes to Syria to gather the taxes, sect. 3; his wealth and children, sect 6; begets Hyrcanus on bis brother's daughter, ib. ; dies, sect 10. Joseph, son of Jacob, bis dreams, Antiq. iu ii. 1, &c.; he is sold to the Ishmaelites.c. iii. sect 3; his chastity, c. iv. sect 4 ; he is put iu prison, c. v. sect 1 ; he is re- leased, sect 4; he discovers his brethren, c vi. sect. 2; he tries them, c. v sect "; he discovers himself to them, sect. 10; his death, c. viii. sect. 1. Jo^ephus, son of Mattathius, made governor of Galilee, War, ii. xx. 4; his danger at Tariche^e, c. xxi. sect. 3; he reduces Tiberias by a stratagem, sect 8, 9; is in great danger again, v. xiii. 3; his mother laments him as dead. ib. ; his speech to the Taricheans, Life, sect 29; his stratagems, sect. 30, 32, 44, 43, 51, 38, 63 ; War, Iii. vii. 13; he escapes a great danger, sect 29, 30; he goes to 1 ioerias. sect 33; his wonderful dream, sect 42; he goes to Taricheae, sect. 34, 39; his father put in chains, v. xiii. 1; his love to his country, vL vii. 2; be is betrayed by a woman, iii. vii. 1 ; he surrenders him- seit to Nicanor, sect 4; his speech to his companions, sect 5, he is in danger of bis-life, sect. 6; be advises the casting ol lots, sect?; he is carried to Vespasian, >ect 8; tiis speech to Vespasian, sect. 9; he is honoured by Vespasian and 'litus, ib. ; Life, sect. 73; by Domi- tian and I loinitia, sect 73; he is set at liberty, War, iv. X. 7; his speeches to the Jews, advising them to sar- renrler. v. ix. 2; and vi. ii 1; he is accused of a con- spiracy, vii. xi. 1; Titus gives him lands in, Judea. Life, sect 73; be had in all three wive.t, sect 73; bis children, sect. 7.j; he was greatly skilled ib Hebrew and Greek learning, Antiq. xx. xi. 2; of the sect of the Pharisees, Life, sect. 2; he gies to Rome, sect 3; be is made governor of Galilee, sect 7; frees the Seppbor- itec from lear, sect 8; stays in Galilee, sect ii; bi» 870 INDEX. moderafion, sect. 15; his desiijn in writing the Anti- quities, Aritiq. xiv. i. 1; his diligence in writing his- tory, ib. ,- he promises other works, Antiq. Pref, sect. 4; and XX. xi. ; and a book of Jewish customs and their reasons, iv. viii. 4; when he finished the Anti- quities, XX. xi. i; when he was born, Life, sect. Ij his conduct to Galilee, sect. 8, &c. ; he appeals to Ves- pasian. Titus, and others, for the truth of his history, Against Apion, i. sect. 9. Joshua, the son of Nun. See Jesus. Joshua, sou of Sie, high-priest, Antiq. xvii. xiii. 1. Josiah, klngof Judah, his piety, Antiq. x. iv. 1; his death, c. V. sect. 1. iotapata besieged, taken and demolished. War, iii. vii. 3-36. Jotham, son of Gideon, his parable to the Shechemites, Antiq. v. vii. 2. Jotham, king of Judah, Antiq. ix. xi. 2; his death, c. xii. sect. 1. Ireneus the pleader, Antiq. xvii. ix. 4. Iron, harder than gold, or silver, or brass, Antiq. x. x.4; blunted by slaughter, xiii. xii. 5. Isaac, Antiq. i. x. 5. Isaiah. See Esaiah. Ishbosheth, son of Saul, is made king, Antiq. vii. i. 3; he is murdered by treachery, c. ii. sect. 1. Ishmaei, Antiq. i. x. 4. Ishmael, son of Nethaniah, murders Gedaliah, the son of Ahikam, Antiq. x. ix. 3, 4. Isis, her temple polluted and demolished, Antiq. xviii. iii. 4. Israel. See Jacob. Israelites, numbered, Antiq. iii. xii. 4; and vii. xiii. 1; their religious zeal slackened, v. ii. 7; they are carried captive into Media and Persia, Antiq. ix. xiv. 1. Istob, or Ishtob, king, Antiq. vii. vi. 1. Isus, high-priest, Antiq. x. viii. 6. Ithamar, son of Aaron, Antiq. iii. viii. 1; his family, vii. XIV. 7; it loses ttie high-priesthood, Antiq. viii. i. 3. Ithobalus, or Eihbaal, king of Tyre, Antiq. viii. xiii. 1, 2; Against Apion, i. sect. 8, 21. Juba, king of Lybia, Antiq. xvii. xiii. 4. Juhal, Antiq. i. ii. 2. Jubilee, Antiq. iii. xii. 3. Jucundus, one of Herod's life-guards, raises a calumny against Alexander, Antiq. xvi. x. 3. Jucundus (iEmilius), War, ii. xix. 7. Jucundus. captain of horse. War, ii. xiv. 5. Judadas, or Dedan, Antiq. i. vi. 2. Judea, it begins at Coreae, Antiq. xiv. iii. 4; a great eaithquake in Judea, xv. v. 2; its fertility, Against Apion, i. sect. 22; contains 3,000.000 of acres of good land, ib. ; its description. War, iii. iii. ; length, breadth, and limits, sect. 5; but lately known to the Greeks, Against Apion, i. sect. 12; when first so called, Antiq. ix. V. 7; abounding with pasture, xv. v. 1; War, iii. iii. 2; taken from Archelaus, and annexed to Syria, Antiq. xviii. i. 1 ; parted by Gabinius into five jurisdic- tions, xiv. V. 4; entirely subdued and pacified by Titus, War, vii. x. 1 ; made tributary to the Romans, Antiq. xiv. iv. 5. Judas, the Essen, a prophet, Antiq. xiii. xi. 2; War, i. iii. 4. Jndas, a Galilean or Gaulonite, the author of a fourth sect among the Jews, Antiq. xviii. i. 1, 2, 6; and xx. V. 2; N\ ar, ii. viii. I. Judas, son of Jairus, is slain, War, vii. vi. 5. Judas, son of Aminadah, Antiq. xi. iv. 2. Judas the Maccabee, Antiq. xii. vi. 1; succeeds Matthias his father, sect. 4; War, i. I, 3; his speech to his men before a battle, Antiq xii. vii. 3; he is victor, sect. 4; he comes to. Jerusalem, and restores the temple wor- ship, sect R, &c. ; takes vengeance on thr Idumeans and others, xii. viii. 1; besieges the citadel at Jerusa- lem, c ix. sect. 3; is made high-priest, c. x, sect. <i; makes an alliance With the Romans, ib, ; fights Bac- cliides. c. xi. sect. 1 ; is killed in the battle, sect. 2. Judas, sjn of Cha»)seus, Antiq xiii. v, 7. 'udas. son of Sariphus, or Sepphoreus, Antiq. xviii. x. 6{ War, i. xxxiii. 2. Jndas, son of H anih, high-priest, Antiq. xi. vii. 1. Jodas, son of F.zechias, ringleader of the robbers, Antiq xvii. X. 4; War, ii. iv. 1. Judiie* of the Hebrews, single governors, Antiq. ix. iv. 8. Judtrcft at Jenisalem, the Sanhedrim, r nliq. xi, i. 1. udees of the council in Syria and Phoenicia. Antiq. xi. ii, I i seven inferior judges in every city, but an app<>al from them to the great Sanhedrim at Jerusalem, Aotiq. It. viii. 14. Juclus, high-priest, Antiq. x. viii. 5. Julia, or Livia, Augustus Casar's wife, Antiq. xvt V. 1 and xvii. L I. Julia, Cains' sister, Antiq. xix. iv. 3. Julian of Bithynia, a valiant captain, War, vL i. 8. Julius Caesar's letter to the Sidouians, with his and other decrees in favour of the Jews, See Decrees. Julius Lupus, Antiq. xix. ii. 4. Julias, commander of a Roman legion, Antiq, xv. iii. 7. Jupiter Hellenius' temple upon Mount Gerizzim, Autiq. xii. v. 5. Jupiter the conqueror's temple, Antiq. xiv, iv. 3. Jupiter Olympius' temple. Against Apion, i. sect 17j his statue, Antiq. xix. i. 1. Justus, son of Josephus, Life, 75. Justus of Tiberias, the historian, Life, sect 65; when they published his history, ib. ; he is condemned by Vespasian, but saved by king Aurippa, Life, sect. 74. Justus, son of Pistus, stirs up sedition. Life, sect 9; his character, ib. Izates, son of Queen Helena, embraces the Jewish reli- gion, Antiq. xx. ii. 1, 4; is circumcised, sect 5; con- quers his enemies, c. iv. sect 1, 2; succeeds Monoba- zus, c. ii. sect 3; he dies, c. iv. sect. 3; his childien and brethren are besieged in Jerusalem, War, vL vi. 1. Kareah, Antiq. x. ix. 1. Kemuel, son of Nahor, Antiq. i. vi. 5. Keturah, Abraham's last wife, Antiq. i. xv. 1. King, his principal qualifications, Antiq. vii. xv.2; three duties of a good king, piety towards God, justice to- wards his subjects, and care of the public welfare, ix, xi. 2; need not give an account of his actions in the opinion of Antony, xv. iii. 8; should be eminently good, vi. xiv. 4. King Solomon's palace, Antiq. vii. v. 1. Kings of David's race, how many, Antiq. x. viii. 4. Kingdom, a reward of virtue, Antiq. vi. viii. I. Kitim, Antiq. i. vi. 1. Korah, raises a sedition, Antiq. iv. ii. 2j perishes with his followers, c. iii. sect. 3. Laban, son of Bethuel, Antiq. i. vi. 5; his fraud, c. xix. sect 7. Labour, nothing gotten without it, Antiq. iii. ii. 4. Laborosoarchod, or Labosordacus, Antiq. x. xi. 2; Against Apion, i. sect. 20. Lacedemonians derived from Abraham, as well as the Jews, Antiq. xii. iv. 10; and xiii. v. 8. Lamech, Antiq. i. ii. 2. Language (abusive) not to he punished with death, An- tiq. xiii. X. 6. I-anguages confounded, Antiq. i. iv. .3. Laodice, queen of the Gileadites, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 4. Laodiceans, their letter to Caius Ruhilius, in favour o( the Jews, Antiq. xiv. x. 20. Lasthenesj a Cretian, Antiq. xiii. iv. 3, 9. Laws given the Israelites by Moses upon Mount Sinai, Antiq. iii. &c. ; and iv. viii. 2, &c ; to be read on tiie feast of tabernai;le.s iv. viii. 12; to be learned by chil- dren before all things, ib. ; to be written in the mind and memory, ib. ; forbid the punishment of childrep for their parents' crimes, ix. ix. 1; for a rebellious son to be stoned, xvi. xi. 2; martial laws. Against Apion, ii. sect. 29; the tables of the law, or ten commandments, Antiq. iii. v. 4; law of Moses translated into Greek under Ptolemy Philadelphus, Antiq. Pref sect 3; and xii. ii. 2, &c. ; law made by Herod to sell thieves to foreigners, xvi. i. 1 ; law carried in triumph at Rome, War, vii. v. 5. Laws among the Persians left to the interpretation of seven persons, Antiq. xi. vi. 1. Lentulus' decree in favour of the Jews, Antiq. xiv. x, 13. I.epidus, killed by Caius, Antiq. xix. i. 6. Lepidus (Larcius), War, vi. iv. 3. Leprous persons obtain places of honour among several nations, Antiq. iii. xi. 4; are to live out of cities, by the Samaritan and Jewish laws, ix. iv. 5; they resolve in a famine to go over to the enemy, ib. Letters of the Alphabet, whether brought into Greece by Cadmus and the Phoenicians, Against Apion, i. sect 2. l.etters of Solomon, and Hiram and the Tyrians, Antiq. viii. ii. 6,7; of Xerxes king of the Persians to Ezra, xi. V. 1 5 of Artaxerxes to the Rovernors near Juden, c. ▼i. sect 12; of .