THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES 
 
 Eugene l. Morice ~ 
 
 OMENTAL * ArR.CAN BooK^rtLC 
 9 CECIL COURT, 
 
 <«RING Cros 
 
 LONDON,
 
 THE RISE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 BPtlTLSK POWER IN THE EAST
 
 UNIFORM WITH THE PRESENT WORK. 
 
 THE HISTOEY OF INDIA. The Hindu and 
 Mahometan Periods. By the Hon. Mountstuakt 
 Elphinstone. 6th Edition. With Notes and Additions 
 by E. B. CowELL, M.A., late Principal of the Sanskrit 
 College, Calcutta. With Map, 8vo. 18s. 
 
 THE LIFE OF THE HON. MOUNTSTUAET 
 
 ELPHINSTONE. With Selections from his Correspond- 
 ence and Papers. By Sir Edward Colebrooke, Bart. 
 With Portrait and Plans, 2 vols. 8vo. 26s.
 
 THE EISB 
 
 OF THE 
 
 BRITISH POWER IN THE EAST 
 
 BY THE LATB 
 
 HON. MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE 
 
 BEING A CONTINUATION OF HIS 'HISTORY OF INDIA 
 IN THE HINDU AND MAHOMETAN PERIODS' 
 
 By SIR EDWARD COLEBROOKE, Baet. 
 
 WITH MAPS 
 
 LONDON 
 JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET 
 
 1887 
 
 All righti: resfrrffi
 
 riiiNTKn r.v 
 
 8."0'ITISW00nK AND CO., M;AV-STl;Kirr SQUARK 
 LONDON-
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Mr. Elphinstone's ' History of India,' which appeared 
 in 1841, closes with the battle of Paniput, fought in 
 1765, on which occasion the Marattas, whose power 
 was then at its zenith, suffered a crushmg defeat at 
 the hands of Ahmed Shah Durrani, supported by the 
 Mahometan prmces of Northern India. The conquerors 
 were unable to follow up their victory ; the Afghan 
 prmce returned to his dommions beyond the Indus, 
 and the territory, which was formerly comprised in the 
 Mogul Empire, was broken up mto separate States. 
 Here, therefore, the author observed, the history of the 
 Mogul Empire closes of itself 
 
 It appears from the author's journals that he had 
 made considerable progress in a third volume prior to 
 the former publication, but his labours had been inter- 
 rupted by attacks of illness, and soon after the resump- 
 tion of his work his health gave "N^ay, and led to its 
 final abandonment. Other causes contributed to inter- 
 fere with its completion. Such was his diffidence that 
 had it not been for the advice of f^ord Jeffrey, whom he 
 
 526467 
 
 WATUMULL
 
 [()] PREFACE. 
 
 consulted about publishing the first volume, it is pro- 
 bable they would never have appeared. This distrust 
 ass.imed the form of despair when he read the brilliant 
 essays, or rather lives, of Clive and Hastings by Macau- 
 lay, to whose estimate of the character and career of 
 these great men he rendered warm testimony in his 
 journals. At length, after many doubts of being able to 
 throw any new light on the history of Hastings, or of 
 producing a narrative which would supersede the work 
 of Mill, he threw aside his task for ever. 
 
 The greater part of the manuscript which is now 
 published had been copied by a clerk and received some 
 subsequent corrections at the hand of the author. The 
 tenth chapter, which brings the narrrative down to the 
 grant of the Diwdni in 1765, is in the author's hand- 
 writing. He had commenced some further chapters on 
 the early relations of the British Government with the 
 Marattas, on the affairs of the Rohillas, and on Hastings's 
 treatment of the Rdja of Benares j but they are mere 
 fragments. 
 
 There are also some careful notes on the characters 
 of Clive and Hastings, some of which are quoted in the 
 published life of the author. Those on Clive were written 
 at intervals, and were evidently mtended for a review of 
 his career at its close. They will, I think, mterest the 
 readers of this volume, but are in too incomplete a 
 shape to form a part of this history. They are prefaced 
 by what seems to have been commenced as an introduc- 
 tion to this period of Indian history : — 
 
 ' The period treated of in these volumes neither ad-
 
 PREFACE. [7] 
 
 mits of novelty in the facts or originality in the ideas. 
 The documents have been searched out for Parliament 
 by the diligence of parties anxious to support their 
 conflictmg opinions The materials they furnish have 
 been combmed and commented on by the master spirits 
 of the last age. A new picture of these times must be 
 flat in the ablest hands. I have therefore no expecta- 
 tion that the following pages will be attractive. My 
 hope is that they may be useful. The passions which 
 clouded the former period have passed away, and an 
 ordinary writer may profit by the light shed from dif- 
 ferent quarters on the scene which none before looked 
 on but in one aspect. This consideration influences 
 the author in entering on so well occupied a field, and 
 he will think his labours repaid a thousandfold if they 
 contribute to just views of the present and wise resolu- 
 tions for tlie future, and contribute to throw even a 
 greater lustre on the nation by the actions which it 
 suggests than by those which it records. 
 
 ' MEMOBANDUM. 
 
 ' The only chance of success in this part of the his- 
 tory lies in stern hnpartiality, mixed with candour and 
 indulgence, towards all the parties concerned. Measures 
 must be discussed, serving no doubt to illustrate the 
 characters of the leading men of the day, but more 
 with a view to utility, and to pointing out what objects 
 are to be attained and what are the sure means of 
 ascertaining and promotmg them.
 
 [8] PREFACE. 
 
 ' This is the key to the treatment of Olive's cha- 
 racter, commanding respect and admiration from its 
 great qualities, which feelings are painfully checked by 
 instances of duplicity and meanness. 
 
 ' The impression he leaves is that of force and gran- 
 deur ; a masculme understanding ; a fine judgment ; 
 an inflexible will, little moved by real dangers, and 
 by arguments and menaces not at all. He exercised a 
 supreme control over those who shared his counsels or 
 executed his resolves. Men }^eldedto a pressure which 
 they knew could not be turned aside, and either par- 
 took of its impulse or were crushed by its progress. 
 
 ' When overmatched by his enemies he appears in 
 even greater grandeur. He meets the most formidable 
 accusations with bold avowal and a confident justifica- 
 tion. He makes no attempt to soften his enemies or 
 conciliate the public, but stands on his merits and ser- 
 vices with a pride which in other circimistances would 
 liave been arrogance. . . . 
 
 ' After acknowledging his errors, history presents few 
 great characters more blameless ( ?) ^ than that of Clive. 
 Though stern and imperious by nature, his temper was 
 proof against a thousand trials, and m a life spent amidst 
 scenes of blood and suffering he has never been accused 
 of a single act of cruelty. He coveted money as an instru- 
 ment of ambition, but lie never acquired it in any manner 
 that he did not openly avow, and he scorned to preserve 
 it by swerving a hair's breadth from his duty. His few 
 political offences he was led into by zeal for the public, 
 
 ' The mark of interrogation is by the author.
 
 PREFACE. [9 J 
 
 and for the same object lie sacrificed the peace of his 
 last years and risked his accumulations of wealth and 
 glory. He possessed undaunted courage, a strong un- 
 derstanding, sagacity and soundness of judgment, and 
 unrivalled vigour in action. A mind so endowed rises 
 high above ordmary imperfections ; at worst it is a 
 rough-hewn Colossus, where the irregularities of the 
 surface are lost in the grandeur of the whole. 
 
 ' Though naturally bold, open, and direct, Clive did 
 not despise the use of artifice when his purposes required 
 it, and it is this propensity that casts a shade of mean- 
 ness over his great qualities that prevents that unmixed 
 respect which so powerful a character must otherwise 
 have commanded. 
 
 'November 8, 1843. 
 
 ' Though Clive had a natural sense of honour, his 
 independent and even reckless character made hhn in- 
 different to the opinion of others and regardless of form 
 and propriety. The society in which he lived m India 
 was not likel^ to promote refinement ; the agitated scene 
 in which he was soon engaged, the eagerness for success, 
 the calamities and disgrace attendant on failure, left little 
 time for reflection or hesitation. The practice of the 
 natives, the example of the French, and the maxims cur- 
 rent among his brother officers, led him to rate bolchiess 
 and vigour far above scrupulous correctness, and the 
 result was a high sense of honour with little delicacy of 
 sentiment. He could sacrifice his life to his duty, but not 
 his interest to his moderation ; he was generous to his
 
 [10] PllEFACE. 
 
 friends, but barely just to his enemies. He would have 
 rejected praise he had not earned, but neither forgot nor 
 allowed others to forget the extent of his real deserts. . . . 
 ' Olive's estimate of his own services, great as they 
 were, by no means fell short of their actual value. This 
 does not arise from any indulgence of vanity on his 
 part, but there is no occasion on which they can promote 
 his views or interest when they are not brought forward 
 in an exaggerated form, with a boldness and conscious- 
 ness of worth that command our respect and overcome 
 our dislike to self-praise. Hence arose a marked pecu- 
 liarity of Olive's character. After the enormous extent 
 to which he had profited by his situation he delights to 
 dwell on his integrity and moderation, and speaks of 
 greed and rapacity in others with scorn and indignation. 
 Convinced that the boimty of Mir Jc4fir fell short of his 
 claims on the Oompany, he mveighs against his successors 
 who received presents which they had not earned, and 
 speaks of them with disgust as the most criminal as well 
 as the meanest of mankind. Nor are these sentiments 
 assumed to impose upon the public ; they are most 
 strongly expressed in his most confidential letters, and 
 appear to be drawn forth by the strength of his feelings. 
 In no stage of his life did Olive appear with more dig- 
 nity than during his persecution. His boasts of merit 
 and service now appear as a proud resistance to calumny 
 and oppression ; the spirit with which he avowed and 
 gloried in the acts which excited the most clamour and 
 odium, his independence towards his judges, his defiance
 
 PEEFACE. [11] 
 
 of Ills powerful enemies, excite our interest while they 
 command our respect and admiration. 
 
 ' Olive's views were clear within the circle of his 
 vision, but they were not extensive. His political plans 
 were founded on the existing relations without much 
 attention to prospective changes. His reforms were 
 temporary expedients, and even his knowledge of the 
 state of India in his time was only accurate wdtliin the 
 scene where he had himself been an actor. 
 
 ' Olive's Return Home. 
 
 ' He now paid dear for his disinterestedness. All 
 who had been brought to punishment by his severity ; 
 all w^ho had suffered mdirectly by his reforms ; all who 
 were disappointed in their hopes of wealth and favour, 
 with their numerous connections among the Proprietors, 
 and with the old band of enemies at the India House, 
 combined to raise a clamour against him ; and in this 
 were speedily joined those wdio envied his w^ealth and 
 reputation, and a numerous class whose indignation 
 against Indians had been roused by the very abuses 
 which Olive had put down and which in their ignorance 
 they imputed to him in common with all the Oompany's 
 servants. Against these attacks the Government gave 
 him no protection. 
 
 ' All his former proceedings, over which many 
 years had passed, and which, when not applauded at the 
 time, had received a general sanction from his appoint- 
 ment to the government of India at a time when honesty
 
 [12] PREFACE. 
 
 and public spirit were regarded as much as talent, all 
 were scrutinised as if they were now mentioned for the 
 first time. 
 
 ' But all these investio-ations brouo;ht forth no fresh 
 chafge against the accused. Whatever faults Clive 
 might have committed, the facts had never been denied, 
 and his acquisitions, if immoderate, were on too great a 
 scale to be concealed. There were no petty peculations, 
 no lurking corruption to be detected. A committee, 
 with a hostile president, with Mr. Johnston Mmself 
 for a meml)er, produced after two sessions a report, 
 the effect of which may be judged of by the result. A 
 motion strongly inculpatory was made by the chairman, 
 Clive replying by avowing everything of which he was 
 accused, and declaring that in similar circumstances he 
 would do the same aj^ain. 
 
 ' The decision of the House was worthy the best days 
 of the Roman Senate. Without approving of actions 
 of mixed merit or demerit, or sanctioning questionable 
 principles, they voted Robert Lord Clive had rendered 
 great and meritorious services to his country. 
 
 ' But this honourable testimony could not remove 
 the effect of two years of persecution ; and it is doubtful 
 whether the sense of injury and ingratitude did not 
 concur with suffermgs from disease to cut short the 
 career of this proud and aspiring genius.' 
 
 As Mr. Elphinstone's narrative leaves the account 
 of the struggle between the English and French incom- 
 plete, I have added a chapter which brings the story
 
 PREFACE. [l;^] 
 
 to a close, French historians of these events treat 
 them very briefly, and were it not that the disastrous 
 close of the war was followed by a long trial, at the end 
 of which the unfortunate French General perished by 
 the hand of the executioner, it is probable that very 
 little light would have been thrown on this chapter of 
 history from French sources. But the charges against 
 the Comte de Lally led to the publication of a mass of 
 documents, which, with the correspondence attached to 
 them, fill many volumes. Lally himself produced three, 
 which are referred to in the chapter in this volume 
 which describes his career. The most elaborate is 
 entitled, ' Memoire pour le Comte de Lally contre 
 Monsieur le Procureur General,' and consists of a de- 
 tailed reply to all the attacks made on his conduct. 
 Next we have a summary of his case, m itself a volume, 
 entitled ' Tableau historique de I'expedition de I'Lide,' 
 and lastly, a tract directed against the Commander of the 
 French fleet durmg the war entitled ' Vraies causes de la 
 perte de I'Tnde.' On the other side we have memoires 
 of the Sieur de Bussy, the Comte d'Ache, the admiral, 
 others from the representatives of M. de Leyrit, the 
 Governor of Pondicherry, and from M. de Soupire and 
 others. 
 
 Li this controversy the true causes of the loss of the 
 Indies are lost sight of m elaborate attacks on individuals 
 on especial occasions, and it is fortunate that we possess 
 60 full an account of the war by so impartial a writer as 
 Onne. He was a member of the council of Madras, and 
 had access to the best sources of information, and his
 
 [14] PREFACE. 
 
 volumes combine the value of a history with a personal 
 narrative. The difFuseness which is often complained of 
 is due to the nature of the war, which partook of the 
 character of a war of posts. No one complains of the 
 excess of details when he describes Olive's defence of 
 Arcot, the campaign of Trichinopoly, or the battle of 
 Vandewash, but when the same difFuseness is applied 
 to smaller encounters or the sieges of hill forts, the 
 details become wearisome. I have followed the gui- 
 dance of this excellent writer in tracing the history of 
 the campaign, and, Tsdthout following it servilely, I have 
 endeavoured to make this sketch an abridgment of his 
 narrative, in this respect following the precept and exam- 
 ple of Mr. Elphinstone (see page 82 of this volume) in 
 trying, whenever it was possible, to give the very words 
 of the historian. 
 
 The references at the foot of the pages, where the 
 author is not named, are to the first edition of 
 Mr. Elphinstone' s ' History of India.' I have added 
 the book and chapter referred to, for the convenience of 
 those who have only access to the later editions. 
 
 E. C.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 I 
 
 Progress of maritime adventure at the close of the fifteenth century — 
 Voyage of Vasco da Gania — His proceedings at Calicut — Jealousy 
 of the Arab traders — His detention — Attacked by the forces of 
 the Zamorin — Return to Europe — Voyage of Cabral — Barbarous 
 acts of reprisal by the Portuguese under Cabral and Vasco da 
 Gama— Establishment of Portuguese authority on the West Coast 
 of India under Albuquerque — War with the Mamluk sovereigns 
 of Egypt and with the rulers of Bijapur — Barbarous warfare — 
 Conquest of Goa — Decline of the power of the Portuguese — 
 Causes of decline — War in Guzerat — Character and extent of 
 Portuguese dominion — Their policy towards the natives 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Progress of maritime enterprise — Incorporation of an English Trading 
 Company in 1599 — Voyages to the Eastern Islands and to Surat — 
 Mission to the Emperor Jehangir — Middleton's voyage — Collision 
 with the Portuguese at Surat — Sir T. Roe's mission — Formation 
 of a rival Company, and its piratical proceedings — Formation of a 
 new Company — Controversy on free trade or a regulated Company 
 — Cession of Bombay by Portugal — Considerations on the ex- 
 pediency of territorial possessions — Sir E. Winter and occurrences 
 at Madras — Civil and military servants of the Company — Mutiny 
 of troops — Interlopers— Sir Joshua Cliild and the ' great design ' 
 — Invasion of Bengal — Its failure — Ojierations at Surat — Renewal 
 of the war — Sir J. Child sues for peace — Low state of the Com- 
 pany's affairs — Piracy in the Eastern Seas — Formation of a new 
 Company and its struggle with the old — Union and incorporation 
 of the two — Mission to the Emperor and its success — Suppression 
 of piracy— Note on martial law and the legal condition of Euro- 
 peans in India •••..... 28
 
 [!()] CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 PA OK 
 
 Commencement of the struggle between the French and English — 
 Dost All's succession to the Government of the Camatic^War 
 with the Marattas — Anwar-u-din — Murder of Said Mohammed — 
 Rise of the French East India Company — Its relations with the 
 Government of France — War between France and England — 
 Rise of Dupleix — Arrival of a fleet under La Bourdonnais — Siege 
 and capture of Madras — Dispersion of the French fleet by a storm 
 — Return of La Bourdonnais to France — His treatment by the 
 ministry — Mahfilz Khan attacks Pondicherry — His encounter 
 with the French — Dupleix violates the treaty with the English — 
 His attack on Fort St. David — The English fleet bring reinforce- 
 ments — Siege of Pondicherry — Its failure — Peace with Fi-ance . 81 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Peace with France — English expedition to Tanjore — Capture of Devi 
 Cota and treaty with the Rdja — Dupleix's ambitious schemes — 
 Chanda Saheb's adventures — Joins Mozaffer Jang — Their alliance 
 with the French — Defeat and death of Anwar-u-dm — Rejoicings 
 at Pondicherry — Attack on Trichinopoly — The Raja applies to 
 the English — Advance of Nasir Jang — Joined by an English force 
 under Lawrence — Mutiny in the French force and its retreat — 
 Dupleix's intrigues with the Patan Nawabs — His enterprises — 
 Capture of Jinji— Attacks Nasir Jang — Death of the Viceroy — 
 Ascendancy of the French — Discontent of the Patan Nawabs 
 — French acquisitions ......... 118 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Alarm of the English — Despatch of a force to Trichinopoly — Struggle 
 for the possession of Volconda — Operations before Trichinopoly 
 — Olive's early career — Recommends an attack on Arcot— Gallant 
 defence of Arcot by Olive — French attack on Trichinopoly — The 
 Raja is assisted by the Dalwai of Mysore — Olive's victory over 
 Rezza S4heb — the advance of the English force under Lawrence 
 and retreat of the French — Oj^erations against Seringham — Olive's 
 personal adventures — Total destruction of French detachments — 
 Desperate circumstances of the French — Chanda Saheb deserted 
 by his chiefs — Surrender of d'Auteuil's detachment— Negotiations 
 for the surrender of Chanda Saheb — His fate — Capitulation of 
 Law 152
 
 CONTENTS. [17] 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PAGn 
 ]\Iiircli of IMozaftbr Jang and Bussy to Heiderabacl — Conflict with tho 
 Patan Nabobs — Deatli of Mozaffer Jang and accession of Salabut 
 Jang — Storm of Carniil — Ascendancy of Bussy, and cessions to 
 the French — Dupleix's exertions to raise a new field force — 
 Mohammed Ali's engagements with Mysore — New conflicts with 
 tlie French and Englisli — Clive returns to Europe — Ghazi-u-din 
 invades the Deckan — His death — Crisis at Trichinopoly — Opera- 
 tions of Lawrence — Confusion in the North of the Carnatic — 
 Superiority of the French and their allies — Lawrence's gallant 
 attack on the French jiosition — His success — Renewed difticulties 
 — Second attack, and I'etreat of the French — Success of the Nabob 
 in the North — The attack on Trichinopoly — Its failure . . 181 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 ASairs of Heiderabdd — Difficulties of Bussy's position — His vigorous 
 measures — Important cessions of territory to the French — Ni^'gotia- 
 tions l)etween the French and English — State of the Mogul Empire 
 — Operations before Trichinoi^oly — Opinion in France on the war 
 in India — Negotiations wdth England for peace — Supersession of 
 Dupleix — Suspension of hostilities — Character of Dupleix — His 
 treatment on his return to France — Terms of the treaty — English 
 invasion of Madura and Tinivelly — Operations of the English fleet 
 against pirates on the Malabar Coast — Di9"erences arising in carry- 
 ing out the truce — Bussy's operations in the Northern cessions — 
 His invasion of Mysore — Attacks the Raja of Savanore— His suc- 
 cesses — Intrigues at Heiderabad — Dismissal of the French and 
 their retreat — Bussy occupies Heiderabad — March of reinforce- 
 ments from Pondicherry — Their ccmflicts with the enemy and 
 entry into Heiderabad — Triumph of Bussy — Alarming news from 
 the English settlements in Bengal — Account of the rise of the 
 Sepoy force — Improvement in the Company's troops — On the 
 manners of the French and English in India — Note on the titles 
 of the native princes . . . . . . . . .211 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Affairs of Bengal— Rise of Ali Verdi Khan— Succession of Sunlj-n- 
 Doula— His character— His dispute with the English authorities 
 at Calcutta— Attacks the settlement- Abandonment of the place 
 by the Governor and principal inhabitants —Surrender of the 
 
 a
 
 [IS] 
 
 C O.N TENTS. 
 
 garrison — The Black Hole — Expedition fn^ni Madias under C'ive 
 — Recovery (jf Calcutta —War with France — Cliandernagor — Clive 
 attacks the Nabob's camp— Alarm of Suraj-u-Doula — Agrees to 
 tenns of peace — Negotiations with the French — Cai)ture of 
 Cliandernagor — The Nabob threatens war — Some of his chiefs 
 make overtures to the English — Decision of the Council to sup- 
 port Mir JiiHr — Battle of Plassy — Mi'r Jatir assumes the govern- 
 ment of Bengal — Large payments of money — Remarks on the 
 conduct of Clive — Weakness of the new Government at Murshid- 
 jibad — Afl'airs on the Coast of Coroniandel — Expedition to the 
 French possessions — Ai^pearance of Prince Ali Gdhar on the 
 frontier — Advance of Clive and retreat of the prince — Clive's 
 Jiigir — Dutch expedition from Batavia arrives in the Hughli— 
 Attacked by Englisli troops — Clive returns to England . . 2G0 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Prince Ali Gohar assumes the title of Shah Alani — Is routed by the 
 English under Caillaud — Operations of Caillaud — Death of Mi'ran 
 — Crisis in the affairs of Murshidabad— Arrival of Vansittart — 
 Decides on supporting Casim Ali — Terms of the treaty — Jafii' Ali 
 deposed — Remarks on the revolution — Presents to members of 
 the Government — Defeat of Shah A lam by Carnac, and his sur- 
 render to the English — Disputes with Casim Ali — Private trade 
 of the Company's servants — Its abuses — The Nabob abolishes all 
 inland duties — Violent resolutions of the Council — The Nabob 
 seizes boats with supply of arms for Patna — Retieat — Capture of 
 an English detachment — Murder of Mr. Amyatt — Treaty with 
 Mir Jiifir and advance of the English army — Defeat of Casim Ali 
 — Massacre of the English at Patna— Casim Ali takes refuge in 
 Oude— Insubordination in the British force — Defeat of Shuja-u- 
 Doula by Carnac — Another mutiny in the British army — Battle 
 of Buxai' — Shah Alam joins the British camp — Capture of Allaha- 
 bad and occupation of Ijucknow — Shuja-u-Doula seeks assistance 
 from the Marattas — Surrenders to Carnac ..... 345 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Arrangements with Mi'r .Jalir— His death, and accession of Najum-u- 
 Doula — New terms imposed on the Nabob — Presents to members 
 of the Council— Complaints of the Nabob— Lord Clive's reception 
 in England — Enters Parliament — Factions in the India House — 
 Inilucncc of the King's Government in the afiairs of the Company 
 — Sullivan's rupture with Clive— Dispute aljout Clive's Jagir —
 
 CONTENTS. [ID] 
 
 PAOE 
 
 Alarm in England caused by the revolutions in Bengal — Clive is 
 recjuested to return to India — His arrival — State of the Govern- 
 ment and of the arm}'- — Oppression of the people— Olive's powers 
 disputed — His victory over the Council — Investigations about 
 presents and abuses — Civil servants reduced to obedience- 
 Changes in the Government of Murshidabdd — Clive proceeds to 
 Benares— Restoration of Shuja-u-Doula in Oude — Treaty with 
 Shdh Alam and grant of the Di'wani — Remarks on tbis transac- 
 tion . . 418 
 
 CHAPTER XT. 
 
 Renewal of the war between France and England — Expedition sent 
 to the East under the Comte de Lally— Previous career of the 
 general — It is preceded by part of the force under M. de Soupire — 
 Its inaction — Lally's precipitate march to Fort St. David — The 
 siege and capture of that place — Lallj' complains of want of sup- 
 port from the council of Pondicherry— Expedition of plunder 
 a;jainst Tanjore — Its failure — Naval engagement — Struggles of 
 Bussy at Aurungabad — He is recalled by Lally — Forde's ex- 
 jiedition to the Northern Circars — Defeats Conflans — Preparation 
 for the siege of Madras — Advance of the French and occupation 
 of the Black Town — Siege of Fort St. George — Its relief by the 
 fleet and retreat of the Fi*ench — Colonel Forde's operations in the 
 north — Siege and assault of Masulipatam — English alliance with 
 the Nizam — First mutiny in the French army — Return of the 
 French fleet to the coast and its dejjarture — Second mutiny — 
 French overtures to Salabat Jang — English reinforcements — Siege 
 of Vandewash — Its capture by the English — Battle of Vandewash — ■ 
 Lally retreats to Pondicherry — Fall of the French forts — Alliance 
 with Hei'der Ali — The Mysoreans assist in throwing supplies into 
 Pondicherry — Major Smith's invasion of Mysore and attack on 
 Cariir — Defection of Heider Ali — English reinforcements— Siege 
 of Pondicherry — Contests at the bound hedge — Blockade of 
 Pondicherry — Expulsion of the native inhabitants of the fort — 
 The storm and loss of English ships — The surrender — Violent 
 proceedings against Lally — Demolition of the works — Fall of the 
 other French garris(ms and close of the war — Charges against 
 Lally in France — His long imprisonment and trial — Iniquitous 
 sentence and execution — Remarks on the history of the French 
 settlements in the East — Renewal of the struggle between the 
 French and English in the Deckan in 1780 — Its final close . . 460 
 
 Index 545
 
 LIST OF MAPS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1. Sketch Map of Southern India ..... 1 u face 1 
 
 2. Map of the Couomandel Coast .....,, 81 
 
 3. Map of Part of Bengal and Behak. . . . . ,, 260
 
 THE RISE OF BEITISH POWER 
 IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Progress of maritime adventure at the close of the fifteenth century — 
 Voyage of Vasco da Gama — ^His proceedings at Calicut — Jealousy of 
 the Arab traders — His detention — Attacked by the forces of the 
 Zamorin — Return to Europe — Voyage of Cabral — Barbarous acts of 
 reprisal by the Portuguese under Cabral and Vasco da Gama — Esta- 
 blishment of Portuguese authority on the West Coast of India under 
 Albuquerque — War with the Mamliik sovereigns of Egypt and with 
 the rulers of Bijapiir — Barbarous warfare — Conquest of Goa — Decline 
 of the power of the Portuguese — Causes of decline — War in Guzerat 
 —Character and extent of Portuguese dominion — Their policy towards 
 the natives. 
 
 The influence of the European nations on India dates chap. 
 from the arrival of Vasco da Grama on its shores.^ " 
 
 The irruption of the barbarians in the fifth century- 
 destroyed the class who had produced a demand for 
 Indian luxuries in the greater part of Europe, and 
 the occupation of Egypt and Syria by the Mahometans 
 
 ' [Since this work was written a valuable contribution has been made 
 to the history of Portuguese maritime discovery by the publication of 
 Gasi)ar do Oorrea's Landas da India. That part of the work which 
 relates to Vasco da Gama's expeditions was translated for the Hakluyt 
 Society by Lord Stanley of Alderley, and is enriched by the notes of the 
 translator and by an Introduction containing some valuable remarks on the 
 causes of the decline of Portuguese rule in India. Correa went to India 
 sixteen years after the first voyage of Vasco da Gama, was an eyewitness 
 of many of the events he narrates, and is regarded by Lord Stanley as 
 entitled to the first place as an authority on this chapter of Portuguese 
 history. — Ed.]
 
 ! RISE OF BrvlTISII rOWEIl IN INDIA, 
 
 CHAP, in tbe seventh ceotiuy obstructed the communication 
 " of the remaining portion with the East. 
 
 As the gradual refinement of Europe led to a 
 renewed taste for the productions of India, the trade 
 had to force its way through intricate and dangerous 
 channels ; until political causes gave an ascendancy to 
 the Venetians and Genoese in the Levant, and enabled 
 them to establisli a commercial intercourse with Con- 
 stantinople and Alexandria, then the great emporia for 
 Oriental commodities. 
 
 The trade of Venice through Egypt at length 
 swallowed up its rivals, and raised that republic to a 
 pitch of wealth and power that excited the envy of all 
 the other states of Europe. It became an object of 
 general interest to find out an independent channel for 
 the commerce with India ; the idea of a communication 
 by sea was entertained among others, and led to the 
 voyage of Columbus and to a discovery of incom- 
 parably greater magnitude than that which the pro- 
 jector had in view. This event gave a fresh impulse 
 to the spirit of maritime adventure ; but the glory of 
 accomplishing the original design and of all the 
 important consequences that have flowed from it, was 
 reserved for a nation whose resources seemed dispro- 
 portioned to such great results. The natural intel- 
 ligence and advanced civilisation of Italy had formed 
 the genius which led the way to these mighty changes ; 
 but the Italian republics, even if they had been 
 accustomed to navigate the Ocean, could have no 
 inducement to exphire new routes which would under- 
 mine their own established monopoly. The Spaniards 
 had supplied the means for the great enterprise of 
 Columbus, and its success had kindled their enthu- 
 siasm for similar adventures ; but their attention was
 
 VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE. 3 
 
 attracted to the vast scene which had just opened on chap. 
 them, and their object was to obtain the gold which ' 
 
 they found abundant in their new possession, by shorter 
 means than those of commerce. 
 
 The French and English were not yet maritime 
 nations. The former was fully occupied by her designs 
 on Italy ; the latter was reposing after long civil wars, 
 and what ambition she retained was still directed to 
 fruitless triumphs in France. The Portuguese alone, 
 who had first conceived the idea of a passage by sea, 
 continued to pursue it until it was crowned with full 
 success. The favourable situation of their territory 
 and some circumstances in the disposition and educa- 
 tion of their prmces had given rise to a regular series 
 of attempts to explore the Coast of Africa, which had 
 been continued for near a century and had dispelled 
 many of the existing prej udices against the possibility 
 of circumnavio:atin<x that Peninsula. 
 
 At length the question was decided by Bartholomew 
 Diaz, who stretched his discoveries for 1,000 miles be- 
 yond his predecessors, and reached the cape to which, 
 as it put an end to all fear of mterruption by a pro- 
 longation of the continent, his sovereign gave the name 
 of 'Good Hope.' A.D, I486. 
 
 Notwithstanding the brilliant prospect announced 
 by this appellation, several years elapsed before any 
 steps were taken to realise it. 
 
 It was not till 1497 that a squadron w^as fitted out 
 f(jr that purpose. It consisted of three ships, contain- 
 ing in all 180 men,^ and was commanded by Vasco da 
 (jJama, tlie results of whose skill and courage have 
 made his name familiar to every reader, 
 
 - This is the number given by an Italian who accompanied the expe- 
 dition (llainusio, i. 110) ; others make it KiO and 120.
 
 I. 
 
 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. TLe expedition was dismissed with solemnities 
 
 suited to the greatness of the anticipations entertained. 
 It sailed on July 8, and in a few months completed the 
 course which near a century had been required to ex- 
 plore. On November 20 it passed the Cape in favour- 
 able weather, and entered on the new ocean amidst the 
 sound of trumpets and the acclamations of the mariners. 
 
 At Mozambique the Portuguese were delighted to 
 meet with Arab colonists, whose decent garments and 
 civilised manners were a contrast to the rude barbarians 
 whom they had hitherto seen in Africa. But in these 
 foreigners, whose first appearance was so welcome, they 
 soon discovered a hostile disposition. Common bigotry 
 and mutual suspicion increased the ill-will between the 
 parties, and it was from the Arabs and their followers 
 that the Portuguese met with the chief opposition to 
 their early progress in India. 
 
 The Shekh of Melinda, however, was distinguished 
 from his countrymen by his favour to the strangers. 
 At his port Gama found a flourishing city and met 
 with several Indian vessels that had come direct from 
 Guzer;it. He engaged a pilot who was a native of that 
 province : under his guidance he stretched across 3,000 
 miles of sea ; and in twenty-two days attained his long 
 wished for object, entering the port of Calicut in the 
 end of May 1498.' 
 
 Calicut was the capital of a small principality which 
 like those adjoining in Malabar and Cochin had never 
 been invaded by the Northern Mussulmans. It ex- 
 tended at that period for twenty-seven leagues along 
 the shore, ^ and was governed by a Sudra family whose 
 
 ^ Faria, Portuguese Asia, English translation, part i. books 1, 2, 3, and 
 4 ; Murray's British India, i. 
 
 ' Faria, i. 9G.
 
 VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE. ; 
 
 name was Tamori, pronounced Zamorin by the Portu- chap. 
 guese, and who had ah*eady enjoyed a portion of this ' 
 
 limited territory for some centuries. They retained 
 their independence till dispossessed by Heider Ali in 
 1767, and are now pensioners of the British Govern- 
 ment.^ The town and temples of Calicut, the dress, 
 equipage, and attendants of the Raja and the cere- 
 monies of his little court, are all described correctly and 
 without the least exaggeration by the Portuguese, but 
 such was the effect of novelty, of the numerous popu- 
 lation of India, and of the profuse employment of 
 materials which were rare and precious in Europe, that 
 Gama and his companions were filled with admiration 
 of the Zamorin' s magnificence and described him to 
 their countrymen as a great and potent Emperor. 
 How humble was his real station among the princes of 
 India, the reader who remembers that the period referred 
 to was that of the dissolution of the Bahmani monarchy 
 in the Deck an and about thirty years previous to the 
 accession of the House of Teinuir, will easily be able to 
 perceive. 
 
 Gama was at first received with kindness, and en- 
 couraged to sell his merchandise and purchase that of 
 the country. His success awakened a powerful oppo- 
 sition by the Arab merchants, who, from commercial 
 jealousy rather than religious animosity, used every 
 means of iDribery and misrepresentation to convey to the 
 Zamorin an impression that his new guests were adven- 
 turers if not pirates, and to induce him to seize them 
 or expel them from his territory. Gama Iiad now to 
 endure all the vexation and anxiety which could be 
 produced by the alternate employment of attention and 
 intimidation by persons in whose power he was placed. 
 
 '' Journey of Dr. Francis Buchanan, ii. 345, 349, 393,
 
 ) RISE- or BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. He was on one occasion put under restraint liiuiself,'' 
 and on another liis agent was detained in spite of re- 
 monstrances, until Gauia seized some of the Zamorin's 
 officers and effected liis release through an exchange. 
 His danger, which was really great, and must have 
 seemed doubly alarming from his total want of acquain- 
 tance with the country and its inhabitants, had no 
 effect in shakinG: his firmness : he conducted himself 
 through all his difficulties Avith equal prudence and 
 resolution ; and it was not till the close of his inter- 
 course with the natives that he was betrayed into a 
 departure from his previous moderation. After his 
 agent had been released (as has been mentioned) he 
 detained some of the hostages as pledges for the restitu- 
 tion of the goods which he had left ashore, and from 
 some unaccountable suspicion or misconception he 
 carried them off to sea, although the goods were on 
 the point of being restored to him. Whether in conse- 
 quence of this outrage or of previous designs formed 
 against him, he was pursued from Calicut by sixty 
 vessels of the Zamorin's, which he repulsed by means 
 of his artillery, and on approaching the shore at dif- 
 ferent points further to the north, he found fleets of 
 
 ^ Macpherson (probably on the authority of De Barros) relates, that 
 on this occasion Da Gama went ashore with only twelve men, leaving 
 orders with the inferior commanders that in the event of his being made 
 prisoner, they were to attend to no orders from him, but after using all 
 means which they might think expedient to procure his liberation, they 
 were to return to Portugal and leave him to his fate. (Hldury of the 
 Commerce of India, p. 14.) 
 
 [The detention of Vasco da Gama and his followers is given at great 
 length by Correa, and formed an important incident in the proceedings at 
 Calicut. Da Gama was treated with much indignity, and endured it with 
 wonderful temper and firmness. He sent a message to his brother, that 
 in the event of his detention being prolonged, he was to set ashore all 
 hostages and start at once for Europe. This counsel was warmly rejected 
 by Paulo da Gama, who threatened reprisals. Da Gama was finally re- 
 leased, and shortly after (quitted the port. — Ed.]
 
 VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OE THE POETUGUESE. 7 
 
 boats prepared to act against him, and was constrained chap. 
 to desist from further attempts at intercourse and again ' 
 
 to cross the Indian Ocean to Melinda. 
 
 Both in Africa and in India he found Moors from 
 the shores of the Mediterranean, and it was by means of 
 one of them mIio spoke Spanish that he Avas enabled 
 to communicate with the natives/ But the Portuguese 
 extended the name of Moor to all the Arabs, and per- 
 haps to all Mahometans.^ The Moorish merchants 
 wdiose enmity was so much felt at Calicut were the 
 descendants of Arabs who had settled on the West 
 Coast of India in the first century of the Hejira (seventh 
 century after Christ^) and had probal:>ly converted and 
 incorporated the old colonists of their nation who had 
 been found there by the ancients. 
 
 The return of Vasco da Gama (though he had 
 lost two-thirds of his companions) was received with 
 joy and triumph in Portugal. 
 
 He landed in August 1499 : and in March 1500, 
 Alvarez Cabral was despatched with a more considerable 
 expedition to take advantage of his discovery. Cabral 
 had thirteen ships and 1,200 men, and was accompanied 
 by eight Franciscans and eight chaplains, who were 
 to preach the gospel to the heathen. ^d- i^oo. 
 
 The most important result of this expedition was 
 the accidental discovery of Brazil on the passage, which, 
 liowever, had no effect at the time in withdrawing the 
 public attention from the proceedings of the squadron 
 in India. On reaching Calicut, Cabral's first act was 
 
 ' Faria, and Murray's British India. 
 
 ^ [The Spaniards and Portuguese applied the term Moor to the Arab 
 conquerors of the peninsula who came from Mauritania, and hence to all 
 Mahometans, and their example was followed by the Dutch and English 
 in the East. It continued in use in India till the close of the last cen- 
 tury. — Yule's Glossary of Anglo-Indian Words. — Ed.] 
 
 " Dr. Buchananh Journey, ii. 421.
 
 ) RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, to send on shore the natives who had been carried off 
 ' by Gama. Their report made a favourable impression, 
 and he was invited to land, but refused to do so 
 until hostages had been given for his safety. He 
 assumed throuo;hout a hio;her tone than Gama, and even 
 in paying court to the Zamorm, he contrived to give 
 him a specimen of his powers of offence. A ship from 
 Ceylon happened to pass the port carrying seven or 
 eight elephants, on one of which the Zamorin had set 
 his heart. Alvarez sent a vessel to capture it, which was 
 not done without an action of some duration, when the 
 Raja took possession of his prize. 
 
 The Zamorin had in the mean time shown favour to 
 the trade of the Portuguese and allowed them a house 
 for a factory ; m which they placed sixty or seventy of 
 then* men ; but the established credit and influence of 
 the Moors 2;ave them an advantasre in the market over 
 the new comers, and these last were moreover unpro- 
 vided with specie, which alone can always command a 
 supply of goods in India : they continued to procure 
 cargoes and send off ships for Arabia, while those of 
 the Portuguese proceeded very slowly in their lading. 
 Cabral considered this so serious a grievance, that he 
 often remonstrated with the Zamorin, and at length, by 
 the Portuguese accounts, he obtained permission to 
 stop the loading of goods by the Arabs and even to 
 take the freight out of their ships when laden, on re- 
 paying the original price of the articles. If this per- 
 mission was ever given, it was done without due con- 
 sideration : when the Portuguese proceeded to act 
 on it, the consequence was a popular insurrection of 
 Hindus as weU as Mussulmans, and an attack on the 
 Portuguese factory which terminated in the massacre of 
 fifty Portuguese, the rest with difficulty escaping to
 
 VOYAGES AND CONQUP^STS OF THE TORTUGUESE. 9 
 
 their ships. Cabral's retaliation was severe : he burned chap. 
 ten Moorish ships that were in the harbour and can- 
 
 nonaded the town for two days, during which he set 
 fire to it in several places and killed a considerable 
 number of the inhabitants. After this rupture he made 
 sail for Cochin, the Raja of which place was an enemy 
 of the Zamorin, He was of course well received, and 
 had nearly comj)leted his cargoes when he learned 
 that a fleet of eiglity-five vessels had set out from 
 Calicut to attack him. He affected the utmost readi- 
 ness to anticipate the assault, and sailed out on June 10, 
 1501, to meet the enemy. Just as he got within shot, 
 however, he took advantage of the wind and bore up 
 for Cananore, the Raja of which place voluntarily sent 
 one of his subjects with him to Portugal.^ 
 
 Alvarez Cabral brought back only six ships out of 
 thirteen. The opposition he had met with, which pro- 
 duced discouragement among the Portuguese, only served 
 to stimulate the ambition of their king, Don Emanuel. 
 He had previously despatched John De Nueva with a.d. 1501. 
 400 men to reinforce Cabral, and that officer on arriving 
 at Cochin had retrieved the honour of the Portuguese 
 arms by defeating a fleet sent against him from Calicut. 
 Emanuel now prepared a powerful fleet of twenty ships, 
 which he formed into three divisions, and gave the 
 command of the whole to Yasco da Gama. a.d. ir>02. 
 
 On this occasion that great discoverer disclosed the 
 defects of his own nature, and gave the first striking 
 example of the arbitrary and sanguinary spirit which 
 animated the Portuguese Government during the whole 
 period of its prosperity. He made an unprovoked 
 attack on Quiloa in Africa and compelled the ruler to 
 
 ^ Faria and Murray, but chiefly a narrative by a Portuguese oflicer of 
 the expedition, in Hamusio, i. 121.
 
 10 lUSE OF BKITISII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAr. become tributary to Portugal. He then sailed for 
 
 Cananore, and on his way fell in with a ship of Calicut 
 
 rcturniui'' with a carixo from Jedda and brinoino; back 
 pilgrims from Mecca. She had on board 240 men 
 (among whom were some of the wealthiest merchants 
 of Calicut) besides an extraordinary number of women 
 and children. This vessel surrendered without oppo- 
 sition, and the passengers tried all means by offers of 
 ransom and of concessions to be obtained by them from 
 the Zamorin to procure their liberty or at least their 
 safety. But the admiral was inexorable ; and after com- 
 pelling them to give up their property and searching 
 the ship to be sure there was none left, he ordered her 
 to be towed to some distance from the fleet and burned 
 with all on board. The unfortunate crew begged hard 
 for their lives, the men redoubling their offers and the 
 women holding out their children over the side and 
 endeavouring by the most affecting gestures to move 
 compassion. When they found all in vain, they had 
 recourse to a desperate resistance ; drove off the boats 
 which were to burn them ; attacked the nearest vessels ; 
 and maintained a running fight which lasted for four 
 days before Gama was enabled to consign them to the 
 finnies.^ 
 
 ~ Thomas Lopez (a clerk on board the fleet) says, in Eamusio, i. 136, 
 that the admiral burned them all 'con niolta crudelth,, e senza pietti 
 alcnna ; ' but Faria states that twenty of the children were saved and 
 made Christians. 
 
 [This hideous act is described by Correa with the utmost callousness, 
 and the same brutal spirit is evinced by other historians quoted by Lord 
 Stanley. Camocns passes over the exploit in silence. Da Gama is de- 
 scribed by Correa as vindicating his conduct as an act of reprisal for the 
 conduct of the Arab merchants in instigating the attack on the Portu- 
 guese factory on his first voyage, and causing the death of some of his 
 countrymen. In reply to the promise of a ransom by the Moors the 
 captain-general replied, ' Alive you shall be burned, becavise you coun- 
 selled the King of Calicut to kill and [)lunder the factors and Portuguese ; 
 and since you are so powerful as tliat you oblige yourself to give me a
 
 VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OE THE PORTUGUESE. 11 
 
 From Cananore the admiral proceeded to Calicut, chap. 
 
 where lie anchored before the place and required, as a 
 
 preliminary to negotiation, that all the Moors should 
 be expelled from the Zamorin's territory and all trade 
 Avith their nation forbidden. The Zamorin objecting to 
 this demand, and pleading that the Moors amounted to 
 four or five thousand families, had long been faithful 
 subjects to him and his ancestors, and were the most 
 opulent merchants in his dominions, Gama cut short all 
 further discussion by turning down an hour-glass in 
 the presence of the Indian deputies and announcing 
 that if his demand was not complied with before the 
 sand was run out, he would put to death a number 
 of the Zamorin's subjects who had fallen into his hands 
 in a vessel in the harbour. This barbarous threat he 
 carried into full effect by hanging his prisoners, to the 
 number of thirty-four, at the yard-arm, after which he 
 cut off their heads, hands, and feet, and threw them over- 
 board to be washed ashore by the tide. He then poured 
 a destructive fire into the town, and at length sailed 
 away to the friendly port of Cochin. Some distrust 
 of the Raja of this place, as well as of the chief of 
 Cananore, afterwards sprung up, but was removed by 
 negotiation. This was followed by some more battles 
 and executions which had no important consequences, 
 though on one occasion Gama gave a proof of his 
 darino' character which mio:ht have been attended with 
 a more serious result. On some overture for submission 
 by the Zamorin he sailed in a single ship into one of 
 the enemy's ports, where he was immediately set on by 
 
 cargo gratuitously for these ships, T say that for nothing in the world 
 would I desist in giving you a hundred deaths, if I could give you so 
 many.' To the honour of the I'ortuguese one of the historians of their 
 conquests in India, Osorio, Bishop of Silves, condemns in the strongest 
 terms the many shocking acts of cruelty that disfigured the history. — Ed.]
 
 12 KISE OF BRITISH POAVER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, thirty vessels and was only rescued from destruction by 
 ' his extraordinary vigour and promptitude. His depar- 
 ture for Europe, which took place soon after, enabled 
 the Zamorin to revenge himself on his neighbour of 
 Cochin : the latter prince was inferior to his enemy, 
 but showed a manly spirit of resistance ; though often 
 defeated he refused to give up some Portuguese who had 
 been left with him, and at length was obliged to abandon 
 his capital and retire to a small island where he was 
 out of immediate danger from the hostile army. He 
 A.D. ir,03, was restored to Cochin by one of three small squadrons, 
 of nine ships in all, which were simultaneously de- 
 spatched in 1503. The famous Alfonso d' Albuquerque 
 commanded one of the squadrons. They returned after 
 completing their cargoes and conducting some other 
 transactions, without performing any exploit worth 
 mentioning. 
 
 They obtained leave to construct a fort at Cochin, 
 and, at the Rdja's earnest request, they left Duarte 
 Pacheco with 400 men to protect him against his 
 enemies. This measure led to one of the most memor- 
 able displays of Portuguese valour in India, and mate- 
 rially contributed to the subsequent aggrandisement of 
 that people. When the fleet had sailed for Europe, the 
 Zamorin assembled an army which the Portuguese call 
 50,000 strong, and which was accompanied by ships 
 and boats, and supported by artillery. Against this 
 force Pacheco had to defend a fordable channel, deriv- 
 ing no advantage from nautical skill, and but little from 
 superiority in arms and discipline ; but the commander 
 w^as a man of distinguished courage and capacity, and 
 the troops were inspired by the recent success and glory 
 of their nation. The force was distributed, part in the 
 fort, part along the shore, and part in four boats moored
 
 VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE. 13 
 
 ill such a position as to protect the flanks from attacks chap. 
 by sea. In this order they received the onset of the ' 
 
 Indian multitude, supported by numerous ships and 
 boats and accompanied by floating towers and flreships. 
 All these formidable assailants were again and again 
 repulsed ; and the Zaraorin, after a great and final 
 effort, was constrained to draw ofl" defeated to his own 
 country. This victory, being gained by fair fighting 
 on dry land, completely established the reputation of 
 the Portuguese, at the same time that it filled them 
 with additional confidence and increased their contempt 
 for their enemies.^ 
 
 The next fleet arrived in 1505 under a commander 
 named Soarez ; and in 1507 a permanent representative 
 of the king of Portugal was first appointed under the 
 title of Viceroy of India. 
 
 The name of this great functionary was Francisco a.d. 1507. 
 de Almeyda, and the institution of his oflice seems to 
 have been connected with a general plan for consolidat- 
 ing the Portuguese power in the East. He himself had 
 orders to build forts at Quilon, in Africa,* at Anjedio, 
 an island about fifty miles to the south of Goa, and at 
 Cananore on the coast of Canara ; while another fleet 
 was sent to take similar measures at Sofala, a place 
 in Africa where there is a gold mine. A fort was also 
 ordered to be built at Mozambique and a factory at 
 Melinda, and soon after this a fleet of thirteen ships was 
 desjiatched from Lisl)on under Tristan d'Acunha and 
 Alphonso d'Ali)ii(iiierque to promote their king's in- 
 terests on the coast of Africa. Tlieir exploits were 
 
 ^ Faria, i. 75 ; Maffbi, Hidurica Indiae, lib. ii. 30. 
 
 * ' The fort of Quilon was afterwards razed by the same hands that 
 built it, after having cost many lives, all the effect of the ill-usage of the 
 Portuguese towards the natives, proceeding from their unlimited pride 
 and boundless avarice.' — Faria, i. 100.
 
 14 IIISK OF BRITISH rOAVER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, ruthcr of a predatory nature than calculated to gain any 
 ' permanent advantage, until, after completing their 
 coasting voyage, they took possession of the island of 
 Socotra opposite the mouth of the Red Sea. After this 
 D'Acunha crossed over to India. Albuquerque pro- 
 ceeded along the coast of Arabia, sacked several towns 
 in that country (among which was Mascat), and at last 
 reached the island of Ormuz, which even then contained 
 a flourishing city under a prince of considerable power. 
 To this prince Albuquerque, who w^as at the head of 
 460 fighting men, proposed, without the shadow of a 
 reason, that he should acknowledge the sovereignty of 
 the Kmg of Portugal, should pay him a large tribute, 
 and should allow a fort to be erected on his island. 
 The prince seems to have been confounded by the 
 audacity of the demand ; but comparing the small 
 numbers of the Portuguese with his own force, which 
 consisted of a large fleet at anchor and 20,000 men on 
 shore, he evaded a decision until Albuquerque, after in- 
 sistino" on a catesf'orical answer, dashed into the heart 
 of the fleet, boarding, sinking, and setting fire to the 
 vessels, whose numbers were no protection against the 
 impetuosity of his attack. The prince of Ormuz had 
 now recourse to concession, and the Portuguese had 
 made some progress with their fort, when he once more 
 irathered courage and determined on resistance. His 
 force when fairly exerted would probably have proved 
 too great for Albuquerque, even if that commander had 
 not been obliged by the cowardice and insubordination 
 of three of liis own captains to give uj) his undertaking 
 without a contest.^ 
 
 While these things were passing in tlie west, 
 Almeyda had to contend with an expedition from 
 
 ■' Faria, vol. i. ; Maffoi, lib. iii.
 
 VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE TORTUGUESI':. 15 
 
 Egypt, wliich the Portuguese seem to regard as the chap. 
 
 greatest danger to which they were ever exposed in 
 
 India. The Mamh'ik Sultan is said to have been stimu- 
 lated and assisted by the Venetians from jealousy of 
 the Portuguese commerce. He equipped twelve large 
 vessels in the Red Sea and sent them to India, where 
 he had secured the co-operation of Mahmiid, king of 
 Guzerat.*' They first repaired to Mahmiid's port of a.d. iso.s. 
 Diu and afterwards proceeded against the Portuguese. 
 Almeyda probably expected them to attack his principal 
 settlement ; for he remained himself on the coast of 
 Malabar and sent on his son Lorenzo with eight ships 
 to observe the enemy. The young admiral was at 
 anchor at Choul, to the south of Bombay, when the 
 whole Turkish fleet appeared at the mouth of the 
 harbour. Not daunted by their superiority in numbers, 
 Lorenzo immediately began the attack ; and had taken 
 two of the Turkish ships when he was checked by the 
 appearance of the Guzerat fleet under Aiaz Sultani (so 
 often mentioned in the history of that country). This 
 reinforcement iuimediately turned the scale ; and night 
 setting in soon after, suspended the action. Next 
 morning the Portuguese took advantage of the ebb 
 tide to drop down the harbour, and had nearly i)assed 
 
 '^ See vol. ii. 206 ; book viii. chap. 2. 
 
 [Malumid, surnamed Begarra, is described by Mr. Elphinstone as one 
 of the greatest of the kings of Guzerat. In a note he adds, ' The 
 European travellers of his day seem to have formed a tremendous idea of 
 this monarch. Bartema (in Ramusio, i. 147) and Barbosa are both full 
 of him. One of them gives (Ramusio, i. 29G) a formidable account of 
 his personal appearance, and both agree that a principal part of liis food 
 consisted f)f mortal poisons ; and so impregnated was his system with this 
 diet that if a fly settled on him, it instantly dropped down dead. His 
 usual way of putting men of consequence to death was to blow on them 
 after lie luid been chewing bitel. He is the original of Butler's ' Prince of 
 Cambay,' whcjse 
 
 daily food 
 Is asp, basilisk, and toad.' — En.
 
 IG RISE OF BRITISH POWEli IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, the Mussulman fleet when their admiral's own ship 
 ' struck on some fishing stakes, from which it could not 
 be disenjxao'cd. 
 
 A Portuguese captain made a spirited attempt to 
 tow it off, and afterwards pressed Lorenzo to escape on 
 board of his ship ; but that gallant young man refused to 
 quit his vessel, and having had his leg and thigh carried 
 off by a cannon ball, he made himself be supported 
 against the mast, and continued to encourage his crew 
 until a second shot [)ut an end to his existence. His 
 men fought with a desperation worthy of such a leader. 
 Only nineteen survived the capture of the ship. They 
 w^ere taken charge of by Aiaz, who humanely offered to 
 release them for a ransom, writino; at the same time to 
 the Portuguese admiral to compliment him on his son's 
 gallantry and condole with him on his loss.^ 
 
 Almeyda made immediate preparations to revenge 
 this calamity. He sailed from Cananore with nineteen 
 vessels and 1,600 men, of whom 400 were Malabar 
 auxiliaries. For some reason, he delayed while on his 
 voyage for the purpose of attacking Dabul, where he 
 massacred the inhabitants without distinction of age 
 or sex and set fire to the town.^ He was doubtless 
 excited to this barbarity by rage for the death of his 
 son ; and from the same motive he put to death the 
 wdiole crew of a Turkish vessel which fell into his 
 hands at sea. At length he reached Diu, and found 
 the Egyptian and Guzenit fleets, reinforced by a 
 s(piadron of the Zamorin's. He immediately com- 
 menced the attack, and after a severe action sunk and 
 dispersed the Indian ships and completely destroyed 
 those of the Mamliiks. The Egyptian admiral escaped 
 to the shore ; his men and all the other Mussulmans 
 
 ' Faria, i. 135, &c. ; Maffei, lib. iv. 58. » Maffei, lib. iv. G3, 64.
 
 VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE. 17 
 
 who fell into the hands of the captors were pnt to the chap. 
 
 sword, or slaughtered as they endeavoured to escape by !__ 
 
 swimmmg. 
 
 The conduct of Almeyda on this expedition was 
 shocking even to the Portuguese, who ascribed his 
 subsequent fate to the judgment of heaven on his 
 cruelty. He was superseded soon after his victory 
 by Alphonso d' Albuquerque, and lost his life in a 
 skirmish with some savas'es in Africa while on his 
 
 return to Portugal.^ 
 
 Albuquerque was the greatest of all the Portuguese 
 commanders, and is looked on by his nation as the 
 founder of their Eastern empire. He had many diffi- 
 culties to contend with at his outset. Almeyda refused 
 to recognise his commission, and even committed him 
 to prison.^ Coutinho, a nobleman who arrived with 
 a fresh body of troops at this juncture, persuaded 
 Almeyda to resign the command, but afterwards claimed 
 for himself an equal authority with Albuquerque. The 
 two o;enerals a":reed to unite their forces for an attack 
 on Calicut, and for that purpose assembled a force of 
 1,600 Europeans and 600 Malabars. They took a fort or 
 battery near the landing-place, penetrated into the town 
 and stormed the fortified palace of the Zamorin. But 
 their attack had been precipitated by the emulation of 
 the rival generals ; the troops lost their order and dis- 
 persed to plunder, and the Zamorin's people rallying, 
 set upon them in such numbers and with such fiuy, 
 that they drove them out of the place with serious loss. 
 Coutinho was killed and Albuquerque severely wounded.^ 
 
 It is probable that Albiupierquc had intended to fix 
 the seat of the Portuguese government in the capital of 
 
 « Farica, i. 152, 153. ' Faria, i. 151. 
 
 "" Faria, i. 154 ; Maflci, lib. iv. 02.
 
 18 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, the Zamorin ; for nfter failing in his attempt on Calicut, 
 
 ' he turned his eyes on Goa, which was afterwards his 
 
 residence and that of all his successors. Goa was at 
 this time in the hands of an officer of the Bijapiir 
 erovernment, whose name or title cannot be recofrnised 
 under the appellation of Zabaim or Sabayo by which 
 he passes in Portuguese authors. Those writers always 
 speak of Sabayo as a great potentate, and generally 
 confound him with the king of Bijapiir himself. Sabayo 
 was absent on some local expedition when the defence- 
 less state of his town was pointed out to Albuquerque 
 by Timoja, a Hindii of On6r in the Rajah of Bijanagar's 
 country, who, on some family quarrel, had turned 
 pirate in the neighbouring islands and had become a 
 A.D. 1510. close confederate of the Portuguese. The viceroy im- 
 mediately acted on this suggestion, and so effectual were 
 his measures that he obtained possession of the city 
 almost without resistance. 
 
 This encroachment seems to have provoked or 
 alarmed Eusof Adil Shdh, the founder of the kingdom 
 of Bijapiir. He set out in person from his capital 
 with a force which the Portuguese call 5,000 horse and 
 40,000 foot, but which Ferishta describes as 3,000 chosen 
 men. It is probable that of the two accounts the 
 last is most in error, for although the Portuguese de- 
 fended themselves with their accustomed valour, they 
 were overpowered by numbers and compelled to seek 
 for safety on board their ships. Before the end of the 
 year, however, Albuquerque had received a reinforce- 
 ment from Europe, while Eusof Adil Shah was dead 
 and had been succeeded by his son, a minor. Albu- 
 querque had therefore little difficulty in regaining his 
 conquest ; and the Regent of Bijapiir, who was busily 
 employed in warding off attacks on his imperfectly
 
 VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE. 19 
 
 established authority, was not able at the moment to chap. 
 attempt to recover this distant possession.^ ' 
 
 Albuquerque, now secure, commenced a city worthy 
 of the dominion of which it was to be the head, and 
 himself assumed the state and pomp of a sovereign, 
 which has been maintained by his successors in the last 
 stage of their decline. 
 
 He next engaged in a bold plan for extending the 
 Portuguese influence in the eastern part of Asia. He 
 left an officer with 400 Portu2;uese in charo-e of Goa, 
 and committed the civil government of the natives in 
 the adjoining district to a nephew of Timoja, who May, 
 served under him at the head of 5,000 Indian troops. 
 He then sailed with 800 Portuguese and 600 Malabars 
 against Malacca, a town commanding the straits between 
 the Indian and Chinese Seas. He took Malacca, received 
 an embassy from Siam ; and sent ships to explore the 
 East, the commanders of which first opened a direct 
 communication witli the Moluccas or Spice Islands, and 
 entered into friendly engagements with the chiefs.^ 
 
 On his return to India he found Goa besieged by 
 Folad Khan, an officer of the Bijapiir government, but 
 had no difficulty in obliging him to raise the siege and 
 withdraw. He then set out against Aden in Arabia, February, 
 whicli was probably thought important as commanding 
 the entrance to the Red Sea. His force on this expedi- 
 tion was increased by reinforcements from Europe to a 
 considerable superiority over that which conquered 
 Malacca, yet he failed in two attempts on Aden, and August, 
 after a lono^ and fruitless cruise in the Red Sea he ^■°- ]''']^/ 
 
 ° ,. A.D. 1511. 
 
 returned to India.'* He was more successful next year 
 
 - Faria, i. 1G2-174 ; Maffoi, lib. iv. 09 74 ; Briggs's Ferishta, iii. 30 
 and 34. 
 
 ^ Faria, i. 175-184 ; Maflbi, lib. v. 74-79. 
 ' Faria, i. 183-193 ; MaQoi, lib. v. 85. 
 
 c 2
 
 20 KISE OF BRITISH POWEU IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, in au expedition to Ormuz. The king seems to have 
 ' been alarmed at the designs of Sh^h Ismael of Persia, 
 who had established an influence in his council ; what- 
 ever was his motive, he appears to have countenanced 
 Albuquerque in putting his prime minister to death, 
 after which he acknowledged himself a vassal of the 
 King of Portugal, and before long became a pageant in 
 the hands of his new superior.'^ 
 
 On Albuquerque's return to India after this impor- 
 tant acquisition, he found himself superseded without 
 w^arning or explanation by a personal enemy ; his health, 
 which was before declining, sank under this blow, and he 
 expired at the entrance to Goa harbour in December 1514. 
 
 In numerous expeditions under his own command 
 he had displayed the Portuguese flag along the whole 
 coasts of Africa, Arabia, and India as far as the neigh- 
 bourhood of China ; he had founded a capital which has 
 remained uuassailed to this day ; by his posts at Socotra, 
 Ormuz, and Malacca, he commanded the access to the 
 Arabian and Persian Gulfs and the Sea of China, and 
 appropriated the commerce of their shores ; while his 
 discovery of the Moluccas placed his countrymen in 
 possession of the spice trade, then the most lucrative of 
 the East. 
 
 The conquests of the Portuguese may be said to have 
 ceased with Albuquerque ; their wars after his time were 
 unsuccessful except when they were defensive, and their 
 acquisitions in the same period were gained by negotia- 
 tion. 
 
 The riches which flowed from their immense com- 
 merce appear by the account of their own historian to 
 have corrupted their military spirit.*^ The officers took 
 eagerly to trade, and became indifferent to the public 
 
 5 Faria, i. 201, &c. ; MafFei, lib. v. 89. « Faria, i. 210.
 
 VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE. 21 
 
 yervice and insensible to the calls of honour. They in- chap. 
 
 I 
 herited from the first conquerors a mixture of super- ' 
 
 stition and licentiousness, and they now fell into habits 
 of sloth and effeinmacy which completed the degrada- 
 tion of their character. Though the progress of this 
 alteration was gradual and did not for a long time 
 diminish their activity, their military operations do not a.d. 1520- 
 henceforward require minute attention. The most im- 
 portant of them were directed against Diu. The first 
 and second armaments, both on a great scale, were beaten 
 off with discredit. The arrival of Vasco da Gama (who 
 returned as viceroy after an absence of twenty- one a.d. 1531. 
 vears) mio-ht have chan2:ed their fortune ; but that i>reat 
 commander only lived for three months after he reached 
 India, and the attack on Diu was not resumed for several 
 years. The third and last expedition consisted of 5,000 
 Portuguese and 10,000 natives, besides sailors. This 
 force, so far exceeding those which were sufficient to 
 achieve the early conquests, was as unsuccessful as its 
 predecessors." After the failure of this great effort, the 
 Portuguese gave up all hopes of the reduction of Diu ; 
 yet before the expiration of four years, the object 
 of so many exertions fell into their hands without a 
 strufr2:le. Bahddur Sh^h beinsf driven out of the con- a.d. 1535. 
 tinent of Guzerdt by Humdyun, and constrained to take 
 refuge among the fastnesses of the peninsula, had 
 recourse to the Portuguese for assistance ; and on con- 
 dition of their furnishing him with a small body of 
 infantry, he ceded P)assein and Salsette to them, and 
 allowed them to erect a fort, or (according to the Maho- 
 metan writers) a factory, at Diu.^ The I^ortuguese 
 
 '' Faria, i. 
 
 •^ Faria, i. 377 ; Maffei, lib. xi. 178 ; Miriiti Secunderi, in Col. Briggs's 
 note on Fcrishta, iv. 138.
 
 22 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, took advantage of the confusions wliich ensued to coni- 
 
 I. . . 
 
 . plete tins fortification ; and when Bahadur, after re- 
 
 A.D. 1537. covering his dominions, endeavoured to check their 
 encroachments, he lost his life, as has been mentioned,^ 
 at an interview with their viceroy. During the weak- 
 ness and distractions which succeeded until the final 
 subjugation of Guzerat by the Moguls, it was scarcely 
 to have been expected that any of its rulers should have 
 had time to undertake the recovery of Diu. They did, 
 
 A.D.;_i538. however, make two attempts, both vigorous, and one so 
 formidable as to give occasion to a defence of which the 
 Portuguese are as proud as of any of their victories. 
 
 In their first attack the Guzeratis were assisted by a 
 fleet belonging to the Turks (who were now in posses- 
 sion of Egypt), which the Portuguese historian alleges 
 
 A.D. 1547. to have amounted to seventy sail. The brunt of the 
 siege fell on these allies, and was raised on their with- 
 drawing their fleet. ^ 
 
 The second siege, though the most celebrated, was 
 only carried on by the troops of Guzerdt, commanded, 
 as on the former occasion, by Khoja Zafar, an Italian 
 renegade of Otranto. It was raised after eight months' 
 continuance by the viceroy, Don John De Castro, in 
 person, whom this achievement has immortalised among 
 his countrymen. On his return to Goa he was received 
 with transports, and made his entry in a grand proces- 
 sion, crowned with laurel, accompanied by his prisoners 
 in chains, and so far emulating the pride and magnifi- 
 cence of the ancient Romans, as to lead the Queen of 
 
 A.D, 1570. Portugal to remark that he had fought like a Christian, 
 but had triumphed like a heathen.'^ 
 
 This was not the last of the gallant defences of the 
 
 ^ See the History of Guzerat, in vol. ii. App. 707. 
 ^ Faria, i. 433 to the end ; Maflfei, lib. xi. 
 2 Faria, ii. 95-116 ; Maflfei, lib. xiii.
 
 A.D 1592. 
 
 VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE. 23 
 
 Portuguese. Twenty years afterwards, they repelled chap. 
 two powerful attacks made at the same time on Choul 
 and Goa by the kings of Ahmednagar and Bijapur in 
 person ; ^ and still later, they resisted another inva- 
 sion by the king of Ahmednagar alone.* By this time 
 they had fallen under the dominion of Spain, ^ and their 
 national spirit was ere long extinguished. 
 
 Their Indian territory, when at the greatest extent, 
 consisted of about sixty miles along the coast round 
 Goa, and half that distance inland ; and a longer but 
 still narrower tract, extending from Bombay inclusive 
 to Daman, the chief town of which was Bassein. The 
 whole of their territory was not equal in extent to the 
 least of the collectorates under Madras or Bombay. 
 Even within this small space was a portion of un- 
 inhabited forest, but the rest was granted in estates to 
 Portuguese proprietors subject to a quit-rent, and was 
 brought by them into the most flourishing condition. 
 Near the towns, in particular, they carried cultivation 
 to the highest pitch of perfection, making roads, 
 enclosures, and watercourses of the most substantial 
 description ; raising the richest sorts of produce in 
 abundance ; and introducing improvements in fruits 
 and gardening, the effects of which are now felt in the 
 most distant parts of India. *^ 
 
 Besides these compact territories, the Portuguese 
 had forts and factories at different points along the 
 coast, where they exercised various degrees of influence, 
 
 * Faria, ii. 281 ; Briggs's Ferishta, iii. 134 and 254. 
 
 ■* Briggs's Ferishta, iii. 284. * The annexation took place in 1580. 
 