\ntiochus the Great to Ptolemy Fpi- phanes, xii. iii. 3j of the Sarnaritans to Antiochuj Theoa. o v. sect 5; of Alexander B«lus to Jonathan, INDEX. xS. ii 2; of OniM to Ptolemy and Cleopatra, c, iii. sect. 1 1 o/ Ptolemy and Cleopatra to Onias, sect. 2; of Uemetrius to Jonathan and the Jews, c. iv. sect. 9: of Julius Cassar to the Koman mainstrates, xiv. x. 2, &c.; asd to the Sidonians. ib.; of Mark Antony to th« I'y- rians, c. xii. sect. 4, o. Lcrites exempted from military functions, Antiq. iii. xii. 4. Invite's concubine abused by the inhabitants of Gibeah, Amiq v. xi. 8. Levitical tribe consecrated by Moses, Antiq. iii. xi. 1; their allowance, iv. iv. 3, &c; how many cities he- lonsjed to theni, ib. I.iberins Maximus, Kovemor of J udea. War, vi. vi. 6. Liberty granted the Jews by Demetrius, Antiq. xiiL ii. Libyos, Antiq. L vi 2. Longinus, a tribune. War, ii. xix, 7. I-ontjinus' bravery. War, v. vii. 3. Lonpus a violent Roman, kills himself War, vl. iii. 2. Lot. Antiq. i. vi. o; c ix. Lot's wife, Antiq. i. xi. 4. Lucilius Kassus takes Macherus, War, vii, vi. 1 — 6. Lucullus, Antiq. xiii. xv. 4. Lupus, governor of Alexandria, War, viu x. 2. Lupus, Julius, a conspirator, is put to death, Antiq. xix. ii. 4, 5. Lycurgus, Against Apion, ii. sect 31, Lydda burnt, War, ii. xix. 1. Lysanias, son of Ptolemy, is pat to death, Antiq. xv, iv. 1; War. i. xiii. 1. Lysias, commander of Antiochus' army, Antiq. xiL vii. 2, &c. Lysimijchus obtains the government of the Helkspont, after the death of Alexander, Antiq. xiu L Maacah, Rehoboam's wife, Antiq. viii. x. 1. Maacahah, son of N'ahor, by his concubine Reuma, An- tiq. u vi. .5. Maaseiah, son of Ahaz, slain in battle, Antiq. ix, xii. 1. Maaseiah, governor of the city, Antiq. x. iv. 1. Rlaccahees, their history, Antiq. xii. vL I, &c. Macedonians, governed by a Roman proconsul. War, ii. xvi. 4. Macheras, Anliq, xiv. xv. 7, 10; War, i. xvi. 6, 7; c. xvii. sect 1, &c. Wacberus surrenders to Bassus, in order to set Eleaiar at liberty, \^ ar, viu vL 4- Machines, or engines of the Romans, War, r. vL 2; for CMSting stones, of how great force, Wat, iiL viu 23. Machir, Antiq. vii. v. 5. Madai. or Medes, Antiq. i. vi. 1. Madianites, or Midianites, bring Israel into subjection, Antiq. v, vi. 1; Moses makes war upon them and beats them, iv. vii. 1; their women seduce the laraelites, c vii. sect. 6. IVTagician, War, it xiiL 5. Wagi>g, Antiq. L vL 1- Mahalaleel, Antiq i. iii 2. Mahlon, son of EUmelech, Antiq. v. ix. I. Malaleel, Antiq. i iii. 4. Malchishua, son of Saul, Antiq. vi. xiv. 7. Malchtis, or Malichus, kin? of the Arabians, Antiq. xiii. V. 1; xiv. xiv. I, &c; War, i. xiv. 1. Malichus. a Jewish commander, Antiq. xiv. v. 2; War, ;. viii. 3: c xt sect 'J, &c. ; he poisons Antipater, An- tiq. xiv. xi. 4 : he is a gr'*af dissembler, sect. 4, 5,- he is killed by a device of Merod, sect. 6. MalthacA Archelaws' mother, dies, Antiq. xvii. x, 1; she was a Samaritan, and Herod's wife. War, L xxviii. 4. Mambres, or Mamre, Antiq. i. x- 2. Manaem, or Manahem, Antiq. ix. xi. I. Manaheni, an Essen, Antiq. xv x. 5. Manahem, son of Judas the Galilean, Life, sect. 5; War, ii. xvii. 8, &c. Manasses. king of Judah, Antiq. X- iii. 4, &c.; he is car- ried into captivity, sect 2; he is sent back to his king- dom, and dies, ib Manasses, brother of Jadus, marries the daughter of San- ballet Antiq. xi. vii, 2, &c.! he is made high-priest among the Samaritans, xii. iv, L Manlius (Locius), son of Lucius, Antiq. xiii. ix. 2. Manna rained from heaven, Antiq. iii. i.6; the signifi- cation of the woid, ib. ; a sort of manna fell in Arabia in the days of Jo«phus, ih. Manneus, son of l.aKarus, War, v. xiii- 7. Manoach, Antiq. v. viii. 2. Manslaiighter, suspected, how purged among the Jews, Autiq. iv viii. lb. mi Marcellus, Antiq. xviii. iv. 2. Marcus, or .Murcus, president of Syria, after Sextus Cse sar, Antiq xiv. xi, 1, &c,; War, i. x, 10, &c. Maria, a noble woman, eaU her own child, V\ ar, vi iii. 4, Mariamne, Agripffi senior's daughter by Cypros, Anliq. xviii, V. 4; War, ii. xi. a Mariamne, or Miriam. Moses' sister, dies, Antiq iv. iv. C Mariamne, is married to Herod, War. i. xii. 3; she gruw angiy with Herod, Antiq. xr. viii, I, &c,; V'U!, xxii 2; her temper, Anti^. xv. vii. 4; slit is put t* death, sect 4, 5; her eulogium, sect 6: her sons stran gled, War, i. xxvii. 6. Mariamne, daughter of Josephus and Olympias, Antiq. xviii. V, 4. Mariamne, daughter of Simon the high-priest. War, i. xxviii, 4, Mariamne. daughter of Agrippa senior, married to Ar- chelaus, Antiq. xx. vii. 1; divorced. V» ar, ii. vii. 4; afterwards married to Demetrius, Antiq. xx. viu 3. Marion, tyrant of the Tyrians, Antiq, xiv. xii, I. Marriage of tree men with staves unlawful among t*-e Jews, Antiq, iv. viii. 2:1. Marriage contracts, altered by Herod at Antipater's de- sire, Antiq xvii. i. 2. Marsus. president of Syria, Antiq. xix. vu 4; c vii. sccc 2; and c. viiL sect I. Mars>as, freedman of Agrippa, Antiq. xviiu vi. 3, 7, 10. Marullus. master of the hor.«e, Antiq. xviiu vu 10. Margenus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, i. sect Mattathias. great grandson of Asamonens. the father ol the Maccabees, Antiq. xii. vu 1 ; refuses to ofier sacri- fice to an idol, sect 2; persuades the Jews to fight on the Sabbath day. ib. ; exhorts his sons to defend the law, sect. 3i he dies, secu 4. Mattathias, son of Absalom, Antiq, xiii. v. 7. Matthias made high-priest Antiq. xix vi. 4. Matthias Curtus, one of J osephus's ancestoi-s. Life, sect, Matthias, son of Margalothus or Margahis, Antiq. xvii, vu 2; War, i, xxxiii 2; he and his {Tartners are burn* alive, Antiq. xvii. vi. 4. Matthias, son of Theophilus, made bigh-priest, Anliq xvii- iv. 2; and xx. ix. 7; he is deprived, xvii vi. 4. Matthias, Josephus's father, 1-ife, sect 1 Matthias, son of Boethius, calls in Simon to his assis- tance, and is afterwards put to death by him, War, v xiii. L Mathusala, Antiq. i. iii. 4. Maximus (I.iberins). governor of J udea. War, vii. vi. 6. Maximus (Trvbelffus), Antiq. xix. ii. 3. Meal, the purest used in the Jewish oblations, Antiq. iii. ix, 4. Megassarus, War, v. xi, 5. Meirus, son of Belgas, War, vi. v, 1. Mela, an anibass;idor of Archelaus. Antiq. xvi. x. 6. Melchisedec, entertains Abram, Antiq. i. x. 2. Memucan, one of the seven princes of Persia. Antiq. x; vi, 1. Menedemus, the philosopher, Antiq. xiu ii. 12, Menelaus, or Onias, Antiq. xii. vi. 1. Menes, or Mineus, built Memphis, Antiq. viii. vi. 2. Men's lives had been happy, if Adam had not sinned. A i liq. i. i. 4. Mephibosheth, son of Jonathan, is highly favoured h Oavid, Antiq. vii, v. 5; c xi. sect. 3. Mephramuthosis, king of Egypt Against Apion, u seit Mephres, king of Egypt Against Apion, i, sect 15. Meraioth, son of Joatham. Antiq, viii, i. 3. Merbalus. king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, u sect 21 Mesa, or Mash, Antiq. u vu 4. Mesha, king of Moab, Antiq. ix. iii. 1. Meshech, or Mosocb, Antiq, u vi. 1. Meshech, one of the three holy children, Antiq. X. x. I. Messalus, Antiq. xiv. xiv. 4. Messalina, wife of Claudius, Antiq. xx. viii, 1 ; War, ii xii. & Mestrasi, or Mitzraim, Egyptians. Antiq. i, vL 2. Metilius, a Roman commander. War. ii. xvii. 10. Micah the prophet, quoted in Jeremiah. Antiq. x. vi. 2, Micaiah, the prophet, Aniiq. viii, xiv. 5; he is pat to prison, ib. Mice spoil the cquntry of Ashdod, Antiq. vi, L 1{ fire golden mice, sect. 2. Mica, son of Mephibosheth, Antiq. viii. v. 5. Michal, Satirs danahler, married to David, Antiq. vu x. 3j she save4 David's life, c xi sect 4 872 DTDEX. Midlanites. See Madlanitea. Milcah, wife of Nahor, Antiq. i. t1. 5. Milk with the firstlings of the flock, offered by Abel, Antiq. L iL I. MinucianuB (Annins), Antiq. xix. i.^B, 8, Ac MinucianuB (Marcus), Antiq. xix. It. 3. .Miracles, a foundation of credibility, Antiq. x. ii. 1. JILsael, one of the three holy children, Antiq. x. x. 1. Mithridates Antiq. «. i. 3. Mithridates, king of Pergamus, Antiq. xiv. vui. 1 ; briugs succours to Caesar in F.gy pt, ib. ; War. i. ix. 3. Mithridates Sinax, king of Parthia, Antiq. xiii. xiv. 3. Mittiridates, king of Pontiis, dies, Ant;q. xiv. iii. 4. Mithridates, a Parthian, niarries king Artabanus' daugh- ter, Antiq. xviii. ix. 6; lie is taken prisoner by Anileus, ib. ; and set at liberty, ib. ; his expedition against the Jews, sect 7; be routs Anileus, ib. Mitsraim, Antiq. i. vi. 2. Mudius. ^quiculus. Life. sect. II, 24, 3S, Miinnbazus, king of Adiabene, Antiq. xx. iL I; War,ii. xix. i; his death, Aniiq. xx. ii. 3. Moon eclipsed,. Antiq. xvii. vi. 4. Muses, his character, Antiq Pref sect. 4; his birth fore- told, iu ix. 2, 3; bow born, and saved alive, sect. 4 ; why called illoi/scs, or Afos**-, sect, ri; Against Apion, i. sect. 31; adopted by Vhermuthis. Antiq ii. ix 7; brought up to succeed her father, ib.; tramples the crown under his feet, ib.; he is made general of the Rgyptian array, and beats the Ethiopians, c. x. sect. 1, 8cc.: he marries Tharbis, the king ol Ethiopia's daugh- ter, sect. 2; he flies ont of Egypt, c. xi. sect. 1; he as- sists Raguel's daughters against the sheptierds, sect. 2; sees the burning bush at >inai, c. xii. sect. 1 ; is ap- pointed to be the deliverer of the Israelites, sect. 3; he does miracles, and bears the most sacred name of God, sect. 3, 4; he returns to E^ypt, c. xiii. sert. I ; he works miracles before Pharaoh, sect. 2, &c.; he leads the Is- raelites out of Egypt, c. xv. sect. 1; how many were their numbers, ib.; how old he was at that time, sect. 2j his prayer to God, c. xvi. sect. 1; he leads the Is- raelites throuRh the Red Sea, sect. 2; he makes the bitter water sweet, iii. i. 2; he procures the Israelites quails and manna, sect. 5, 6; c xiii.; he brings water out of the rock, c. L sect 7 ; he beats the Amalekites, c. iii. sect. 4; be brings to the people the tables of the covenant, c. v. sect 8; he stays forty days upon Mount Sinai, ib. ; bis so long stay causes great doubts and uneasiness among the people, sect. 7 ; he conlieis the priesthood on Aaron, c. viii. sect 1; o8ers sacrifices at the tabernacle, sect 6, 10; receWes laws and com- mands at the tabernacle, sect. 10; consecrates to God the tribe of Levi, c. xi. sect 1, &c. ; numbers the peo- ple, c. xii. sect 4 ; gives orders for their marching, ib. &c. ; sends spies to search the land of Canaan, c. xiv. sect. I, &c.; quells the faction of Corah, iv. ii. 3, &c. ; his justice, c. iii. sect 1 ; his prayer to God, sect. 2; he cleanses the people, c. iv. sect G ; be destroys sihon and Og. c. t. sect 3; he defeats the kings of Midian, c vii. sect. 1; be appoints Joshua to be his successor, sect 2; his pred ctions before his death, c. viii. sect. 2; bis song in hexameter verse, sect. 44; a recapitulation of his laws, c. vii.; he binds the Israelites by an oath to observe them, sect 45; he blesses Joshua, and ex- horts him to leawl the Israelites courageously into the land of Canaan, sect 47; he is surrounded with a cloud and disappears, sect 48; bis death greatly lamented by thrt people for thirty days, sect 49; he is scandal- ized, as afflicted with the leprosy, iii. xi. 4; his great authority, c. xv. sect 3; his books laid up in the tem- ple, X. Iv. 2; what they contain. Against Apion, i.sect 6; called by Manetho, Charsiph, priest of Osiris of Heliopolis, sect. 26; allowed by tbe Egyptians to be a divine man, sect 51 ; the ages in which he lived, ii. sect 15; bis virtue and great actions, sect. 15, 16; bis posterity honoured by Oavid, Antiq. vii. xv. 7. Mosoch, or Mesech, Antiq. i. vi. I. Mucianus, president of Syria, Antiq. xii. iii. 1 ; War, iv. i. 5; c. ix. sectk 2; c. x. sect 6, 7; and c. xi. sect 1. Mule, the king's mule, Antiq. vii. xiv. 5. Mundui (Decius), ravishes Paulina, tbe wife of Satur- nina?, Antiq. xviii. iii. 4^ M ureas. See Marcus. Mus cal instruments of the Jews, the Cynara ?)a»l8,and Cymbalnm. described, Antiq. vii. xii. 3. Mysian war. War, vii. iv. 3. Mytijonus, king of Tyre, Against Apion, i. sect 21. Saamah, an AmraonttMa, tb« m«th«ti of lUhoboam, An- tla. vHL viii 1. Naamah, daughter of Lamech, Antiq. i. ii. 2. Naash, or Nahash, king of th^ Ammonites, Antfq. tS. vi. 1 ; his war against the Israelites, vi. v. 1. Nabal, a foolLsh man, Antiq. vi. xiii. 6. Naboandelus, or Nabonadius, or Balta^ar, king of Ba- bylon, Antiq. x. xi. 2; Against Apion. i. sect. 20. Nabolassar, or NabopoUassar, king of Babylon, Against Apion, i. sect. 19. ftabutik, Antiq. viii. xiii. 8. Nebuchodonosor, or Nebuchadnezaar, king of Baby!on, Against Apion, i. sect. 19; he conquers a great partuf Syria, Antiq. x. vi. 1; he lays a tax upon the Jews, ib.; he takes and sacks Jerusalem, c. vi, sect :i; and c. viii. sect 1, &c. ; his famous dream or vision, c. 10, sect 3, Acc: his golden image, sect 5; he lives among tbe beasts of the field, sect 6; he dies. c. xi. sect 1. Nabuzardan, or Nebuzurdan, plunders and burns the temple, Antiq. x. viii. 5; his other memorable actionsy c. ix. sect 1. Nacebus, captain of the Arabians, Antiq. xtL ix. 2; e. X sect a Nachor, or Nahor, Antiq. i. vi 3. Nadab. son of Aaron, Antiq. iii. viii. 1,7. Nadab, king of Israel, alter Jeroboam, Antiq. viii. xi. 4. Nahum the prophet, Antiq. ix. xi. 3; bis prophecy coa~ cerning Aineveh, ib. Naomi, Elimelech's wife, Antiq. v. ix. I. Nathan, David's son, Antiq. vii iii, 3. Nathan, the prophet, Antiq. vii. iv. 4; c. vii, sect 3; c xiv. sect. 4. Nations dispersed, Antiq. i. v. 1 ; called by new names by the Greeks, ib. Nazarites, Antiq. iv. iv. 4; and xix. vi. 1. Neapolitans, Life, sect 24; War, ii. xvi. 2. Nechao, or Necho, king of Egypt, Antiq. x. vi. 1; he it conquered by Nebuchadnezzar, ib. Nehemiah, Antiq. xi. v. 6; his love to his country, ib.; he exhorts the people to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem^ sect 7; his deatli and eulotjium, sect. 8. Nehushta, mother of Jehoiachin. Antiq. x. vi, 3. Nephan, or Elhanan, Antiq. vii. xii. 2. Nergal-sharezer, Antiq. x. viii. 2. Neriah, high-priest, Antiq. x. viii. & Neriglissor, king of Babylon. Against Apion, i. sect 20. Nero made emperor. Antiq. xx, viii. 2; War, ii. xii. 8; a most cruel tyrant, Antiq. xx. viii. 2; his violent death. War, iv. ix. 2. Netir, a Galilean, War, iii. vii. 21. Nicanor. Antiq. xii. ii. 11 ; c. v. sect. 5; War, iii. viii. 2, &c. ; sent by Demetrius, against Judas. Antiq. xii. x, 4; defeated and killed, sect. 5. Nicanor, a friend of Titus, wounded with an arrow, War, V. vi. 2, Nicaso, married to Manasses. Antiq. xi. vii. 2. Nicause. or Nitocris, queen of F.gypt, Antiq. viii. vi. 2. Niceteria, or festival for the victory over Nicanor, Antiq. xii. X. 5. Nico (the conqueror), the name of tbe principal Romaa battering-ram. War. v. vii. 2. Nicolaus of Damascus, the Jews* advocate, Antiq. xii. iii. 2; and xvi. ii. 2; he is sent to Herod by Augustus, c. ix. sect. 4; his speech before Augustus in favour of Archel.ius, xvii. ix. (i; c. xi. sect. 3; War. ji. ii. tt; he exaggerates Antipater's crimes, xvii. v. 4; War, i. xxxii. 4; his brother Ptolemy, ii. ii. 3. Niger of Perea, War, ii. xix. 2; c. xx. sect. 4; and iii. ii. 1; and iv. vi. 5; his wonderful escape, iii. ii, 3. Niglissar, Antiq. x. xi. 2. Nimrod, or Nebrodes Antiq. i. iv. 2, &c. Nisroch, or Araske, a temple at Nineveh, Antiq. x. i. 6, Noe, or Noah, Antiq i. iii. 1; he is saved in the ark, sect. 2; invocates God after the deluge, sect. 7; (iod answers his prayer, sect. 8; laws given to him, ib. ; he is overtaken with wine.,c. vi. sect. 3; his genealogy, c. iii. sect. 2; his death, sect 9. Norous, of Heliopolis, 180 furlongs from Memphis, War, vii. X. a Norbanus Flaccus's letter to the Sardinians, in behalf of the Jews, Antjq. xvi. vi. G. Norbanus (another person) slain, Antiq. xix. i. 15. Numenius, son of Antiochus. Antiq. xiii. v. 8. Oaths prevail with Saul above natural aft'ection, Antiq. vi. vi. 4. Obadiah. a protector of the true prophets, Antiq. viii. xiii. 4, &c. Obedience to be leBrned before men nndcrULe goveru* metit, Antiq. iv viii. J. I Obodas, king of th* Araliiaoa, kvXvi. xiii. xiiL & INDEX. 873 OctaTio, danghter of Claudius, War, ii, xiL 8, Odeas, hiKh-priest. Antiq. x. viii. 3. Oded the propliet, Antiq. ix. xii. i, O?. kinjr of Bashan, Aniiq. iv. v. :); his iron b«^, ib. Oil us<*d in the .Fewisi) oblations, Antiq. iii. ix. 4; oil consumed by the seditious. War, ii. xiii. 6; oil pre- pkied by foreigners not used by the Jews, Antiq. xii. iil I : War, iu xxi. 2. Olympias, Herod's daughter by Malthace, a Samaritan, Antiq. xvii. L 3; she is married to Joseph, the son of Herod's brother. War, i. xxriiL 1, Olvmpius Jupiter's image, Antiq. xix. L 1, 2. Olympu:i sent to Home, Antiq. xvL x. 7, 9; War, L xxvii. I. * Omri, king of Israel. Antiq. viii. xiL 5. Oo, the son of Peleth, Antiq. iv. ii. 1. Onias, son of J add us, succeeds in the bigh-priesthood, Antiq, xu viii 7. Onias, the son of Simon, made high-priest, Antiq. xiL iv. I ; causes great troubles, sect. 1 1. Onias. brother of Jesus, or Jason, made high-priest, An- tiq. xii iv. I. Onias and Dositheus, two Jewisb captains, saved Egypt from ruin. Against Apion, ii, sect. a. Onia*, son of Onias. flies into Egypt, and there desires to build a J«-v?ish temple, Antiq. xiii. iii. 1, 3; War, i. i, 1; and vii. x, 3; bis letter to Ptolemy and Cleopa- tia, Antiq. xii'. iii. I; their answer, sect. 2; he builds the temple, tJnian, sect 3; that temple is shut up, W'ar, ▼ii. X. 4. Onias, a just man, procures rain in a famine by his prayers, Antiq. xiv. ii. 1 ; he is stoned to death, ib, Ophelius, Antiq. xiv. xiii. 5; War, i. xiii. 5. Ophir. Antiq. i. vi. 4. Opobalsamum, Antiq, viii, vi. 6; and xiv. iv. 1. Oracles of the prophets, concerning the destruction of Jerusalem, War, iv. vL 3; c. x. sect. 7; and vi. ii. 1; concerning a great prince to arise in Judea, c, v. sect 4. Oreb, a king of Madian, Antiq. v. vi. 5. Orodes, Antiq. xviii ii. 4. Oronna. or Aruanah, the Jebusite, Antiq. vii. iii, 3; his thrashing floor, c. xiii. sect 4; where Isaac was to b« offered, and the temple was afterwards built, ib. Orpah, Antiq. v. ix. I. Orus, king of Egypt, Against Apion, j. sect 15. Osarsiph (tor Moses), a priest at Heliopo'is, Against Apion, i. sect 28, 31. Otho made emperor. War, iv. ix. 2; be kills himself, sect. 9. Oxen, brazen, the Jews forbidden to make them, Antiq. viii. vii. 5. Pacorus, king of Media. Antiq. xx. iii. 4; redeems his wife and concubines from the Alans, War, vii. vii. 4. Paroms, the kinn of Parthia's son, gets possession of Syria, Antiq. xiv. Tsm\. 3, lays a plot to catch Hyrca- niis and Phasaelus. sec*. 5; marches against the Jews, War, i. xiii. 1; he is admitted into Jerusalem, sect 3; is slain in battle, Antiq. xiv. xv. 7. Psetus (Caesennius), president of Syria, War, vii. vii. 1 ; his expedition into Commagena, ib. Pageants, or Pegmata, at Titus' triumph. War, vii. v. 5. Palace at Rome, Antiq. xix. iii. 2. Pallas, Herod's wife, Antiq. xvii. i. 3; War. L xxviii. 4. Pallas, Felix's brother, Antiq. xx, viiu 9; War, ii, xii. 8. Palm trees at Jericho, very famous, Antiq. ix. i. 2; and riv. iv. 1. Pannychis. the concubine of Archelaus, War. i. xxv. 6. Papiiiius, Antiq. xix. i. vi. 4. Pappus is sent into Samaria, by Antigonus, Antiq. xiv. XV. 12; War, i. xvii. o. Paradise described, Antiq. i. i. 3: a pensile paradise, or garden at Babylon, Acainst Apion, i. sect 19. Parents' go'.d deeds are advantageous to their children, Antiq. ^iii. ix. 2; hi>w to be honoured hy th«! law <il Moses. Against Apion, sect. 27. Parthians jiossess themselves of Syria, and endeavour to ■ettle Antieonus in Judea, War. i. xiii. I, &c. ; their expedition into Judea, Antiq. xiv. xiii. 3; they be- sieged Jerusalem, ib. ; th"y take the city and temple, sect 4; their perfidiousness, sect 4, H; War, i x.ii. 3, *c Pa.-8over, a Jewish festival, Antiq. ii. xiv. 6; and iii. x. 1; and xiv. ii. 1; and xiv. ix. 3; the manner of its celebration. War. vi. ix. 3; called the fea.«t of unlea- vened bead, A tiq. xiv. ii. 1 ; and xvii ix. 3; War, v. iii. 1; on the fourteenth d:iy of Ni<nn, Antiq. xi. 4, H; W*r, V. iiL I ; very nuiueroas iacritin(>* *' «• nflered. and vast numbers come np to it, Antiq. xriL ix. 3f War, ii. i. 2; from the ninth hour to the eleveutb, and not less than ten to one pa»chal lamb, vi. ix. 3; num- ber of paschal lambs in the days of Cestius, 2.t0, i/JO, ib. Paulina ravished by Mundus, Antiq. xviii. iiL 4. Paulinus, a tribune. War, iu. vii. 1. Paiilinus succeeds Lupus as governor of Alexandria, War, vii. X. 5; be plunders and shuts up the temple Onion, ib. Pausanias. son of Cerastes, murders Philip king of Mace don, Antiq. i. viii. 1. Peace and good laws the greatest blessings, Antiq. Tii Xiv, 2. Peace, as a goddess, has a temple at Rome, War, vii. v. 7, 3; c. vi. sect 24. Pedanius. War, i. xxvii. 2; and vL ii. 8. Pekah slays Pekahiah, and succeeds him, Antiq. ix. xi. 1 ; he defeats the king of Judah, c xiL sect 1; he is slain by Hoshea, c xiii. sect I. Pekaiah, king of Israel, Antiq. ix. xL 1. Peleg, Antiq. L vi. 4. Penmnah, Antiq. v. x. 2. Pentecost, a Jewish festival, Antiq. iiL x. 6: and xviL X. 2; whence it had that name. War. iL iii. 1; vast numbers came to it ib. ; the priests then attended the temple in the night, vL v. 3: the Jews did not then take journeys, Antiq. xiii. viiL 4. Perea entirely subdued by the Romans, War, iv. vii. 3, Pet^amen's decree iu favour of the Jews, Antiq. xiv. x. 22. Perjury supposed by some not dangerous, if done by necessity, Antiq. v. ii. 12: dreaded by Joshua and the elders, c. i. sect 16; dreaded also by the people, c. ii. sect xii. Persians, their seven principal families, Antiq xL iii. 1; their king is watched during bis sleep, sect. 4; theii law forbade strangers to see their king's wives, c. vj. sect. 1 ; seven men were the interpreters of their laws, ib. ; their royal robes, sect 9. Pestilence .'