 " The niangoe, an original Indian fruit, has been broiight to such per- 
 fection at Bombay and Goa that the trees of those places furnish grafts 
 all over India, and everywhere bear the names given them by the Portu- 
 guese (Alphonso, Fernandez, Mazagon, &c.). The Nizam has a post laid 
 to bring fresh mangoes from Goa to Heiderabfld ; and I I'athcr think the 
 Great Moguls had formerly a similar conunnnication with Delhi.
 
 2-1 RISE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, always pushing their authority to the utmost extent 
 ' that their power would admit/ 
 
 Tlie importance of the Portuguese transactions in 
 India has been a good deal overrated, owing to the 
 numerous and distant points in which they appeared, 
 as well as to the mflated style of their own writers, 
 who use the terms of fleets and armies, kings and 
 em{)erors, in speaking of the i)etty warfare of nameless 
 rajas and zemindars, who were in reality ignorant of 
 the insignificant part performed by their antagonists on 
 the great theatre of India. When they were engaged 
 with more considerable enemies, it w^as in defending 
 forts at places open to the sea, and inaccessible owing to 
 mountams and forests from the interior of the country. 
 
 But though the scale of the Portuguese actions was 
 small, their spirit was equal to the conquest of the 
 world. Their first expeditions to India consisted of 
 twelve or fifteen hundred men in all, and they seldom 
 exceeded that amount in any one armament which they 
 afterwards brought together. With these diminutive 
 forces they dictated to comparatively powerful states, 
 and spoke to the proudest princes with whom they had 
 intercourse in the tone of superiors and masters. They 
 were as prompt to resent as to offer offences, and were 
 always ready to stake their existence on the issue of 
 every quarrel. This waste of courage led them into 
 many repulses and defeats ; yet they were never dis- 
 heartened by reverses, and were prepared on the arrival 
 
 ^ In Guzerd/t they had and still have the strong fort and island of Diu ; 
 between that and their territory at Bassein they had Danadn, which they 
 still possess, Danu and Saint John's. Between the Bassein territory and 
 Goa was Choul ; and south of Goa were forts at On6r, Barceldr, 
 Mangalor, Cannanor, Cranganor, Cochin and Quilon ; on Ceylon they 
 had Coliimbo, Manar, Galle, and some other forts ; and on the coast of 
 Coromandel, Negapatam, Meliapur (or St. Thome) close to Madras ; and 
 further north, Masulipatam. (Faria, iii. 415. See also ii. 499.)
 
 VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE. 25 
 
 of the lirst reinforcement to resume the attack in which chap. 
 
 they had failed, or enter on a new one as dispro- 
 
 portioned to their strength. Their vices were at least 
 equal to their \drtues, and arose froui the excess of the 
 same qualities. They were as careless of the rights of 
 others as fearless of their power ; they never sought 
 and never showed mercy ; their confidence degenerated 
 into arrogance, their religion into bigotry and perse- 
 cution ; and their self-esteeui swelled to. a pitch of 
 pomponsness and ostentation, which threw a degree of 
 ridicule over their greatest actions. 
 
 Their exploits, as has been shown, were not con- 
 fined to India, Not to mention their great empire m 
 South America, the shores of Africa and Asia, from the 
 Cape of Good Hope to China, were studded with their 
 forts ^ and factories, and the vessels which there found 
 protection domineered over all the Eastern Seas, No 
 ship could sail without contributing to increase their 
 resources. Those who purchased their passes were 
 tributaries, and those who sailed without them enemies. 
 These obstructions to the trade of others increased the 
 value of their owai ; and the mixture of commerce and 
 piracy poured wealth into India which displayed itselt 
 in various forms. Goa is defended by works on a great 
 scale, and even in its decay exhibits the gaudy magni- 
 ficence of a capital in the south of Europe. Their 
 other principal cities have a proportionate display of 
 forts, churches, and convents. 
 
 ^ Their forts on the African coast were at Sofala, Mombasa, and 
 Mozanibi(iue, and they possessed the islands of Socotra ; in Arabia they 
 had Mascat ; in Persia Ormiiz and a fort or factory at Guadel in Mekran ; 
 in the countries east of India, they had the fortified towns of Malacca 
 and Macao ; and also Tidore, Amboyna, Manilla, and other places in the 
 Eastern Islands. Besides these forts, they liad factories at various other 
 places. (Faria, iii. 415, and Bruce's Annals of the East India Company, 
 i. IIG.)
 
 20 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Their internal j^overnment was as darino- as their 
 I. . ^ . . 
 foreign policy. They treated the prejudices of the 
 
 natives with a contempt which neither the Moguls nor 
 the Jjritish would have ventured on in the plenitude of 
 their power. They insulted the religion of the country, 
 used their whole influence without disguise to draw 
 over adherents to their own, and at times endeavoured 
 to enforce conversion by such violent and sanguinary 
 means as provoked extensive and desperate insurrec- 
 tions. To prevent the falling off of converts once 
 gained, they established an Inquisition, which from the 
 cruelties and iniquity of its proceedings, has given an 
 unenviable celebrity to the name of Goa. 
 
 The descendants of these Christians, with the mar- 
 riao'es which the Government used to encourao;e between 
 the Portuguese and the female converts, have filled 
 their old possessions with a race rather blacker than 
 the natives, who in towns retain the Portuguese lan- 
 guage and dress, but in the country can hardly be dis- 
 tinguished from the Hindu peasantry. They are called 
 by Portuguese names and profess the Christian religion, 
 without understanding any part of it except the re- 
 spect due to the clergy.'' 
 
 The brilliant portion of the Portuguese history was 
 short and by no means unsullied ; but the most power- 
 ful nations of Europe might envy the twenty years of 
 the reign of Don Emanuel comprised between the 
 voyage of Vasco da Gama and the death of Albu- 
 querque.^ 
 
 ^ Twelve hundred families of these Christians in the Northern Concan 
 returned to idolatry, about the year 1820, in consequence of their priests 
 refusing to allow them to propitiate the cholera morbus (which had then 
 first broken out) by some Hindu sacrifices and expiations. 
 
 ' [Many causes contributed to the decline of Portuguese power in the 
 East, and, among others, the neglect of their possessions during the
 
 VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE TORTUGUESE. 27 
 
 dependence of Portugal on Spain, from 1580 to 1640. Some were wrested CHAP 
 
 from them by the Dutch ; others declined from internal decay. That I- 
 
 which proved fatal to its duration was the corruption of the Government. 
 
 The seeds of this were sown during the lifetime of Correa, who is reported 
 
 by Lord Stanley as saying that ' the beginnings of the affairs of India 
 
 were so golden that they did not seem as though they had beneath the 
 
 iron which afterwards they disclosed. . . . Evils increased and good 
 
 things diminished, so that almost the whole became a living evil, and 
 
 the liistorian of it would rather be called its imprecator than the writer 
 
 of illustrious deeds ! ' 
 
 The Portuguese editor of Correa's work, commenting on this passage, 
 makes some strong remarks on ' the moral leprosy and the internal canker ' 
 which resulted from the corruption of the Governors, and there is much 
 more to the same effect quoted by Lord Stanley from a manuscript in the 
 library of Lisbon, entitled, History of the Elevation and Decadence of 
 the PorttHjuese Empire in Asia. 
 
 Faria de Souza, at the conclusion of his history (vol. iii. 417, English 
 translation) makes some strong remarks on the plunder and peculation 
 that prevailed. The royal revenue amounted to 1,000,000 crowns, of 
 which 330,000 was drawn from customs, 200,000 from small tributary 
 states, and the remainder from shares of prizes and miscellaneous sources ; 
 but, according to the historian, the revenue should have been double, 
 but it was reduced by the frauds of office. The commanders of all the 
 for Is realised large sums from their private trade, and the viceroy drew a 
 salary of 18,000 crowns, besides what he derived from the disposal of 
 places, which were all sold ; but they made much more by their trade . 
 ' All other officers,' he adds, ' have great salaries, besides their lawful 
 profits and their more considerable frauds, though their salaries are 
 enough to make them honest ; but avarice knows no bounds.' 
 
 Mickle, in the sketch of the rise and fall of Portuguese empire in 
 the East, prefixed to his translation of the Lusiad, while following Por- 
 tuguese writers in putting as the first cause of its ruin the arbitrary 
 power of the Governors and the cruelty and rapine which accompanied 
 their conquests, adds some interesting remai'ks on the commerce of their 
 settlements, showing how little the mother country profited by their con- 
 quests. For many years the King of Portugal was the sole merchant, and 
 the traffic a regal monopoly. In 1587 an exclusive Company of Merchants 
 was founded who farmed the trade on a plan sucli as prevailed in the 
 Brazils and in Mexico under the Spaniards ; but from the beginning tliey 
 were surrounded by the monopolies of the Governors, whose luxury was 
 unbounded. The coasting trade was in the hands of private adventurers, 
 and gradually degenerated to a state of piratical anarchy. The Merchant 
 Company sent forth every year a colony of adventurers some 3,000 in 
 number, the greater part of whom settled in India, and their descen- 
 dants are now scattered over the country. — Ed.]
 
 28 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Progress of maritime enterprise — Incorporation of an English Trading 
 Comjiany in 1599 — Voyages to the Eastern Islands and to Surat — Mis- 
 sion to the Emperor Jehangir— Middleton's voyage — Collision with the 
 Portuguese at Surat — Sir T. Roe's mission — Formation of a rival 
 Company, and its piratical proceedings — Foi'mation of a new Com- 
 l^any — Controversy on free trade or a regulated Company — Cession 
 of Bombay by Portugal — Considerations on the expediency of terri- 
 torial possessions— Sir E. Winter and occurrences at Madras — Civil 
 and military servants of the Company — Mutiny of troops — Inter- 
 lopers — Sir Joshua Child and the 'great design' — Invasion of 
 Bengal — Its failure — Operations at Surat — Renewal of the war — Sir 
 J. Cliild sues for peace — Low state of the Company's affairs — Piracy 
 in the Eastern Seas — Formation of a new Company and its struggle 
 with the old — Union and incorporation of the two — Mission to the 
 Emperor and its success — Suppression of piracy — Note on martial 
 law and the legal condition of Eurof)eans in India. 
 
 CHAP. While tlie Portuguese declined, the spirit of maritime 
 ' enterprise spread rapidly in other quarters. The English 
 in particular entered vigorously on a course so well 
 adapted to their insular situation. They were among 
 the first who turned their attention to the discovery of 
 a comnumication with India to the north of the Conti- 
 nents of Asia and America.^ 
 
 Drake, who (in 1577) had followed the footsteps of 
 Magellan round Cape Horn, endeavoured to return by 
 a northern passage, but was at last obliged to take the 
 
 ^ The first English voyage was in 149G, under the celebrated Venetians, 
 John Cabot and his son Sebastian : but a still earlier attempt had been 
 made in 1463 by Cortereal, a Portuguese, who subsequently (in 1501) 
 pushed his discovery as far as the river of St. Lawrence, The search for 
 a passage by the north-eas< was commenced in 1553, under Sir H. 
 Willoughby (who was frozen to death with all his crew on the coast of 
 Lapland), and Robert Chancellor, who first discovered an entrance by sea 
 into Russia, then cut oft' fi"om the Baltic by Lithuania, and from the 
 Black Sea by the Tartars of Kipchak (Barrow's Arctic Voyages).
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TKADE AND ENTERPRISE. 29 
 
 course by the Cape of Good Hope, and thus passed chap. 
 throuo'h the Indian Ocean and visited the Moluccas and " 
 
 Java. This track was rendered more familiar by 
 Cavendish in 1586 ; and not long after, in 1591, a 
 squadron of three ships under Captain Raymond was 
 despatched from London for the express purpose of 
 trading witli India by the Cape of Good Hope. The 
 expedition was unfortunate ; but one ship reached 
 India, and though she was lost on her return, an oppor- 
 tunity had been afforded to Captain Lancaster, her com- 
 mander, to attain that experience which led to the esta- 
 blishment of a permanent intercourse with the East. 
 Another squadron, sent by private individuals in 1596, 
 Avas equally unsuccessful. The discouragement occa- 
 sioned by this commencement was changed into eager- 
 ness and activity by the example of the Dutch. That 
 people, still struggling for their independence against 
 the Spaniards, determined to appropriate to themselves 
 the wealth derived by their enemies from the Portu- 
 guese trade in the East. In 1595 they sent their first 
 four ships to the Spice Islands ; and such was the effect 
 of mercantile cupidity and republican energy, that 
 during the short period which remained of the century 
 they had forty ships employed in those seas,^ and before 
 many years of the next had passed they had dispos- 
 sessed the Portuguese of their principal settlements in 
 the Eastern Islands, had founded many of their own 
 both there and in India, and had secured a monopoly 
 of all the spice trade in the East. 
 
 It was the success of their first voyage that roused 
 tlie emulation of the English ; and as early as 1599, a 
 luuuber of the principal merchants of London formed 
 themselves into an Association for Trading with India, 
 
 - Macpherson's Commerce of India, 44.
 
 30 RISE OF BRITTRII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, subscribed 30,000/. to promote their object, and applied 
 ' to the Queen for a charter and certain reasonable 
 privileges and exemptions. 
 
 The errant of such a charter would have been an 
 open attack on the pretensions of the King of Spain (as 
 representing Portugal) to an exclusive commerce in the 
 Eastern Seas ; and, as Queen Elizabeth was at the time 
 endeavouring to make peace, she was unwilling to in- 
 troduce a new topic of dispute which might embarrass 
 her negotiations. 
 
 The merchants, however, after enumerating the ports 
 and territories which had been in any way under the 
 influence of the former Government of Portugal, gave 
 a long list of countries to which the Spaniards could 
 make no pretensions, and defied them to show why 
 they should bar her Majesty's subjects ' from the use 
 of the vast, wide, and infinitely open ocean sea, and of 
 access to the territories of so many free princes, kings, 
 and potentates in the East, in whose dominions they 
 have no more sovereign command or authority than 
 we or any Christians w^hatever.' 
 
 The Queen at length was convinced by these 
 arguments, and granted a charter, incorporating a 
 Company for fifteen years, empowering them to trade 
 to all places in India not claimed by other European 
 nations ; to punish by fine and forfeiture all others of 
 her Majesty's subjects who should engage in the India 
 trade without a licence ; to purchase land of the natives 
 for factories, which was thenceforward to become their 
 private property ; and to make bye-laws for them- 
 selves and their servants, not repugnant to the laws of 
 England : at the same time exempting them from the 
 payment of customs either on exports or imports for 
 a period of four years.
 
 EAELY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTEKPRISE. 31 
 
 The Company began by appointing a Governor and chap. 
 twenty-four Directors. They purchased five ships, 
 
 large and small, and manned them with 440 seamen ; ^•^- i^oi. 
 thirty-six factors of different degrees accompanied the 
 fleet, which was commanded by Sir James Lancaster, 
 formerly mentioned as one of the captains of a previous 
 unfortunate expedition. 
 
 Though their object was strictly commercial, the 
 requisite intercourse with local Governments and the 
 jealousy of European rivals compelled them, and all 
 others in that age, to engage in political and military 
 transactions. On the very first voyage, Lancaster 
 made a treaty with the king of Achin in Sumatra, who 
 granted to the English exemption from customs, per- 
 mission to build a factory, and the right to be guided 
 by their own laws among themselves, while they 
 submitted to those of the country in their intercourse 
 with the inhabitants. On the same voyage likewise 
 he engaged with a Dutch ofiicer in an attack on the 
 Portuguese, then at war with the English, and finished 
 by capturing a rich Portuguese vessel which contributed 
 more than his mercantile dealings to render his voyage 
 highly profitable to his employers. 
 
 The first three voyages made by the Company were 
 to the Eastern Islands, and to that quarter their 
 attention was for a long time directed, their visits 
 to India being chiefly undertaken as the means of 
 exchanging their European commodities for others 
 which were found to be more in request with the 
 islanders from whom they purchased pepper and other 
 spices.^ But this subordinate traflic soon became of 
 consequence enough to attract notice on its own account. 
 
 ^ The Eastern trade, though of much importance in the history of 
 the Company, is of none to that of India, and need not be followed out.
 
 A.D. 1609. 
 
 32 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IX INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. On the third voyage, in 1609, Captain Hawkins was 
 
 landed at Surat on a mission to the Emperor Jehdngir. 
 He repaired to Agra and soKcited the grant of land for 
 a factory at Surat, and likewise of some commercial 
 privileges in that part of India ; but he was not fur- 
 nished with the means of making his way at a corrupt 
 court and was thwarted by the calumnies of the 
 Portuguese Jesuits and the hostiUty of Mokerreb Khan, 
 Governor of Surat, and at last withdrew after a residence 
 of two years at the court. * 
 A.D. 1610. Some notion of the peculiarities of the Company's 
 situation at this period may be derived from the 
 adventures of their sixth voyage, in 1610. It was on 
 a greater scale than any hitherto attempted. One 
 vessel is differently represented as of 1,000 or 1,200 
 tons, but was certainly the largest trading vessel yet 
 built. King James was present at the launch, and 
 dined on board, off china dishes, then quite new in 
 England. The voyage, however, was not successful. 
 Sir Henry Middleton, wlio commanded, was brave to 
 rashness, but violent and imprudent. He allowed 
 
 Bantam, in the island of Java, was, for the first half century, the prin- 
 cipal English station ; to it all the other factories founded during that 
 period were subject. They took in Bengal and Coromandel, and extended 
 eastward to Borneo and Japan ; Surat, from its remoteness, remained 
 independent and became a sort of head to the factories in the West of 
 India, Persia, and Arabia (Bruce, i. 192, &c.) The great desire of the 
 English at that time was to obtain a share in the trade of the Moluccas or 
 Spice Islands ; they were strenuously opposed by the Dutch, who, instead 
 of admitting them to the Spice Islands, asjiired to drive them out of all 
 the Eastern Archipelago. This rivalry led to many contests, and an 
 attempt was made in 1G19 to put an end to them by means of an union 
 between the Dutch and English Companies ; but this unnatural alliance 
 produced further discord, and ended in the Massacre of Amboyna (1622- 
 1()23). The Engli.sh never recovered their ground in that quarter, but 
 they retained their factory at Bantam till 1G82, when they were stripped 
 of that also by the Dutch, and left with no possession in the Eastern 
 Islands except Bencoolen in Sumatra. 
 
 * Purchas's Pilgrims, book iii. chap. vii.
 
 EAKLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. S', 
 
 himself to be inveigled ashore by the Turkish Governor chap. 
 of Moclia, and was treacherously seized after eight of ' 
 
 his men had been killed and himself and several others 
 wounded. Though threatened with torture and death, 
 he refused to give such orders as would place his ships 
 in the power of the Turks ; and when after six months' 
 imprisonment, he effected his escape and joined his 
 squadron on the coast of Abyssinia, his first measure 
 was to take up a position before Moclia and threaten 
 to reduce the town to ruins if the other prisoners were 
 not immediately released and compensation paid. He 
 accomplished both these objects and then sailed to 
 India.^ At the entrance to the river of Surat he found 
 a Portuguese fleet, the admiral of which opposed his 
 entrance on the ground of the exclusive rights of his 
 nation, although Great Britain was then- at peace with 
 Spain and Portugnl. Sir Henry protested against such 
 a pretension, and resisted all the attempts of the Mogul 
 governor to persuade him to remove to another port 
 where he was less likely to clash with the Portuguese. 
 Two months were spent in negotiations, at the end of 
 which the Portu2:uese moved down the river to attack 
 the English. Notwithstanding the prodigious supe- 
 riority of their numbers, they were repelled both by 
 land and sea, and the English were permitted to carry 
 on their trade without further obstruction. The over- 
 bearing temper of Sir Henry, however, led to a quarrel 
 with the Mogul governor himself, who ordered him to 
 quit the port, without allowing him time to complete 
 his bargains or collect his debts. Having tried in vain 
 to obtain admission to another port, he returned to the 
 Ped Sea, where in retaliation for his supposed injuries 
 at Surat, he detained all Indian vessels to a considerable 
 
 Purchas's I'Uyrims, vol. i. book iii. chap. xi. sec. 5. 
 
 * 
 
 D
 
 ] { TASK OF BRITISIT TOWEU IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, nuinber, and took whatever merchandise he wished out 
 
 TT 
 
 " of them, paying them in European articles for which 
 they had no desire.*' 
 
 Having made up his cargoes by this sort of com- 
 mercial piracy, he sailed for Bantam to exchange them 
 for the productions of that region. He there suffered 
 shipwreck, and finally died worn out with fatigue and 
 anxiety. 
 
 A.D. 1G12, A subsequent expedition to Surat was more fortunate 
 in its commander. Captain Best not only prevailed on 
 the Mogul governor to renounce all memory of Sir 
 H. Middleton's proceedings, but induced him to enter 
 into many stipulations for the security of the English 
 and their trade, and to procure the ratification by the 
 Emperor himself of the engagement thus concluded. 
 
 Whilst he was waitmg for the ratification. Captain 
 Best was attacked by a numerous Portuguese fleet 
 and was oblio-ed to maintam a contest which lasted 
 for several days, partly in the Tapti and partly in the 
 open sea. In the end the Portuguese were obliged to 
 give up the attack and sail for Groa, while the English 
 resumed their position at Surat and were offered no 
 further molestation. The Portuguese, however, did 
 not desist from the practice of treating even friendly 
 powers as enemies if found within their exclusive limits 
 
 A.D. 1615. In 1615 Captain Downton, who was lying at the mouth 
 of tlie Tapti with a trading squadron of four ships, was 
 attacked by a powerful armament commanded by the 
 Viceroy of Goa in person. He made up for the great 
 
 ^ ' I thought wee should do ourselves some right and them no wrong, 
 to cause them to barter with us, wee to take their indicoes and other 
 goods of theirs, as they were worth, and they to take ours in lieu thereof.' 
 (Middleton in Purchas, book iii. chap. xi. sec. G.) He afterwards often 
 speaks of ' rommaging ' Indian ships and taking what goods he wanted ; 
 and we may conclude he paid for them, though at his own price.
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 35 
 
 inferiority of his force by engaging the enemy among chap. 
 
 shallows and narrow channels, and, although the attack 
 
 of the Portuguese was neither deficient in skill nor 
 courage, and was renewed during several days, it was 
 completely repulsed, and the viceroy was constrained 
 to return to Goa with considerable loss both in men 
 and honour J 
 
 Perhaps the most important result of the Mogul 
 grant to Captain Best was its enabling that officer to 
 leave stationary factors at Surat.^ Hitherto the entire 
 conduct of each voyage was left to the commander, and 
 his behaviour to the natives varied with his character 
 and the state of affairs at the moment. But the factors 
 soon made themselves acquainted with the circum- 
 stances of the country, and were enabled to regulate 
 their measures by more extensive views. They deputed 
 one of their body to the Mogul's court to solicit some 
 improvement in their firman ; they also set on foot 
 mquiries with a view to opening a trade with Persia, 
 and by the influence which they acquired from their 
 knowledge and the permanence of their residence, were 
 the means of introducing more system into the pro- 
 ceedings of the Cojnpany than had hitherto been ob- 
 served. 
 
 This tendency to regular and uniform administration 
 was promoted by a change which had taken place in 
 the arrano-ements at home. 
 
 ' The accounts of the early voyages and other proceedings of the 
 Company are taken from Brucc's Anncds, Purchas's Pilgrims, and Harris's 
 Vuyages. I have also consulted Macpherson's Indian Commerce, Murray's 
 History of India, and the tenth volume of the Modern Universal History ; 
 but the three last derive almost all their information from the preceding 
 three. The statements regarding the Portuguese sea-fights are confirmed 
 by Faria. 
 
 - Purchas, book iv. chaps, vii. and viii. 
 
 D 2
 
 36 IIISE OF BHITISII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. The first nine voyages of the Company liad been 
 
 ' carried on by separate Associations composed of such of 
 the members as chose to embark on each adventure, 
 occasionally admitting other merchants who were not 
 members of the Company. Each voyage was managed 
 by a subordinate committee appointed by the subscribers, 
 though all were subject to the regulations of the Com- 
 pany, and were to a certain extent under the control of 
 the Governor and Directors. But in the year 1612-13 
 it was resolved to raise a general stock from all the 
 members sufficient to provide for four voyages to be 
 conducted on the principle of a joint-stock company, 
 the profits being shared according to the amount of 
 each man's stock, and the whole to be exclusively 
 conducted by the Governor and Directors, 
 
 A proof of the increased importance of the Company 
 was soon after afi'orded by the appointment of Sir 
 T. Hoe as ambassador from the King to the Great 
 Mogul for the sole purpose of promoting its interests. 
 Sir Thomas sailed in the spring of 1615, and was four 
 years absent, of which he spent two at the court of 
 Jehdngir.^ He was a man of judgment and ability, 
 as he likewise proved in subsequent diplomatic em- 
 ployments in Europe, but he was opposed by all the 
 influence of Mokerreb Khan, misrepresented by the 
 Portuguese, and ill supported by the Company's factors 
 from their own jealousies, and perhaps even from some 
 narrow suspicions on the part of the Company itself,^ 
 and the consequence was that the advantages he gained 
 were not proportioned to the high rank of his mission. 
 The principal additions made to the old grant were, a 
 
 ^ See ii. 350 ; book x. chap. i. 
 
 ^ See an extract of a letter from Sir T. Roe to the Company in Orme's 
 Fracimcnts. V ol. iii. of his works, p. 381.
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 37 
 
 general permission to establish factories througliont the chap. 
 
 empire, especially in Bengal, Sind, and Surat, together [ — 
 
 with some rules calculated to protect the English from 
 exactions, and to facilitate the transit of their goods 
 through all parts of India. 
 
 The inquiries of the Company's factors regarding 
 Persia ended in the establishment of a trade with that 
 country. It was effected by means of an agreement 
 with Sliah Abbas, but was opposed by the Portuguese, 
 whom the Enaiish were oblig:ed to encounter in more 
 than one naval action. These provocations, together 
 with the threats of Sh^h Abbas, who would allow no 
 neutrals in his douiinions, induced their factors to 
 co-operate with the Persian monarch in an attack on 
 Ormuz. The capture of the island was chiefly effected 
 by the exertions of the English fleet, which were repaid 
 by a sliare in the booty, by the establishment of a 
 factory at Gombroon, and by other concessions in 
 favour of the Company's trade. ''^ 
 
 After this the Company carried their jealousy of the 
 Portuguese so far as to combine with their own in- 
 veterate enemies the Dutch in a plan to wrest Bombay ^•^- ^*^2^" 
 from that nation. It proved abortive, and a joint 
 expedition which was sent to Mocha in Arabia was 
 repulsed with the loss of a large Dutch ship. The sea- 
 fights between the English and Portuguese nevertheless 
 continued, but their mutual animosity so far relaxed 
 that in less than ten years the Viceroy of Goa made a a.d. 1634- 
 
 1 COK 
 
 truce with the President at Surat and threw open his 
 j^orts to English commerce. 
 
 This pacification raised up a new enemy to the 
 
 ^ The fleet is said by Hamilton to have consisted of five shijia, well 
 manned, and carrying one with another forty guns to each. (Account of 
 tlie East Indies, i. 103.)
 
 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Company more formidable than the Portuguese. An 
 ' Association was formed to trade with the newly opened 
 
 A.D. 1634- ports by Sir W. Courten, who seems to have been a 
 50 ~ man of large property, and who contrived to prevail 
 on men of mfluence at the court of Charles I. to embark 
 in his scheme. By their means a charter was granted 
 to Courten in violation of that of the Company, and 
 in a manner little creditable to the plain dealing of the 
 Kino\ 
 
 The new Company were bold and unscrupulous 
 speculators, not possessed of the experience of the old 
 Company, and not bound by their engagements. They 
 consequently became embroiled with the natives in 
 various manners, and were guilty of acts of violence 
 nearly amounting to piracy. For all this the repre- 
 sentatives of the old Company were held responsible by 
 the local powers, and were fined and imprisoned for the 
 offences of their rivals. At the same time the com- 
 mercial competition of the two Companies, being guided 
 by passion and not by calculation, produced a glut of 
 Indian commodities in Europe, which brought both 
 Companies to the brink of ruin, and these distracted 
 counsels had to bear up against the steady prudence of 
 the Dutch Company, its maritime superiority, and the 
 influence derived from its territorial possessions. As a 
 last resource the two Com23anies agreed to a union for 
 five years ; an Act of Parliament was passed to form a 
 new Company, and to give it power to enforce obedience 
 on British subjects by the mfliction of punishments. 
 
 The new Company having latterly traded and made 
 settlements in Africa, the trade with Guinea and on 
 both coasts was granted to the new Company, but never 
 made any figure in its history.^ 
 
 ■^ The details of the proceedings of the two Comiianies will be found
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 39 
 
 During all these discouragements, the old Company chap. 
 
 IL 
 
 1641. 
 
 had never relaxed its exertions to extend and protect 
 its trade. Its agents had before fortified their factory 
 at Arniegon on the coast of Coromandel (in 1628-9), 
 and they now obtained a grant of land at Madras, on a d. leio 
 which they erected Fort St. George, and soon after 
 (1643-4) founded a town, the revenues of which they 
 expected would be sufficient to defray the expense of 
 the garrison.^ Both of these forts were designed for 
 protection against the Dutch. 
 
 The garrison of Armegon, though mounting twelve 
 guns, consisted of only twenty-three men, including the 
 factors, and that of Fort St. George at a later period 
 amounted to no more than twenty- six soldiers. 
 
 The Company also attempted, though unsuccessfully, a.d. i64o 
 to open a channel for commerce by the Indus to Labor, 
 and they sent cargoes to Bussora and the Red Sea, 
 which, however, did not repay the exj^ense and risk. 
 A more imjDortant step was tlieir commencing a regular 
 trade with Bengal for the conduct of which they estab- 
 lished a factory at Balasore.^ a.d. igi2- 
 
 On Portugal declaring her mdependence of Spain, 
 the Company sent a mission of congratulation to Goa, 
 and immediately entered on amicable relations with the 
 Portuguese. 
 
 Tlie profits of the Company, while their trade was 
 new, while it was enriched by captures and by forced 
 exchanges, and before it had to contend with the com- 
 ])etition of the Dutch in the west of India, amounted 
 on an average of the first eight voyages to from one 
 hundred and thirty-eight to one hundred and seventy- 
 
 in Bruce's Annals, Macpherson's Commerce, the Universal History, x. 08, 
 Doclsley's History of India, and Harris's Voyages. 
 
 * Bruce's Annals, i. 377 and 402. •' The native name is BaMsar. 
 
 1643.
 
 40 
 
 EISE or BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, one per cent.*' Br.t this was a return on a concern 
 " which was not wound up till the end of seven years, 
 and after making the deductions requisite for that and 
 other reasons, the profits it is said were not much more 
 than sufficient to make up for the risk/ After the 
 formation of the first joint stock in 1613, the average 
 profit fell to eighty- seven and a half per cent. ; ^ and 
 during their subsequent distresses they probably could 
 not obtain a full return of the outlay, for in 1640 the 
 selling price of their stock fell to sixty per cent, (or 
 forty per cent, discount).^ 
 
 The ascendancy maintained by the Dutch, as well 
 A.D. 1052. during the war which followed as at the peace which 
 closed it, toofether with the disreo^ard of the late Act 
 and the encouragement given by the Protector to illicit 
 traders (or, as they were then called, interlopers) in- 
 duced the Company to wind up their affairs and put up 
 bills in the Royal Exchange offering their privileges 
 A.D. 165G. and fixed property for sale. 
 
 This led to new arrangements. Another Company 
 was formed and another charter given, by which sucli 
 of the interlopers as had not been ruined during the 
 previous transactions were included in the joint-stock. 
 
 During the controversy between the old joint- stock 
 Company and the advocates for free trade or a regulated 
 Company, the arguments of the latter party were pre- 
 cisely those of the political economists of the present 
 day, and were at once admitted by the Company, which 
 rested its claims entirely on special grounds. These 
 were — besides the injustice of depriving them of the 
 
 October, 
 A.D. 1657 
 
 •^ The first is the rate given in Macpherson's Commerce, and the second 
 in Murray's India. 
 
 ' Macpherson, p. 92 ; see also Murray, i. 200. 
 
 ® Bruce, i. 167. ^ Macplierson, p. 117.
 
 EAIJLY ENGLISH TKADE AND ENTERPRISE. 41 
 
 benefit of the factories they hr.d established and the chap. 
 
 grants they had procured at a great expense — tliat, 
 
 tliough free or regulated trade might succeed in a 
 united monarchy like Turkey, where all affairs could 
 be managed by the ambassador, they were quite in- 
 applicable to a country much of which was divided 
 among numerous petty chiefs and the rest distracted by 
 civil war. In this last case expensive and defensible 
 factories must be maintained ; a steady and skilful 
 course must be pursued with the native chiefs ; nnd 
 large presents must be made to those rulers, while 
 orderly and consistent behaviour must be enforced even 
 on the traders and mariners who had intercourse with 
 the common natives ; that the Company were now 
 under engagements to the native chiefs which would be 
 dissolved by the opening of the trade, with a palpable 
 breach of faith, and a certainty of forfeiture of all grants 
 and privileges ; and, moreover, that the violent inter- 
 ruptions offered by the Dutch and Portuguese required 
 to be resisted by larger vessels than private persons 
 could afford to maintain. They concluded by a strong 
 appeal to the experience of forty years and the failure 
 of all attempts at free trade or regulated Companies that 
 had been made during that period. 
 
 Some of these aro;urnents mio^ht be answered, but 
 on the whole it seems clear that the state of India at 
 that period was not ripe for a free commerce.^ 
 
 ' [The opposition to the Company at this time did not arise so much 
 from private traders as from adventurers of the United Joint Stock, who 
 prayed that the trade might be carried on by a Company, but with liberty 
 for each member to employ his stock in separate adventures, and the 
 question raised was not between private enterprise and a protected 
 Company, but between private trading and joint-stock management. 
 This appears distinctly in the first paragraph of the petition of the Mer- 
 chant Adventurers, as set forth in Bruce (i. 518) : 
 
 'A free trade regulated will encourage industry and ingenuity, wliich
 
 42 KISE OF BRITrSII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAr. On the Restoration, the Company received a new 
 
 '__ charter confirming tlieir possessions, including the 
 
 island of St. Helena which they had occupied on its 
 being abandoned by the Dutch, giving them authority 
 to make war and peace with all powers not Christians, 
 and to raise troops in England for their service, and at 
 the same time strengthening their hands against inter- 
 lopers. 
 