^ee Plas;ue. Pestilius Cerealis, the proconsul, reduces the Germans, War, vii. iv. 2. Petina, the wife of Claudius, Antiq. xx. viiL 1; War, ii xiL a Peironin.% governor of Fgypt Antiq. xv. ix. 2; he sup- plies Herod with corn in time of 'amine, ib. Petronius (Piiblius) is made president of Syria, Ant'q. xviii. viL 2; is sent with an army to Jerusalem by Caius, to set up his statues in the temple, c. ix. sect 2, &c.; War, iL X. 1; his endeavours to prevent it and to save the Jews, with his and their wonderful deli- verance, ib. ; his edict against the Dorites, Antiq. xix. vi. 3. Phaedra, Herod's xife. Antiq. xvii, 1, 3. Phalian, Autipater's brother, Antiq. xiv. iL 3; War, L vi. 3. Phalan, David's son, Antiq. viL iiL 3. Phalli, son of l.aish, Antiq. vi, xiiL 8; and vii, L 4. Pbanniu j, son of Samuel, made higb-priest War, iv. iiL 8 Pharaoh, denoted king in the Egyptian tongue, Antiq. vL viiL 2. Pharisees, a sect among the Jews, Antiq. xiiL x. 5; and xviiL i. 2; War, L v. 2; they envy Hyrcanus, Antiq. xiii. X. 5; were opposite to the Sadd'uc»-es in their principles, sect 6; their great authority, xvii. iL 4; especially in the reien of qneen Alexandra, xiii. xvi. 2; War, i, V, 2; which lasted nine years, seot. 4; they refuse the oaths of allet^iance to Ctesar and Herod, Antiq. xvii. ii. 4; they are fined for it, ib. ; their un- written traditions, xiii. v. 9; c. x. sect, n; their mode- ration in inflicting punishments, the common people side with them, ib,; they are most skilful in tb» know* ledvre of he ^aw, I ife, sect 38, Pharnaces, son i)t Mithridates. Antiq. xiv. iii. 4. Phasaelus, son of Antipater, Antiq xiv, viL 3; and xviL i 3; War, L viiL 8; his death, Antiq. xiv. xiiL 10; and jtv, iL 1; War, L xiiL 10. Phasaelus, v»n of Heri>d, Antiq. xvii. L3. Pheldas. Antiq. i. vi. 5. F'helfs, kin? of the Ixi an.s,"S';jainft Apirn, L sect 18. Pl-eroras, Antipater's son by Cypros, Antiq. xiv. viu 3; War. i. viii. 9; hat*>s Salome's cliildren, Antiq. xvi.,viL 3; \^ ar, i. xxiv. 5: nakes Alexander jealous of his wife tilaphyra, <*ith Henxl bis lather, Antiq. xvL vi.. 4: provotej Merod t«i a^ger, c, viL sect. 3; lays the blame upon Salome, c. viL sect 5; enters into Iriend- 874 INDEX. ship with Antipafer, xtu. ii. 4; is hated by Herod, c. iii. sect 1 ; is ordered to retire to his tetrarchy, sect. 3. Pheroras' wife pays tlie fine laid upon the Pharisees, An- tiq. xvii. ii. 4 ; she associates with the other court la- dies, ib.; War, i- xxix. I; Pheroras' freed-men charge her with getting poison, Antiq. xvii. iv. 1; she throws herself down stairs, sect. 2j War, i. xxx. 5; her con- fession, Antiq. xviL iv. 2. Phideas, the high-priest, Antiq. x. viii. 6. Philadeiphus (Ptolemy), his skill and industry about mechanic arts, Antiq xiii. ii. 7; he proposes problems to the seventy-two interpreters, sect. 11; he procures the seventy -two interpreters to translate the law, c. ii. sect 1—14. Philip, Herod's son by Cleopatra, Antiq. xvii. i. 3; c. ii. sect. 2; c. iv. sect. 3; War, i. xxviii. 4; c. xxxii. sect. 1; brother of Archelaus, ii. vi. 3; what Herod left him by his will, Antiq. xvii. viii. 1; what Cajsar gave him, c xi. sect. 4; tetrarch of Gaulanitis, and Trachonitis, and Paneas, c. viii. sect 1; c ix. se|J. 1; he dies, xviii. iv. 6; his eulogium, ib. Philip, a Galilean, War. iii. vii. 21. Philip, son of Jacimus, Antiq. xvii. iu 3; Life, sect 11, 30 ; War, ii. xvii. 4; c. xx. sect 1. Philip made regent of Syria during the minority of Eu- pator, Antiq. xii. ix. 2. Philip, king of Syria, Antiq. xiii. iii. 4; c. xiv. sect 3. Philip, king of IVIacedon, is slain. Antiq. xi. viii. 1. Philipion, son of Ptolemy, marries Alexandra, the daugh- ter of Aristobulus. Antiq. xiv. vii. 4; he is killed by his father, ib.; War, i. ix. 2. Philistines, their chief towns Gaza. Accaron, or Ekron, Askelon, Gath, and Azotus, or Ashdod, Antiq. vi. i. 2; c. xiii. sect. 10. Philo, chief deputy of the Jews, to Caius, Antiq. xviii. viii- 1. Philosophy of the Jews, contained in the books of their law. Against Apion, ii. sect 4. Philostephanus, Antiq. xiii. xii. 5. Phineas, son of Cliisothus, V\ ar, iv. iv. % Phineas, son of Eleazar, slays Zimri and Coshi, Antiq. iv. vi. 12; leads the Israelites against the Midianites, c. vii. sect. I; his speech to the Jews beyond Jordan, V. i. 26; he is made high-priest, sect 29; the high- priesthood returns to his family, Antiq. viii. i. 3. Phineas, son of Kli, Antiq. v. x. 1 ; he officiates as high priest, c. xi. sect 2; he is slain, ib. Phraates, king of the Parthians, Antiq. xv. ii. 2; his death, xviii. ii. 4. Phraataces, the son of Phraates, Antiq. xviii. ii. 4. Phul. or Pnl, king of Assyria, Antiq. ix. xi..l. Phurim, or Purim, a Jewish festival, Antiq. xi. vi. 13. Phut the planter of Libya, Antiq. i. vi. 2. Pilate (Pontius), the procurator of Judea, occasions tu- mults among the Jews, Antiq. xviii. iii. 1; causes a great slaughter of them, sect 1 ; War, ii. ix. 4; and of the Samaritans, Antiq. xViii. iv. 1; he is accused for it. and sent to Rome, sect. 2. Pildash, Antiq. i. vi. 5, Pillars erected by the children of Seth in the land of Seriao, Antiq. i. ii. 3; pillars of the Corinthian order in Solomon's palace, viii. v. 2; in Herod's temple. War, v. v. 2. Piso. governor of Rome, Antiq. xviii vi. 5. Pifholans, Antiq. xiv. vi. I; c. vii. sect 3; War, i. viii. 3, 6, 9. Placidus's skirmishes with Josephus, Life, sect 43, 74; his other actions. War, iii. vi. 1; c. vii. sect 3, 34; and iv i. 3; c vii. sect. 4. Plague, or pestilence, rages among the Israelites, Anticj. xii. xi. i; it ceases upon David's repentance, c. xiii. sect 4; another pestilence in Judea, xv. vii. 7. Plato. Agitinst Apion,' ii. sect 31; he excludes the poets from his commonwealth, sect 36. Polemo. kingof Cilicia, Antiq. xx. vii. 5. Polemo, king of Pontus, Antiq. xix. viii. 1. Polity ot the Jews after the captivity, Antiq. xi. iv. B. Pollio. a Pharisee, Antiq. xv. i. 1. Pollio, a Roman, Antiq. xv. x. 1. Pompedius, Antiq. xix. i. Ii. Pompey tht* Great, goes through Syria to Damascus, An. tiq. xiv. iii. 1 ; Wai;, i. v i. 4; and to Jerusalem, Antiq, xiv. iv. I ; War}*!, vij. 1; the city delivered «ip to him, Antiq. xiv. iv. 7; "he takes the temple by force, and kills abundance of the Jews, c. iv. sect 2, 3, 4; War, i. vii. 4u &c ; the Jewr Kend him a gulden vine. Antiq. xiv. lit. 1| he goes i«to the holy ol holifd, c. iv. sect. 4; War, i. Tli. 6; meddles with nothing iq the temple, ib. ; he hears the cause between Hyrcanas and Aristobultw, Antiq. xiv. iii. 2; determines it in favour of Hyrca' ua, and makes war upon Aristobulus, sect 3, Btc ; he fli«-i into Epirus, c. viii. sect 4. Pontius Pilate, hee Pilate. Poplas, War, ii. ii. 1. Popea, Nero's wife, Antiq. xx. vii. 11 j c. xi. sect Ij Life, sect 3; a religious lady, and favourer of the Jews, Antiq. xx. viii. 11. Porcius Festus. See Festns. Present things, queen Alexandra's care, more tlian fu- ture, Antiq. xiii. xvi. 6. Presents sent to Joseph in Egypt, Antiq. ii. vi. 5. Priests, if maimed, are excluded from the altar and tem. pie, Antiq. iii. xii. 2; Against Apion, i. sect 31; are not to marry several sorts of women, Antiq. iii. xii. 2; Against Apion, i. sect 7; washed their hands and feet before they went to minister, iii. 6, 2; succ-ed one another according to their courses. Against Apion, ii. sect 8; their allowances, Antiq. iii. ix; and iv. iv. 3; their courses in number twenty-four,vii. xiv 7; Against Apion, ii. sect. 7; are very numerous, ib. ; two families from Aaron's two sons. Antiq. v. vi. 5; tiieir ollices and employments, Against Apion, ii. sect. 7, 21, 22, 23; their sacred garments, Antiq. iii. vii. 1, &c. ; War, v. v. 7; priests and Levites exempted from taxes by Xerxes, Antiq. xi. v. 1 ; have places of the greatest trust committed to them. Against Apion, ii. sect. 18; none but priests of the posterity of Aaron, might burn incense at the temple, Antiq. ix. x. 4; not to drink wine in their sacred garments, iii. xii. 2; priesthood a mark of nobility among the Jews, Life, sect. 1. Priests among the Egyptians, only kept their lands in the days of Joseph, Antiq. ii. vii. 1. Priesthood, high, translated from one family to another, Antiq. v. xi. 5; of Onias, at Heliopolis, xii. ix. 7; and xiii. X. 4; and xx. x. 1; vacant at Jerusalem for four years, xiii. ii. 3; during life, excepting under Antio- chus Epiphanes, Aristobulus and Herod, xv. iii. 1; taken from Jesus, and given to Simon by Herod, c. ix. sect 5; settled upon the family of Aaron, originally, XX. X. 1. Priest, high, not to be the son of a captive woman, Antiq. xiii. X. 6; high-priests went into the temple to officiate on Sabbath-days, new moons, and festivals, War, xii. vii. 3; were to marry a virgin, and not to touch a dead body, Antiq. iii. xii. 2; the high-priest desired by Saul to prophecy for him. vi. vi. 4; high-priests, with the prophets and sanhedrim, were to determine difficult causes, iv. viii. 14; several high-priests at the same time in latter ages, W a:', iv. iii. 7; and v. xiii. 1; and vi. ii. 2; to succeed by birth. Against Apion, ii. sect. 23; elected by lot among the seditious, Antiq. iv. iii. 8; they abolish the regular succession, sect. 6; Herod, king of Chalcis, made the high-priest till his death, XX. 1. 3; a series of the high-priests from Aaron to the destruction of the temple by Titus, xx. x. : another series from the building vt the^etnple to the caprivity, X. viii 6; high-priest's robes kept by the Romans, xx. i. I ; where they were laid up, xv. xi. 4; and xviii. iv. 3 ; and xx. i. 1 ; high-priest's ornaments described, iii. vii. 4; War, v. v. 7. Primogeniture, its privileges sold by Esau, Antiq. ii. i. Primus (Antonius), War, iv. ix. 2; he marches against Virellius. c. xi. sect 2. Priscus ( lyraniiis). War, ii. xix. 4. Priscus shoots Jonathan dead with a dart, War, vi. ii. 10. Piivileges granted the Jews by Alexander the Great, Against Apion, ii. sect 4. Problems, or riddles, proposed by Sampson at his wed- ding, Antiq. v viii. 6. Proculus (Vitellius), Antiq. xix. vi. 3. Prophecies concerning the destruction of Jerusalem, War, iv. vi. 3; and vi. v. 4. Prophecy of Isaiah accomplished, Antiq. xiii. iii. 1. Prophecies of Jeremiah and Ezekiel reconciled, Antiq. X V. 1. Prophecies could not agree to the events, if the world were governed by char.ce, Antiq. x. xi. 2. Prophets, excepting Daniel, chiefly foretold calamities, Antiq. x. xi. 7; how greatly to be esteLmed, viii. xv. 6. Prophets (false ones), suborned by the Jewish tyrants. War. vi. v. 2. Proseuchae, or houses of jirayer among the Jews, Lifi^ sect 54. Prns»';ntion of the body, a most heinous crime, Antiq. i\lr Q , INDEX. 875 froTidence aaserted s^^ainst ibo Epicureans, Antiq. x. xi. 7. Prudence requires us to prevent the growing power ot an enemy, Antiq. iii. ii. 1. Pseudalexander, Antiq. xviL xiL I, &c.; War, ii. vii. 1, &c. Ftolemy, the administrator of Herod's kingdom, Antiq. xvL vii. 2, &c.; c viii. sect 5; c. x. sect 3; life, sect. 26. Ptolemy, the brother of Cleopatra, poisoned by her, An- tiq. XV. iv. 1. Ptolemy, the brother of Njcolaus of Damascus, Antiq. xvii. ix. :> Ptolemy Epiphanes, Antiq. xii. iii. 3; he dies, c iv. sect. II. Ptolemy, Euergetes, Philopator, or Eiipator, Antiq. xiL iii. 3; c. iv. sect. 1; Ap:«inst Apion, ii. sect. 5. Ptolemy, the son of Jamblicus, Antiq. xiv. viiL 1; War, L ix. -i. Ptolemy Lathyrus, Antiq. xiii. x. 2; War, i. iv. 2; he is driven out of his kingdom, Antiq. xiii. xii. 1, &c. ; he makes an alliance with Alexander, and breaks it, c. xii. sect 4; his hold soldiers called Hecatontomachi, sect 3; he defeats Alexander's army, ib. ; his barbar- ous cruelty, sect. 6. Ptolemy, son of LaRUS, called Sotor, obtains Egypt, after the death of Alexander the Great, Antiq. xii. 1; takes Jerusalem, and carries many Jews into Ea:ypt, ib. Ptolemy Philadelphus, the second king of Egypt of that race, Antiq. i. Pref. sect 3; Antiq. xii. ii. l; Against Apion, ii. sect 4; he procures a translation of the law of Moses, by the advice of Demetrius Phalems, Antiq. xii. ii. 1, &c. ; sets a vast number of Jews free, sect 3; sends a letter to Eleazar the high-priest sect 4; his liberal oblations and presents, sect 7, 14. Ptolemy Philometer, Antiq. xii. iv. 11; c. v. sect 2; xiii. iii. 1; Against Apion, ii. sect 5; he and his queen Cleopatra permit Onias to build the temple Onion, Antiq. xiii. iii. 1, &c. ; he makes an expedition into Syria, c. iv. sect 3; discovers Alexander and Ammo- nius' plot against him, sect 6; takes his daughter from Alexander, and gives her to Demetrius, sect 7; he might have put two crowns upon his head, that of Asia, and that of Egypt, ib.; he is wounded, and dies of his wounds, sect. 8. Ptolemy, son of Menneus, Antiq. xiii. xvi. 3; and xiv. iii. 2; c. xii. sect I; War, i. iv. 8; c. xiii. sect I; prince of Chalcis, Antiq. xiv. vii. 4; he marries Alex- andra, ib. Ptolemy, the murderer of Simon, the Maccabee, Antiq. xiii. vii. 4; he murders John Hyrcanus's mother and brother, c. viii. sect. 1; War, i. ii. 4. Ptolemy Physcon, Antiq. xii. iv. 11; and xiiL ix.; Aeainst Apion, ii. sect 5. Ptolemy, War, i. i. 1. Pudens engages in a duel with Jonathan, and is killed. War, vi. ii. 10. • Punishment of the wicked, a joyful sight to good men, Antiq. ix. vi. 6. Purple robes worn by the Chaldean kings, Antiq. x. xi. 2; by the Persian kings, xi. iii. 2; c vi. sect. 10; Jo- seph is clothed in purple by Pharaoh, ii. v. 7. Pygmalion, king of Tyre, Against Apion. i. sect lA Pythian, or Apollo's temple, built by Herod, Antiq. xvi. V.3. Qnadratus (Umraidius), president of Syria, Antiq. xx. vi 2. Quails are nnmerons in the Arabian gulf, and fall upon the camp of Israel. Antiq. iii. i 3. 13. Queen of Egypt and Ethiopia, comes to king Solomon Antiq. viiL vi. 3; she returns to her own country, sect 6. Quintillios Varus, president of Syria. See Varus. Quirinius, or Cyrenius, sent by Caesar to tax Syria, An- tiq. xviL Rabsaces ^Themasi^s). Antiq. xi. iii. 5. Rachel, La-han's daughter, Antiq. i. xix. 7; she steals away, and conceals her father's idols, sect 9, 11. Ragau, or Reu, son of Phaleg, Antiq. L vi. 3. Ragmus, or Ua^mah, Antiq. i. vi. 2. Raguel, Moses' father-in-law, Antiq. iii. iii. 1; his advice to Moses for the aovernment of the Israelites, c. iv, Rahab, an inn-keeper at Jericho, Antiq. v. L 2,7; her life saved, sect 7. Rainbow, Antiq. i iii. 8. Ramesses, king of Kgypt Against Aplqji, i. sect 15. Bapsaces, or Rabsbaketb, captain of the Assyrian array, Antiq. x. i. 1 ; his speech to the people of Jerusalem sect 2. Rathotis, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i. sect. 15. Rathymus, or Rheum, Antiq. xi. ii. 1. Rationale, or breast-plate of judgment of the high-pries^ Antiq. iii. v. 7; c viii. sect 9. Raven sent out of the ark, Antiq. i. iii. 5. Reha, king of the (Vfidianites, Antiq. iv. viL 1. Rebeka, daughter of Bethuel, Antiq. L vi. 3; demanded for a wife to Isaac, c. xvi. sect 1, &c. ; she bears twins, c. xviiL sect 1; imposes upon her husband sect 6. Recem, or Rekem, king of the Midianites, Antiq. iv. viii Records of the Tynans, Against Apion, i. sect 17. Regulus (Emilius), Antiq. xix. i. 3. Kehoboam succeeds Solomon, Antiq viii. viii. 1 ; he gives the people a rough answer, sect 2; ten tribes revolt from him, sect 3; he builds and fortifies several towns, c. X. sect I ; he has eighteen wives, and thirty concu* bines, ib. ; he dies, sect 4. Remaliah, Antiq. ix. xi. 1. Repentance cannot revoke past crimes, Antiq. ii. iv. 4. Reu, or Ragau, the son of Phaleg, or Peleg, Antiq. i. vi. 5. 7. Revenues of Coelesyria, Phoenicia, Judea, and Samaria, amounted to 8000 talents, Antiq. xii. iv. 4. Rezen, king of Syria, Antiq. ix. xii. 1. Rezon, Solomon's enemy, Antiq. viii. vii. 6. Rhodes, relieved by Herod, Antiq. xiv. xiv. S. Riches, great riches laid up in David's monument, An- tiq. vii. XV. 3. Riddles, or problems between Solomon and Hiram, An- tiq. viiL V. 3; a riddle proposed by Samson at his wedding, v. viii. 6. Riphath, Antiq. i. vL 1. Rod of Aaron, Antiq. iv, iv. 2. Roman army described. War, iii. v. Roman senate's decree in favour of the Jews, Antiq. xiiu ix. 2; and xiv. viii. .5. Roxana, Herod's daughter by Phtedra, Antiq. xviL i. 3; War, i. xxviii. 4. Rubrius Gallus, Antiq. vii. iv. 3. Rue of a prodigious magnitude. War, vii. vi. 3. Rufus, Antiq, xvii. x. 3; War, ii, iii. 4; c. v. sect 2. Rufus (an Egyptian), takes Eleazer piisoner. War, viL vi. 4. Rufus (Terentius, or Turnus), takes Simon the son of Gioras, War, vii. ii. ; he is left with an army at Jeru- salem, after it was taken, ib. Rumah. or Reumah, Nahor's concubine, Antiq. i. vi. 3. Ruth gleans in Boaz's field, Antiq. v. ix, 2; is married by Boaz, and becomes the mother of Obed, the father of Jesse, sect 4. Sabactas, or Subtecha, Antiq. i. vi. 2. Sabas, or Seba, Antiq. i, vi. 2. Sabathes, or Sabrah, .Antiq. i. vi. 2. Sabbath-day kept very strictly by the Essens, War, ii, viii. ix. ; Sabbath according to Apion, so called from the Egyptian word Sabo, Against Apion, ii. sect 2, Sabbath-day so snperstitiouslj observed by the Jews that they came to great mischiefs thereby, Antiq. xii. vi. 2; War, i. vii. 3; and ii. xvi. 4; they are advised by Matthias to defend themselves on the .Sabbath-day, Antiq. xii. vi. 2; and by Jonathan, xiii. i. 3; allowed to ypel, but not to attack an enemy on that day, xiv. vi. 2; and xviii. ix. 2; War. ii. xvi. 4; Antiochus a Jew, forces the Jews to break the Sabbath-day at An- tioch, vii. iii. 3: Sabhath-day spent in reading the law, Antiq. xvi. ii. 4; ushered in, and ended with the sound of a trumpet, War, iv. ix. 12; Jews, on the Sabbath- day, dined at the sixth hour. Life, sect 34; the sedi- tious kill the Romans on the Sabbath-day, War, ii. xvii. 10; unlawful to travel far on the Sabbath-day, Antiq. xiii. viii. 4; pretended to be unlawlul either to make war or peace on the Sabbath-day. War, iv. iu 3; not allowed by some even in case of necessity, to take arms either on the Sabbath-day, or the evening before. Life, sect 32. Sabbatic river, War, vii, v. 1. Sabbeus, Antiq. xiii. iii. 4. Sabbion. discovers Alexander's designs to Herod, Antiq. XV. iii. 2. Sabec, or Shobach, captain of the Syrians, Antiq. viu vL 3. Sabinus, Caesar's steward in Judea, Antiq. xvii. ix. 3j War. ii. iii. 2; he accuses Archelaus, Antiq. xvii. ix. 4; &lls hea\7 upon the Jews, c. x. sect L 876 INDEX. Sabinas, one of th« marderers of Caius, Antiq. xix. ir. 3; he kills himself, sect. 6. Sahinns, the hrotlierof Vespasian, takes the capitol,War, iv. xi. 4; is killci by Vite.l;u», ib. Sabiniis, by birth a Syrian, a man of great valour, War, ri. i a Sabmus (Domitian), one of the tribunes. War, iii. vii.34. Sabtah, or Sabathes, Antiq. i. vi. 2. Sabtecha, or Sabactas. Antiq. i. vi. 2. Sacrifice of Abel was milk, and the firstlings of the flock. Antiq. i. ii. I ; sacrifices were either private or public, I iii. ix. 1; eit'ier all, or part only burnt, ib. ,- bow the former were ottered, ib. ; how the latter, sect 2; how ■in-offerinus were offered, sect 3; thuseof swine forbid- den, xii V. 4; of those that were for recovering, health, iii. ix. 4; Titus desires John not tolt-ave off the Jewish sacririces. War, vi. ii 1; daily sacrifice, Antiq, xi. iv. 1; War. i. i. 1; and vi. ii. 1; ^acrifices every day for Caesar's prosperity, ii. x. 4j Against Apion, ii. sect. 6; omission thereof the beitinning of the Jewish war. War, ii. xvii.2; offerings of foreigners usually received by the Jews, sect. 3; the same prohibited by the seditious, sect 2; what parts of sacrifice were due to the priests, Antiq. iv. iv. 4; none but Jews to overlook the sacri- fices in the temple, xx. viii. II; sacrifices not to be tasted till the oblation is over, xii. iv. 8; not to be bought by the hire ot an harlot, iv. viii. 9; meat-offer- intrs joined to bloody sacrifices, iii. ix. 4; not to be abused to luxury, Atainst Apion, ii. sect 25; ought to be entire and without blemish, Antiq. iii. xii. 2; of what were burnt-offerings, c. viii. sect 10; animals not offered till the eighth day after their birth, c. ix. sect 4; wine and oil reserved for sacrifices consumed by the seditious. War, v. xiii. 6. Sadduc a Pharisee, stirs up a sedition, Antiq. xviii. i. 1. Sadducees deny fate, Antiq. xiii. v. 9; are contrary to the Pharisees, c. x. sect, fi; observe only the precepts of the written law. ib.; their opinions, Antiq. xviii. i. 3; War, ii. viii. 14; have the rich men of their side, Antiq. xiii. X 6. Sadoc, or Zadok, high-priest, Antiq. vii. ii. 2; c. v. sect. 4; c. X. sect 4; c. xi. sect 8; c. xiv. sect 4; and viiL i. 3: and x. viii. 6. Sadrach, or .'^hadrach, Antiq. xi. iv. 9. Sages, or wise men among the Israelites, Antiq. viii. ii. 6. Sal.impsio, daughter of Herod, married to Pbasael, An- tiq. xviii. V. 4. Salaihiel, Zerobabel's father, Antiq. xi. iii. 10. Salatis, king of Egypt, Against Apion, L sect 14. Saleph, Antiq. i. vi. 4. Salmana, or Zalmana, captain of the Midianites, Antiq. V. vi. 5. Salmanassar. or Shalmanezzer. king of Assyria, Antiq. ix xiv. I; invades Syria and Phoenicia, ib. ; carries the ten tribes away into Media and Persia, ib. Salome, Antipater's daughter, Herod's sister, Antiq. xiv. vii. 3; War, i. viii. 9; charges her husband Joseph with adultery, Antiq. xv. iii. 9; and xvi. vii. 3; sends a bill of divorce to her second husband Costobarus, xv. vii. 10; envies Herod's sons and their wives, xvi. i. 2; c. iii. feet 1. See.