 In 1 662 the island of Bombay was ceded to the King 
 as part of the portion of his queen, the Infanta of For-- 
 tugal. The Earl of Marlborough was sent out with five 
 ships to take possession, and Sir A. Shipman to act as 
 Governor on the King's part. But the surrender of the 
 place was delayed by the Portuguese ; first on account 
 of a dispute regarding the extent of the cession, and 
 afterwards from objections to the validity of the new 
 Governor's commission ; so that the English did not 
 obtain possession for two years. During this time, Lord 
 Marlborough returned to England ; and the intended 
 garrison remained at Anjediva, an unhealthy island, 
 where two-thirds of their number died. Sir A. Shipman 
 was among the victims ; and Mr. Cooke, his secretary, 
 who succeeded him, worn out with sufi*ering, accepted 
 the cession in the limited sense put upon it by the 
 Portuguese, and under a capitulation reserving many 
 privileges to the inhabitants. This transaction was 
 disapproved by the King, and Mr. Cooke was at the 
 
 hath latitude and scope to exercise itself, whilst each person hath the 
 ordering of his owne affaires ; whereas, on a joint stock, it is impossible 
 for one to improve either, only to stand idle, without an opportunity to 
 make use of his own talents.' 
 
 These arguments would have had much force had the Government 
 undertaken the ' regulation ' and protection of the trade by fleets and 
 fortified posts, but this being left to the traders, the necessary security 
 could only be afforded by the resources of a Comjiany. 
 
 The subject is pursued at greater length on a subsequent page. — Ed.]
 
 P:ARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 43 
 
 same time superseded in the government; and being chap. 
 
 detected in several instances of corruption, was obliged 
 
 to fly to Goa, where he put himself under the pro- 
 tection of the Jesuits, and by their aid afterwards 
 endeavoured to attack Bombay by open force. 
 
 Disagreements likewise took place between the 
 King's Governor of Bombay and the President of Surat 
 (though both moderate and upright men) ; and in 16G8 
 the King found it expedient to put a stop to these col- 
 lisions by giving up Bombay to the Company. The 
 transfer was full and complete, with the reservation 
 of a quit-rent of ten pounds. 
 
 In the first years after the Company got possession 
 of Bomba}^, they proceeded to build ships there for the 
 defence of the place, to improve the fortifications, to 
 establish a native militia, to invite native settlers by 
 exemption from duties and otlier sorts of encourage- 
 ment, to appoint courts of justice, to coin money, and 
 to take measures for increasing their revenue. The whole 
 receipts when they took charge amounted to 6490/. a 
 year. The King's garrison which enlisted with the Com- 
 pany amounted to 150 English soldiers and fifty-four 
 native Portuguese or negroes, with twenty one guns. 
 
 The Company had long been desirous of obtaining 
 possession of this island and the nearest part of the 
 continent, and had suggested the purchase of them from 
 the Portuguese in the year 1G53. Their object was to 
 procure a place of security against European and native 
 attacks ; and they probably expected (as at Madras) 
 that the revenue of their acquisition would defray the 
 expense of the establishment. Up to the foundation of 
 Fort St. George (for Armegon was but temporary), 
 they were the only Euro]:)eans who attempted to 
 trade in India without any territorial possession. The
 
 44 RISE OF BRITISH I'OWKR IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Portuguese and Dutch occupied considerable dominions : 
 
 and even the Danes began their operations (in 1621) by 
 
 buikhng a fort and town at Tranquebar, a district which 
 they held of the Ndik of Tanjore.^ 
 
 It was probably more owing to want of power than 
 inclination that the English remained on a different 
 footing from their neighbours ; but it has often been 
 maintained that such was the policy which tliey ought 
 of their own accord to have adopted, and that prudence 
 required them to abstain from the acquisition of forts or 
 lands ; and even to dispense with factories and stationary 
 agents, and confine themselves strictly to trading voy- 
 ages. It is alleged that the possession of territory or 
 even of factories was injurious to them as diminishing 
 the profits of their commerce, and as leading by a sort 
 of necessity to a still further extension of their domi- 
 nions ; and it is contended that the same advantages 
 might have been obtained without any drawback, by 
 purchasing cargoes from native merchants or European 
 adventurers settled in the country. This question 
 stands on the same ground as that regarding free trade. 
 The proposition is true of well-ordered and neighbour- 
 ing countries ; the atteation of individuals to their own 
 interest will, when unobstructed, secure the accumula- 
 tion of such commodities as the trader requires ; and if 
 he is shut out of one country, by any rare occurrence 
 such as invasion or revolution, he has timely notice to 
 seek another market. But it was otherwise in India 
 after the first years of Aurangzib, A trader arriving 
 after a twelvemonth's voyage might find the European 
 agent in a dungeon, and even the native merchants 
 driven away by the exactions of a bad Governor ; 
 he might find his port in the hands of plundering 
 
 * Modem Universal History, ii. 11.
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 45 
 
 ]\Iarattas, or the supply of all merchandise cut off by the chap. 
 distracted state of the surrounding countries. Even if ' 
 
 he met with none of these obstructions from the natives, 
 he would still be exposed to European rivals ; and 
 w^ould have to maintain an unequal contest with the 
 influence conferred by. the possession of territory and 
 the skill derived from permanent residence. 
 
 There was not one of these supposed contingencies 
 which was not undergone during the early voyages of 
 the Couipany ; and the question is whether it was really 
 profitable to continue those hazardous speculations, or 
 to incur souie expense for the purpose of gaining a 
 greater degree of security ? Forts and territories are 
 only useful as affording safety and permanence to the 
 factories. ' It is observable that the continental nations 
 still retain their trade, wherever they are possessed of 
 territory, though they have lost it in most places where 
 they had only commercial stations ; and so soon was the 
 advantage of this sort of protection perceived, that the 
 English Company's stock, which, before they had any 
 possessions of their own, was long selling at from sixty 
 to seventy per cent., rose, some years after the acquisi- 
 tion of Bombay, to five hundred per cent.^ 
 
 The objection from the necessity of continued in- 
 crease of dominion is not borne out by the example of 
 the Dutch m India, or of the Danes, or even of the 
 Portuguese after they ceased to make conquest their 
 principal object. It has certainly been otherwise Avith 
 
 ' Sir Thomas Roe gave it as his opinion that the Portuguese and 
 Dutch spent more on their territories than they gained by theii" trade, 
 and that they never throve after they became independent powers in 
 India. But it may be answered that the Portuguese trade was an armed 
 monopoly, and owed its existence to their political power ; and though 
 the Dutch carried their buildings and establishments to an extravagant 
 pitch, yet no one will contend tliat they were losers by their connection 
 with the East.
 
 4(3 RISE OF BHITISII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, the Eiio-lisli, l)at it is not so clear that the extension of 
 
 II. O ' .... 
 
 \ their dominions has been injurious either to Great 
 Britain or to India. 
 
 The advantage of such a retreat as Bombay became 
 more apparent at the time from the increasing disorders 
 of the country. Surat was sacked by Sivaji in 1664 
 and again in 1670, on both which ot'casions the English 
 owed their safety from the general calamity to the 
 strength of their factory and their own courage in 
 defending it. The consequence of this was, that not 
 long after the grant of Bombay the Presidency was 
 transferred to that place, and Surat made a subordinate 
 station ; but to avoid exciting jealousy in the Mogul 
 government, the President was still to affect to consider 
 Surat as his head-quarters, and to reside there as much 
 as he thought necessary, conducting the affairs of 
 Bombay through a deputy. 
 
 While these transactions were going on in the 
 west of India, an extraordinary occurrence took place 
 at Madras, Sir E. Winter, who had been appointed 
 Governor in 1661, was removed in 1666, but instead of 
 surrendering his authority he imprisoned Mr. Foxcroft, 
 who was appointed his successor, on pretence of his 
 having uttered treasonable language against the King ; 
 and in spite of repeated orders both from King and 
 Company (which he treated as forgeries) he retained 
 possession for two years. Serious apprehensions were 
 entertained at one time of his making over the fort to 
 the Dutch ; but at length, being threatened with a 
 naval attack and offered a free pardon on condition of 
 submission, he gave up the place in August 1668. 
 
 For the period that succeeded, the Company enjoyed 
 comparative tranquillity. They were disturbed indeed 
 by a nati(jnal war with the Dutch ; and the distracted
 
 EAKLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 47 
 
 state of India, owino- to the wars between tlie Mo^'uls chap, 
 
 . . . .II. 
 
 and Marattas, occasioned considerable interruption to ' 
 
 their trade, but they escaped without permanent injury 
 from the war ; and the improved value of their stock, 
 which has been mentioned, shows that their trade sur- 
 mounted all the difficulties opposed to it. The favour 
 of the Crown had put down interlopers, and the same 
 influence, with the possession of Bombay and Madras, 
 enabled them to assume somethins; of the character of 
 a Government. They accordingly made various regula- 
 tions about their service, some unconnected instances 
 of which may be mentioned before entering on a more 
 general view. Among these was a regular system for 
 rise in their civil service ; the lowest class, or apprentices, 
 were, after certain periods for each rank, to become 
 writers, factors, merchants, and senior merchants ; and 
 nomination to employments was to be regulated by 
 standino; in the service. 
 
 The civil servants were particularly directed to 
 apply themselves to the study of military discipline, so 
 that in case of sudden attacks, or of superior fitness for 
 military duty, they might receive commissions. 
 
 Another improvement was in organising a militia at 
 J^ombay and Madras. At Bombay there were at one 
 time (1672) 1,500 native militia, half armed with fire- 
 arms and half with lances ; but at a later period (167G) 
 this force was reduced to GOO (probably employed more 
 regularly and permanently), who were paid by the 
 })rincipal inhabitants. 
 
 The Government of Bombay seem at tliis early 
 period to have been struck with the idea of introducing 
 European discipline among their native troops ; for 
 in 1682 they write to the Directors, reminding them 
 of their frequent applications for European officers to
 
 -ilS KLSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, coiumand tlie luilitiii, and add that ' without bein 
 
 11. 
 
 t? 
 
 exercised and trained up, they will never stand to do 
 any good' (Papers at the India House). In 1G84 
 they introduced an innovation which likewise showed 
 a tendency to put the native troops on a footing with 
 the Europeans. This was their entertaining 200 
 Hdjpiits, who were to be divided into two companies, 
 to be under chiefs of their own caste, to use their own 
 arms, and when on duty to be blended with the regular 
 European troops. These seem to have been beneficial 
 regulations, but the general government of the Company 
 was conducted on the narrowest principles, and dis- 
 played a total want of skill and consistency. They 
 were incessantly changing the seats and the form of 
 their Presidencies, and extending: and diminishing^ the 
 number of their factories. They were equally un- 
 steady in their treatment of their agents, sometimes 
 showing a capricious confidence in individuals, and 
 then censurino" and removino- them with as little cause. 
 Their trimming policy between Sivaji and Aurangzib 
 was a matter of necessity ; but by allowing contribu- 
 tions to be levied on them by every petty rdja on the 
 Malabar coast, they fell into contempt with the native 
 chiefs, and invited further oppression. When roused 
 to something like resistance, they gave their servants 
 discretionary authority to make war on native states ; 
 yet while granting these powers to their governors, 
 and at the same time stimulating them to measures of 
 defence against the Dutch, and to the assertion of their 
 disputed privileges against the Portuguese, they reduced 
 A.D. 1678- the garrison of Bombay, the seat of their supreme Presi- 
 ^^^^' dency, to 180 men, the militia being at the same time 
 abolished ; Fort St. George, when threatened by an 
 army of 4,000 Dutch and 12,000 troops of Golconda,
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 49 
 
 could only muster 250 soldiers besides some native chap. 
 
 irregulars; and this was in 1674-5 — before the great 
 
 reduction. 
 
 But the error which most injured their interests 
 was their inadequate remuneration to all descriptions 
 of persons in their employment. A civil servant after 
 five years' residence in India, received 10/. a year ; the 
 salaries of the higher ranks were on the same scale. 
 The members of Council had 80/. a year, the Deputy 
 Governor of Bombay, 120/., and the President at Surat, 
 who had the supreme control over all their affairs in 
 India, 300/.* These functionaries had not, as in England 
 
 * At the time of these reductions the abundance of money and the 
 exi^ense of living in England were increasing at a rate never before 
 known ; and it is singular that our knowledge of this fact is principally 
 derived from the writings of Sir Josiah Child, by whose orders the 
 reductions were made in India. (Hume's Histury, viii. 329.) 
 
 [Dr. Fryer, a surgeon in the service of the East India Company, 
 visited Surat and Bombay in 1G74, and gives the following account of the 
 salaries of the Company's servants at the time. 
 
 ' The whole mass may be comprehended in these classes, viz. 
 merchants, factors, and writers ; some Bluecoat boys also have been 
 entertained under notion of apprentices for seven years, which being 
 expired, if they can get security, they are capable of employment. The 
 writers are obliged to serve five years for 10?. per annum, giving a bond 
 of 5001. for good behaviour. After which they commence factors and 
 rise to jireferment and trust, according to seniority or favour, and there- 
 fore have 1,000?. bond exacted of them and have their salary augmented 
 to 20?. per annum for three years ; then entering into new indentures, are 
 made senior factors, and lastly, merchants after three years more ; out of 
 whom ax'e chose chiefs of factories as places fall, and are allowed 40?. per 
 annum during their stay in the Company's service, besides lodgings and 
 victuals at the Company's charges.' 
 
 Notwithstanding the meanness of these emoluments, these public 
 servants ai'e described as vying with their superiors, and ' in their 
 respective factories live in like grandeur.' The cliiefs of the factories 
 maintained great state. The following is the account of the President. 
 ' The President has a -largo commission and is Vice Regis ; he has a 
 council, and a guard when he walks or rides abroad, accompanied with a 
 party of horse which are constantly kept in the stables, either for 
 pleasure or service. He has his chaplains, physicians, surgeons, and 
 domestics, linguist and mint-master. At meals he has h-s trumpets
 
 50 RISE OF BRITTSn POWER IN IKIHA. 
 
 CHAP at tliat period, fees, perquisites, and patronage to make 
 up for their small salaries ; unless tliey conld gain 
 
 something by peculation in managing the Company's 
 investments, or could defraud the Mogul's revenue by 
 applying the exemptions given for the Company's 
 foreign trade to inland traffic of their own, they had 
 no resource but to trade with Europe in violation of 
 their duty and engagement. Accordingly the Company's 
 own servants were always among the most dangerous 
 interlopers ; repeated orders were issued against their 
 private trade ; and one Governor was sent on a special 
 mission mth the unusual salary of 500/. a year, on 
 purpose to put a stop to the practice. 
 
 The year which succeeded the great reductions in 
 1678-9 was distinguished by the reappearance of avowed 
 interlopers, a ship being built at Cadiz for the express 
 purpose of illicit trade with India. Whether the civil 
 servants of the Company were concerned in this under- 
 A.D. 1682- taking does not appear ; but a few years later two of 
 the members of Council at Surat (Mr. Boucher and 
 Mr, Petit) were detected in a connection with the 
 interlopers, then become more numerous, and in in- 
 tri2:ues with the Moo;ul o-overnor of Surat tendino; to 
 persuade him that a new Company, by which they pre- 
 
 usher in his courses, and soft music at his table. If he move out of his 
 chamber the silver staves wait on him ; if he go abroad the Bandarines 
 and Moors under two standards march before him. He goes sometimes 
 in the coach, drawn by large milk-white oxen, sometimes on horseback, 
 other times in Palenkeens, carried by Cohors, Mussulman porters ; always 
 having a sombrero of state carried over him ; and those of the English 
 inferior to him have a suitable train.' (Vide J. Talboys Wheeler's 
 Early Records of British India, from which the preceding extracts are 
 quoted.) Dr. Fiyer accompanied an embassy to the court of Sivaji, 
 and was present at a coronation where this robber chieftain appeared 
 in great pomp. Mr. Wheeler gives some extracts from the travels of 
 Mandelslo, who visited Surat in 1038, and gives a particular account of 
 the social life of the English at the time. — Ed.] 
 
 1683.
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 51 
 
 tended to be employed, was willing to concede to him chap. 
 much o-reater advantac-es than he derived from the old ' 
 
 one. Still more ruinous was the parsimony with which 
 they regulated the pay of their military establishment. 
 Even before their last reduction, all the troops at 
 Bombay had mutinied under their commanding officer ; 
 one of the mutineers was shot, but tlie claims of the 
 whole were admitted. After the reduction, the number 
 of troops at Bombay fell off at one time to 100 men ; 
 and this small body complained that their pay at the 
 existing price of provisions was inadequate to their 
 bare support. Soon afterwards the Company (who had 
 before imposed a sort of conscription on the inhabitants) 
 directed an increase to the taxes, and thus completed 
 the disaffection of all classes. At last thino-s came to a 
 pitch which could no longer be borne. Captain Keigwin, 
 the commander-in-chief (who at one time had a seat in 
 Council), was allowed six shillings a day for his pay, 
 in which every description of claim was to be included ; 
 the local government made a small addition as sul^sis- 
 tence money, but the Company insisted on a rigid com- 
 pliance with their former orders, and directed the money 
 advanced to Keigwin and some which had been issued to 
 the private soldiers on another account to be refunded. 
 In these circumstances, the troops mutinied and deposed 
 the Deputy Governor ; they declared that they held the 
 place for the King, and proclaimed Keigwin governor ; 
 and these acts w^ere at once accepted by every indivi- 
 dual in the island. A year elapsed before this nuitiny 
 was put down, and then it was effected by a force under 
 a King's officer, to whom, as his Majesty's representa- 
 tive, the mutineers surrendered. During their revolt, 
 they were careful to do nothing inconsistent with their 
 allegiance, nor was their rule attended with any extortion
 
 52 RISE OF BIUTISII POWER IN II^DIA. 
 
 CHAP, or miso-overnment. There was not a drop of blood 
 n . 
 
 ' shed throughout the transaction ; they attended to the 
 
 public interests with foreign states ; they maintained 
 
 themselves on the regular revenue of the island, a sum 
 
 of money which they had seized in a Company's ship 
 
 being kept untouched, and restored when the fort was 
 
 given up. A free pardon was one of the conditions of 
 
 their surrender ; and if so obstinate a mutiny conld 
 
 ever be prudently overlooked, it would have been in 
 
 their instance. 
 
 The suppression of this revolt allowed the Company 
 to turn its attention to the interlopers, who liad now 
 increased to a serious extent. Its affairs were at that 
 time entirely under the influence of Sir Josiah Child, a 
 great London merchant, at the present day still well 
 known for his writings on the principles of commerce. 
 His brother, afterwards created a baronet by the name of 
 Sir John Child, resided at Surat or Bombay, but was for 
 the most important part of his career Governor- General 
 of all India. 
 
 Both brothers were distinguished by their zeal for 
 the Company's service, and their measures procured 
 them applause from their employers and honours from 
 their sovereign. The reward may have been more than 
 was due to their services, in which they showed more 
 activity than judgment, but it was overbalanced by the 
 oblocpiy which most historians have agreed to cast on 
 their internal government, on the faith of a single and 
 very douljtful witness. 
 
 The arbitrary spirit of the times, their own presump- 
 tion in foreign politics, and the narrowness of their 
 views on many occasions, give us good ground to ima- 
 gine a harsh and overbearing administration through- 
 out ; but even of this there is no proof, and the ex-
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TKADE AXD ENTERPRISE. 53 
 
 travagant iin]:)Titations of tyranny and cruelty which chap. 
 have been brought against them, are not only unsup- " 
 
 ported by evidence but inconsistent with known facts.^ 
 
 The greatest part of the clamour which has been so 
 widely echoed, arose out of their treatment of the in- 
 terlopers, whom they certainly used every exertion to 
 put down. 
 
 Those adventurers were mostly British subjects who 
 equipped their vessels clandestinely in England ; and 
 at a later period in the ports of the Continent or in the 
 American Colonies. They were of three classes. The 
 first were merely illicit traders, who were guilty of no 
 irregularities except such as are inseparable from dis- 
 regard of the law ; the second, when unsuccessful in 
 trade had recourse to fraud and piracy ; the third were 
 avowed buccaneers, fitted out in the West Indies for 
 piracy alone. "^ 
 
 Some even of the first class became dangerous to 
 the existence of the Company, as well as destructive of 
 its exclusive privilege, by which alone the charge of ful- 
 
 ^ The single witness alluded to is Captain Hamilton, whose plain, 
 vehement, sailor-like style is well adapted to gain confidence ; but he 
 was himself an interloper, wrote from memory many years after the time, 
 and was ready to believe every story that made against the Company 
 and their servants, especially against those who had given him personal 
 oflFence. He charges both the Childs in general terms with the blackest 
 crimes, but against Sir John he brings forward specific instances of fraud, 
 subornation of perjury, instigation to forgery, poisoning, and sacrilege 
 (Hamilton, i. 185, 190, 193, 19G). It could only be by stifling complaints 
 that the perpetrator of so many atrocities could escape the highest penalty 
 of the law ; yet Sir John Childs sent Cai)tain Keigwin and some others 
 of the mutineers, as well as many interlopers, to England ; he was on 
 bad terms with the Judge of Admiralty at Bombay (Bruce, ii. 565) ; and 
 was constantly in communication with officers of the Royal Navy ; so 
 that any attempt to confine the knowledge of his misconduct to his own 
 Government must have been futile. Harris's Voyages and Dodley's His- 
 tory, which are sometimes referred to as independent autliorities take 
 their accomits verbatim from Hamilton. 
 
 ^ Dr. Davenant, referred to in Macpherson, p. 241.
 
 54 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, filling its engagements to the state could be defrayed. 
 ' Their first leaders were Mr. Boucher and Mr. Petit, 
 
 both Company's servants, Avho when detected by their 
 employers, took refuge with the Mogul governor of 
 Surat, and were strongly suspected of instigating the 
 mutineers of Bombay, with whom they certainly cor- 
 responded, and to whom Mr. Petit repaired after the 
 breaking out of the revolt.^ Boucher went to Auranga- 
 biid, and employed every exertion to excite the Mogul 
 Government against the Company. The other classes 
 were still more hurtful to the Company ; they injured 
 its credit by their pecuniary transactions and exposed 
 it to risk by their excesses, its agents being held re- 
 sponsible even for the pirates, and fined and imprisoned 
 for their misdeeds. 
 
 Vigorous measures were adopted against all classes 
 of these offenders. A great number of their ships were 
 seized by the King's and Company's cruisers, and con- 
 demned as prize by competent tribunals on the spot, 
 and forty-eight of the j^ersons principally concerned 
 with them were sent home and prosecuted criminally 
 before the Court of King's Bench.^ 
 
 There seems to have been nothing irregular in these 
 proceedings ; but the strong temptation to commit 
 the offence against which they were directed, and the 
 numerous prosecutions which were necessary to repress 
 it, afford the weiMitiest aro;uments ao;ainst establishing 
 exclusive privileges without necessity, or neglecting to 
 abolish them the moment they cease to be required.^ 
 
 But the ambition of the Childs was not satisfied with 
 A.D. ifi84 the extirpation of the interlopers. The Directors, in- 
 fluenced by their counsels, now contemplated the forma- 
 
 ' Bruce's Annals, iii. 130, 135. ^ Bruce, ii. 551. 
 
 ^ See note at the end of the chapter. 
 
 and IG80.
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 55 
 
 tion of a sort of commercial empire, an imitation of the chap. 
 
 Dutch, who (as they said) made their power the foun- ^ 
 
 dation of their commerce and drew profits from their 
 territory more than sufficient to meet the expense it occa- 
 sioned.^ ' Without that,' they observed at a later period, 
 ' we are but as a great number of interlopers, united by 
 his Majesty's royal charter, fit only to trade where no 
 body thinks it their interest to prevent us,' '^ With a view 
 to this object they proposed to increase and strengthen 
 Bombay and jMadras, and to obtain territory enough to 
 defray the charges of each ; they proposed to acquire 
 a similar strong post at Priaman in Sumatra, or some 
 other place in the Eastern Seas, but above all they de- 
 cided to conquer Chittagong in Bengal from the Mogul, 
 and there to establish the chief seat of their power. 
 These possessions were to be called Regencies, and to be 
 considered as independent territories under the protec- 
 tion of the British Crown ; and in conformity to this 
 resolution they directed that ' his Majesty's Union 
 flag ' ^ should be hoisted at their principal stations. 
 This project is often spoken of by the Company and 
 their servants as their ' great design.' 
 
 But the scene of tlieir dominion was still to be the 
 sea-coast, and its object the security of their trade ; the 
 bold project afterwards imagined by another nation, of 
 embarking in the wars and politics of the interior, and 
 of conquering India by means of native troops and 
 native allies, was far above their conception. Viewed 
 with reference to their own limited object, their scheme 
 
 ' Bruce, ii. 551. ^ Bruce, iii. 78. 
 
 ^ Bruce, ii. 590. This distinction between the national and per- 
 sonal colours of the King was seemingly intended to protect the Company's 
 own pretensions to a sort of sovereignty, and is still kept up in India, 
 where the royal standard is never displayed. 
 
 [It should be noted that this was written before the transfer of the 
 Government of India to the Crown. — Eu.]
 
 56 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, was 111 contrived, for such possessions as the Dutch 
 
 " had acquired in separate islands or in the states of petty 
 
 rajas, were not so easily to be dismembered from the 
 
 Mogul Empire, then extending its dominions by the 
 
 conquest of neighbouring kingdoms. 
 
 But as the first and greatest of the operations con- 
 templated was the invasion of Bengal, it is necessary, 
 before proceeding further, to take a summary view of' 
 the state of English affairs in that province. Though 
 1616. Sir T. Roe had prevailed on Jehangir to grant a 
 firman for the establishment of trade and factories 
 throughout his dominions, yet the Company had derived 
 little advantao;e from it in Beno-al until chance procured 
 them the assistance of a local ruler. This was Prince 
 Sliuja, whose favourite mistress had been cured of a 
 dangerous illness by Mr. Broughton, one of the Com- 
 pany's surgeons, and who repaid the benefit by steady 
 kindness to the author. Mr. Broughton used his influ- 
 About ence to obtain an order giving effect to the firman, 
 A.D. 1610. -j^ consequence of which three or four factories were 
 erected and trade was carried on free of duties. 
 
 Shujd's order ceased to be valid on his defeat and 
 expulsion by Aurangzib, but the English contrived hj 
 bribing the governors to obtain a precarious enjoyment 
 of their privileges till about 1680, when the defect of 
 their title was discovered by the viceroy of the day. 
 They were then compelled to pay two per cent, customs 
 like the Mussulmans, and one and a half per cent, as 
 the Jezid or infidel tax ; and in spite of their exertions 
 both at Delhi and on the spot, that amount continued 
 afterwards to be levied.^ The exaction of three and a 
 half per cent, as customs could not be brought forward 
 
 ■• The above account is from a report in the papers at the India 
 House, written in 1G84.
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 57 
 
 as a grievance, especially as the Dutch paid four and a chap. 
 
 half. But the l^^nglisU had other grounds of complaint : [ . 
 
 obstructions had been thrown in the way of their trade 
 for the purpose of extorting bribes, their debtors were 
 protected against them, and other minor annoyances 
 occurred from time to time. But tlie most serious were 
 the forcible release of some persons in the Company's 
 service from their custody at Hugh in 1676, in the 
 course of which the chief agent at the place was 
 wounded ; the imprisonment of their vakil or native 
 agent ; the levy of a fine of 500/. from him, and the 
 suspension of their trade for six months before this fine 
 was levied. A still more violent outrage was com- 
 mitted in 1680 at Patna ; that, however, was not in 
 Bengal, but in the adjoining province of Beliar. The 
 Company's Kuropean agent there, having refused what 
 was nominally a free gift to a new governor, was seized 
 at the factory, dragged barefoot to Ilajipiir, the tem- 
 porary residence of the governor, and kept in irons 
 until he paid a forced present of ninety pounds.^ 
 
 Serious complaints of these oppressions were ad- 
 dressed to the viceroy of Bengal ; the Governor of 
 Madras, to which Presidency Bengal was then sub- 
 ordinate, even went so fiir in 1684 as to inform him 
 that though the English were a peaceable people, they 
 ' could not suffer such unreasonable abuses.' ^ About 
 the sauie time the Governor sent a native agent to 
 Aurangzi'b's camp, and continued to urge his com- 
 plaints from time to time in respectful but manly lan- 
 guage, without receiving any redress.^ 
 
 These were the grounds on which the Company 
 
 ^ See list of gricvancoa enclosetl in Governor Gyflford's letters to the 
 Nabob, dated September 17, 1G84. (Papers at the India House.) 
 ^ Letter above referred to. 
 ■^ Papers at the India House, February and March, 1G8G-7.
 
 58 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, entered on a war, ^s^liicli they must have thought in 
 itself desirable as a necessary part of the fulfihnent of 
 
 II 
 
 their great design. 
 
 If the object of that design was beyond the Com- 
 pany's strength, the means adopted for attaining it 
 were still more disproportion ed to the end. 
 Decern- An expedition was prepared in England under the 
 
 1085. express sanction of the King. It consisted of ten ships, 
 carrying from twelve to seventy guns, and was to be 
 commanded on the outward voyage by Captain Nichol- 
 son, under a commission from the King as vice-admiral ; 
 but the agent in Bengal was ultimately to be admiral 
 and commander-in-chief, and six companies of soldiers 
 (100 men each), which were sent out by this oppor- 
 tunity, were left without captains that they might be 
 commanded by the members of Council. The troops 
 were to be completed in India to 1,000 men, and the 
 ships to nineteen sail, small and great. 
 
 The despatch of this expedition was to be kept a pro- 
 found secret. It was to commence by taking Chittagong, 
 which was to be strongly fortified and equipped with 
 200 pieces of ordnance. An alliance was at the same 
 time to be made with the neighbouring Raja of Aracdn, 
 and it was then to move on to Dacca, at that time the 
 residence of the viceroy of Bengal, and to compel that 
 functionary to cede the city and territory of Chittagong, 
 and to grant many other privileges and immunities 
 thoughout his province. The expedition was next to 
 proceed against the King of Siam, and was to oblige 
 him to make satisfaction for some injuries offered to the 
 English trade. This done, it was to conquer and for- 
 tify the intended Eastern Regency at Priaman, which 
 was to be on a larger scale than Madras ; and after all 
 this it was to sail to the West Coast of India, and to
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 59 
 
 conquer Salsette and other disputed territories from the chap. 
 Portuguese.^ As if this was not employment enough " 
 
 for 1,000 men, Sir John Cliild at Bombay suggested 
 that they should check the power of the Dutch on the 
 Malabar coast ; and the Company themselves, before 
 they had heard of the result of the first operations, sent 
 orders to the Government of Madras to assist the King 
 of Golconda (of whose extinction they were not ap- 
 prised) against the Dutch. 
 
 These ill-conceived measures were more absurdly 
 executed. Instead of fixing the rendezvous at their 
 own port of Madras, from whence their expedition 
 might have sailed unsuspected to Chittagong, and 
 might even have retained that nearly detached district, 
 they ordered their force to assemble at Hiigli, in the 
 heart of the province of Bengal ; and instead of direct- 
 inir their Govern or- General to secure their interests 
 before the war broke out, and to lay down a combined 
 plan of operations, they sent their orders through the 
 Governor at Madras to be executed by their agents in 
 Bengal, and left the Governor-General, residing in the 
 Mogul's city of Surat, in total ignorance of the progress 
 of events in other parts of India. 
 
 The consequences were such as might have been 
 expected. The Nabob of Bengal took the alarm at the 
 first arrival of additional troops within his province, 
 and sent a force of his own to observe their motions ; 
 mutual suspicions of the parties led to an affray ; the 
 English behaved with great gallantry and took Hiigli, October, 
 but having no use for an inland town they gave it up 
 on a convention, and retired to Chiita Natti, twenty 
 miles lower down the river, and the spot on which 
 Calcutta now stands. It would have been easier for 
 
 ^ Bruce, ii, 558, &c.
 
 GO 
 
 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA, 
 
 CHAP. 
 XL 
 
 February, 
 A.D. 1687. 
 
 May, A.B. 
 ]G87. 
 
 End of 
 
 1G88. 
 
 their expected reinforcement to join tliem there than 
 at Hugh', Init being- threatened by the Nabob of Ikngal, 
 they afterwards moved still lower down the river to 
 Ilijeli. This spot was protected by a shallow channel 
 which cut it off from the bank, but was low, unhealthy, 
 and only supplied with brackish water. On their way 
 to this place the English destroyed the fort of Tanna, 
 and they, afterwards sent some ships to Balas6r, which 
 plundered the town and destro}^ed many vessels in the 
 harbour. 
 
 But tlie climate of Hijeli rapidly reduced their 
 numbers and impaired their efficiency ; and when a de- 
 tachment of the Nabob's came to attack them, they 
 were so ill off for supplies and saw so little prospect of 
 ultimate success, that after defending themselves gal- 
 lantly against ten times their nnmber for four days, 
 they were compelled to come to terms and to return to 
 their old position at Chiita Natti. 
 
 The terms agreed on were favourable, promising 
 ground to build a factory, a compromise about the cus- 
 toms, and other advantages ; but the viceroy withheld 
 his ratification, and a correspondence ensued which 
 lasted till November 1687, when he heard of the taking 
 of Golconda by Aurangzib and thought himself entitled 
 to dictate what terms he pleased. No further attack, 
 however, was made on the English, and things remained 
 in the same state till the arrival of fresh troops and 
 new orders from En2;land occasioned the renewal of 
 active operations, as will be mentioned in its proper 
 place.^- 
 
 ^ Letters of Mr. Charnock, Mr. Bradyll, and Mr. GyiFord at the India 
 House, with native letters and agreement.s and other enclosures. Also 
 Sir John Child's letters to the Company in the same collection. The 
 instructions of the Company to Sir J. Child and the other Governors, if 
 they still exist at the India House, cannot readily be found.
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TEADE AND ENTERPRISE. 61 
 
 The news of the premature rupture in Bengal chap. 
 reached Sir John Child at Surat, where he was residin<T 
 
 J, ,,j..^.^ ^^ ...... .^^.^....^ 
 
 within the power of the Mogul governor, and to all 
 appearance on terms of uninterrupted friendship with 
 him. It was probably ascribed by the governor to 
 some local irregularity to which he was accustomed 
 both on the part of his countrymen and the Europeans. 
 