-, she clears herself, ib.; Herod forces her to be married to Alexas, xvii. i. 1; she discovers to Herod the conspiracy of Antipater and Pheroras, c. ii. sect 4; War, i. xxix. 1; what Herod left her by his will, Antiq. xvii. viii. 1; what Caesar gave her, c. xi. sect ."i. Salome, Herod's daughter by F.lpis. Antiq. xvif. i. 3. Salome, grand-daughter of Herod the Great and daugh- ter of Herod Philip, by Herodias, Antiq. xviii. v. 4; she is married to Philip the tettach, and afterwards to Aris- tobulus, the grandson of Herod, and brother of Agrippa senior, ib. Salt sown upon the ruins of a demolished town, Antiq. V. vii. 4- 8alt-tax, and crown-tax, remitted to the Jews by Deme- trius, Antiq. x}\\. ii. 3. Samacha, Abennerig's daughter. Antiq. xx. ii. 1. Saraaralla, Antiq. xiv. xiii. 5< War, i. xiii. 5. Samaria built, Antiq. viii. xii. 5; whence its name was derivtd. »b,; it is bv sieged by the Syrians and wonder- fully relieved, ix. iv, 5; a mother there eats her own son in a famine, sect 4; is besieged again by Hfrcanux, suffers famine, is taken and levelled with the ground, Antiq xiii. x. 2, 3; War, i. ii. 7. Samaritans, a colony from Ciitha in Persia, Antiq. ix. xiv. 3; and X. ix.7j pretended to be the posterity of JoM>ph. xi viii. rtj they sometimes uoiiy, and Bome- tiraet profoas themselves Jews, ix. xiv. 3; and xi. viii. 6; and xii. V. 5; they harass the Jews antler Onias, the high-priest, c. iv. sect 1 ; pretend to be .Sidoniana, c. V. sect 5; their temple upon Mount Gerizzim, xi. viii. 7: they pollute the temple of Jerusalem, xviii. ii. 2; they areenemies to the Jews, xi. iv. 9; an<l xx. vi. 1; they dispute with the Jews in Egyplabout their temple, xiii. iii. 4; they give Antiochus the title of a god, xiL V. 3. Sambabas, A ntiq. xi. iv. 9. •Sameas, Pollio's disciple, Antiq. xiv. ix. 3; and xv.i. 1 ; c. X. sect 4; his speech against Herod, xiv. ix. 4; he is honoured by Herod, ib. Samgar, or Semeiiar. Antiq. x. viii. 2. Sampsigeramus, king of t'mesa, Antiq. xviii. v. 4. Samson's birth, Antiq. v. viii. 4; he marries a woman of the Philistines, sect. 3; kills a liim, ib.; proposes a riddle at his wedding, sect 6; burns the Philistine's corn, sect. 7; he is delivered up to the Philistines, sect 8; he slays them with the jaw-bone of an ass, ib. ;^e carries the gate of Gaza away upon his shoulders, sect. 10; he falls in love with Delilah, sect 11; he is be- trayed by her, sect 11; he is bound, and his eyes put out, ib. ; he pulls an house down upon the Philistines, and slays three thousand of them, sect 12. Samuel is born and consecrated to God, Antiq. v. x. 3; God calls to him, sect 4; he conquers the Philistines, vi. ii. 2; his sons prove very bad judges, c. iii, sect 2; he is offended at the people's demanding a kiig, sect 3; he tells the people the manners of a king, sect, o; c. iv. sect. 4; threatens Saul with the loss of his king- dom, c. vi. sect. 2; anoints David to be king. c. viii. sect 2; he dies, c. xiii. sect. 5; is raised out of Hades, and foretells Saul's death, c. xiv. sect. 2. Sanctum sanctorum, or holy of holies, Antiq. iii. vi 4. Sanhedrim at Jerusalem, Life, sect. 12; none oould be put to death but by the sanhedrim, Antiq. xiv. ix. 3. Saphan, or Shaphan, the scribe, Antiq. x. iv. 1. Sappinius, Antiq. xvu viii. 5. Sapphora, or Zippora, Moses' wife, Antiq, iii. iii. 1. Sarai, or Sarah. Abraham's wife, Antiq. i. viii. I; she goes with him into Egypt, c. viii. sect I ; the king falls in love with her, ib. ; her death, c. xiv. sect. 1. Sardians, their decree in favour of the Jews, Antiq. xiv. X. at Sarea-s, or Seraiah. high-priest, Antiq. x. viii. 5, 6. Sarepta, or Zarephath, its widow, Antiq. viii. xiii. 2. Sarmatians invade Mysia, War, vii. iv. 3. Saturnius (Sentius), president of Syria, Antiq. xvi. x. 8; c. xi. sect 3; xvii. i. 1 ; c. iii. sect 2; and c. v. sect 2; War, i. xxvii. 2. Sathrabuzans, Antiq. xi. i. 3; c. iv. sect 4. 7. Saul, son of Kish, Antiq. vi, iv. 1; seeks his father'* asses, and comes to Samuel, ib.; dines with Samuel, and seventy others, ib. ; Samuel anoints him for king, ib. ; he is actually made king, sect. 5; he promises to assist the Gileadites, c. v. sect 2; is inaugurated again, sect. 4; conquers the Philistines, c. vi. sect. 3; his wars and family, sect 5; he makes war on the Ama- lekites, c vii. sect 1; spares Agag against (iod's com- mand, sect. 2; for which Samuel foretells him the loss of his kingdom, sect 4; his cruel order for murdering Ahimelech and the priests, c. xii. sect. 5, &c. ; being forsaken of God, he consults with a necromantic wo- man, c. xiv. sect 2; his death, sect. 7. Saul, a ringleader of the robbers, Antiq. xx. ix. 4. Scarus, president of Syria, War, i. vi. 3, &c.; c. vii, sect 7; and c. viii. sect I; he returns into Syria, Antiq. xiv. ii. 3; he raises the siege of Jerusalem, ib. ; his ex- pedition into Arabia, c. v. sect. 1. Scopas, general of Ptolemy's army, defeated by Antio- chus the Great Antiq. xii. iii. 1. Sea. The seventy interpreters wash their hands in the sea before they begin their translation, Antiq. xii. it 12. Sea divided for the Israelites, Antiq. ii. xvi. I. Seba, Antiq i. vi. 2. Sebas, the son of Illus, Antiq. vii. xii. 4. Sects of the Jews, Antiq. xiii. v, 9; and xviii. 1, 2, &c.j 1-ife, sect 2; War. ii. viii. 2, &c. Sedecias, or Zedekiah, a false prophet, Antiq. viii, xr. 4. Sedecias, or Zedekiah, king of Judea, Antiq. x. vii. 1, &c. ; revolts from the Babylonians, sect 3; calls for Jeremiah's advice, sect. G; is darried captive to Baby- lon, c. viii, sect. 2; his death, sect. 7. Sedition among the prie.nts, Antiq. xx. viii. 8; sedition of Corah and his followers, iv. ii. 1, &c. ; of the IsraeU ites, Antiq. iii, xiv. :); is quelled by Joshua, sect. 4; sedition at Cftarea between the Jews and Syrians, xx. viii. 7, INDEX. 877 annd^siit to death, Antlq. xrill Ti 8. Sisan. the scribe, Antiq. vii. iv. 4. Selene, queen of '^yia, otherwise called Cleopatra, An- tiq. Tk\\>. xvi. 4. Si'lenciis possesses Syria after the death of Alexander the • Great, Antiq xii. i. ,• he is called Nicator (the con- queror), c. iiL sect. 1: his bounty towards the Jews, ih. Seiencus Soter, or Philopater, son of Antiocbus the Great, Antiq. xii. iv. 10. Seleucus, son ot Antiochus Grypus, Antiq. xiii. xiil. 4; his denth, ib. Sella, or Zillab, Lnmech's wife, Antiq. i. ii. 2. Seilum, or Shalliun. Antiq. xi. ix. I. Sem, or Shem, Antiq. i. iv. 1 , his posterity, c. vL sect. 4. Semeuar. or Sanitcar. Antiq. x. viii. i. Semfi. or .Shemei, the son of Gera, Antiq. vii. ix. 4; c. xi. sect. 2; and c. xv. sect. 1; be is put to death by Solomon, viii. i. 5. Semelins, Ant-q. xi. ii. 2. Sempronius (Ca u^), son of Caius, Antiq. xiii. ix. 2. St-nebar. or Shemelur, Antiq. i. ix. I. Sennicherib makes war on Hezekiah, Antiq. x. L 1; his death, sect. 5 Senate of Rome's decree concerning the Jews, Antiq. xii. X. ti; thfv renew their leaaiie with the Jews. xiv. viii. 5; another decree of theirs concerning the Jews, c. x. sect. 19. Sepphoris burnt, Antiq. xvii. x. 9; taken by Josephus, l.'fe, sect. ()7. Scraiah, high-priest, Antiq. x. viii. 5, 6. S.»rebaeus. Antiq, xi. iii. 10. Seron, k>eneral of the army of Coelesyria, Antiq. xii. vii. Serpent deprived both of speech and feet, Antiq. i. i. 4. Srrue, Antiq. i. vi. 5. Servilius (Publius), his letter to the Milesians in favour of the Jews. Antiq. xiv. x. 21. Sesac See Shishak. Scth, son of Adam, Antiq. i. ii. 3; his posterity's pillars in the land of Siriad. ib. ' Sethon, king of Eg>pt, Against Apion, i. sect. 26. Sethodis, or Sesostris, king of Egypt, A.gainst Apion, i. scot 15. Seventh day. See Sabbath. Seventy-two interpreteis sent by Eleazar, the high-priest, with the books of the law, Antiq. xii. ii. 10; their arri- val at Alexandria, ib. ,- they bring with them the law written upon parchment in golden letters, ib. ; they wash in the sea before they fall to their work, sect. 12; they finish the translation in seventy-two days, ib. Scxtus Caesiir, president of Syria, Antiq. xiv. ix. 2, 4; Wat, i. x. 7, &.C. ; he is slain by Cecilius Bassus, c. xL sect. 1. SbRdrach. Antiq. x. x. 1. ^^Ilum, Antiq. ix. ix. 1. Snalmaneser. See Salmanasser. Shamegar, son of Anath, succeeds Ehud as judge, Antiq. V. iv. ;}. Sharezer, Antiq. x. f. 5. Sheba, Antiq. i. vi. 2. Shechem, the place of Joshua's habitation, Antiq.- v. i. 19. 28. Shechemitts meet Alexander the Great, Antiq, xi. viii. 6; their kindred with Raguel, Moses' father-in-law, vi. vii. 3. Shekel, a coin equal to foar Attic dracbmse, Antiq. iii. viii. 2. Shrm, Antiq. i. iv. 1 ; his posterity, c, vi, sect. 4. Shemeber, king of Zeboim, Antiq. i ix. 1. Shield covered the left eye in war, Antiq. vi. v. 1. Shield, a token of league between the Jews and Romans, Antiq. xiv. viii. r> Shimei, «o^ of Gera, Antiq. viL ix. 4; c. xL sect 2; c. xvii. sect. I ; put to death by Solomon, viii, i. 5. Ships sent to Pontus and Thlace under Ahaziah, son of A hah. Antiq. xi. i 4. Shishak, or Sesac, king of Egypt, Antiq. vii. v. 3; and viii. vii. 8; o. x sect. 3. Siba.s, or Zibah. Antiq. vii. v. 5; c ix. sect 3; Saul's freed man, c. xL sect 3. S bbechai, the Hittite, Antiq. vi. xii. 2. Sicarii, or banditti, flee to Alexandria, War, vii. x. 1; cannot be forced to own Caesar for their lord, ib. Sichon, or Sihon, king of the Amorites, conquered, An- tiq. iv. V. 1, &c. Sidon, Antiq. i vi. 2. « Sikhs appearing before the destroction of Jemaalem.WMr. Silanus, president of Syria, Antiq. xviii. ii. 4. Silrts, governor of Tiberias, Life, sect 17, 53. Silas, tyrant of Lysias, Antiq. xiv. iii, 2. >ilas, an attendant on king Agrippa senior, in his advcr. • sities. Antiq. xviii. vi. 7; and xix. vii. 1; he becomes troublesome to the king, ib.; he is killed, c. viii. sect Silus, a Dabylonian, War, ii. xix. 2; and iii. ii. 4, Silo, a Roman captain, Antiq. xiv. xx. 1 — .5. Silo, or Shiloh, a town where the tabernacle was fixed, Antiq. v. i. 19, 20, Silva (Flavins), governor of Judea, War, vii. viiL 1? he besieges Masada, sect. 2, 6. Silver of little value in the days of Solomon, Antiq. viii. vii. 2. Simeon, son of Gamaliel, War. iv. iii, 9. Simon, son oi Koethus, made hi;;h-priest Antiq. xv. ix. 3; his daughter married to Herod, ib.; he is deprived, xvii. iv. 2. Simon, son of Camithi, made high-priest, Antiq. xviii ii 2. Simon, son of Boethns, sornamed Cantheras, made high priest, Antiq. xix. vi. 2; he is deprived, sect 4. Simon, son of Cathlas, War, iv. iv. 2. Simon the Just, Eleaz.ir's brother, high-priest, Antlq. xii. ii. 4; c. iv. sect 1. Simon, son of Ouias the high-priest, dies, Antiq. xii. it. 10. Simon, the Essen, a prophet, Antiq. xvii. xiii, 3. Simon, son of (iioras. War, ii. xix. 2; and iv. ix. 3; fighta with the Zealots, iv. ix. 5; conquers Idumea. sect. 7; is made prisoner, and reserved for the triumph. War, vii. 2; is put to death at the triumph, c. v. sect. tj. Simon, brother of Judas and Jonathan, the Maccabees, beats the enemy in Galilee, A ntiq. xii. viii. 2; is made captain of the Jews. c. x. sect 6; he makes a speech to them, xiii. vi. 3; is made their prince, sect. 3, 4; is made high-priest, sect 6; War, i. iL 2; is killed by Ptolemy his son-in-law, sect 3 Simon, son of Arinus, War, v. vi. 1. Simon, son of Dcsitheus, Antiq. xiii. ix. 2. Simon, captain of the Idumeans at Jerusalem, War, It. iv. 4. Simon, a lifeguard-man to Josephus, Life, sect 24 Simon, of Jerusalem. Antiq. xix. vii. 4. Simon, a magician, Antiq. xx. vii. 2. Simon, a Pharisee, Life, sect 38. S mon Psellus, Josephus's grandfather, Life, sect I. Simon, a servant of Herod, assumes the crown, Antlq. xvii. X. 6. S'mon, son of Saul, War, ii. xviii. 4. Simon persuades the people to exclude Agrippa from the temple. Antiq xix. vii. 4. Simonides Agrippa. Josephus's son. Life, sect 76. Siphar, the Ammonite, Antiq. vii. ix. 8 Sisera, oppresses the Israelites, Antiq. v. v. 1; is killed by Jael. sect. 4. Sisines, Antiq. xi. i. 3; governor of Syria and Phoenicia, c. iv. sect. 4, 7 Slaughter, the greatest that ever was in ont» battle, An- tiq. viii. xi. 3. Smlomites and their associates conquered by the Assy- rians, Antiq. i. ix. Sodomites so wicked that they are burnt with fire from heaven. Antiq. i. xi Sohemus, tetrarch. Antiq. xvii. iii. 2; Life, sect. 11. S.)hemus, king of Emesa, succ«eds bis brother Azizas, Antiq. xx. viii. 4; War, vii. vii. 1. Sohemus of iturea, Antiq. xv. vi. 5; betrays Herod's secret order for killing Mariamne, c. vii. sect 1 ; is put to death by Herod, sect. 4. Solomon, son of David, Antiq. vii. iiL 3; promised to David, c. »v. sect 4; born, c. vii. sect 4; anointed and proclaimed king, c xiv. sect 5; anointed and pro- claimed a second time, sect 11; marries Pharaoh's daughter, Antiq. viii. ii. 1 ; determines the case of two harlots, sect. 2; his power, grandeur, and wisdom, sect 3, &c.; the books he wrote, sect 5; his letter lo Hiram, king of Tyre, sect. 6; he builds the temple, sect 9; and c. iiu. his addresses to God and the peo- ple af)er it was built, r. iv. sect 2, &c. ; he offers abun- dance of sacrifices, .sect. 4; he builds himself a royal palace, c. v. sect I, &o. ; solves the problems, proposed by the king of Tyre, sect. :J: Dius says Solomon could not solve them all, ib.; he fortifies Jerusalem, and bni'ds several towns, c. vi. sect. 1 ; lays a tax on the remaining Canaanites, sect 3; fits out a fleet »ect 4; his great riches, c. vii. sect. 2; his immoderate ioveof women, sect. 6; his death, sect 8. 878 INDEX. golymse, or Salem, the old name of Jerusalem, Antiq. Tii. iii. 2. Sophonius, or Zephaniah, the second priest, Antiq. x. viii. 5. Sosibius, of Tarentum, Antiq. xii. il, 2. • Sosius, a Roman captain in Judea, Antiq. ziy. XT. 9 ; c. xvi. sect. 1; joins with Hen-d against Antigonus, lb. ; War. i. xvii. 2; he takes Antigonus prisoner, and car- ries him to ADthonv. Antiq. xiv. xvi. 4; VI ar, i. xviii. 2,3. Souls of heroes, slain in war, supposed to be placed amon^ the stars, U ar, vi. i. 5. Speech of Herod to his army, Antiq. xr. v, 3; to the people, c. xi. sect. 1 ; speech of Moses to Corah and the people, iv. iL 4, &c. ; to the people before his death, c. viii. sect. I. Spies sent by Moses, to view the land of Canaan, Antiq. iii. xiv. 1. &c.; by Joshua to Jericho, v. i. 1; they bring back a faithful account, sect. 2. Spoils of barbarians reposited in Herod's temple, Antiq. XV. xi. 3. Spoils in war to be equally divided between those that fight and those that guard the baggage, Antiq. vi. xiv. 6. Stars supposed to have their virtue from the sun and moon. Antiq ii. ii. 3. Stechns, Antiq. xviii. vi. 7. Stephanus, Caesar's servant, Antiq. xx. v. 4; War, ii. xii. 2. Sterility of the country is one of the punishntents for the king's doing ill, Antiq. vii. iv. 4. Stratton tyrannizes over Bersea, Antiq. xiii. xiv. 3. Subjects follow the manners of their princes, Antiq. viii. X. 2. Snmober, or Shemeber, king of Zeboim, Antiq. i. ix. 1. Supplicants in Syria, used to come with a baiter about their heads, Antiq. viii. xiv. 4. Siir, or Zur, a king of the Midianites, Antiq. iv. vii. 1. Sylla, a captain of king Agrippa's life-guards, Life, sect Sylleus, an Arabian, first minister to king Obodus, An- tiq. xvL viL 6; War, L xxiv. 6; c. xxvii. sect. 1; he goes to Rome, xvi. ix. 2; accuses Herod before Angus- tus, sect. 3; demands Silome in marriage, c. vii. sect. 6; is refused because he would not turn Jew, ib ; is charged with several murders, xvii. iii, 2; is accused ■ before Augustus by Nicolaus of Damascus, Antiq. xvL X. 8: received sentence of death, sect. 9. Synedrion, or Sanhedrim. St-e Sanhedrim. Syrian commodities, Antiq. ii, iii. 3. Syrians' hatred to the Jews, War, i. iv. 3; a Syrian king of Mesopotamia, Antiq. viL vi. 1. Tabernacle built, Antiq. iii. vi. 1; its description, sect 2; its purification, c. viii. sect. 3. Tabernacles (Feast of), a creat festival of the Jews, An- tiq. viii. iv. 1; and xv. iii. 3; celebrated in war by the leave of king Antiochus, xiii. viii 2; celebrated for fourteen days upon the dedication of Folomon's temple, viii. iv. 5; Jews then carry boughs with fruit, whereby Alexander the hieh-priest was pelted, xiii. xiii.5; Jews then fixed tabernacles in the temple, War, vi. v. 3; it is celebrated after the Babylonian ca]>tivity, Antiq. xi. iv. 1 ; c. V. sect. 5. Table (of shew bread), golden, made by Ptolemy, Antiq. xii. ii. 7, &c, ; with his cups, and vials, sect. 9. Table, Delphic, Antiq. iii. vi. 7. Table in the court of the priests, Antiq. iii. vi. 7. Tachas, Antiq. L vi. 5. Tanganas, Antiq. xi. iv. 9. Tartan, a captain of the Assyrians, Antiq. x. i. 1. Tears, natural signs of great joy or sorrow, Antiq. xii. ii 10. Teba, Antiq. i. vi. 5. Temple built upon Mount Gerizzim, Antiq. x. viii. 7; and xiii.iii. 4: like to that at Jerusalem, xi. viii, 1. Temple built by Herod near Paneas, in honour of Augus- tus, Antiq xv. x. 3; War, i. xxi. 3. Temple of the t'olden calf. War. iv. i. 1. Temples in Egypt, many and different, Antiq. xiii. iii. I. Temples of the Canaanites were to be demolished, An- tiq. iv. viii 2 Temple* of foreign nations not to be plundered, nor their donfttions taken away, Antiq. iv. viii. 10. Temple of Hercules and Astarte, at Tyre, Antiq. viii. v. 3 Temple of Demus and the Graces at Athens, Antiq. xiv. viii. .'>. Temple of Belus. at Babylon, Antiq. %. ix. 1 Temple built by Herod at Samaria, Antiq. xv. viii, 6. Temple (Herod's) at Jerusalem described, Antiq. xt. ix 3,6. Temple Onias in Egypt, buUt like that at Jerusalem Antiq. xii. x, 7 ; and xiii. iii. 1, 3; c. x. sect. 4 ; anc XX. x, lemple ot Diana at Elemais, Antiq xii. ix. 1 ; of Dagon at Ashdod or Azotus, xiiL iv. 4; of Apollo .at Gaza, c xiii. sect. 3. TeAple of Jerusalem rebuilt by Zorobabel, Antiq, xi. i. ; c. iv. sect 3, &c.; xx. x. ; the Jews hindered in build- ing it, xi. 2; they go on by order of Darius, c. iv. sect 1, &C.; it is finished in seven years, sect 7; sixty cu- bits lower than Solomon's temple, xv. xi. 1 ; it is plun- dered by Antiochus Epiphanes, xii. v. 4; taken by Pompey, and its most holy place seen by him, but without detriment thereto, xiv. iv. 4; War, i. vii. (\; new built by Herod, Antiq. xv. xi. 3; burnt by Titus, War, vi. iv. 6, &c. ; Titua goes into the most holy place, sect. 7. Temple of Solomon described, Antiq. viii. iii. 2, &c. ; de- dicated by Solomon, sect 4; foreigners could go but to a certain partition wall in Herod's temple, xv. xi. 5; women excluded the two inner courts, ib. ; open to Sa- maritans and other nations for prayer, xi. iv. 3; Da- vid's armory in the temple, ix. vii. 2; tax out of the temple treasure remitted by Demetrius, xiii. U. 3; Da- niel's prophecy of Antiochus' profanation of the temple fulfilled, xii. vii. 6. Tephetus of Garsis, War, v. xi. 5. Terah, Abraham's father, Antiq. i. vi. 5. Terebinth, or turpentine tree, near Hebron, supposed as old as the world, War, iv. ix. 7. Terentius, or Turnus Kufus, War, vii, ii. Teresh. Antiq. xi. vi. 4. Teridates, or liridates, king of Armenia, Antiq. xx. iiL 3 ; War, vii. vii. 7. Tero. an old soldier, Antiq. xvi. ix. 4, &c.; War, i. xxvii. 4, &c.; charged with treason by Trypho, Herod's bar- ber, sect. 5. Tethmosis, or Thumosis, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i. 14. 15, 26. Tetrarchies, Antiq. xiii. iv. 9. T hamar, David's daui;hter, Antiq. vii, iii, 3. Thamar, Absalom's daughter, married to Rehoboam, An- tiq. vii. X. 3. Thaumastus. Antiq. xviii. vi. 6. Theatres erected at Jerusalem by Herod, Antiq. xt. viii. 1; War, i. xxi. 8; at Cesarea, Antiq. xv, ix. 6. Theft how punished by the law of Moses, Antiq, iv.viii. 27, &« Themasius, Antiq. xiii. iii. 4. Theodorus, son of f-sno, Antiq. xiii. xiii. 3; War, i. iv. Theodosius, Antiq. xiii iii. 4. '1 beophilus. son of Ananus deprived of the high-pritj^ hood, Antiq. xix. vi. 2. ^ Theophilns, brother of Jonathan, mad- high-priest, An- tiq. xviii. V. 3. Thermus, a Roman ambassador, AgainJt Apion, ii. sect 5. Thermusa, Phraataces's concubine, and then wife, An- tiq. xviii. ii, 4 Theudas, an impostor, Antiq. xx. v. 1. Theudion, brother of Doris, Antipater's mother, Antiq. xvii. iv. 2. Thobel, or Tubal Cain, Antiq. i. ii. 1. Tholomy, son ot Sohernus, Antiq. xiv. viii. 1. Thumosis, or Tethmosis, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i, sect. 14, 15, 26. Thrygammes, or Togarmah, Antiq, i. vi. 1. Tiberius Alexander, procurator of Judea, Antiq. xx. v. 2. Tiberius Alexander, governor of Alexandria, War, ii. xviii. 7; and v. i. 6; he brings Egypt over to Vespa- sian, iv. X. 6. # Tiberius the emperor. Anti()t xviii. ii. 4; War, ii, ix. 2, 3; his dilatory proceedings, Antiq. xviii. vi. 5; his 8ki4l in astrology, sect 9; his prognostic of a successor ib.| his death, ib. Tibni, Antiq. viii. xii. 5. Tidal, Antiq. i. ix. Tiglathpileser, king of Assyria, Antiq. ix. xl. I. Tigranes, king of Annenia, Antiq. xiii. xvi. 4; and xt iv. 3i and xviii. v. 4; War, i. v. 3; c. xxviii, sect 1. Tigranes, son of Alexander and Glaphyra, Antiq. xviii. V. 4. Timnus. king of Egypt. Against Apion, i, Boct 14. Timidius, Antiq. xix. i. 5. .:,^ INDEX. 