 It was not difficult therefore for Sir J. Child to 
 temporise with him till sufficient time liad elapsed to April, a.d. 
 allow of his finding some pretence for gomg to Bombay, 
 accompanied by some of the members of his Council.^ 
 
 As soon as he found himself in safety, he despatched 
 a vessel to Surat to endeavour to bring off the rest of 
 the Company's servants, and at the same time sent 
 ships to the Red Sea and Persian Gulf to seize on the 
 Mogul vessels there, and detain the passengers as 
 hostages for the English at Surat. AH this was done 
 without the slightest intimation of intended hostilities 
 to the governor of Surat, and the plan was to preserve 
 all appearances of cordiality towards him until the 
 English still in his power should be removed to a place 
 of safety. But it was disconcerted by a blunder of one 
 of the captains, who seized a Surat ship on the Indian 
 coast, on which the English at that place were thrown 
 iuto confinement. Sir John Child then seized on as 
 many Mogul vessels as were within his reach, not, he 
 said, as an act of hostility, but in the way of reprisals, 
 Avith an understanding that the ships would be given 
 up as soon as the Company's servants were released and 
 their property which had been seized at Surat restored. 
 He, however, prepared for war by entering into a treaty 
 \\'ith the Marattas, who were ahvays ready for any com- 
 bination against the Moguls : he also sent a statement of 
 ' Bruce, ii. 600, &c.
 
 62 RISE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, his o-rievances and demands to the i2;overnor of Surat. It 
 II . 
 
 ' contained just grounds for complaint and remonstrance, 
 
 but perhaps none sufficient to justify war, and certainly 
 none to give a pretext for the abrupt commencement of 
 hostilities without a declaration. Nevertheless, it was 
 received with temper by the governor of Surat, and 
 negotiations were still going on when the vessels from 
 the Red Sea and Persian Gulf returned with many 
 prizes, taken before the imprisonment of the English, 
 and it became impossible any longer to disguise the 
 existence of war.^ But the governor of Surat (who 
 had been lately appointed) is said to have been well 
 disposed to the English, and at all events he could 
 have foreseen nothing but loss of revenue from the 
 interruption of their commerce. He therefore encou- 
 raged the detained Enoiish to write to Sir J. Child and 
 
 invite him to the neighbourhood of Surat to negotiate. 
 
 Sir John came with a fleet to the mouth of the Tapti, 
 End of and at length made an agreement,^ to all appearance so 
 
 satisfactory, that the Company on hearing of it sent him 
 
 a present of 1,000 guineas.* 
 
 The fulfilment of this agreement was delayed for 
 
 many months, and Sir J. Child, suspicious of the 
 
 Mogul's sincerity, again repaired with a fleet of seven 
 October 9, ghips to the Tapti. He, however, forbore any act 
 
 of aggression until he was suddenly informed that the 
 December govcmor of Surat had again imprisoned the English, 
 1688. had confiscated and sold the Company's goods, and 
 
 had ofi^ered a reward to anyone who would bring in Sir 
 
 John Child, dead or alive.^ 
 
 These violent measures were probably by direct 
 
 orders from Aurangzib, and the consequence of events 
 
 - Bruce, ii. G02, &c. ^ Bruce, ii. 632. 
 
 ^ Bruce, ii. 613. » Bruce, ii. 633.
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. Go 
 
 wlucli had jnst before token place in Bengal. The chap. 
 truce concluded there in December 1687 had excited \ 
 
 the utmost indignation of the Company. Enraged at 
 the failure of their magnificent speculations, they in- 
 veighed against their servants in the coarsest language, 
 accused them of pusillanimity, of corruption in applying 
 the funds destined for the war to their own profit, and 
 of a total insensibility to the honour of their employers 
 and their country.® 
 
 They ordered the war to be renewed, and declared 
 their resolution not to make peace without the cession 
 of a defensible territory. To support these lofty pre- 
 tensions, they sent out an armed ship and a frigate with 
 a reinforcement of 160 soldiers under the command of 
 Captain Pleath. In conformity with their orders, this 
 officer was invested by the Government of Madras Angnst, 
 with complete authority over all the public servants in ' ' 
 Bengal, and empowered to renew the war or to conclude 
 peace on any terms, provided it included the acquisition 
 of a fortified place. On his arrival in Bengal, he found 
 thinofs in the same state of mutual forbearance in which 
 
 o 
 
 they had remained since the refusal of the viceroy to 
 ratify the terms. Contrary to the opinion of Mr, Char- 
 nock and the other civil servants, he determined imme- 
 diately to begin military operations with the greatest 
 vigour. He embarked all the Company's establishment 
 on board the ships and forthwith sailed to Balas6r, a October, 
 considerable seaport in Orissa, which had before suf- 
 fered from an attack of the English, The civil servants 
 here entered into neo-otiations for the release of some 
 English agents who resided at the place, but Captain 
 Heath, who would hearken to no terms, landed a body 
 of troops and sailors, with Avhich he took and burned 
 
 ^ Bruce, ii. 595.
 
 CA 
 
 KISK OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. 
 II. 
 
 December 
 13, A.D. 
 
 ](;88. 
 
 January, 
 A.D. Kwy. 
 
 Marcli, 
 A.D. 1G89. 
 
 the town and destroyed forty Mogul vessels that were 
 in the port7 
 
 After this he sailed to Chittaii'ono: but he did not 
 show the same spirit there as at Balas6r ; for instead 
 of attacking the place, he peaceably drew oif to the 
 coast of Aractin and commenced a negotiation for a 
 cession in that country. Failing in this attempt, he 
 entered on intrigues with a local chief against the rdja, 
 and at length, seeming incapable of pushing anything 
 to a conclusion, he sailed off the coast and made direct 
 for Madras. 
 
 It was probably the attack on Balasor that produced 
 the violent measures already mentioned on the part of 
 Aurangzib. That prince had been greatly incensed 
 at the first disturbance at Hugli, but some noblemen 
 at his court, whose friendship the English had con- 
 trived to secure, found the means of appeasing him, 
 although their adversaries had, with a true knowledge 
 of his character, coupled the report of the violence of 
 
 the English with what he thought the still 
 
 greater 
 
 offence of seducing Mahometan women. Even as late 
 as when Sir J. Child sent in his grievances and 
 demands, the Emperor examined them deliberately and 
 called for the remarks of the proper officers on each 
 article before he decided on rejecting them. But he 
 now seems to have been seriously provoked, for 
 besides the seizure of the English at Surat, he after- 
 wards ordered the expulsion of all that nation from his 
 dominions. The barbarous zeal of a local officer made 
 this order a ground for murdering the Company's 
 servants at Vizagapatam, to the number of four or five ; 
 but this act was highly disapproved by the officer's 
 superior, who looked with great apprehension to the 
 
 " Bruce, ii. 047, &c.
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 65 
 
 effect which the report of it might produce on the chap. 
 Emperor. About the same time, or earlier, Aurangzib ' 
 
 sent orders to the Sidi,^ or Abyssinian chief of Jinjera, 
 to attack Bombay with all the troops he could collect. 
 The Sidi landed on Bombay with 8,000 men in 
 February 1689, and soon drove the English into their 
 fort and took possession of the island, which he retained 
 for more than a year, until the conclusion of the peace. 
 This operation reduced the English to great distress. 
 Their provisions ran short (the sooner from the pre- 
 sence of a large body of Marattas whom they had 
 entertained), but as the sea was open they still con- 
 trived to receive a scanty supply. They, however, lost 
 all confidence in the natives, whether troops or others ; 
 the Europeans, many of whom were foreigners, 
 deserted in numbers to the enemy,^ and the Sidi, who 
 had increased his force to 12,000 men, continued to 
 play upon the fort from seven well-constructed 
 batteries. Sir John Child fell sick amidst all these 
 calamities, and perceiving that the Company's affairs 
 in other parts of India were in nearly as bad a posture 
 as at his own residence, he sent an embassy to the 
 Mogul camp near Piina, to sue for peace, or rather 
 pardon, from Aurangzib. The Emperor, who had 
 nothing to gain by the war, was satisfied with the 
 complete reimbursement of all losses to his subjects 
 and a small payment into his own treasury. One 
 condition of his forgiveness was the immediate removal 
 
 ^ [Sidi (literally, my lord), was originally a form of address like the term 
 Moolvi, and by the same process changed to an honorary appellation. 
 The title Said or Syud, from which it was derived, was in frequent use in 
 early INIahometan history as a title borne by sovereigns and men of high 
 rank, and is familiar to ns in the Cid of Spanish historj'. The title is 
 still borne by the Sultan of Zanzibar. — Ed.] 
 
 " Bruce, ii. 635, &c. ; Hamilton (who was in Bomliay during tlie 
 siege), i. 220-228.
 
 06 IIISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, of Sir J. Child from India/ but the unfortunate 
 
 II. 
 
 Governor was saved from this mortification by his 
 February, death, which took pLace before the return of the 
 
 A.D. IG'JO. , , 
 
 ambassadors. 
 
 Thus ended this ill-advised and worse-conducted 
 war, but the evils it occasioned to the Company did not 
 end with itself. They had been dispossessed of most 
 of their factories in different parts of India; Madras, 
 w^hich had not suffered directly, was in a state of ex- 
 treme weakness,^ and Bombay, when evacuated by the 
 Abyssinians, suffered from a pestilence which reduced 
 the English part of the garrison to thirty-five soldiers. 
 The interlopers also again appeared in the form of 
 pirates, whose depredations on the Mogul vessels were 
 the more alarming in proportion to the dread now 
 entertained of any fresh displeasure on the part of 
 Aurangzib."^ During a period so little creditable to the 
 Company, they occasionally gave signs of good sense 
 and good intentions. They encouraged their servants 
 to fit themselves for communicating with the natives, 
 and ordered some young men to be sent to Persia on 
 purpose to acquire the language of that country. 
 They also favoured the employment of the natives both 
 among their troops and in civil offices, and issued the 
 orders that have been mentioned for their forming the 
 majority of the mayor's court at Madras.* 
 
 In the years next following their reconciliation to 
 the Mogul, the Company had full employment in re- 
 establishing their factories in Bengal and other places. 
 A.D. 1691- At tliis time they procured a cession of a small territory 
 
 1692. 
 
 • Bruce, ii. fi38 ; Hamilton, i. 228. 
 
 - Mtidras and the adjoining lands contained (according to Bruce), 
 300,000 inliabitants in the year 1G87 (ii. 592), and in the same year there 
 were only fifteen English soldiers in the garrison. (Bruce, ii. 582.) 
 
 ^ Bruce, iii. 8G. * Bruce, v. 111.
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TEADE AND ENTERPRISE. 67 
 
 from tlic l\aja of Tanjore, on wbicli tliey built Fort chap. 
 St. David. They were also occupied in watcliing the ' 
 
 proceedings of other Europeans, the jealousy of whom 
 had not at all diminished, notwithstanding the con- 
 nection with the Dutch arisinir from the accession of 
 William III. They were also engaged in endeavouring 
 to put down the interlopers, whether pirates or illicit 
 traders. The former they brought to trial in India, 
 where several were condemned to death, subject to the 
 Kino-'s confirmation of the sentence, and the others 
 they attempted to get rid of by a new plan of pur- 
 chasing their ships and making it worth their while to 
 retire from the competition. 
 
 But it was difficult to maintain the checks imposed 
 by their monopoly on the natural freedom of trade, 
 and the arbitrary system required to enforce those 
 restrictions was repugnant to the feelings of English- 
 men both in India and at home. The Company's re- 
 cent mismanagement of their affairs had increased the 
 clamour against them, while they had lost a personal 
 friend and patron in James II., and had to contend 
 with the tide of free opinions that prevailed after the 
 llevolution. Accordingly, in the early part of the a.d. ig93 
 year 1G93, the House of Commons passed a vote ' that 
 it was the right of all Englishmen to trade to the East 
 Indies or to any other part of the Avorld, unless pro- 
 liibited by Act of Parliament.' This resolution struck 
 directly at the Company's title, which was only de- 
 rived from royal charters. Nevertheless, although the 
 Company forfeited their charter during the same year 
 "by an error in form, having neglected to pay a certain 
 tax on the precise day Avhen it became due, yet it was October 
 renewed to them immediately, with a few additional vember,' 
 regulations. ^■'"- ^''^^• 
 
 F 2
 
 II. 
 
 0)8 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. The detection of a widespread system of corruption 
 
 _ by means of wliicli this renewal was obtained^ did not 
 tend to diminish the unpopuhirity of the Company, but 
 as no less a sum than 40,000/. had been paid on the 
 same occasion to Sir Basil Firebrass, the representative 
 of the interlopers, the feeling so created was not pressed 
 against them, and some years elapsed before their charter 
 was again assailed. 
 /^ During this interval the Indian Seas were overrun 
 with pirates, chiefly English, and all under British 
 colours. One of these corsairs plundered two ships 
 conveying pilgrims to Mecca, and even captured a large 
 vessel belono'inof to the Mofiful, on which Auransfzib 
 ordered all the English at Surat to be thrown into 
 prison, and laid an embargo on the trade of all the 
 European nations in his dominions until the pirate 
 should be surrendered to him. It was not till the end of 
 a twelvemonth that this difference was accommodated.^ 
 
 ^ The Duke of Leeds, President of tlie Council, was impeached by the 
 Conunons for receiving a bribe of 5,000L on this occasion. It was proved 
 before the same Committee of the House of Commons which inquired 
 into the Company's affair (though on another investigation), that the 
 Speaker himself took a bribe of 1,000L to expedite the passing of a cer- 
 tain Bill through the House. In the midst of this general corruption, it 
 is some satisfaction to find that the Earl of Portland indignantly refused 
 to offer 50,000Z. on the Company's part to King William, or to profit by 
 the business himself ; and declared he would ever be their enemy and 
 opposer if such offers were repeated. (See Collection of the Debates and 
 Proceedings in Parliament in 1G94 and lG9o, &c. Printed by H. Parker, 
 1773.) 
 
 " This was the capture which led to Khafi Khan's mission, described 
 in ii. 555, Book xi. chap. iv. The silence of that historian regarding the 
 preceding war in Bengal and at Bombay has been adverted to, but in fact 
 those disturbances affected the Mogul as little as they did the King of Gi-eat 
 Britain, and are therefore unnoticed in the annals of both Empires. The 
 l)irate was the Fanny, Captain Avery, fitted out by him in the West Indies, 
 and carrying 40 guns and 130 men, among whom were 52 Frenchmen ; 
 the rest were English, Scotch, Irish, and Danes. She carried off all her 
 pkuuler in safety, and sold it in the Bahama Islands. (Bruce, iii. 204.)
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 69 
 
 It was part of tlie arrangement, that tlie English should, chap. 
 
 for a fixed sum on each ship, undertake to afford , 
 
 convoy to all vessels conveying pilgrims to Mecca, a 
 service which they for some time performed to the 
 satisfaction of the Mogul Government. But the strength 
 of the pirates continued to increase to such a degree 
 that the Company became unable to afford effectual 
 protection even to their own trade. Some of their 
 ships were captured ; the crews of two others mutinied 
 and turned pirates themselves, and many individuals 
 deserted from the Company's service to join those free- 
 booters. One Captain Kidd, in particular, introduced 
 a certain regularity among the pirates, who occupied 
 ports in Madagascar and drew their stores from New 
 York and the West Indies. To such perfection did he 
 carry his system that in 1698-9 he was able to form 
 two squadrons of sufficient force to blockade both , 
 coasts of India. On this occasion the Mooful seized the 
 French, English, and Dutch agents, and compelled all 
 three nations to enter into engagements to put down 
 piracy, but their united efforts were still insufficient to 
 restore the safe navigation of those seas.'^ / 
 
 ' In 1698 a new attempt was made by the private 
 merchants to procure a charter for a separate Company, 
 and as they offered a loan of two millions to the 
 Treasury, they soon obtained the support of the Govern- 
 ment. The old Company were entitled by their charter 
 to three years' notice before they were deprived of their 
 exclusive privilege, and it was admitted that they 
 should retain all their possessions and carry on their 
 trade for that term, but their charter being oidy granted 
 by the King was not thought to be a restraint on 
 Parliament's constituting a new Company wliich might 
 
 ' Bruce, iii. 210, 213-214 and 219 ; also 23G 7 and 271.
 
 70 RISE OF BRITISH TOAVER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, beo'in its operations without waiting till the rights 
 ' conferred by that instrument should have expired. 
 Julys, Accordingly, an Act was passed incorporating a 
 
 General Association with an exclusive trade to India, 
 and with no limitation as to time, except the liability 
 to dissolution after three years' notice. As this measure 
 had all along derived its chief support from the zeal 
 throughout the nation for free trade, it would have 
 been too bold at once to propose another joint stock ; 
 the members of the new Company were therefore allowed 
 by the Act to trade individually, or to form different 
 joint stocks among their own body, but the King was 
 empowered to form the whole into a joint-stock 
 Company on an application from the proprietors to 
 that effect. It is probable that the framers of the new 
 Company contemplated this arrangement from the first, 
 for before the expiration of two months they applied in 
 form, and in the King's charter, dated September 5, 
 1698, are forbidden to trade otherwise than on a joint 
 stock.^ Between the passing of the Act and the issue 
 of this charter some single merchants had entered on 
 the trade, and these were still authorised to complete 
 their voyages notwithstanding the above prohibition, 
 and as in addition to these excepted persons there was 
 the old Company, which retained all the forts and 
 factories in India, it is easy to conceive the confusion 
 that must have ensued. 
 
 The old Company, under all these discouragements, 
 determined to defend itself to the last. The Directors 
 wrote to their Governors in India that there could no 
 more be two Companies at once than two kings ; that 
 one or other must soon give way ; and that being 
 veterans in the field they hoped, if their servants did 
 
 ^ Macpherson, p. 155, &c.
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 71 
 
 their duty, that they woukl still come off victorious.^ chap. 
 
 In prosecution of their plan they subscribed 300,000^. '_ 
 
 to the new Company, and soon after procured an Act of 
 Parliament which continued them as a corporation for 
 the purpose of managing this stock, even after their 
 own three years should have expired. At the same 
 time they increased their trade, they redoubled their 
 attention to the internal affairs of India, and instead 
 of contracting their forts and factories, they now built 
 Fort William at Calcutta, which they erected into a 
 Presidency. 
 
 Their rivals, with all the favour of the Government 
 and the people, had no solid strength to oppose to them. 
 The whole of their capital of two millions was absorbed 
 in their loan to the Treasury, and they had to begin 
 their operations with borrowed money.^ 
 
 Many of their subscribers were discouraged and 
 withheld their payments, so that their stock was selling 
 at a discount before they had entered on any com- 
 mercial transaction. 
 
 They, however, entered on their business in India 
 with the advantage of an ambassador, Sir H. Norris, 
 who was paid by them and employed for their interests, 
 but who was accredited to the Mogul by the King in 
 his own name. Their Grovernors, for they appointed a 
 separate one to each Presidency, were also invested with 
 the office of consuls for the King. Many were old 
 interlopers and dismissed servants of the former Com- 
 pany experienced in Indian business, and all were 
 zealous for their employers, and disposed to carry with 
 a high hand the powers which they derived from the 
 King. The chief Governor was Sir N. Waito, a member 
 of Parliament, and a man of some talent and resource, 
 
 '■• Bruce, iii. 257. ' Mill's History, i. 84.
 
 72 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, with an impctuons and overbearing temper, not ill 
 " suited to the task of overturning an old establishment 
 and introfhu'ing another in its room. The old Com- 
 pany's Governors (of whom the chief was Sir John 
 Gayer at Bombay, and the ablest Mr. Thomas Pitt at 
 Madras) opposed a resistance more spirited than legal 
 to the new comers. They refused them admittance 
 or assistance at their ports, and set at nought their 
 authority as consuls, wdiich they truly said was incon- 
 sistent with their own exclusive charter not yet expired. 
 The old Company had at first a decided advantage with 
 the native courts, who could not understand the partial 
 supersession of the persons to whom they were accus- 
 tomed ; but the Kino-'s name and the hi<2:h tone assumed 
 by his representatives, by degrees threw the weight 
 into the other scale, and Sir N. Waite, by dexterously 
 imputing to the old Company the piracies which had 
 so long subsisted while they held sway in India, pre- 
 vailed on the Mogul governor of Surat to commit 
 Sir John Gayer and his Council to prison. At the same 
 time the new Company's consul on the coast of Coro- 
 mandel stimulated the Mogul governor to put a stop 
 to the collection of revenue and other assumptions of 
 independence by the old Company at Fort St. George. 
 The governor of the province was inclined to make 
 this a pretext for extorting money, but Mr, Pitt, who 
 seems to have possessed some of the energy of his de- 
 scendants, decided that a concession would only lead to 
 new demands, and, applying earnestly for reinforce- 
 ments to Europe, offered, if they were supplied, to 
 answer for resisting the Moguls even if they should 
 be assisted by the French ; a contingency which at that 
 early period did not escape his foresight. The new 
 Company at home did not approve of these violent pro-
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 73 
 
 ccediniTs, but recommended their ao;ents to endeavour to chap. 
 
 . . . II. 
 supplant their rivals by out-trading them, rather than . 
 
 to overturn them by force. This course, however, led 
 to new difficulties, for the unnatural cheapness pro- 
 duced by a hostile competition first threw the home 
 manufactures of the same kind out of the market, and 
 then produced fluctuations ruinous to the retail traders 
 who had before benefited by the glut. To protect the 
 home manufactures from these evils, an Act of Parlia- 
 ment was passed prohibiting the importation of silks, 
 calicoes, chintzes, and other stuffs that could be made m 
 England, a measure which added extremely to the 
 losses and embarrassments of both Companies. 
 
 The new Company early perceived the consequences 
 of the struggle between the opposite interests, and 
 made overtures for a imion which were coldly received 
 by the other party. But the public had all along taken 
 an extraordinary interest in the discussions between 
 the Com[)any and the free traders, and a very general 
 desire was now manifested that some compromise should 
 be effected to remove the existinof disorders. The Kino- 
 himself, at an audience which he gave to the Directors of 
 both Companies, recommended a union to their serious 
 consideration. Negotiations were in consequence com- 
 menced, but they were not brought to a settlement till 
 soon after the accession of Queen Anne, when the two j„iy 22, 
 Companies were incorporated b}?- a new charter, and thus ^'^' ^'^^* 
 ^vas formed the United Company of Merchants trading 
 to the East Indies which has subsisted to this day." 
 
 - Tlicir complete incorporation and assumption of their new name did 
 not take place till I70S, the interval being employed in winding u]) their 
 separate afl'airs. Sir Basil Firebrass was again the agent in negotiating 
 this union, and received a present of 30,000i. for his good offices. The 
 proceedings of the two Companies are taken from Macpherson, 154- 
 1G2, and Bruce, under the years.
 
 74 RISE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Js^ot lono- after this adjustment of their affairs at 
 
 home, the Company were so fortunate as to acquire a 
 
 similar security for their ];crmanence in India. 
 
 Having' been molested by the tyranny of Jdfer 
 Khdn, governor of Bengal, they sent an expensive 
 A.D. 1715. mission to the Emperor Ferokhsir at Delhi, to solicit 
 such a grant as might protect them from future vexa- 
 tion. 
 
 Their progress was very slow in attaining this 
 object ; but Mr. Hamilton, the surgeon of the embassy, 
 having cured the Emperor of a dangerous disease, and 
 being desired to name his own reward, generously sti- 
 pulated for a compliance with the solicitations of his 
 employers. A considerable period was still consumed be- 
 fore the grant was passed, by force of money, through 
 the hands of the ministers, and two years elapsed before 
 July, A.D. it was finally delivered to the deputation. 
 
 The chief advantages acquired by this grant were 
 an exemption from all duties and from search by 
 custom-house officers, in consideration of the payment 
 of a fixed sum annually ; ^ the admission of rupees 
 coined at the Company's mints to circulate in the 
 Mogul's dominions ; the restoration of some territory 
 of which they had been deprived near Madras and 
 Masulipatam ; and the permission to purchase thirty- 
 seven villao'cs on both banks of the Hiioli branch of the 
 Ganges, in addition to Calcutta and two other villages 
 of which they had before purchased the property. 
 
 From this time nearly to the middle of the century, 
 there is nothing in the Indian history of the Company 
 to record. The pirates cease to be mentioned after the 
 
 ^ This had before been conceded by Aurangzib after the war which 
 ended in 1690 ; but had probably been unsettled by the troubles after his 
 death. 
 
 1717
 
 EARLY ENGI.ISII TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 75 
 
 first quarter of the century. Three squadrons of men- CHAr. 
 
 of- war, two of them of considerable force, had been sent . 
 
 against them at diiferent times from England. None of 
 these were attended with any notable success at the 
 time, but the increased attention that was now paid 
 to the protection of the seas reduced the pirates by 
 degrees and drove them into employments of less 
 hazard. 
 
 The last of note was one Plantain, who established 
 a piratical colony in Madagascar, and with his confede- 
 rates possessed seven or eight vessels of war. Their 
 depredations were chiefly confined to the African Seas, 
 but on one occasion, in 1711), a squadron of three ships 
 appeared on the Malabar coast, took the viceroy of Goa, 
 who was on his return to Europe, prisoner, and beat off 
 the Company's ships that came against them. At length, 
 in 1721, when many had perished by war and sickness, 
 when the seas were rendered dangeroTis from the 
 number of King's and Company's ships employed against 
 them, and their colony no less so in consequence of the 
 enemies their tyranny had raised up among the natives, 
 the greater part withdrew by degrees, and Plantain, with 
 the last who remained, sailed to India and entered into 
 the service of Angria, the Maratta chief, whose habits 
 were as predatory as their own.'* 
 
 The chief uneasiness of the Company during this 
 period arose from a Company founded at Ostend for trade 
 with India. Much of the capital and many of the 
 officers and seamen were English, so that it was an in- 
 corporation of interlopers nnder a new name. 
 
 The establishment of this Compan}?- was an open in- 
 fraction of the Emperor's treaty with the Dutch, and 
 led to remonstrances from all quarters, as well as to 
 
 ■• See Downing's JTldorti of the Indian Wars, London, 1737.
 
 76 
 
 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, forcible opposition by tlie Dutch and English. At 
 
 length, after evincing inuch obstinacy and holding out 
 
 for several years, the Emperor gave way to the general 
 A.D. 1730. clamour and abolished the company.^ 
 
 llenewed attempts were made in England to open 
 the trade, or at least to set up a rival Company, but 
 the only result was to induce the Company to advance 
 fresh loans to the Crown, some at moderate interest and 
 others without any. In 1744 the whole sum advanced 
 amounted to 4,200,000/. In consideration of these pay- 
 ments the Company's charter was successively extended 
 to 1732, 17G8, and 1780. To meet these charges they 
 borrowed nearly three millions at three per cent. The 
 dividends (that is the profit divided among the members 
 of the Company) fluctuated from eight to ten per 
 cent.'' 
 
 Note on the Legal Condition of Europeans in India. 
 
 Some account is necessary of the legal condition of 
 Europeans in India, especially as an opinion prevails 
 that they were all subject to martial law, or to the dis- 
 cretionary power of the Governors, nnchecked by the 
 forms of justice. 
 
 The first charter of Elizal)etli (1601) empowers the 
 Company to make laws and impose punishments on their 
 own servants, provided they are not repugnant to the 
 laws of England (Charters granted to the East India 
 Company, page 13). A charter of James I. (1622) 
 extends this power to all English persons, and adds that 
 of martial law (list at the end of the above collection, 
 page 6). I>ut this right seems soon to have been lost, 
 if ever exercised, for the charter of Charles II, in 1661, 
 
 ^ MacphersoU; 170, 294. '' Macplierson, 1G0-17G.
 
 EAKLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 77 
 
 thoiigli favourable to the Company, only confers a right chap. 
 on the Governor and Council to try offences according to " 
 
 the laws of England ; even in the case of their own 
 soldiers they are only empowered to punish for mis- 
 demeanours, or impose fines for breach of orders 
 (Charters &c., pages 75 and 76). By a subsequent 
 charter of the same King (1G69), the Company's 
 Governors are authorised to exercise all such powers in 
 cases of rebellion, mutiny, and sedition, and likewise of 
 forsaking colours and other military offences, as are law- 
 ful to one of the King's captains-general in virtue of his 
 office (Charters &c,, page 91). This is repeated in 
 another form in the same King's charter of 1683, in 
 which the power conferred is ' to use martial law for 
 the defence of the said forts, places, and plantations 
 against any foreign invasion or domestic insurrection or 
 rebellion.' 
 
 This was the greatest extent to which the right to 
 exercise martial law was ever granted, and it was con- 
 fined to stations in a state of insurrection or of sieire. 
 
 AVith regard to civil and criminal justice. Queen 
 Elizabeth's authority to the Company to make laws not 
 repugnant to those of England for their own servants, 
 is changed in Charles II.'s charter of 1661 into a power 
 to Governors in Council to judge all persons, according to 
 the laws of England (Charters &c., page 75) : but in that 
 King's charter of 1669, tlie power to make laws and or- 
 dinances not repugnant to the laws of England, and as 
 nearly as may be agreeable to those laws (Charters &c., 
 page 88) is restored, and the manner in which such laws 
 and ordinances are to be administered is declared to be 
 by ' courts, sessions, forms of judicature and manners of 
 proceeding therein, like unto those established and used 
 in this our realm of England ' (Charters &c., page 90).
 
 78 RISE OF BRITISH ruAVEK IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. In 1687 the Company granted a charter which had 
 " been previously approved by the King, constituting a 
 corporation at Madras, to consist of a mayor and ten 
 aldermen and 120 burgesses, with a town-clerk and a 
 recorder ; three of the aldermen are to be Company's 
 servants and seven to be natives (Bruce, ii. 591). They 
 are to form a mayor's court which is to try causes not 
 capital, and send periodically to England a record of 
 their proceedings (Charters &c., page 121). The con- 
 stitution of the court seems not to have been fully acted 
 up to in India, for in noticing the first appointments, 
 the Directors object to the number of Englishmen, and 
 order that in future there shall be among the alder- 
 men one Armenian, one Mahometan, and one or two 
 each of the Portuguese, Jews, and Hindus (Bruce, iii. 
 111). These courts were soon after extended to the 
 other Presidencies, and with some modifications con- 
 tinued to be the principal tribunals until the Supreme 
 Court was introduced in 1774. In Charles II. 's charter 
 of 1683, a court is establislied, to consist of one person 
 learned in the civil law and two merchants, with the 
 requisite officers, to be appointed by the Directors of the 
 Company, and to decide on all seizures and forfeitures, 
 on all mercantile and maritime bargains, and on all 
 trespasses, injuries, or wrongs on the high sea. The 
 concurrence of the professional lawyer is necessary to 
 every decision. There is no power to impose penalties, 
 and the jurisdiction seems to be confined to civil 
 causes. 
 
 The mayor's courts are asserted by travellers to halve 
 had the power of punishing piracy with death, but I 
 can find no statute or charter giving such a power ; on 
 the contrary, the Governor- General in 1697-8 recom- 
 mended to the Company to apply for authority to try
 
 EARLY ENGLISH TKADE AND ENTERPEISE. 79 
 
 pirates in India, stating that the natives consider those chap. 
 marauders to be in league with the Company and think . 
 
 sending them to England for trial is a mere pretext 
 (Bruce, iii. 23). In the next year a statute was 
 passed (11 and 12 William III.), empowering the 
 King to constitute courts of admiralty for the trial of 
 pirates in the East and West Indies, and it is expressly 
 stated in the preamble that previously to that statute, 
 such offences could only be tried in England. The 
 court is to be assembled by all or any admirals, &c. &c. 
 (including judges of admiralty) or other persons as his 
 Majesty may commission by name, and is to be com- 
 posed of seven persons at least, who are to be known 
 merchants, factors, or planters, or officers of the navy, 
 or captains and mates of merchantmen. If therefore 
 the mayor's court ever tried pirates, it must have been 
 under the appointment of a special commission like that 
 above described, which could only be subsequent to the 
 year 1700. 
 
 The laws specially relating to interlopers were very 
 simple. By Elizabeth's charter, any vessel trading 
 within the Company's limits without the licence of that 
 body was liable to forfeiture, and the traders to fine, 
 imprisonment, or other punishment at her Majesty's 
 pleasure. No ship could be condemned and no punish- 
 ment imposed in India ; the Company's power was 
 confined to seizing the offenders and sending them to 
 England. 
 
 This continued until tlie institution of a court of 
 civil jurisdiction on the higli seas in 1683, when tlie 
 'decision of all questions relating to forfeiture was en- 
 trusted to that tribunal. But the power of enforcing 
 the penal part of the statute was still retained in \^^^ng- 
 land, and would seem to have been exercised by the
 
 80 KISE OF BlUTISII TOWEU IX INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Court of King's Bench. The inquiry which led to 
 
 ^^' forfeiture coukl not have been intricate, since the want 
 
 of tlie Company's licence constituted the offence, and 
 
 forfeiture was an indispensable part of the penalty fixed 
 
 by the statute. 
 
 Yet if any irregularity took place in the seizure it 
 was not without remedy at home ; for it appears from 
 Captain Hamilton (who in this case is a good evidence) 
 that in several instances damages sometimes exceeding 
 the value of the vessels seized were given by the courts 
 in England for irregular captures, both against King's 
 and Company's officers (Captain Hamilton, i. 214). 
 As far as enactments go, therefore, the Europeans in 
 India appear to have been sufficiently protected, both 
 in the substance of the law and the provisions for its 
 administration. There is, however, good reason to 
 think, from the character of the age and tlie distance 
 of the scene, as well as from the little we learn from 
 travellers (Lockyer's 'Trade in India,' page 6), that 
 the protection really afforded was by no means complete. 
 The judges must sometimes have been unjust, the 
 lawyers ignorant, and the governors arbitrary and en- 
 croaching. But as all was done in public and accord- 
 ing to legal forms, it seems impossible that any gross 
 violations of justice could have been attempted. It 
 may be observed in relation to the subject of Europeans, 
 that many were licensed to reside in India, where they 
 seem to have been chiefly engaged in the coasting trade. 
 The Company at one time were anxious to encourage 
 colonists to settle in India with their families.^ 
 
 ^ Bruce, ii. 358.
 
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 78 
 
 80 
 
 London : John Murray 
 
 StorJhr-ijS G'-jig- S'itah^
 
 STRUGGLE BETAVEExN THE iTlENClI AND ENGLISH. 81 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Commencement of the struggle between the French and English— D6st 
 All's succession to the government of the Carnatic — War with the 
 Marattas — Anwar-u-di'n — Murder of Said Mohammed — Rise of the 
 French East India Company — Its relations with the Government of 
 France — War between France and England — Rise of Dupleix — Arrival 
 of a fleet under La Bourdonnais — Siege and capture of Madras — Dis- 
 persion of the French fleet by a storm — Return of La Bourdonnais to 
 France — His treatment by the ministry — Mahfiiz Khan attacks 
 Pondicherry — His encounter with the French — Dupleix violates the 
 treaty with the English — His attack on Fort St. David — The English 
 fleet bring reinforcements — Siege of Pondicherry — Its failure — Peace 
 with France. 
 
 This long period of obscure tranquillity was brought chap, 
 to an end in 1744 by the commencement of the great ^"' 
 struo;2:le between the French and Enoiish in India which 
 led to the ascendancy of the latter nation, and may 
 be considered as the first step in the history of the 
 present era. 
 
 The great European powers did not at first carry on 
 their operations in the interior on their own account, 
 but appeared as the auxiliaries of some of the princes 
 of the country, to whose history it therefore becomes 
 necessary to ad /ert.^ 
 
 ^ As I am entering on the period embraced by Orme's History, this 
 seems the proper place to mention my obligations to that author. His ex- 
 cellent descriptions of the scenes of the events he relates, his clear explana- 
 tions of national peculiarities, his able statement of the complicated causes 
 which influenced the afl'airs of which he treats, make him an invaluable 
 guide to one entering on the same inquiries ; while his judgment and accu- 
 racy inspire a strong reliance on the general correctness of his facts, and 
 lead to great hesitation in rejecting them even wlien opposed by superior tes- 
 timony. It would be to no purpose to imitate the .spirit and simplicity of 
 
 G *
 
 82 KI8E OF BKITISII TOWEK IN INDIA. 
 
 crrAP. When Ziilfikar'' Klu'in was called on to ioin Aurano:- 
 
 zib after the taking of Jinji,^ Daiid Khan Panni, a Patau 
 
 officer who had distinguished himself during the siege, 
 was appointed to tlie government of the Carnatic below 
 tlie Ghdts, and when Dai'id Khan was placed in charge 
 of the viceroy a] ty of the Deckan (a.d. 1708) * he en- 
 trusted the charge of the Carnatic to one of his own 
 officers, whose name was Saadat Ullah Khan. This 
 appointment became permanent on the further promo- 
 tion of Daiid Khd,n, and was formally confirmed by his 
 successor Asof Jah (in 1713),^ whose short and dis- 
 turbed possession during his first government did not 
 
 his narrative, even if there were room for the minute particulars to the 
 happy selection of which it owes so much of its attractiveness ; but I have 
 availed myself of his own words as often as was in my power, and would 
 have given them in the form of extracts, if that mode of reference would 
 not have prevented the retrenchment and compression necessary to reduce 
 so copious a work to the scale of this compilation. 1 may add that I have 
 compared some parts of his narrative with his materials (which were 
 deposited by himself at the India House) and found there was nothing, 
 down to minute strokes such as seem introduced to give spirit to a story 
 or a description, which was not borne out by some of his authorities. 
 
 ^ [After the fall of Raiguigh the capital of Sivaji, in 1690, Raja Ram, 
 Sivaji's second son, fled to the foi'tress of Jinji, on the Carnatic, where 
 he withstood for three years the forces sent against him by Aurangzib. 
 Zulfikar Khan, one of the Emperor's ablest generals, who was in the first 
 instance sent to reduce the place, in resentment for his supersession by 
 Prince Cambakhsh, spun out the siege for this long term, but at length, 
 under apprehension of his recall, made himself master of the fortress. 
 The name Zulfikar is a curious illustration of the practice of the 
 Mahometans in employing names hallowed by appearing in the history 
 of the rise of their rel'gion. Zulfikar (literally, to the middle) is the name 
 of one of Mahomet's swords, with which Ali performed the feat of cleav- 
 ing his antagonist from the crown to the waist. — Ed.] 
 
 ^ See ii. 536. Book xi. chap. iv. ** See i. 559. 
 
 * [This viceroy was an officer of Turki descent, by name Chin Kilich 
 Khan, and is described by Mr. Elphinstone (History, book xii. chap. 1) 
 as ' a man of much ability and more cunning.' He bore the titles at 
 different periods of Asaf Jah and Nizam-ul-Miilk. He is best known 
 under the latter title, i.e. Regulator of the State. This change of title 
 by royal and eminent persons at different periods of their lives causes 
 some perplexity to the student of Mahometan history. — Ed. J
 
 Safder Ali, A son A daughter, A daughter, 
 
 assassinated second wife of niariied to 
 
 I Chunda Sdheb, Mortezza Ali 
 
 Mohammed Said, a distant relation 
 
 assassinated 
 
 Nabob of the Carnatic after the death of Dc^st Ali 
 
 Ali Rezza, or Rezza Saheb 
 3] Anwau-u-din 
 
 III. 
 
 STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 83 
 
 admit of liis attempting any great changes. Saddat ^^^^P- 
 Ullah died in 1732, and left a will appointing his 
 nephew, D6st Ali, to succeed him m his government, 
 but assigning the fort and territory of Vellor to Mor- 
 tezza Ali (the son of another nephew and married to a 
 daughter of D6st Ali), and conferring the office of Diwdn, 
 or civil minister, to his successor on Gholam Hosen the 
 nephew of his own favourite wife. His arrangements 
 were executed as quietly as if he had been disposing of 
 a private estate. Asof Jah was at this time delivered 
 fi-om the active hostility of the Marattas by a secret 
 understanding with the Peshwa Baji Rao,*' but he felt 
 
 ^ See ii. 604. Book xii. cap. ii. 
 [The following tables represent the members of the families who took 
 a part in the struggle for the succession to the government of the Deckan 
 and of the Carnatic. — Ed.] 
 1] Asof Jah, alias Nizaji-ul-Mulk, Subahdar of the Deckan 
 
 Ghazi-u-din Nazir Jung, Salabut Jung Basalut Jung A daughter 
 Amir-ul-Omra killed in | 
 
 at Delhi action Hadayet Mohee-u-Din, 
 
 alias Mozafier Jung 
 2] Saadat Ullah Khan 
 
 Nabob of the Carnatic, died 1732 
 
 Dost Ali, Boker Ali, Gholam Huse'n, 
 
 nephew of Saadat nephew of Saadat Ullah nephew of Saadat Ullah's 
 Ullah, killed in action | wife, Diwan of the Carnatic, 
 
 Mortezza Ali, married to Chunda Saheb's 
 
 married to a daughter first wife 
 
 of D6st Ali 
 
 Mahfiiz Khdn Mohammed Ali, allied to the English 
 
 G 2
 
 84 PvISE OF BRITISH rOWEll IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, too little confidence in a truce dependins^ on an intrij^lie 
 III 
 
 " and too little security from the resentment of the Govern- 
 ment of Delhi, to involve himself in a distant contest. 
 He therefore forbore any immediate attemj^t to disturb 
 the settlement of the Carnatic, but withheld his con- 
 firiuation of Dost Ali's assumption of the government 
 in the hope of profiting in time by the defective title of 
 this intruder. 
 
 The territory held by Dost Ali was the Carnatic 
 below the Ghdts, since called Arcot. It lay between 
 the mountains and the sea, extendino- from the Kishna 
 to the Coleroon. On the north it was bounded by the 
 province of Orissa, and on the south by the Maratta 
 state of Tanjore and another Hindii principality at 
 Trichinopoly. His title was Foujdiir/ his district 
 being subordinate to the snbah of Heiderdbad, which 
 with the other five subahs of the Deckan formed the 
 viceroyalty of Asof Jah, but he was usually called 
 nabob, a word which was beginning to get into general 
 use and is now applied by the English to a governor of 
 a province.^ 
 
 Dost Ali had another daughter (besides the wife of 
 Mortezza Ali) ^vho was married to Chanda^ Saheb, a 
 
 " [The military commander of a district. — Ed.] See ii. 336, book ix. 
 chap. iii. 
 
 ** It has, however, no reference to territory, and is applied to all men 
 in high station much as ' Excellency ' is in Europe. The word is 'nawab,' 
 and the original meaning is 'deputies.' Its application arises from the 
 notions of respect peciiliar to Asiatics. In mentioning a great man they 
 seem to consider it improper to lift their eyes to his own person, but 
 speak of ' his deputies,' ' his slaves,' or even ' his threshold.' 
 
 ■' [The following note is quoted from Malcolm's Life of CUve, i. 12. The 
 facts are said to have been communicated tt)the author by a friend. 'The 
 appellation of Cliunda Saheb was only given to him in his family when a 
 boy. Yet it has continued to be used in history in distinguishing him ; 
 although, besides his name above mentioned, the title of Shems-ud- 
 dowlah was conferred on him by the Nizams in the French interest.
 
 STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 85 
 
 distant relation, and his daiiMiter ao^ain was married chap. 
 
 . . III. 
 to Gbolam Husen the Di'wan. The incapacity of this 
 
 young man led him to permit the functions, and 
 ultimately the title of his office, to devolve on his father- 
 in-law ; and Chanda Salieb, being a man of abilities, 
 soon became a principal actor in the government of 
 Arcot. It was not long before Dost Ali was tempted 
 by the hopes of profiting by a disputed succession in the 
 neighbouring principality of Triehinopoly to assemble 
 an army at the head of which he placed his son-in-law 
 under the nominal command of his own son, Safder Ali. 
 Chanda Saheb managed the affair committed to him 
 with so much address and so much perfidy, that he 
 was introduced into the capital as an ally of one of the 
 parties, and soon after seized on that and the rest of the 
 territory in the name of the Nabob of Arcot. 
 
 Safder Ali raised no objection to Chanda Saheb's 
 remaining in the government of his conquest, but he 
 was not long allowed to overlook the danger of leaving 
 so much power m such ambitious hands. His pre- 
 ceptor, Mir Asad, who succeeded to the vacant office of 
 Diwdn, so effectually roused his jealousy on that point 
 that he spared no exertion to j^rocure the removal of 
 Chanda Saheb from his government. But Dost Ali 
 demurred about adopting so harsh a measure, and the 
 fact of its being under discussion did not long escape 
 the sharpsighted politician against whom it was de- 
 signed. He made every effort to strengthen Triehino- 
 poly ; he placed his two brothers in the principal sub- 
 it is not unlikely that his being known to the English only by the name 
 of Chunda Suheb was, in some measure, owing to his rival Mohammed Ali, 
 supported by them, continually designating him by that appellation, and 
 rather contemptuously, Chunda being a vulgar appellation, often that of 
 menial servants.' His real name is said on the same authority to have 
 been Hussein Dost Khan.— Ed.]
 
 86 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN. INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, ordinate commands, and before lonof was in such a state 
 III 
 
 " of preparation that all thoughts of dispossessmg him 
 
 were given up as hopeless. Things were in this state 
 when Baji Kdo, the Peshwa, renewed his invasions of 
 the territories under Asof Jd,h. He himself marched 
 against Nd,sir Jang, who held the viceroyalty for his 
 father then absent at Delhi, and at the same time he 
 contrived to rid himself of a dangerous rival by pre- 
 vailing on Ragoji Bosla of Berar to command an 
 expedition into the Carnatic, to which Baji Rao con- 
 tributed with a liberality proportioned to the interest 
 he had in engaging Ragoji in the enterprise.^ 
 
 The whole force amounted to 50,000 men,^ and 
 such was the rapidity of its advance that Dost Ali had 
 only time to assemble a body of 4,000 horse and 6,000 
 foot, with which he occupied the principal pass from 
 the Upper into the Lower Carnatic. The Marattas 
 entered the province through an unfrequented pass, 
 appeared suddenly on the nabob's defenceless rear, and 
 soon dispersed his army.^ Dost Ali ^vas killed in the 
 action, and his Diwdn, Mir Asad, fell into the hands 
 of the enemy. Safder Ali, now nabob, was advancing 
 to his father's aid from Vell6r, and Chanda Sdheb 
 made a show of a similar intention from Trichinopoly, 
 but no sooner did they hear of the result of the battle 
 than each fell back with rapidity to the fortress from 
 which he had marched, while the Marattas spread over 
 the country and betook themselves as usual to the 
 work of spoil and devastation. The presence of Mir 
 Asad in the Maratta camp proved of signal advantage, 
 to Safder Ali. He not only purchased the retreat of 
 Ragoji for a sum of money, but engaged him by a 
 
 ^ See ii. 635, xii. chap, iii., and Grant Duff, i. 555, 556. 
 2 Grant Duff, ii . .'^. => May 20, 1740, Orme.
 
 STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 87 
 
 secret aofreement to return before lono- and to attack chap. 
 
 ■^ . III. 
 Tricliinopoly, wliicli Safder Ali consented to his re- 
 
 taining provided he should so dispose of Chanda Saheb 
 as to prevent his ever disturbing the Government of 
 Arcot.* No terms could be more acceptable to Ragoji, 
 who was impatient to return to Sattara to take advan- 
 tage of the death of Baji Ihio which had just occurred. 
 He failed in his object, which was to prevent the son 
 of Baji Kdo succeeding to his father's office,^ and he ad. 1740. 
 returned to his camp in the Mysore, reinforced by 
 several of the chiefs of his party who withdrew from 
 Sattdra. 
 
 In the month of December he again invaded the 
 Carnatic, and immediately invested Trichinopoly.*' The 
 great strength of that place might have enabled such an 
 officer as Chanda Saheb to set his assailants at defiance, 
 but not anticipating the return of the Marattas, and 
 being in no immediate apprehensions from Safder Ali, 
 he had imprudently sold a store of grain which he had 
 provided against a siege and had now scarcely any 
 provisions within the place. He, however, defended 
 himself with spirit for three months, during which time 
 his two brothers lost their lives in endeavouring to 
 force their way with different convoys into the town. 
 He was compelled at length, by the clamours of his 
 troops, as well as the actual progress of famine, to open 
 his gates and surrender himself as a prisoner to the 
 Marattas.'^ He was forthwith sent to the neighbour- 
 
 '' Ornie attributes the first invasion to the instigation of Asof Jilh, 
 and Wilks to an invitation from Safder Ali similar to that just mentioned 
 in the text. But the first opinion is inccjmpatiblc with the simultaneous 
 invasion of Asof J;ili's own country, and the second with the fact that 
 the attack was not made on Chanda Saheb but on D()st Ali, a circum- 
 stance very unsatisfactorily accounted for in Colonel Wilks's statement. 
 
 ■' See ii. 038. " Grant Dull", ii. 3, 4, 5. 
 
 ' March 20, 1741, Orme.
 
 88 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, hood of Sattdra, where he was detained in easy confine- 
 
 ' nient,^ while Trichinopoly was entrusted to Mordr ilAo 
 
 G6rpara, grand-nephew of the famous Santaji G6rpara, 
 
 who was the chief of a small principality at Guti on the 
 
 south of the Tumbadra. 
 
 Safder All enjoyed but little tranquillity after the 
 removal of his formidable rival. The ravages of the 
 Maratta invaders left a strong impression on his mind, 
 and he began to look with anxiety to the proceedings 
 of Asof Jah who had about this thne returned to the 
 Deckan. He no longer considered himself safe in the 
 open town of Arcot, but took up his residence in 
 Vell6r, which was a strong fortress, but belonged, as 
 has been mentioned, to his cousin and brother-in-law, 
 Mortezza Ali. From the same motives he deposited his 
 family and treasures at Madras, relying on the strength 
 of the fortifications and on the good faith of Europeans 
 as well as their exemption from all native influence. He 
 must at any time have been an uneasy guest to a chief 
 so timid and distrustful as Mortezza Ali ; and it was not 
 long before he irritated and alarmed his host by ad- 
 vancing a claim to levy a contribution on him as his 
 subordinate. On this Mortezza, who had other bad 
 passions besides fear, indulged his revenge and ambi- 
 tion by procuring his assassination. An opportunity 
 was taken when most of his personal servants were 
 absent at some religious ceremony, and he was waited on 
 by those of his cousin. Poison was administered to him 
 in his food, and as his constitution seemed likely to 
 resist its mortal effects, he was poignarded by some 
 Abyssinian slaves, headed by a man whose wife he had 
 October 2, dcbauchcd. The fury of the army excited by this 
 atrocity was appeased by large payments and promises, 
 
 « Grant Duff, ii. 5. 
 
 A.D. 1742.
 
 STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 89 
 
 and two days after Safder All's death, his murderer chap. 
 
 . III. 
 
 was acknowledo'ed as Nabob of Arcot and repaired to ' 
 
 the capital to take possession of his dignity. But his 
 dark and suspicious character was not suited to efface 
 the memory of his crime, and he wanted the boldness 
 which might have made fear supply the place of attach- 
 ment. Before three months were over, his army muti- 
 nied ; and he thought himself fortunate in being able to 
 escape in disguise to A^ell6r. 
 
 Mohammed Said, the infant son of Safder Ali, who 
 was then at Madras, was proclaimed nabob and re- 
 moved to Yandewash, where his government was con- 
 ducted by a Diwan chosen by his family and par- 
 tisans. 
 
 The disorders in the Carnatic were favourable to 
 the views of Asof Jdh. A life prolonged beyond the 
 usual limit had not diminished the activity of that 
 ambitious statesman. He had been recalled from Delhi 
 in 1741 by the rebellion of his eldest son Ntisir Jang, 
 who maintained on that occasion the military reputation 
 he had gained against the Marattas. But he was no 
 match for the arts of his father ; his troops were 
 seduced ; he was prevailed on by promises to give up 
 his artillery ; and though when roused by the disap- 
 pointment of his expectations he had nearly obtained a 
 complete victory in a desperate attack on the old vice- 
 roy, yet his personal courage did not compensate for 
 his want of numbers, and he was made prisoner and juiy 23, 
 sent to be confined in a hill fort.^ Asof Jdh, thus dis- ^'^' ^^ "' 
 engaged, lost no time in entering on the settlement of 
 the southern part of his province. The portion of the 
 Carnatic nearest to the rivers Tumbadra and Kishna 
 was in the hands of the three great Patdn cliieftains of 
 
 " ■' Grant Duff, ii. 19, &c.
 
 90 RISE OF BRITISH ROWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Caddapa, Carnul and Slianiir (or Savanore) who had 
 
 '- — prol)ably held theu' possessions under the government 
 
 of J>ijapur and had been allowed to retam them on 
 tendering their allegiance to Aiirangzib. Contiguous 
 to their districts was Monir Rdo Gorpara's principality 
 of Guti. The southern part of the Upper Carnatic was 
 occupied by the Hindu state of Mysore, and all the rest 
 formed the Government of Sira under a Foujddr ap- 
 pointed by Asof Jdh, but was now probably overrun 
 by the Marattas or occupied by insurgent zemindars. 
 It is not known precisely when Asof Jdh acquired an 
 ascendancy over the Patau nabobs,^ but he met with 
 no opposition on his march to Arcot, and there also 
 his authority was recognised without dispute by all the 
 different parties among the Mussulmans, He next 
 proceeded to lay siege to Trichmopoly ; and Mordr 
 Edo (whose family since the murder of Santaji had 
 never been very closely united to the other Marattas) 
 was induced, by a recognition of his title to Guti, and 
 perhaps some more immediate advantages, to surrender 
 the territory which had been entrusted to him and to 
 enter into a close connection with the viceroy. 
 
 Asof Jdh had now only to settle the future admi- 
 nistration of the Carnatic, and his final arrangement 
 was to commit it to Anwar-u-dm, a native of Hindostan 
 who had before held subordinate governments in that 
 country, in Guzerdt, and in the districts north of the 
 Kishna contiguous to his new charge. 
 
 The abilities of this officer justified his appointment, 
 but the house of Saddat Ullah had established so good 
 a character among their subjects that the introduction 
 of a stranger gave general dissatisfaction ; and although 
 
 ' The nabobs themselves maintained that their connection with him 
 did not include any acknowledgment of his sovereignty (Orme, ii. 164).
 
 STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 91 
 
 Asof Jdh, in consideration of this feeling, and probably chap. 
 not disinclined to favour the disposition to hereditary ' 
 
 succession in governors, promised to restore the district 
 to Mohammed Said when he should come of age, yet 
 the new nabob continued to be regarded with an evil 
 eye and to be looked on as the rival of the young 
 favourite of the public. 
 
 While things were in this state Mohammed Said 
 was assassinated at the marriao;e of one of his rela- June, ad. 
 
 . 1744 
 
 tions by a party of Patau soldiers who had been 
 affronted by him or his attendants in consequence of 
 their importunity in demanding some arrears of pay. 
 Thouo'h the avowed motive seems sufficient to account 
 for the act of the conspirators, it was at once assumed 
 that they were secretly instigated by some person of 
 consequence ; and the suspicion was divided between 
 Mortezza Ali and Anwar-u-din, while some were not 
 content without imputing the guilt to them both. 
 Mortezza's former murder of Safder Ali suggested him 
 as the assassin of that prince's son ; and Anwar-u-din 
 was too great a gainer by the death of the future 
 nabob to escape bemg pitched on as the contriver of 
 that event.^ Asof Jah, however, took no notice of 
 these reports, but immediately confirmed Anwar-u-din 
 in the permanent enjoyment of his government.^ 
 
 This was Asof Jah's last interference in the affairs 
 
 ' Mortezza All's guilt was considered to be proved by two circum- 
 stances whicli it woiild seem ought to have led to an opposite conclusion ; 
 his trusting himself out of his fort to attend the marriage, and his imme- 
 diate flight after the perpetration of the murder. His natural timidity 
 accounts for his flight from a scene of danger, and makes it most impro- 
 bable that ho would have ventured into It If he had foreseen its approach. 
 Against Anwar-u-din there is no ground of surmise but tliat stated In the 
 text ; certainly not altogether an absurd one In the lax state of Mogul 
 morality. 
 
 ^ The account of the affairs in tlic Carnatic, when not otlierwise speci- 
 fied, is from Orme and Wllks.
 
 iir 
 
 92 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, of Arcot, thongli he survived it for five years and died 
 in Miiy 17-18. He had by that time established his 
 authority over all tlie part of the Mogul possessions in 
 the Deckan which had not been previously seized on 
 by the Marattas. He was also in the enjoyment of a 
 temporary security from the attacks of those invaders 
 whose ambition was for the time directed to conquests 
 in HindOstan. But he was only reserved for the last 
 victim ; and his successors would assuredly have been 
 swallowed up by the Marattas if it had not been for the 
 revolution occasioned by the interposition of the French 
 and English. 
 
 The extent of Asof Jdh's territories may be as- 
 sumed to be seven hundred and fifty or eight hundred 
 miles in length and about four hundred in breadth ; the 
 population may be guessed at 20,000,000. 
 
 It was before the death of Asof Jdh that a war 
 broke out between the French and English, and soon 
 extended to their establishments in India. The cir- 
 cumstance drew little attention even from that saga- 
 cious chief ; and we cannot wonder at his indifi'erence 
 when, even after the result is known, we are inclined 
 to despise the humble instruments by which it was 
 effected. When we read of engagements between 
 armies of a few companies on each side, and sieges 
 where a reinforcement of fifty Europeans would turn 
 the scale, we can scarcely believe that the contest is for 
 the dominion of India and the ascendancy over Asia ; 
 and that these pigmy armies are destined to bring 
 about more important consequences than ever were 
 produced by the myriads of Chenghiz Kh^n. 
 
 The French after repeated failures had formed a 
 Company in 166-1. They soon obtained factories at 
 Surat and other places on the Malabar coast. In 1672
 
 STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 93 
 
 they made an unsuccessful attempt to conquer some chap. 
 forts in Ceylon from the Dutch, and in 1674 they pur- " 
 
 chased from the King of Bijapur the village and district 
 of Pondicherry. At this place they established a town, 
 which soon became very considerable. In 1693 it was 
 taken by the Dutch ; at the peace of Ryswick it was re- 
 stored, and the French then took precautious agamst 
 a recurrence of their misfortune by completing and im- 
 proving the fortifications that had been begun by the 
 Dutch. Pondicherry now became one of the greatest 
 European settlements in India, and is said (probably 
 with the addition of its dependent villages) to have 
 contained 70,000 inhabitants.* The next in impor- 
 tance of the French settlements was Carical. It was 
 acquired, in 1738, by taking part in a dispute between 
 two competitors for the principality of Tanjore ; and 
 this, together with a fort at Miihe (about thirty miles 
 from Cochin, on the Malabar coast) and a factory at 
 Chandernagar in Bengal, formed their principal posses- 
 sions in India. 
 
 This Company was not, like that in England, forced 
 on the Government by a combination of merchants. It 
 was a favourite project of the minister himself. Instead 
 of sparing grants of privileges, generally purchased by 
 pecuniary sacrifices, it received gratuitous encourage- 
 ment of every description, and was liberally assisted by 
 the Treasury, while in England the exactions of the 
 State were the great drain on the Company's finances. 
 Monopolies within France (as those of tobacco and of 
 coffee) were bestowed on it on very favourable terms, 
 and it was allowed to raise money by lotteries in aid 
 of its other resources. Foreigners were naturalised on 
 subscribing to it ; oificers engaging in it were entitled 
 
 ' Macphorsoii's Commerce of Iiulia, 273.
 
 94 RISE OF BKITISII TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, to leave of absence from their res-iments ; and nobles 
 III . 
 
 " were allowed to enter on this alone of all trading specu- 
 lations, without prejudice to their nobility. The 
 ministers also corresponded directly with the Indian 
 governors, and took the same interest in the settle- 
 ments they presided over as in the other posses- 
 sions of the Crown. The admmistration formed on 
 these principles was more enterprising than that of the 
 English Company ; it acted on more enlarged views and 
 was more liberal in furnishing the means of carrying 
 them into effect ; it was more judicious in the choice of 
 governors ; and gave more encouragement to the rising 
 portion of its service ; even the language and tone of its 
 letters to its servants were distinguished by a suavity and 
 urbanity which formed a marked contrast to the rude re- 
 proofs and ungracious approbations of the English Com- 
 pany. It was the ordinary operation of this system that 
 brought forth La Bourdonnais, Dupleix, and Bussy ; 
 while it required the exigencies of an eventful war to 
 give scope to the natural genius of Clive. 
 
 But this continual interference of the ministers was 
 not suited to commerce, nor in the end even to politics. 
 Their caprice produced unsteadiness and sometimes led 
 to carelessness and neglect. At other times the best dis- 
 posed mmisters were so involved in the more pressing 
 affairs of Europe that they were unable to give assist- 
 ance or even attention to their Eastern possessions ; and 
 in such cases the Directors, accustomed to receive instruc- 
 tions on all subjects, were incapable of acting for them- 
 selves, even if their unsuccessful trade and embarrassed 
 finances had not rendered it impossible to carry on their 
 operations without the usual supplies of money from 
 the Crown ; and all these deficiencies were the more felt 
 by a community which often had large enterprises in
 
 STRUGGLK BKTWEKN THE FUENCII AND ENGLISH. 95 
 
 hand and whose whole fortunes were at stake on the chap 
 
 results. The English Company, on the other hand, was 
 
 incapable of perceiving the brilliant objects which daz- 
 zled and misled the French. Their plodding attention 
 to trade and economy often led them to overlook more 
 important considerations, but it afforded the means of 
 meeting the heavy demands of the Crown, and more than 
 once preserved them from ruin during periods of great 
 difficulty and danger. The narrow scale of. their opera- 
 tions prevented any extensive ill-effects from their 
 errors, while the jealousy of the public taught them 
 caution and moderation, and the indifference of the 
 Kins^'s Governnient made them look to their own exer- 
 tions alone for the protection of their possessions. 
 
 The French Company, like most others in their 
 country, had been swallowed np for a time in that of the 
 Mississippi. It recovered its separate existence in 172o, 
 and afterwards enjoyed a period of unusual tranquillity 
 and success. One governor, M. Le Noir, introduced 
 good management into its trade, and his successor, 
 M. Dumas, afforded an asylum to the family of the 
 Nabob Dost Ali during the invasion of the Marattas, and 
 was rewarded by Mogul titles and the rank of Man- 
 sabdar of 4500 ; and that circumstance as well as the 
 turn of their nation for magnificence and display, com- 
 bined with more solid qualities to procure them a good 
 deal of respect among the natives. Notwithstanding 
 this seeming prosperity, the Company's finances did not 
 improve, and at the commencement of the war which 
 we are about to describe they liad incurred a consider- 
 able debt in India, and tlicir expenditure continued to 
 exceed their income.^ 
 
 ■^ Mcinoirc pour Dtq^leix, 28. This sketch of the French Coini)any is 
 taken from the eleventh volume of the Unicerml Illdonj, Macpherson s
 
 96 lilSE OF BKITl^H I'UWEK l.N INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. War was declared in Europe in March 1744, and a 
 III 
 1__ fleet was soon after sent from England under the com- 
 mand of Commodore Barnet. They sailed first to the 
 straits between India and China, where they took several 
 French ships of value. In July 1745 they appeared 
 upon the coast of Coromandel, and anchored off Fort 
 St. David on the 20th of that month. Pondicherry was 
 then ill-garrisoned and out of repair, and would have 
 fallen an early sacrifice if the command had been in 
 ordinary hands. But the governor was M. Dupleix, 
 whose courage and resources in danger, no less than his 
 genius and knowledge of mankind, render him one of 
 the most conspicuous names in Indian history.^ Soon 
 after he took charge of his government, the embarrassed 
 
 Commerce ivith India, and the Memoir on the Last India Company, by 
 the Abbe Morellet. 
 
 ^ Joseph (afterwards Marquis) Dupleix was the son of a farmer- 
 general who was also a Director of the India Company. In his youth he 
 showed so strong an inclination for mathematics, especially fortification, 
 that his father, who anxiously desired to bring him up to commerce, began 
 to despair of prevailing on him to turn his thoughts that way. In this 
 difficulty he resolved to employ the spirit of adventure against the love 
 of study ; he sent his son to sea, and at the end of several voyages to 
 America and India, had the satisfaction to find him, not only disposed to 
 commerce, but highly qualified to carry it on. He now placed him in the 
 Company's service, and he was at once appointed First Member of the 
 Supreme Council of Pondicherry. After ten years' service in that situa- 
 tion he was transferred as Director or Chief of the Factory to Chander- 
 nagar in Bengal. He there introduced the coasting trade of India, 
 which the French had hitherto neglected, and the profits of a trade 
 Avhich he had carried on at Pondicherry, together with an inheritance 
 that accrued to him at his father's death, enabled him to enter into it 
 on a very extensive scale. His example was followed by the merchants 
 under his authority, so that he not only realised an enormous fortune 
 himself, but saw Chandernagar rise from an insignificant village to a 
 rich and populous colony. These commercial pursuits so far from being 
 thought inconsistent with his public character, procured him great applause 
 from the Government, and contributed to his being selected in 1741 to fill 
 the highest station under the crown of France in India, being appointed 
 Governor of Pondicherry, with a control over all the other settlements of 
 his nation.
 
 STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 97 
 
 state of the French Company's finances constrained them chap. 
 
 to give orders to reduce all tlieir expenses by one half, '- — 
 
 and to discontinue all fortifications and public works. 
 Dupleix carried the first order into eflfect with ability 
 and decision. He wisely suspended the second, took 
 the responsibility of continuing the repairs on himself, 
 and even supj^lied from his own resources the funds 
 which the Company's treasury was not in a state to 
 provide. Threatened by the l^ritish squadron before his 
 preparations were complete, his knowledge of the Indian 
 character suggested an expedient to avert the present 
 danger. He applied to the Nabob Anwar-u-din, and by 
 arguments addressed both to his pride and prudence, 
 accompanied by a judicious expenditure of money, he 
 persuaded him to forbid all military operations by 
 foreign troops within his province. Next year a French 
 fleet appeared on the coast under the command of M. 
 de la Bourdonnais, the Governor of Mauritius ; a man 
 who though widely dissimilar in character, was scarcely 
 inferior in abilities even to Dupleix.'^ 
 
 ' B. F. Mahede la Bourdonnais first went to sea at the age of ten, and 
 entered the service of the French East India Company while he was yet 
 very young. He attracted notice by the improvements he suggested in 
 naval architecture and machinery. Being left without employment by a 
 long peace, he turned his attention to commerce and made a considerable 
 fortune by trading in the Indian Seas. He was afterwards for two years 
 in the service of Portugal ; and in 1734 he was appointed by his own 
 sovereign to the government of the islands of Mauritius and Bourbon. 
 These islands had been taken possession of by the French after being 
 abandoned by the Dutch and Portuguese. The interior of both was a 
 forest, only inhabited by runaway slaves. The European inhabitants on 
 the coast were pirates and adventurers, scarcely less savage than their 
 neighbours. La Bourdonnais brought them all into order, and himself 
 initiated them in the arts of agriculture and commerce ; he raised fortifi- 
 cations, constructed docks, quays, mills, arsenals, barracks and hospitals ; 
 introduced the cultivation of sugar-cane, cotton and indigo, as well as of 
 the magnioc root (now the chief support of the inhabitants) and by a 
 combination of 2)ersuasion, exam})le, and authority, he raised his islands 
 to the rank they held innnediately before the cession of Mauritius to the 
 
 * H
 
 Ill 
 
 'J8 lUSE OF BKITISII rOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 ciiAP This fleet consisted of five Company's sliips and a 
 
 frigate, and had been sent from Europe half-equipped 
 and half-manned. It had since met with many losses 
 and disasters, and was at last in a manner the creation 
 of the talents and resources of its commander. 
 
 Immediately on reaching the coast it fell in with the 
 English fleet, greatly inferior in numbers, but superior 
 in quality both of ships and men. Several indecisive 
 actions followed, and the result was that the English 
 were obliged to retire to Ceylon, leaving the French in 
 possession of the coast. La Bourdonnais then repaired 
 to Pondicherry, to concert with Dupleix an immediate 
 attack on Madras ; but Dupleix felt his consequence 
 hurt by the employment of another officer within the 
 limits usually entrusted to him, and La Bourdonnais 
 being himself of an impatient temper, the two chiefs 
 got into disputes and animosities that impeded their 
 common object. La Bourdonnais, however, at length 
 sailed, taking with him a reinforcement from Pondi- 
 cherry. 
 