879 Timius, a Cirp'lo** Antiq^^xrliL r. 4. Timotheas, Antiq. xiL viii. 1,3; he i* pat tofligatby J udas. sect 4. Tiras. Antiq. i. yi. 1. riridates, king of Armenia, Antiq. xx. iii. 3. Fithfs and tirst-fruits, given to the Invites, Antiq. iv. iv. 3; their tithes or tenth parts given to the priests, sect. 4, this law restored by ilcrzekiah, ix. xiii. 3. Titins, president of Syria, Antiq. xvi. viii. 6. Titus Caesar, son of Vespasian, sent to Alexandria, War, iii. ;. 3; he brines a great number of troops to Vespa- sian, c iv. sect. 2; his piety towards his father, c vii sect. 22; he and Vespasian take Jotapata, sect. 31; his mildness to Josephus, c viii. sect. 8, 9; be is sent against Taricheae. c x. sect. 1 ; his valour in this expedition, sect. 3; bis speech to the soldiers, sect 4; he takes Ta- richeae, sect 6; he is sent to Rome, with king Agrippa, to compliment Galba. iv. ix. 2; the order of his army, V. ii. 1 ; he arrives at Jenisalem. and is exposed to great danger, sect 1, 2; his great valour, sect 2, 5; his great concern to save Jerusalem, c. ix. sect 2; and the tem- ple, vi. ii. 4; c iv. sect 3; his speech to his soldiers, c. i. sect 5; he receives acclamations from the army, c. vi. sect 1; his speeches to the Jewish tyrants, sect 2; he ascribes the conquest of the city to God, c. ix. sect. 1; he thanks the army and distributes rewards, vii ii. 3; :elebrates his father's and brother's birth- days, c. iii. sect I ; is greatly moved at the <'ght of the ruins of Jerusalem, c v. sect 2; he makes great shows, c. V. sect. I ; comes to Antioch, sect 2; and to Rome, sect. 3; what persons he carried with him for the triumph, ib.; his approbation of Josephus's history, l.ife, sect 65; his nenerusity to Josephus, sect 75w Tobias's sons expelled Jerusalem, War, i, i. 2. Togarraah, Antiq. i. vi. I. Toparchies (three) or prefectures, added to Jadea, Antiq. xiii. iv. 9. Tower of Bahel, and the Sibyl's testimony concerning it, Antiq. i. iv. Trachonites rebel, Antiq. xri ix.l. Traditions of the Pharisees, unwritten, Antiq. viii. x. 6. Trajan, captain ot the tenth legion. War, iii. vii. 31. Translation of the law, made by seventy-two elders, An- tiq. xii. ii. 12; Against Apion, ii. sect. 4. Treasure (secret) kept in the temple by some of the priests, Antiq. xi. v. 2. Tribes of Israel, and their portions of land determined by Idt, Antiq. v. i. 22. Tribute paid out of Judea to Antiochns Pins, Antiq. xiii viii. 3; great men farm such tributes, xii. i v. 3; poll- money paid the kings of Syria by the Jews, xiiL ii. 3; ten thousand drachmae paid out of the temple to them, ib. ; three hundred talents paid by Jonathan tc *t^me- trius for tribute, c. iv. sect 9; Jews freed from paying such tribute by Simon the Maccabee, c vi. sect 6; high- priests used to pay twenty talents tribute to the kings •*of Eeypt out of their own revenues, xii. iv. 1; poll- money and crown-tax, &c.. forgiven the principal orders of the Jews by Anliiichus the Great, c. iii. sect 5, Triumphal gate at Rome, War, vii. v. 4. Triumphal pomp described. War, vii. v. 4, 5, &c. Trophies give offence to the Jews, Antiq. xv. viiu 1. Trumpet, its invention and form. Antiq. iii. xii. 6. Truth and justice complained to be gone out of the world, Amiq. xvi. xi. 4. Truth and accuracy to be observed by an historian, Antiq. xiv. i. 1; observed accordingly by Josephus, Life, sect 66. Try pho, the tyrant brings young Antiocbus back to Syrii, Antiq. xiii. v. 3; his periidious behaviour to the same Antiochus, c. vi. sect 1; he draws Jonathan into a snare, sect. 1,2; he makes an irruption into Judea, sect 4; imposes upon Simon, ib.; kills Jonathan, sect 5; he causes Antiochus, whose guardian he was, to be killed, c viL sect 1; he is made king by the army, ib,; he IS killed at Apamia, sec^ 2. Trvpho, king Herod's barber, Antiq. xvi. ix. 6, &c.; War, i. xxvii. 5. Try pho, king Ptolemy's darliag, Antiq. xii. iv. 9. Tuhal-Cain. Antiq. i. it 2. Tyrannius Priscus. War. ii. xix. 4. Tyrannos, deposition a^^ainst Alexander, Antiq. xvi. x. 3; War, i. xxvi. 3. Tyre, when built Antiq. viii. iii. 1. Tyre, oppressed by Marion. Antiq. xiv. xii. I. Tyre, besieifed seven months by Alexander the Great Antiq xi. viii. 4. Tj IP> i»,a name of a castle built by Hyrcanus, Antiq. xii 1.. Tyrians, their god Baal, Antiq. ix. tL 6; their ancient records, Against Apion, L sect 17; they beat the Assy- rians at sea, Antiq. ix. xiv. 2; their temple of Jupiter Olympius, viii. v. 3; Against Apion, i. sect 18; of Hercules, ib ; of Astarte, ib. Valerian, a decurion. War, iii. ix. 7. Valerius Gratus. procurator of Judea, Antiq. xviii. iii. 2. Valerius Asiaticus, Antiq. xix. i. 14, 20. Varo, president of Syria, Antiq. xv. x. I. Varus (Quintilius), president of Syria, Antiq- xvii. v. 2, 6; c. ix. sect 3; Life, sect 11; War, i. xxxL3; and ii. iii. 1 ; he comes to succour Sabinus, Antiq. xvii. x. 9; War, ii. v. 1; be punishes the mutineers, Antiq. xvii. X. 1, 9. 10. Vashti, wife of king Artaxerxes, Antiq. xL vL 1. Vatinius, Antiq. xix. i. 13. Veils of the tabernacle, Antiq. iii. vii. 7. Veatidius Bassus. bribed by Antigonus, Antiq. xir. xiT. 6; c. XV. sect 1; sent to repel the Parthians, War, L XV. 2; he kills Pacorus in battle, and defeats the Par- thians, Antiq. xiv. xv. 7. Veranius, Antiq. xix. iii. 4. Vespasian and Titus's generosity towards the Jews, An- tiq. xii. ilL 2; his wars in Judea, War, book iii. and iv. at large. Victory does not depend on numbers, but op «"i!onr, An- tiq. i. X. 1 ; and on piety towards God. Antiq. xii. vii. 1. Vindex rebels against Nero, War, iv. riii ' Vine (golden) in Herod's temple, Antiq. xv. ziii. 3; an- other sent to Rome, xiv. iii 1. Vinicius (Marcus), Antiq xix. i. 14. Virtue its own reward, Antiq. iv. viii. 2. Vh-tiies (royal), Antiq. vii, xv. 2. Vitellius, president of Syria, Antiq. xv. xi. 4; War, vii. iv. 2; he is highly treated by the Jews, Antiq. xviii. iiu 3; c. V. sect. 3; his expedition ajiainst Areta», ib. ; is ordered by Tiberius to enter into an alliance with Artabanus. c iv. sect 4. Vitellius is made emperor after Otho, War, iv. ix. 9; he is slain, c. xi. sect 4. Vitellius Prorulus, Antiq. xix. vi. 3. Ummidius Quadratus, president of Syria, Antiq. xx. vi Onexpected events the most shocking, Antiq. y. ix. 3. Unleavened bread. See Passover. Voice heard in the temple, War, vi. v. 3. Vologesses, king of Parthia. Antiq. xx. iv. 2; War. vii. V. 2; c. vii. sect 3; he declares war against Izates, Antiq. xx. iv. 2. Voliimnius, procurator of Syria, Antiq. xvi. ix. 1; c. xl. sect 3; Uar, i. xxvii. 1,2. Vonones, Antiq. xviii. ii. 4. Vow of Jephtha to sacrifice his daughter, neither lawful nor acceptable to God, Antiq. v. viL 10. Ures, Antiq. viii, ii. 3. Uriah slain, Antiq. vii. vii. 1. Urias, bigh-priest, Antiq. x. viiL 6. Uz, Antiq. i. vi. 4. 3. Uzzah, smitten by God, for touching the ark, Antiq. viL iv. 2. Uzziab, or Azariah, king of Judah, Antiq. ix. xi. 3; his acts and encomium, c. ix. sect 3; he burns incense in the temple, sect 4; be is smitten with the leprosy for usurping the priest's oflBce, ib. War not begun with foreign nations till ambassadors are sent. Antiq. iv. viii. 41; and v. ii. 9. War (laws of) among the Jews, Antiq. iv. viii. 41, &c< Against Apion, ii. sect 30. War (Jewish), whence begun. War, ii. xiii.; c xiv. sect. 4; c. XV. sect 5; c. xvii. sect 1. &c Water of Bethlehem, offered to God by David, Antiq. vii. xii. 4 Water (sea). See Sea. Witch, or necromantic woman of Endor, comforts Saul, Antiq. vi. xiv. 3; her eulogium, sect 4. Women's power, Antiq. xi iii. 3; their cunning in pre- venting accusations, ii. v. 5; their dress forbidden men, iv. viii, 43; foreign women not to be meddled with by Jews, xii, iv, 6; when divorced, cannot marry another without their former husband's consent, xv vii. ID; Persian women, or wives, not to be seen by strargers, X. vi. 1 ; not allowed to be witnesses, iv. viii. 15. Xaothicu*, the Ryro- Macedonian name of the Jewish month Nisan, Antiq, i. iii. 3; and so elsewhere. Xerses succeeds Darius, Antiq, xL v. 1; his letter t9 I'zra, ib. 880 INDEX. Xylophorla, a Jewish festival, when they carried wood to thts temple for the sacrifices. War, iL xvii. 6. Year, two beginnings of Jewish years, Antiq. i. i. 3. Year {Great}, a period of six hundred common years, Antiq. i. iii. 9. Zabdiel, a prince of the Arabians, Antiq. xiii. iv. 8. Zabidus, an Idumean, Af^ainst Apion, ii. sect. 10. Zachariah, king of Israel, Antiq. ix. x. 3; his death, c. xi. sect. 1. Zachariah, son of Jehoiada, a prophet, is stoned, Antiq. ix. viii. 3 Zachariah the prophet, Antiq. xi. iv. 5, 7. Zacharlas, son of Baruch, Wan, iv. v. 4; he is murdered in the temple, ib. Zacharias, sou of Phaiek, War, iv. iv. 1. Zachariah, son of Ahaz, is slain by Maaseiah, Antiq. ix. xii. 1. Zaduc, or Sadoc, high-priest, Antiq. vii. ii. ; c. v. sect. 4; c. X sect. 4; c. xi. sect. 8; c. xiv. sect. 4; and viii. i. 3; and x. viii. 6. Zaimunna, a captain of the Midianites, Antiq. v. vi. 5. Z:imaris, a Babylonian Jew, Antiq. xvii. ii. 3. Zarepheth, or Sarepta, thg widow's habitation, Antiq. viii. xiii. 2. Zealots, War, iv. iii. 9, 13, 14; c. iv. sect 5, &c.; c v. sect. 1, 6; and vii. viii. 1. Zeb, or Zeeb, captain of the Midianites, Antiq. T. vi. 5, Zebndah, moth«ir of Jehoiaklm, Antiq. x, v. 3. Zedekiah, a false prophet, Antiq. viii. xv. 4. Zedekiah, king of Judah, Antiq. x. vii. 4, &c.; he revolt from the Babylonians, sect. 2; calls for Jeremiah's ad vice, sect 6; he is carried captive to Babylon, c. viiJ sect 2 ; his death, sect 7. Zebina (Alexander), king of Syria, is conquered by An tiocbus Grypus, and dies, Antiq. xiii. ix. 3. Zebul, Antiq. v. vii. 4. Zeno, styled Cotylas, tyrant of Philadelphia, Antiq. xiii. vii. 1. Zonodoras, Antiq. xv. x. 1, &c.} War, i. xx. iv.; hie death, Antiq. xv. x. 3. Zerah, an Ethiopian king, Antiq. viii. xii. 1 ; defeated by Asa, sect 1, 2. Zeruiah, Antiq. vi. xiii. 9. Zuxis, Antiq. xii. iii. 4. Ziba, Saul's freed-man, Antiq. vii. v. 2. Zillab, Lamech's wife, Antiq. i. ii. 2. Zimri, prince of the Simeonites, Antiq. iv. Ti. lOj his speech against Moses, sect. 11. Zimri kills Elah, Antiq. viii. xii. 4, 5; his death, ib. Zipporah, Moses' wife, Antiq. iii. ii. 1. Zizus, an Arabian, Antiq. xiii. xiv. 3. Zoba (king of), Antiq. vii. vi. 1. Zoilus, a tyrant, Antiq. xiii. xii. 2. Zorobabel, Antiq. xi. i. 3; c. iii. sect 1, &e. Zur, king of tiw Midianites, Antiq. iv. vii. |« THE^END, ii -> ,„ { >' ^ /Jii -J yo 09635