 Madras, with two villages within its tei-ritory, con- 
 tained 250,000 inhabitants, but the Europeans, who alone 
 could be relied on for its defence, did not exceed oOO, 
 
 English. At that time they were flourishing colonies, the naval arsenal 
 of the French in the East, and the greatest thorn in the side of the Eng- 
 lish, whose largest trading vessels were scarcely safe on the coast of India 
 or in the mouth of the Ganges from the activity of the cruisers of Mau- 
 ritius. The great qualities and attainments of La Bourdonnais are thus 
 summed up by Orme : ' His knowledge in mechanics rendered him capable 
 of building a shiji from the keel ; his skill in navigation, of conducting her 
 to any part of the globe ; and his courage, of defending her against any 
 equal force. In the conduct of an expedition, he superintended all the 
 details of the service, without being perplexed either with the variety or 
 the number of them. His plans were simple, his orders precise, and 
 both the best adapted to the service in which he was engaged. His ap- 
 plication was incessant, and difficulties served only to heighten his activity, 
 which always gave the example of zeal to those whom he commanded.' 
 (Menwirs of La Buurdoiinain, and Orme.)
 
 STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FEENCH AND ENGLISH. 99 
 
 of whom only 200 were soldiers even in name. Part chap. 
 
 "^ . III. 
 only of the town was fortified, and that with a rampart 
 
 which La Bourdonnais compares to a garden wall. 
 
 The French landed 1,400 Europeans and negroes, 
 and 300 or 400 disciplined sepoys ; about 1,800 men 
 remained m the ships. They bombarded the town 
 with fourteen mortars, and battered it from their ships 
 for three days, and were at last on the point of esca- 
 lading, when the English capitulated and surrendered 
 themselves prisoners, on condition that they should be 
 allowed to ransom their town. On this stipulation they 
 steadily insisted, and exacted repeated and solemn 
 assurances that the ransom should be moderate. La September 
 Bourdonnais agreed to these terms the more readily as i7i6. 
 he was alarmed by a report of the return of the English 
 fleet to the coast. He faithfully fulfilled them, and 
 after some time executed a formal treaty of ransom, and 
 consented to leave the English in possession of all their October 
 private property and half the military stores, and to nic. 
 restore the town to them for a sum equal to 440,000/., 
 for the payment of which they were to give hostages. 
 
 The fall of Madras was a severe blow to the reputa- 
 tion of the Eno'lish, and misfht have been fatal to tlieir 
 interests if La Bourdonnais had been allowed to com- 
 plete his plans against their other settlements. But 
 long before the conclusion of the second agreement, 
 Dupleix and his Council had protested against the 
 capitulation. They maintained that Madras fell within 
 their government from the moment that the French 
 colours were hoisted on its walls, announced their 
 ha vino; entered on an eno:ao^ement to "ive the town to 
 the nabob, and directed La Bourdoiniais to dismantle 
 it without delay, and reduce it to a condition which 
 should prevent its affording any additional strength to 
 
 H 2
 
 Ill 
 
 100 EISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, tlie native prince. They also appointed a subordinate 
 council to control La Bourdonnais, and issued an order 
 to the military officers to obey no instructions but from 
 them. La Bourdonnais resisted these measures, dis- 
 claimed the authority of the Government of Pondi- 
 clierry, and put some of the persons employed to in- 
 fluence the troops under arrest. On the other hand (if 
 we believe La Bourdonnais) Dupleix gave secret orders 
 for seizing his person, and things proceeded so far as 
 at one time to be on the verge of a civil conflict. All 
 this violence was carried on in the name of the Council, 
 over whom Dapleix, from his abilities, exercised an un- 
 limited control ; he himself all the time kept up a 
 private correspondence with La Jjourdonnais, assuring 
 him of his esteem and regard, and endeavouring to 
 attain by persuasion the same objects which in his 
 public character he was seizing on with so high a 
 hand. 
 
 The season was at this time approaching at which it 
 becomes unsafe for vessels to remain at Madras, where 
 there is only an open roadstead exposed to all the 
 violence of the tempest with which the monsoon sets in, 
 and which is the more dangerous because it blows 
 almost directly on the shore. La Bourdonnais had 
 therefore been busily employed in shipping the public 
 part of the captured property, and would soon have been 
 aljle to put out to sea. On October 2, the day after he 
 had signed the treaty of ransom, the weather was still 
 calm and clear ; but at midnight the monsoon set in 
 with more than usual fury. One French ship was 
 swallowed up by the waves, four lost their masts and 
 were filled with water so as to be in instant danger of 
 going to the bottom ; one only managed to esca[>e l)y 
 running to the southward ; from twenty to thirty other
 
 STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. lUl 
 
 ships tliat were in tlic roads went down or were driven chap. 
 
 i in. 
 ashore. 
 
 This disaster altered all La Bourdonnais' prospects. 
 He was no longer able to face the English or even to 
 continue on the coast of Coromandel, where there is no 
 harbour to afford a shelter from the monsoon. He was 
 therefore obliged to use all expedition in winding up 
 his affairs at Madras. Having received repeated as- 
 surances from the Council of Pondicherry that his en- 
 gagements should be faithfully fidtilled, and liavmg 
 obtained the consent of the English to postpone the 
 restoration of Madras till the month of January, when 
 the public property would have been entirely removed, 
 he made over the government to the senior member of 
 the Council sent by M. Dupleix, and sailed himself for the 
 roads of Pondicherry. But fresh dissensions had arisen 
 with the Council of that place, and an angry discussion 
 ended in a reluctant acquiescence of La Bourdonnais in 
 their desire that the whole fleet should proceed to Achin 
 in Sumatra. For that port he accordingly set sail ; 
 four of the ships made good their destination in spite of 
 a strong contrary wind ; but the remainder, with himself, 
 were forced to give way and sail before the wind to the 
 Isle of France. On his aiTival he found that the repre- 
 sentations of M. Dupleix and the enmity of the Com- 
 pany had prevailed, and that the King's ministers h;id 
 sent out another officer to supersede him in his govern- 
 ment. 
 
 On reaching France he was imprisoned in the 
 Bastile, and remained there for three years in the most 
 rigorous confinement. He was charged, in addition to 
 his political offences, with corruption, embezzlement, 
 and extortion, but was at length acquitted by a 
 committee of the Priv^^ Council to wlioui his case was
 
 102 RISE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAT. rL'feiTcd, and was released Avith ruuied fortunes and 
 111.. 
 broken health, which before lono- broui2:ht him to the 
 
 grave. 
 
 The departure of La Bourdonnais, or rather his pre- 
 vious disaster, lost the French the command of the sea 
 and delivered the English settlements from imminent 
 danger ; but the men he left at Pondicherry increased 
 the French force ashore to 3,000 Europeans, and 
 powerfully influenced all the subsequent operations.^ 
 
 When the siege of Madras was threatened the 
 English had applied to the nabob for aid ; and, 
 although they were not successful, as their rivals had 
 been, in obtaining prompt and effectual assistance, they 
 had at length prevailed on the nabob to remonstrate. 
 Dupleix pacified him by promising to give up Madras 
 to him ; but when some time elapsed after the cap- 
 ture without any prospect of the transfer, the nabob 
 was incensed at the deception practised on him, and 
 sent a force under his son, Mahfiiz Khan, to dispossess 
 the French, in Avliich he seems to have foreseen no 
 difficulty. The force consisted of 8,000 or 10,000 men, 
 of whom 4,000 were cavalry.*^ The cavalry of the 
 Carnatic were inferior even to those of the northern 
 provinces. The infantry were also more puny men, 
 but could scarcely be worse soldiers. There were 
 likewise some guns, but old and utterly unserviceable. 
 Middle of They began by investing the town, and did so without 
 A.]>. 171G. op})osition, the French having orders not to commence 
 lioslilities. They next cut through a sandbank to let 
 off a piece of water which covered the south face of the 
 fort, and at the same time they took possession of a 
 spring, three miles from the fort, on which the garrison 
 
 ^ Orme, i. 74. 
 ® Histoire dc la dernUre Eeoulntion des hides. Paris, 1757, i. 1G5.
 
 STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 103 
 
 principally depended for water. The besieged were chap. 
 
 thus forced on offensive operations, they opened a fire 
 
 from their guns, and they prepared a detachment of 
 between 300 and 400 men, with two field pieces, for the 
 purpose of driving the enemy from the spring. This 
 small detachment boldly advanced beyond the pro- October 
 tection of the fort, and was met by a large body of the 1746." 
 nabob's cavalry, who advanced m good order, and 
 were on the point of charging the detachment, but were 
 brought to a pause by the opening of the field pieces. 
 As they did not know the number of those guns, and 
 had no conception of the rapidity with which they were 
 served, they stood several rounds in the expectation 
 that when all were discharf);'ed there would be a lonon 
 interval before they could be reloaded ; but finding the 
 fire continue with unabated vivacity, and seeing seventy 
 of their own number fall victims to its effects, they fell 
 into confusion and finally fled from the field. The 
 French took possession of their baggage and some of 
 their guns (which last they did not think worth 
 bringing away), and returned to the town without the 
 loss of a man. This unexpected attack alarmed Mahfiiz 
 Khdn, and as he was likewise informed of the approach 
 of a reinforcement from Pondicherry, he concentrated 
 the force employed in investing Madras, and moved to 
 St. Thora(^, a town about four miles further south. He 
 took up his ground between the town and a river 
 to the south of it, the banks of which he determined 
 to defend. The French detachment consisted of 350 
 European soldiers, 100 sailors, and 200 sepoys,^ 
 and was commanded by M. Paradis, a brave officer, 
 hitherto chiefly known as a violent partisan of M. 
 Dupleix. It was determined that M. Paradis should 
 
 ^ Histoire de la demih'c Revolutiwii, i. 1G8.
 
 104: RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 c]!A]\ attack the enemy at daybreak on the 24tli, wlnle a 
 ' detaclmient of 400 men from Madras should at the 
 
 same time fall on tlieir rear. When Paradis reached 
 the river, he found the nabob's army drawn up on the 
 opposite bank, and saw no sign of the approach of the 
 troops from Madras. He nevertheless crossed without 
 hesitation, and after a sharp discharge of musketry 
 fell upon the enemy with the bayonet. The boldness 
 of the action, and the impetuosity of the charge, struck 
 the Moguls with amazement ; they at once gave way, 
 and the horse and foot falling back promiscuously on 
 each other in tlie narrow streets of the town, the 
 confusion of the throng was so great that they re- 
 mained for some time exposed to the fire of the French 
 without making any resistance, and without being able 
 to escape. When extricated from this difficulty, they 
 retreated with precipitation to Arcot. This gallant 
 exploit broke the charm by which the Europeans had 
 still to a certain extent been kept in awe of the 
 Moguls, and showed to both nations the vast supe- 
 riority of spirit and discipline over numbers. 
 
 Paradis pursued his march to Madras, of which he 
 took the government ; and immediately proceeded, in 
 execution of his orders, to annul the treaty with the 
 October English, to the observance of which the Government of 
 irie. l^ondicherry was so recently and so solemnly pledged. 
 
 All ])rivate property except clothes and furniture was 
 now seized on as prize ; all Englishmen who refused 
 to give their parole not to serve against the French 
 were to ho prisoners of war ; and all who would not 
 take the oath of allegiance to King Lewis were to quit 
 the town and territory of Madras. The English loudly 
 exclaimed against this gross breach of faith, by which 
 many of them were reduced to ruin ; many rcfuse>l to
 
 STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FrvEXCII AND ENGLISH. 105 
 
 give their parole, and escaped as opportunities offered chap. 
 to Fort St. David. The Governor and principal in- " 
 
 habitants were sent to Pondiclierry, and conducted into 
 that place in an ostentatious procession, exposed to 
 the gaze of 50,000 spectators.'^ 
 
 Dupleix's only excuse for his violation of the treaty 
 with the English and his own solemn promise to La 
 Bourdonnais, was the possession of secret orders which 
 he rather insinuated than asserted. It has since, 
 however, been established that, while La Bourdonnais 
 . had positive orders to retain no conquest he might 
 make,^ Dupleix had as positive, but secret orders, on 
 no account to part with Madras ; and that the French 
 Ministry and Company were so ashamed of these 
 contradictions and the diss^raceful transaction to which 
 they led, that they condescended to entreat Dupleix to 
 take the responsibility of the whole affair upon himself.^ 
 Though this fact clears Dupleix of all suspicion of 
 personal motives, it does nothing to remove the 
 impression of his indifference to public faith, which he 
 himself indeed does not seem anxious to den3^ ^ 
 
 Fort St. David was now the only refuge for the 
 English on the coast of Coromandel, and as it was 
 only twelve miles south of Pondiclierry, the possession 
 of it by an enemy was a source of uneasiness as well as 
 mortification to M. Dupleix, who took the earliest 
 opportunity of endeavouring to reduce it. The fort 
 was smaller but much stronger than Madras. The 
 
 ''■ Orme ; Memuirc de La Bourdonnais. Suite de 2n^ces judljicatives, 
 p. 59. 
 
 ■'' Memoire jwnr La Bonrdonnaia, p. .58. 
 
 ■' Bio(jraphie Universelle, Article 'Dupleix.' 
 
 '' ' Oni, Hionsieur, je conseillerais a moii frure cle manqiier a sa parole 
 quand elle pent faire tort a un tiers, quand clle est aussi avautageusc a un 
 ennemi et aussi desavantagcuse a la Compagaie et a la Nation ' (Dupleix's 
 letter to La Bourdonnais. PUcca jutitiJlndiiKS, p. 18(>).
 
 106 RISE OF BRITISH POAVER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, town lav od a river about a mile further south, and was 
 III. 
 
 " called Cuddalore (Cadulur), a name which the French 
 
 apply to Fort St. David also. Cuddalore had a wall 
 and bastions on all sides except that towards the sea, 
 where a river, which, like all others on this coast, runs 
 from west to east, after passing the northern face of the 
 town, turns south and covers the east side, being sepa- 
 rated from the sea by a narrow spit of sand. 
 
 Dupleix's first step in forming his detachment for 
 this enterprise was to send for M. Paradis to command 
 it. The Fnglish on their part applied to the nabob for 
 assistance, and he readily granted it on their promising 
 to pay a portion of the expense. M. Paradis left 
 Madras with an escort of 300 Europeans, and availed 
 himself of the opportunity to bring off a quantity of 
 plundered property which was carried by a long train 
 of culis or Indian porters. When he had marched up- 
 wards of thirty miles (a third of the distance to Pondi- 
 cherry), he was attacked by a division of the nabob's 
 army under Mahfuz Khan, which hung on his flanks 
 and rear ; the infantry firing from the thickets and 
 other cover, and the cavalry advancing from time to 
 time, as if on the point of charging sword in hand. 
 The French, embarrassed with their convoy, were 
 obliged to act purely on the defensive, forming up 
 when threatened by the horse, and resuming their 
 march when they had checked the enemy. In this 
 manner they made their way to Sadrds, a Dutch settle- 
 ment forty- two miles from Madras. Their march had 
 latterly been urged on with so little consideration, that 
 the rear was separated from the advance, and did not 
 reach Sadrds without difficulty. They had several men 
 wounded during the march, and twelve or fourteen 
 Europeans were made prisoners ; and this misfortune,
 
 STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 107 
 
 joined to tlic appearance of retreat and pursuit, dis- chap. 
 
 III. 
 
 heartened the French, and revived the spirits of the 
 Mussulmans. At Sadras Paradis was joined by a 
 strong detachment sent out from Pondicherry to reheve 
 him, and reached that town without further molesta- 
 tion. 
 
 His journey, however, had been to no purpose, for 
 the officers protested against his being appointed to the 
 command in preference to his seniors, and M. Dupleix 
 felt himself constrained to confer it on M. Bury, the 
 oldest officer on the spot. The garrison of Fort St. 
 David was only 200 Europeans and 100 Indian Por- 
 tuguese ; 2,000 of the native irregular infantry had, 
 however, been hired for the protection of Cuddalore 
 and the rest of the territory. The French force 
 amounted to 1,700 men (for the most part Europeans), 
 with six field pieces and as many mortars. They 
 marched from the neighbourhood of Pondicherry on 
 December 8, and soon after crossed the river Panar and December 
 entered the British territory. Their plan was to halt I'-iG. 
 at a country house belonging to the Governor, a mile 
 and a half from the fort, which had a court-yard in 
 front and a large walled garden m the rear. They had 
 been misled by some false intelligence conveyed to 
 Dupleix, and did not expect that the nabob would 
 send any considerable body of troops to aid the besieged. 
 In this belief (as Orme states") they were dismissed as 
 soon as they had occupied the house, and dispersed in 
 quest of food and firewood and the other occupations 
 natural after a march. While thus scattered they per- 
 ceived that the whole of the nabob's army was coming- 
 down on them, and had already arrived within a mile. 
 A sudden panic seized on them at the sight, and in- 
 
 « See i. p. 82.
 
 108 RISE OF BRITISH ROWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, stead of defendini'' tlic o-arden, as seemed the obvious 
 III ... 
 
 ' course, tliey fled with precipitation to the Panar, 
 
 which they hastened to recross, and were only saved 
 by the steadiness of their artillery from total destruc- 
 tion.'' 
 
 lint this protection did not restore the courage of 
 the fugitives ; they plunged into the river, which was 
 scarcely fordable, leaving their ranks, wetting their 
 ammunition, and in many cases throwing away their 
 arms. On this occasion they again owed their safetv 
 to the steadiness of their artillery, who drew up their 
 guns on the river, and gradually withdrew them to 
 form a fresh battery on the opposite bank. In this 
 manner the detachment returned to their post near 
 Pondicherry, after a night and day of incessant exer- 
 tion, witli 122 men killed and wounded, and having 
 lost all their baggage but such as had not come up 
 when the action be2:an. 
 
 This unexpected success of the nabob's troops gave 
 M. Dupleix a higher impression of the importance of 
 that prince as an ally. He commenced a negotiation 
 to obtain his friendship, but did not slacken his opera- 
 tions during its progress. He made another unsuccess- 
 December ful attack Oil Fort St. David by sea, and to hasten the 
 niG.' ' nabob's decision he sent a detachment from Madras to 
 ravage the neighbouring part of the Carnatic ; and the 
 four ships of La Bourdonnais' squadron which had 
 made their way to Achin returning about this time 
 to the coast of Coromandel, he made so good a use of 
 this apparent reinforcement that the nabob became con- 
 
 '' A French artillery officer who was present gives a different account 
 (La Bourdonnais, iSu'de de ineccs jvstlficatives, p. 68). By his statement 
 the French were not surprised, but defended themselves until their 
 ammunition was expended, and then retreated in good order to the Pan;ir, 
 where they fell into confusion as stated in the text.
 
 STRUGGLE BKTWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 109 
 
 vincecl of the hopelessness of the Enorlish cause, and chap. 
 
 Ill 
 transferred his friendship to their rivals. ' 
 
 As a proof of his new attachment he sent his eldest 
 son, Mahfiiz Khan, to Pondicherry, where he was re- 
 ceived with great respect and gratified by magnificent 
 presents. 
 
 Could the French ships have co-operated in an 
 attack on Fort St. David, their services would have 
 been as important in reality as they had been repre- 
 sented by Dupleix, for the garrison had almost en- 
 tirely exhausted its resources, and was only saved by 
 the enterprise of an officer who ran his ship into the 
 port and landed twenty recruits and 60,000/. But the 
 fear of the return of the English fleet, now superior in 
 force, obliged Dupleix to send his ships to the western 
 coast, where they anchored in the Portuguese port of 
 Goa. He did not, however, desist from his land opera- 
 tions ; and being now secure from the nabob he sent 
 the game force as before under M. Paradis to renew tlie 
 attack on Fort St. David, but when on the point of March 2, 
 commencing its operations it was interrupted by the ^'^' ^'^^^' 
 actual appearance of the English fleet, and compelled to 
 rctreSt to Pondicherry. 
 
 The fleet landed 100 Europeans sent from Bengal, 
 and lent 500 sailors and 150 marines as a temporary 
 augmentation of the garrison. Not long after, 100 June, 
 Europeans, 20\) native Portuguese, and 100 sepoys ^'^' ^'^^' 
 arrived from Bombay, and 400 sepoys from Telli- 
 cherry ; and in the course of the year the Company's 
 ships brought out 150 Europeans from England. 
 
 In January Major Lawrence arrived from England, 
 with a coiiunission to command all the Company's 
 forces in India. An attack being then expected from 
 Pondicherry, he encamped near the Pamir to oppose it ;
 
 110 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, but it was not long before he detected a plot by the 
 ^^^' commander of the Tellicherry sepoys to carry over his 
 
 party to the enemy, and further discovered that his in- 
 terpreter was in the practice of sending regular intelli- 
 gence to Madame Dupleix, who understood the Tdmul 
 language, and who was as active-minded and as much 
 interested in public affairs as her husband.^ The inter- 
 preter and one of his accomplices were hanged, and 
 the Tellicherry commander with ten of his officers were 
 banished to St. Helena, w^here several of them had re- 
 course to the remedy of Hindus in despair, and assisted 
 each other in putting an end to their lives. The 
 failure of this conspiracy probably delayed the intended 
 attack from Pondicherry ; and soon after, the English 
 February squadron which had withdrawn during the monsoon, 
 1748^^ returned from Ceylon to Fort St. David, and put an 
 
 end for the present to all designs on that place. 
 June 9, But after the lapse of four months the four French 
 
 ships that had been sent to Goa, and had since made a 
 voyage to the Mauritius, returned with a reinforcement 
 of three ships of the line from Europe. By judiciously 
 availing himself of the land and sea breezes, which 
 blow alternately during the day and night, and of a 
 southerly wind which blows constantly at that season 
 at a greater distance from the shore, M. Bouvet, the 
 commander, succeeded in deceiving the English commo- 
 dore, first offering battle, then affecting to make for 
 Pondicherry, and at length pushing straight for Madras, 
 which was the real object of his voyage. He there 
 landed 400 soldiers and 200,000/., and immediately re- 
 turned to Mauritius. The English commodore (Griffin) 
 
 * ' He was married to a woman endowed with as much spirit, art, and 
 pride as himself, born in the country, mistress of all the low cunning 
 peculiar to the natives, and well skilled in their language.' (Lawrence's 
 Narrative, p. 31). 
 
 A.D. 1748.
 
 STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. Ill 
 
 pursued liim to Madras, but was too late to overtake chap. 
 { . in. 
 mm. 
 
 M. Dupleix, tlius relieved of the presence of the 
 Enoflish fleet, and knowino; that it would take some 
 days to sail back against the southerly wind, deter- 
 mined to employ the interval in one more attempt on 
 Fort St. David. The first attack was to be on Cud- 
 dalore, which was to be escaladed in the night. The 
 plan having transpired, Lawrence had recourse to a 
 stratagem. He withdrew the garrison and the guns 
 from Cuddalore as a place incapable of resistance, and 
 as soon as it was dark marched back both the guns 
 and the garrison with such a reinforcement as seemed 
 necessary for the perfect safety of the place. The 
 French were ignorant of this second arrangement, and 
 came on in the night as to an easy conquest. When 
 they were fixing their scaling ladders, they were sur- 
 prised by a discharge of musketry and grapeshot from 
 all the ramparts within reach. The sudden discovery 
 of the trap laid for them struck the whole body with a 
 panic. They flung down their arms without firing 
 a shot, and fled in a trepidation from which they did 
 not recover until they were within the bounds of 
 Pondicherry. 
 
 This was M. Dupleix's last enterprise against Fort 
 St. David. He was now busily occupied in providing 
 for his own defence. In addition to the strong squadron 
 they already had in India, the English were fitting out 
 a great expedition in Europe which there could be no 
 doubt was ultimately designed against Pondicherry. 
 It consisted of six ships of the line, a twenty-gun sliip, 
 and a bomb vessel, and was accompanied by eleven of 
 the Company's ships conveying troops and stores. The 
 troops amounted to 1,500 men, and with them the
 
 112 KISE OF BHITISII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP wliole number on board the fleet was 8,000 men. It 
 III. 
 
 ' was commanded by Admiral Boscawen. 
 
 The admiral had orders to attack Mauritius on his 
 way to India, and he was assisted on that expedition 
 by six Dutch Indiamen with 400 soldiers, which were 
 going from tlie Cape of Good Hope to Batavia. 
 
 From the continual prevalence of the south-east 
 monsoon, Mauritius can only be approached from one 
 quarter, and from a reef of rocks with which, it is 
 surrounded it is only accessible at two points. These 
 difficulties, great at any time, were nearly insurmount- 
 able to men without local knowledge, and Boscawen, 
 after reconnoitring: and endeavourins; to obtain infor- 
 mation by taking prisoners, gave up the enterprise and 
 continued his course to India. 
 
 On July 29 he arrived at Fort St. David, and took 
 the command of the ships in India. The combined 
 squadrons formed the largest marine force ever yet 
 seen in those seas. It consisted of thirty ships, thirteen 
 of which were of the line, and none of less than 500 
 tons burden. The English were elated by the presence 
 of so formidable an armament, and never doubted that 
 the loss of Madras would be revenged by the capture 
 of Pondicherry. 
 
 To this object Boscawen applied himself without 
 delay. The land army was composed of 1,200 king's 
 troops and 800 marines ; a battalion of 750 men in the 
 Company's service, among whom were 200 native 
 Portuguese ; 150 artillerymen ; and 1,100 sepoys who 
 as yet were almost entirely undisciplined. To these 
 the Dutch added 120 men from their station at Nega- 
 patam. The nabob also, now again going over to the 
 strongest, sent 2,000 of his own horse, and the admiral 
 had 1,100 of his seamen trained to the use of the
 
 A.D. 1718. 
 
 STRUGGLE BETAVEEN THE FKENCII AKD P:NGLISII. lio 
 
 musket, who were sent ashore to jom the army as soon chap. 
 as the sieo'e be^-an. ' 
 
 The heavy guns and stores were sent by sea with 
 the fleet, and the army marched on August 8. 
 
 They entered tlie French territory at Ariocopang, 
 a strong post with the state of which (though only 
 nine miles from their frontier) they were quite un- 
 acquainted. A party of 700 Europeans was sent to 
 storm a heap of ruins which was mistaken for the 
 works. On their arrival they discovered, close in their 
 front, the real post, a regular fortification wdth a glacis 
 and ditch, and were received with a fire of grape and 
 musketry that killed 150 men and officers. Among 
 the latter was Major Goodere, an able and experienced 
 engineer, who was relied on for conducting the siege of 
 Pondicherry. Regular batteries were then erected, but 
 so unskilfully that they had to be removed to another 
 place. The French afterwards made a sally ; some 
 sailors, unaccustomed to the scene, ran off in alarm, 
 the soldiers followed, and Major Lawrence, who scorned 
 to quit his station, fell into the hands of the enemy. 
 After three or four days a magazine within the place 
 exploded and the French evacuated it. The English 
 at length advanced with much diminished spirit, having 
 lost two of their best officers and wasted many days 
 which were rendered of the utmost value from the 
 approach of the monsoon . 
 
 The town of Pondicherry w^as situated about seventy 
 yards from the seashore. Its extent within the walls 
 was about a mile from north to south, and 1,100 yards 
 from east to west. The huid sides were fortiiied in tlie 
 modern manner with a wall and bastions, a ditch, and 
 an imperfect glacis. Towards the sea there were 100 
 guns in low batteries which protected that face and 
 
 I
 
 114 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, commanded the roads. The garrison consisted of 1,800 
 111. ° . 
 Europeans and 3,000 sepoys. Besides the regular 
 
 fortifications Pondicherry had another defence which 
 is common in the south of India and is called a bound 
 hedge. It is a broad belt composed of aloes, cactuses, 
 and other thorny plants peculiar to the country, which 
 form an impenetrable thicket, and encloses a consider- 
 able space of ground about the fort. In this instance 
 it combined with the lower part of a river to form a 
 circuit of seven miles, and had five openings, each of 
 which was secured by a redoubt. One of these redoubts 
 being carried with unaccountable ease, the others were 
 necessarily abandoned. The English were then enabled 
 to commence their approaches. The spot they selected 
 was on the north-west of the fort, two or three miles 
 distant from the nearest point to which the ships could 
 be brought, although it was on the ships they depended 
 for all the guns and stores required for the siege. 
 They broke ground during the night of August 20 at 
 the extraordinary distance of 1,500 yards from the 
 place, and threw up a first and second parallel. Before 
 these works were completed the French made a sally in 
 great force under M. Paradis. They attacked both 
 parallels at once, and at the first discharge killed the 
 commanding officer of the one most advanced, on 
 which many of the English ran away and the rest 
 ^vould have followed had they not been inspired by the 
 example and influence of Ensign Clive. This young 
 man reproached them with their fears, pointed out the 
 glory of victory, and led them on with such vigour 
 that twenty Frenchmen fell at the first discharge, and 
 the rest, surprised by the unexpected resistance, retired 
 in haste. They might still have easily overpowered 
 the handful of men opposed to them, but Paradis had
 
 STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. Hi 
 
 fallen early in the attack, and, his troops discouraged chap. 
 
 marched back to the fort. 
 
 The death of Paradis was severely felt by Dupleix, 
 who lost in him not only a gallant officer and a devoted 
 adherent, but an engineer familiar with the place he 
 was to defend, and who had made the means of repelling 
 attacks on it his particular study. Dupleix hence- 
 forward was himself the engineer, and shone as much 
 in directing the operations of the troops as in pro- 
 viding for their wants and in animating their courage.^ 
 Parties continually sallied to attack the stores and 
 cannon passing from the ships to the camp, and kept 
 as many men employed in escorting those convoys as 
 had before been required for transporting them. On 
 one occasion they took two battering guns, and a 
 detachment being immediately sent to recover them 
 was drawn into an ambuscade and obliged to return 
 precipitately to the camp, allowing the cannon to be 
 carried in triumph into the town. The garrison also 
 kept up a constant fire on the working parties and 
 killed many men, and, when at last the trenches had 
 been advanced to within 800 yards of the works, it was 
 found that the French had let in water to flood a 
 natural morass which lay between the besiegers and 
 the town, and had thus put a stop to all further ap- 
 proaches in that direction. At this distance therefore 
 the English were compelled to erect their batteries. 
 They had one of four and one of eight guns (all eighteen 
 and twenty-four pounders), a third of five mortars and 
 fifteen royals, and a fourth of fifteen cohorns ; but the 
 French opened ncAv embrasures, established batteries 
 on the crest of tlie glacis, and soon brought a fire 
 
 ^ Memoire 2>ov'>' JJvpleix ; Biographic Univcrsdlc, Article Dupleix, 
 xii, 
 
 I 2
 
 IK) KISE OF BRITISH POWEU IN INDIA. 
 
 ciiAi'. on tlic point of contest which doubled that of the 
 besiegers. 
 
 The admiral endeavoured to lessen this superiority 
 by a diversion, and drew up all his ships abreast of the 
 town. The depth of water would not allow him to get 
 nearer than 1,000 yards off, and though the cannonade he 
 opened was incessant and was terrible in appearance, it 
 in fact did little injury, so that the French soon ceased 
 to pay any attention to it ; and Boscawen, finding he 
 was wasting ammunition to no purpose, discontinued 
 his fire. The fire from the batteries continued for three 
 days longer, but from the distance could make but little 
 impression, while that of the eneni}^ increased, and dis- 
 mounted nine pieces of cannon of the besiegers. Sick- 
 ness prevailed to a great extent in the camp ; the mon- 
 soon was rapidly approaching, and was preceded by 
 heavy rain which threatened to shut up the roads and 
 actually flooded the trenches. A council of war was 
 held and a retreat resolved on ; the batteries were 
 abandoned, the guns and stores re -embarked, and on 
 October 6 the army set out on its retreat.^ 
 
 The fort of Ariocopang was blown up as the army 
 passed the site of it. The siege had lasted 42 days 
 from the opening of the trenches. The loss by the 
 English in action and by sickness amounted to 800 
 European soldiers and 265 seamen. Few of the sepoys 
 were killed, owing to their own pusillanimity as well as 
 the duties they were employed in. 
 
 It cost the French only 200 Europeans and 50 
 sepoys. The deliverance of Pondicherry was highly 
 honourable to the abilities of the governor and the 
 activity of the garrison ; but the attack might have 
 
 * Orme. Narrative of the Transactwis vf the British Squadrons in 
 India, c£-c., by an Officer who served in those squadrons. (London, 1751.)
 
 STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 117 
 
 failed, even without such an opposition, from the want chap. 
 of skill on the part of the assailants, ' for,' as Orme very ' 
 
 truly remarks, ' there are few instances since the use of 
 battering cannon of a siege carried on by Europeans 
 with more ignorance than this of Pondicherry.'
 
 118 RISE OF BKITISH rOWEll IN INDIA. 
 
 November 
 A.D. 1718. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Peace with France — English expedition to Tanjore— Capture of Devi C(5ta 
 and treaty with the Raja — Dupleix's ambitious schemes — Chanda 
 Saheb's adventures — Joins Mozaffer Jang — Their alliance with the 
 French — Defeat and death of Anwar-u-din — Rejoicings at Pondicherry 
 — Attack on Trichinopoly— The Raja applies to the English — Advance 
 of Nasir Jang — Joined by an English force under LaAvrence — Mutiny 
 in the Fi-ench force and its retreat — Dupleix's intrigues with the Patau 
 Nawabs — His enterprises — Capture of Jinji — Attacks Nasir Jang — 
 Death of the Viceroy — Ascendancy of the French — Discontent of the 
 Patan Nawabs — French acquisitions. 
 
 CHAP. XoT long after the return of the troops from Pon- 
 dicherry, intelligence was received of a suspension of 
 arms between France and England preparatory to a 
 general peace. This information put an end to hos- 
 tiUties between the two nations in India, but as they had 
 still large military establishments, they could scarcely 
 reconcile themselves to sitting down in a state of 
 peace, and were thus easily induced to employ their 
 superfluous forces in the internal wars of the native 
 princes. The English were tempted by a small advan- 
 tage, casually offered, to engage in the concerns of a 
 petty state, but the French entered deliberately on an 
 extensive and well-considered plan for permanently 
 establishing the preponderance of their nation through 
 all the southern part of India. 
 
 Seiaji, the grandson of Yencaji, and grand-nephew 
 of Sivaji,^ had succeeded to the principality of Tanjore, 
 but had been dethroned by his natural brother Pertdb 
 
 ' See ii. 406.
 
 DUPLEIX AND FRENCH ASCENDANCY. 119 
 
 Sing. Having no hopes from any other quarter, he chap. 
 
 IV. 
 
 February 
 A.D. 174<). 
 
 applied to the English for assistance. His cause seemed 
 just, he was supposed to have a strong party m Tanjore, 
 and he promised the cession of Devi C6ta, a place at 
 the mouth of the Coleroon, the possession of which was 
 for many reasons thought desirable to the Company. 
 He accordingly met with a favourable reception, and on 
 his engaging to pay the expenses of the war if success- 
 ful, his other terms were agreed to. The province of 
 Tanjore is bounded on the north by the Coleroon, and 
 extends seventy miles along the sea and sixty inland. 
 It is crossed by many streams, and as every advantage 
 is taken of them by means of mounds and canals, it is 
 one of the best watered and most productive spots in 
 India. Though the government was Maratta at the 
 time we speak of, the people were Tdmul, but probably 
 the military chiefs, especially those of the cavalry, were 
 likewise Marattas. 
 
 The force sent to restore Seiaji consisted of 4o0 Apiii 
 Europeans and 1,000 sepoys commanded by Captain 
 Cope, and its guns, provisions, and stores were con- 
 veyed in four ships, of which two were of the line. The 
 distance the troops had to march was only twenty-five 
 miles, but before it was accomplished the monsoon set 
 in with a storm which destroyed their tents, injured 
 their equipments, and killed many of their cattle, The 
 flag ship (a seventy-four), a sixty-four, and various 
 other ships were lost at sea on the same occasion. 
 
 When Captain Cope was able to move, he advanced 
 to the Coleroon, but instead of being joined by friends 
 of Seiaji, he found the whole country against him. The 
 Eno-lish soldiers, who had never before encountered a 
 native power, were dismayed at the formidable appear- 
 ance of their enemies. They narrowly escaped falling
 
 120 RISE OF BRITISH ROWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAR, into an ambuscade prepared for their destruction in tlie 
 ' woods ; and when they reached Devi Cota, such was 
 the hostility of the country and the want of information 
 that they could hear nothing of their ships though 
 anchored within four miles of them. They were there- 
 fore without provisions or guns. The walls of Devi C6ta 
 were too high to be escaladed, a plan proposed by 
 Ensign Clive to blow the gates open with six-pounders 
 was judged too hazardous, and after throwing some 
 shells from cohorns into the place without effect, the 
 force fell back on Fort St. David. 
 
 It was now clear that the cause of Seiaji was hope- 
 less, but the Enolish had their own character to re- 
 trieve, and hoped by the acquisition of Devi Cota alone 
 to indemnify themselves for the expense of the war. 
 Their whole disposable force, 800 Europeans and 1,500 
 sepoys, was therefore embarked under Major Lawrence 
 and sent by sea to the Coleroon. They landed on the 
 side of a branch of that river opposite to Devi Cota, 
 June 8, r^Y^^ from that side they determined to batter the town. 
 
 A.D. 1749. , "^ 
 
 The wall being of cut stone, and not of mud, was easily 
 breached in three days, but the river was deep and 
 rapid, and could not have been crossed if the carpenter 
 of one of the ships had not volunteered to make a raft 
 capable of carrying over a large part of the troops. To 
 render the invention available it was necessary to have 
 a rope fixed on the opposite side, and the same car- 
 penter swam across in the night and fastened one to a 
 tree near the bank. The rope was sunk under water to 
 conceal it from the enem3^ Xext day 400 Europeans 
 and three field pieces warped across against the stream, 
 to the utter astonishment of the Tanjorines. They, 
 however, manned the walls in multitudes, and lined 
 the shore, keeping up a heavy fire on the troops as they
 
 DLTLEIX AND FREXCII ASCEXDANCY. 121 
 
 crossed. A footing once rained, the rest of the force CHAr. 
 
 iv. 
 crossed by def^rees. It lost thh'ty Europeans and fifty . L_ 
 
 sepoys in the passage. 
 
 Major Lawrence determined to storm the breach 
 without delay, and sent a platoon of 34 Europeans 
 with 700 sepoys under Ensign (now Lieutenant) Clive, 
 to occupy an unfinished entrenchment which had been 
 thrown up in front of the breach. The Europeans ad- 
 vanced after losing four of their number, but they were 
 not followed by the sepoys, and their rear was thus 
 left entirely without protection. This want of co-opera- 
 tion did not escape the enemy, and when the Euro- 
 peans had reached the entrenchment, and were actually 
 l)resenting their muskets to fire, a party of horse which 
 ]iad been concealed behind a bastion, by a sudden and 
 rapid evolution which manifested the excellence both of 
 the horses and the riders, fell on the rear of the platoon 
 with so much impetuosity that the men had no time to 
 face about and defend themselves, and in an instant 
 twenty-six of the platoon were cut to pieces. A horse- 
 man made a blow at Clive which he avoided, and suc- 
 ceeded in making his way to the sepoys with three 
 others, who were all that survived the slaughter. Major 
 Lawrence now advanced with the main body of the 
 detachment. The Tanjorine horse repeated their charge 
 and were allowed to approach within fourteen yards of 
 tlie line, when a cool discharge from the troops (now 
 fully pre})ared to receive theni) caused such liavoc 
 among tliem that they fled with precipitation, and Law- 
 rence advancing found the breach abandoned and had 
 only to take possession of tlic place. A body of 10,000 
 Tanjorine horse who had been nosted behind the town 
 moved off at the same time and retired from the field of 
 action.
 
 122 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. The English had now gained their own object by the 
 
 ' taking of Devi Cota, and the raja had little prospect of 
 obliging them to renounce their conquest ; and, as there 
 could be no hopes of restoring Seiaji against the wishes 
 of the whole of the Tanjorines, there was little difficulty 
 in negotiating a peace. The rdja ceded Devi C(jta and 
 a portion of territory round it, and j^aid a sum of money 
 equal to the expenses of the war. He also agreed to 
 pay an annual pension of 4,000 rupees to Seiaji, and the 
 English engaged to prevent any further disturbance to 
 the government of Tanjore on the part of the latter 
 prince. 
 
 While the English were affording this example of 
 interference in the affairs of native states, M. Dupleix 
 was engaged in maturing the plan which he had long been 
 meditating. The weakness of the Mogul empire had 
 been much earlier remarked by every European in its 
 dominions. An extravagant contempt for its means of 
 resistance led to the crude attempts of Sir John Child 
 and his contemporaries. The disgraceful failure of those 
 enterprises produced humiliation, and combined with a 
 vao-ue notion of the greatness of Aurano-zib to lead 
 
 C> O CD 
 
 men's minds into the opposite extreme of overrating the 
 forces of the government. In the times of which we 
 are writing, the Europeans despised the portions of the 
 system which they themselves saw, but they still in- 
 vested it as a whole with ideas of power and resources 
 immeasurably superior to their own. Dupleix was the 
 first to perceive the relative importance of the Euro- 
 peans. He knew that the breaking up of the Mogul 
 empire must produce civil contests, and he foresaw 
 that the discipline and courage of the Europeans would 
 be called in to the assistance of one or other of the 
 competitors. The French and English in particular, he
 
 DUPLEIX AND FrxEXCH ASCENDANCY. 123 
 
 thought, would necessarily engage in the disputes which chap. 
 were likely to follow on Asof Jah's death ; the nation ' 
 
 which had joined the successful party would doubtless 
 employ its power to extirpate its European rival, and 
 the only safe course for either was to be first in the field 
 and to occupy a commanding position before the oppo- 
 site party was aware of the crisis which had arrived.^ 
 He was likewise convinced that the circumstances of the 
 times and the genius of his nation were alike unfavour- 
 able to commerce, and that if the French desired ag-o-ran- 
 disement in India, they must enter on a more adventu- 
 rous career.''^ Fired by these views, so congenial to his 
 natural ambition, Dupleix looked around for an opening 
 through which he might enter into the midst of the 
 struggle of which he foresaw the approach. Anwar-u- 
 din he saw in possession of power, with no temptation 
 to pay dear for foreign aid ; he knew that he was not 
 to be depended on as an ally, and believed hiui to be 
 hostile to the French. Ndsir-u-din, the destmed suc- 
 cessor of Asof Jail, was equally independent of ex- 
 ternal support, and had used his infl.nence with his 
 father to favour the En2:lish in their late war with the 
 French. The family of the last Nabobs of the Carnatic 
 was still popular, and its connections retained the com- 
 mand of many strong places, of which Anwar-u-din 
 (though he had been for four years nabob) had not 
 thought it prudent to dispossess them, but the surviving 
 son of Safder Ali, who was their natural chief, was an 
 infant, and Mortezza Ali, his nearest relation, was dis- 
 qualified by his cowardice and the remembrance of his 
 crimes from heading a party in any cause. In this 
 review his eye rested on Chanda Sdheb, in whom 
 he perceived an instrument every way suited to his 
 
 ^ Memoire pour DiipJeix, p. 182. ^ Orme.
 
 124 RISE or BKITISII rOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, desiirns. Thono'h Chanda S^heb had no claims to the 
 
 IV 
 
 Carnatic, either from descent or appointment, he was 
 
 connected by marriage with the old family, and from his 
 military reputation, his talents for business, his spirited 
 character, and liberal expenditure, had long been the 
 favourite of its partisans. He was therefore in a situa- 
 tion which made him a powerful confederate, but did 
 not enable him to maintain himself independentl}^ of 
 his ally. He had now been for nearly seven years in 
 confinement at Sattara ; his wife and family had re- 
 mained at Pondicherry, and through them M. Dupleix 
 kept up an intercourse with the prisoner. When his 
 own plans assumed a distinct form, M, Dupleix became 
 anxious to procure the liberation of his intended co- 
 adjutor ; lie entered on negotiations for the purpose 
 with the Marattas, and succeeded in consequence of his 
 AD. 1748. becoming security for the payment of an ample ransom. 
 Chanda Saheb left Sattara wdth eight or ten of his 
 old adherents and a moderate retinue.^ Though he 
 had already hopes of assistance from Dupleix, it was 
 impossible to commence operations in the Carnatic 
 without some army of his own. He had therefore 
 recourse to such means of obtaining men and money 
 as his reputation and the small body of followers 
 attendino* him enabled him to command. He es- 
 poused the cause of the Raja of Chitaldurg in the 
 north-west of the Mysore against the neighbouring 
 Raja of Bednor, but he was unfortunate in his first 
 adventure. A battle took phxce at Meia Conda (half- 
 w\ay between the residences of the contending rajas), 
 
 ■^ Chanda Sdheb's proceedings on lii;; release are taken from Colonel 
 Wilks, who had much better means of information on that point than the 
 author of La demiere Revohdion des hides (1757), on which Orme seems 
 to found his account. Except for the transactions of the French them- 
 selves, the work just mentioned is entitled to no attention on any subject.
 
 DUPLEIX AND FKEXCII ASCENDANCY. 125 
 
 in which Chanda Saheb's ally was defeated, his own chap. 
 
 son killed, and himself taken prisoner. He was fortu- 
 
 nately consig'ned to the custody of two Mahometan 
 officers, and was able to gain them over to his side. 
 By their means he procured his liberty, but was as 
 far as ever from the means of invadino- the Carnatic. 
 
 o 
 
 At this juncture he heard of the death of Asof Jah, 
 an event which led to new combinations, and enabled 
 him to pursue his enterprise under more favourable 
 circumstances than he could possibly have anticipated. 
 
 Asof Jah left six sons.^ The eldest, Ghazi-u-din, 
 would naturally have succeeded to his usurped territory. 
 He had, however, been for a long time acting as his 
 father's deputy in the high office of Amir-ul-Omra at 
 Delhi, where he was the head of a party ; ^ and either 
 from regard to his interests in that quarter, or from 
 the want of means to assert his rights in any other, he 
 brought forward no pretensions to the government of 
 tlie Deckan, contenting himself with the succession to 
 his father's station at the capital.'' The second son, 
 
 ^ The account of Asof Jah's sons is from the Khczdneh-ul-Omra. It 
 has been repeated by many authors, and I believe disputed by none. 
 
 " See ii. p. 049. Book xii. chap. iv. 
 
 ^ Khezdneh-ul-Omra ; Scir-ul-M(^tdlherin . 
 
 [The Seir-ul-Motdlcheriib, here for the first time (juoted, is a work of 
 deserved authority and frequently cited in the account of the affairs of 
 Bengal. The author, Mir Gholam Hussein Khan, was a person of high 
 family at the court of Delhi, and on the accession of Aly Verdi Khan to 
 power they became actors in the revolutions which followed. The history 
 bearing the above title (lit. Manners of the Moderns) commences with 
 a l;rief narrative of the struggles that followed the death of Aurangzib, 
 including the invasion of Nadir Shah, the rise of the Marattas, and the 
 invasions of the Dunlnis. The chief interest of the narrative conuuenccs 
 with the wars of JJengal, and is brought down to the chjse of Warren 
 Hastings' administration. The work was translated in 178!) by a French- 
 man resident in India, and the first volume of a revised translation was 
 published by General Briggs in 1832. 
 
 Professor Cowel, in a note to Mr. Elphinstone's lHdor\i of India,
 
 126 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IX INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Ndsir Jangr, had lono; been forgiven his rebelKon.^ He 
 ' had since resided with his father, and had again been 
 entrusted with the command of armies and the adminis- 
 tration of affairs.^ He was therefore looked on as the 
 avowed successor to the government, and took posses- 
 sion without any difficulty or dispute ; his four younger 
 brothers who were on the spot immediately acknow- 
 ledging his title, Asof Jdh had, however, a grandson 
 by a daughter, who had always been a favourite with 
 him, and on whom he had conferred the government of 
 Bijapur. This young prince, whose title was Mozaffer 
 Jano-/ was absent from court when Asof Jah died, and 
 as his residence was in the strong fort of Ad6ni, he 
 thought himself sufficiently secure from Nasir Jang to 
 
 book xii. chap, i., refers shortly to the work and quotes from the preface 
 to Briggs's translation some lines in high praise of the original, which the 
 translator compares favourably with the historical memoirs of Europe, 
 such as those of Sully, Clarendon, or Burnet. This is an exaggeration. 
 The author enjoyed no such advantages as were possessed by these 
 eminent writers. Its merit is that it introduces the reader to the life of 
 a Mahometan in India during a time of revolution who was an actor in the 
 scenes. The author in later life entered into the service of the English, 
 and writes with some knowledge of the manners of the conquerors and con- 
 quered. The work is valuable as a picture of the times and of the modes 
 of thinking of the natives. Like Burnet he is very fond of gossiping. 
 The author's comparison between native (i.e. Mahometan) and English 
 administration in his time, at the end of the work, is full of shrewd 
 remarks. — Ed.] 
 
 ** See ante, p. 89. 
 
 ^ Khezdneh-ul-Omra ; Seir-ul-Motdk/tcrin, iii. 114. See also Nasir Jang's 
 corx'espondence, in his father's lifetime, with Commodore Griffin, and the 
 authority he exercised in the Carnatic. (Rouse's Appendix, No. II. pp. 
 14, 16, &c.) 
 
 ' His name was Hedayet Mohei-u-din, by which he is often called. 
 He has been said by some writers to have been the son of a barber, but 
 he was certainly of an excellent family, and descended from the famous 
 Vizir of Shah Jehan, Sadullah Khan. A French historian, on the other 
 hand, connects him through his grandmother with the Emperor 
 Mohannued Shah ; but that author's account of the history of Mozaffer 
 is founded on the most erroneous information. {Dcrniere lievulution, dec. 
 i. 219.)
 
 DUPLEIX AXI) FRENCH ASCENDANCY. 127 
 
 set up a claim on his own part, founded on an alleged chap. 
 will of his grandfather. The story, however, made ' 
 
 little impression, for not an individual of the court or 
 camp of Asof Jtih took part with the asserted heir of 
 his choice ; and so little uneasiness did it give to Nasir 
 Jang that he assembled his army and set out for Delhi 
 within a short time after his accession. He had been 
 solicited to march to that capital in a letter, written with 
 his own hand, by the new Emperor, Ahmed Shdh,^ and 
 found sufficient motives for compliance in his father's 
 example on a similar occasion, and in the hope of 
 asfGfrandisino; himself during' the troubles of the sfovern- 
 ment. The mvitation was probably extorted by the 
 fear of a second invasion by the Durdnis, and it was 
 withdrawn when that danger was removed.^ 
 
 Nasir Jang received this second notification after 
 he had reached the river Nerbudda,^ and by this time 
 he was, in all likelihood, well pleased to be left at 
 leisure to watch the proceedings of Mozaffer Jang. 
 He therefore returned to Aurangabad, where he passed 
 the rainy season. 
 
 Chanda Sdheb was not long in perceiving the ad- 
 vantage that would result to both from a union between 
 himself and Mozaffer Jang.^ Both were opposed to the 
 established authority, and obliged to try the chance of 
 bold and desperate enterprises ; Mozaffer Jang could 
 bring forth the troops and treasures of his province, and, 
 in his assumed character of viceroy, he might confer on 
 
 ^ Kliezdiieh-ul-Omra. 
 
 ' See ii. 658, xii.-iv. M. Dupleix, with his usual intrepidity, asserts 
 that Niisir Jang was summoned to Delhi to answer for his conduct, the 
 government of the Dcckan having previously been conferred on Mozaffer 
 .Jang. Memuiren pour Dupleix, p. 42. 
 
 ' Kh(i:Ancli,-iil-Omra ; Seir-nl-Motdlchcrin, iii. 114. 
 
 ^ M. Dupleix states that this connection was fii'st suggested by himself 
 to Mozaffer, who had applied to him for advice, p. 43.
 
 128 msE OF BiuTisii rowEii in india. 
 
 CHAP. Cbanda Saheb the pretext of a title to the govern- 
 
 ' ment of Arcot. Chaoda Saheb could repay these 
 
 obligations by means of his skill and experience, the 
 
 friendship of the French, and his influence in the 
 
 Carnatic. 
 
 The removal of the insurrection to that province 
 was likewise as desirable to Mozaffer Jang as to him, 
 for its long independence made it indifl'erent to the 
 authority of the ruler of the Deckan, and its distance 
 in some measure protected it from his power. 
 
 Some time may have been required to concert 
 measures with M. Dupleix and with the malcontents 
 of the Carnatic, and the rainy season, which prevented 
 lhe march of Nasir Jang from AurangabAd, must have 
 been equally unfavoural)le to the movements of Mozaffer 
 Jang ; but it is difficult to account for the inactivity of 
 both parties for several months after November 1748, at 
 which period both the monsoons must have exhausted 
 their fur3^ In March 1749 M. Dupleix acquainted 
 the Company with the steps which he proposed to take 
 in consequence of the reported approach of Chanda 
 Saheb, but it was not until July 2 that he informed 
 his Council of the actual arrival of that chief in the 
 neiu'hbourhood of Ambiir. At the same time he 
 announced to them that Ali Rezza, the son of Chanda 
 Saheb, who was at Pondicherry, had engaged to subsi- 
 dise 2,000 of the French sepoys, whom it would other- 
 wise have been expedient to discharge in consequence 
 of the peace with England. M. Dupleix proposed that 
 Chanda Saheb should receive further assistance from 
 the Company in his designs on the government of the 
 Carnatic ; that he should not be called on to pay his 
 subsidy until in possession of the province, and that, 
 in return for these sacrifices, he should immediately
 
 DUPLKIX AND FKENCII ASCENDANCY, 129 
 
 sign a grant of forty villages in his future province to chap. 
 the Company.'' " 
 
 Though Chanda Saheb condncted the negotiation 
 in his own name, the advancing army was under the 
 connnand of Mozaffer Jano;, and was said to amount 
 to 40,000 men. Chanda Saheb, with his followers, was 
 enrolled in this army as an ordinary leader of volun- 
 teers, but he Avas in reality the director of nil its pro- 
 ceedings. As soon as M. Dupleix heard of the approach 
 of these chiefs, he sent the 2,000 sepoys, together with 
 400 Europeans, the whole under the command of M. 
 d'Auteuil, to meet them, and this detachment was 
 allowed to march unopposed past the city of Arcot and 
 to form a junction with the invaders at no great dis- 
 tance from the nabob's army.^ Yet Anwar- u- din had 
 not been ignorant of the attack wdth which he was 
 threatened. He had for some time been preparing his 
 army, and was now encamped near Ambiir at the head 
 of 20,000 men. 
 
 Like Dost Ali on a former occasion, he had taken 
 post at the mouth of a pass. His flanks were protected 
 by hills, on one of which was the hill fort of Ambiir, 
 and his front defended by an entrenchment furnished 
 with artillery. He had further taken advantage of 
 the neighbourhood of a lake to form a wet ditch and 
 to flood tlie country in front of his entrenchment. 
 It would have been easy for the invading chiefs 
 to have rendered this preparation useless by entering 
 the Carn[iti(; at some other point, but they felt it 
 necessary at any risk to bring matters to a speedy 
 decision. 
 
 Their funds liad already begun to fail ; the English 
 
 ''' Memolre puu)- Dupleix, p. 43, and Pures judijicatives, No. I. 
 ^ Dupleix, I'icccs justificatives, No. II. p. 5. 
 
 K
 
 130 KISE OF BRITLSII I'OWEli IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, could not be expected to remain long insensible to the 
 ' necessity of supporting the government in possession ; 
 and above all they might daily look for intelligence of 
 the approach of Nasir Jang whom they could not with- 
 stand for a moment unless they could gain some repu- 
 tation and stability before his arrival. They therefore 
 determined to attack the nabob in his position, and M. 
 d'Auteuil offered his services to storm the entrench- 
 ment with his own detachment alone. 
 
 The French moved forward with their accustomed 
 valour, exalted by their sense of the conspicuous station 
 which they occupied in the eyes of the native chiefs and 
 army, but the difficulties of the approach and the heavy 
 fire of the artillery (partly served by European de- 
 serters) compelled them to give up the attack. They 
 soon renewed it with increased courage ; the struggle 
 lasted for upwards of half an hour, and some of the 
 French had actually mounted the breastwork, when 
 they were again constrained to retire. M. d'Auteuil 
 was wounded on this occasion, but such was the im- 
 pression made on the enemy by the indefatigable spirit 
 of the French, that on a third assault they found but 
 a feeble resistance oj^posed to tliem, and quickly made 
 themselves masters of the entrenchment. The road was 
 now open for Mozaffer Jang and Chanda Saheb, and on 
 passing the entrenchment they discovered the nabob's 
 army drawn up in order of battle. But the previous 
 success of the French, and their continued advance on 
 the enemy, soon decided the fortune of the day. The 
 nabob was killed jit the head of his best troops, his 
 eldest son, Malifiiz Khjiu, was taken prisoner, and his 
 youngest and illegitimate son, Mohammed Ali, fled with 
 such troops as he could collect and made his way 
 to Trichinopoly, of which place he was governor. The
 
 DUPLEIX AKD FRENCH ASCENDAKCY. 131 
 
 French had seventy 4 wo Europeans killed and wounded chap. 
 in this action, and about three hundred sepoys.^ 
 
 The conquerors entered Arcot in triumph, and 
 Chanda Saheb was formally invested by Mozaffer Jang 
 with the government of the Carnatic. Some time was 
 spent in arranging the administration and collecting 
 money. A general spirit of submission displayed itself ; 
 it is even said that the governor of Fort St. David sent 
 to compliment Chanda Saheb on his accession, but tliis 
 precipitation, though not inconsistent with the timid 
 ])olicy of the English, rests on the authority of the French 
 alone, and is most positively denied by the English.**' 
 The English, however, offered no opposition to the 
 proceedings of the allies, and appear to have been lost 
 in perplexity at the rapid progress of their rivals, to 
 which they knew not on what ground to object. 
 
 News of a definitive peace had arrived from Europe, 
 and the French, according to the treaty, had restored August, 
 Madras, greatly strengthened and improved smce the 
 time when it fell into their hands ; but as it was 
 still much weaker than Fort St. David, the seat of the 
 Presidency was continued at the latter place. 
 
 The English took advantage of the existing con- 
 fusions to seize on St. Thome, a small town about four 
 niilcjs south of Madras, which had formerly belonged to 
 the Portuguese and now seemed without an owner, 
 though doubtless situated within the territories of the 
 nabob. The priests and many of the inhabitants, who 
 were Catholics, were ill disposed to the English on 
 account of thtur religion, and the latter people were not 
 
 « Onuc, i. 130. Wilks's My.wre, i. 25!), 2(Jl. 
 
 ' For the Frciicli account see Mniioire jiour M. Ihipkh-, p. 40, and 
 the letter of the French deputies in Cambridge's }]'ar hi. the Carnatic, 
 Appendix, p. 1!) ; and for the denial and refutation pp. 2o and oO of the 
 same Appendix. 
 
 li 2
 
 132 lUSE OF BHlTLsn I'OWEII IN INDIA. 
 
 CFTAP. without a[)prclic'nsioii that if they omitted to occupy 
 " this vacant possession they might be anticipated by the 
 French.^ 
 
 After the new nabob and the viceroy had settled their 
 affairs at Arcot they repaired to Pondicherry, where 
 M. Dupleix and the native princes vied with each other 
 in the magniiicence of their interview. They loaded 
 M. Dupleix with every mark of gratitude and respect ; 
 they issued a liberal donation to the detachment which 
 had assisted them. Chanda Saheb gave eighty villages 
 to the Company instead of forty which he had promised, 
 and MozafFer Jano; declared his intention of granting 
 the districts round Masulipatam to the French as soon 
 as his authority should be established in that part of his 
 territory. On one great occasion of ceremony M. Du- 
 pleix did homage to the viceroy, and the latter, after 
 investing him with an honorary dress of the highest 
 rank and of the richest materials, placed his own turban 
 with all its valuable jewels on the head of Dupleix, 
 while he himself put on the hat of the French go- 
 vernor.'^ 
 
 IJiit tliough no man more enjoyed these pompous 
 festivities than M. Dupleix, he saw Avitli regret the loss 
 of time which they occasioned, and repeatedly urged 
 the native chiefs to move at once to Trichinopoly, and 
 thus extinguish the last remains of internal opposition, 
 before they were called on to encounter Nasir Jang. 
 October They at length set off, accompanied by 800 French and 
 1749. 300 negroes and Portuguese, in addition to the sepoys 
 
 ' Onue, i. p. 133 et acq. 
 
 ^ Orme, and Memoire pour Diipleix. What for want of a Letter 
 term I have called homage is the presentation of certain pieces of money 
 in a particular form. It is an acknowledgment of superiority, but not of 
 any feudal relation. The exchange of turbans among the Indians is 
 equivalent to mutual adoption as brothers.
 
 DUPLE [X AND FRENCH ASCENDANCY. 133 
 
 who had all alon"; been attached to them. But before chap. 
 
 r 1 ? . . .IV. 
 
 they reached Trichinopoly they were induced by their 
 
 want of funds to turn off to Tanjore where they 
 expected to levy a contribution. Ever since the fall of 
 Bijapiir the Mussulmans had claimed, and when strong 
 enough had compelled, the payment of a tribute from 
 this principality. Chanda Saheb had been defeated in 
 one of these military collections, and as the Raja of 
 Tanjore had kept up a correspondence with his coun- 
 trymen during the Maratta invasion of which Chanda 
 Saheb was the victim, the highest resentment prevailed 
 on the one side and the greatest dread and aversion on 
 the other. 
 
 The nija therefore strained every nerve to obtain 
 the means of resistino- the threatened attack. He entered 
 into correspondence with Mohammed Ali, and joined 
 with him in earnestly soliciting Ndsir Jang's appear- 
 ance in the Carnatic. He also applied to the English, 
 but with little success ; ^ the heads of their Government 
 were so distracted between the fear of incurring blame 
 in Europe if they infringed the recent treaty with 
 France, and that of being driven out of India if they 
 allowed their inveterate enemies to aggrandise them- 
 selves unopposed, that their whole conduct was a tissue 
 of weakness and inconsistency. They had refused to 
 give effectual support to Mohammed Ali against Chanda 
 Saheb, yet they sent \2() sepoys to assist him in de- 
 fending Trichinopoly ; and although they now encou- 
 raged the Eaja of Tanjore to hold out to the last, the 
 only assistance they gave him was that of twenty men 
 detached from the small party whom they had sent to 
 Mohammed AH.'^ 
 
 Tanjore was ill pre[)ared for a siege, but Chanda 
 
 =* Orme, i. l:)8. ' Orme, i. 130.
 
 134 
 
 EISE OF BIMTISIT r(nVKlI IN INDIA, 
 
 CHAP. 
 IV. 
 
 January, 
 A.D. 1750. 
 
 Saheb's present object was money and not revenge, 
 and the sack of the town would have enriched the 
 soldiers without relieving the treasury. He was there- 
 fore easily led into negotiations, which were long- 
 protracted by the artful management of the r;ija, and 
 when at last he began hostilities, the Maratta so well 
 assumed the a23pearance of unfeigned alarm, that Chanda 
 Sd,heb renewed the negotiation in full confidence in his 
 sincerity. More time was thus consumed, and when 
 the rdja had brought down the demand on him from 
 forty millions of rupees to seven, he still affected diffi- 
 culty in raising the money, and clogged the payment with 
 so many obstructions, that ere the first instalment had 
 been discharo-ed, his enemies received intelli2:ence of the 
 long- dreaded approach of Nasir Jang, on which they 
 broke up their camp with precipitation, and marched 
 back towards Pondicherry.^ 
 
 Before they reached their destination, they were 
 surprised by the sudden appearance of a large body of 
 Maratta horse, who attacked them on the line of march, 
 wheeling, firing, and charging individually, according 
 to the loose manner of their nation. Their numbers 
 and audacity would have made a serious impression on 
 the undisciplined portion of the army, had tliey not 
 been kept in check by the French field pieces until the 
 whole force reached A^elamir and took up a strong posi- 
 tion within a short march of Pondicherry. 
 
 These Marattas had been assembled bv Nasir Jano; 
 to act as light troops with his army and had been 
 detached by a southern pass to harass the enemy, 
 while he himself was slowly advancing from the north. 
 About three thousand of them were commanded by 
 Mordr Iviio of Guti, Avho has been mentioned before,** 
 
 ■' Orme, i. 139, &c. " See ante, p. 88.
 
 DUrLEIX AND FRENCH ASCENDANCY. 135 
 
 and were probal)ly the best ^laratta- horse that ever chap. 
 took the field." " 
 
 Nasir Jang's march had been protracted by the 
 necessity of allowmg time for the feudatories and tribu- 
 taries of tlie southern part of his territory to join his 
 standard. Among these, besides Morar Rao of Guti, 
 were the three Patan Nabobs of Caddapa, Carniil and 
 Shahniir, and the troops of the Rdja of Mysore, under 
 his best general,^ The whole were reckoned, in the 
 usual vague style of the Indians, at 300,000 men, with 
 1,300 elephants, and a prodigious park of artillery.^ 
 With this great force Nasir Jang advanced towards 
 Pondicherry, making his general rendezvous at Jinji. 
 
 Meanwhile, M. Dupleix, however he may have been 
 chagrined by the misconduct of his allies, iii no respect 
 abated his exertions to support their cause. He had at 
 first furnished them with money from the Company's 
 treasury, and having exhausted the disposable part of 
 its funds, he next advanced money on his own account, 
 and in this manner he had paid them 200,000 rs., some 
 time before the march to Tanjore. He now made 
 further advances, and received in return an assignment 
 on the revenue of the Carnatic to be paid directly by 
 the collectors into his hands. ^ 
 
 He likewise increased the Europeans with their 
 army to 2,000. But, as he had ground for uneasiness 
 about the conduct of these last troops, he tliouglit it 
 prudent to endeavour to bring about a pacification. 
 He accordingly wrote to Ndsir Jang, who continued his 
 operations without noticing the overture. 
 
 ■^ Orme, Lawrence. ^ Wilks, i. 2G2. 
 
 ■^ Colonel Lawrence in his narrative says 800, but that must be an 
 error of the press. 
 
 ^ Memoire pour Dupleix, p. 49.
 
 13G RISE OF BRITISH TOWKU IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. That prince had summoned Mohammed All to join 
 
 L _ him at Jinji, and liad called on the English to send a 
 
 body of their troops. Among the causes of the irreso- 
 lution of the government of Fort St. David had been 
 their uncertainty whether MozafFer Jang was not the 
 rightfal viceroy of the Deckan, and whether by sup- 
 porting Mohammed Ali they were not flying in the face 
 of the Mogul's authority. The magnitude of Ndsir 
 Jano-'s armament, and the ""eneral adherence of the feu- 
 datories and dependents, at length convinced them that 
 he was the acknowledged viceroy. They therefore laid 
 aside their scruples, ordered their d(}tachinent from 
 Trichinopoly to join him, and sent 600 Europeans 
 under the command of Major Lawrence from the Presi- 
 March 22, deiicv itsclf. This last body joined the viceroy when 
 he was already in sight of the enemy's lines at A'^ilnur. 
 Nusir Jang received the major with great cordiality, 
 and in the spirit of Oriental politeness offered him the 
 command of the whole army ; but when Lawrence 
 suggested that, instead of making an attack in front on 
 the strong position of the enemy, he should dislodge 
 them by cutting off their communication with Pondi- 
 cherry, he at once rejected the proposal as inconsistent 
 with his dignity. The vast superiority of his numbers 
 in some measure justified his confidence. Mozaflxir Jang 
 and Clianda Saheb must themselves have felt that no 
 position could have enabled them to off'er resistance 
 with their own troops, and that all their hopes of victory 
 lay in the valour and discipline of the French, 
 
 What, then, must have been their consternation 
 when they discovered that they were on the eve of 
 losing that support on which they so exclusively 
 depended. The best oflicers of the French army had 
 been employed on the expedition towards Trichinopoly,
 
 DUPLEIX AND FRENCH ASCENDANCY. l']7 
 
 some of them had suffered from sickness and fatigue, chap 
 
 IV 
 
 and all thought they were entitled to some repose 
 before being sent on a new service. M. Dupleix was 
 obliged to replace them with officers on whom he had 
 less reliance, and these were envious of their prede- 
 cessors, who they said had been enriched by the con- 
 tribution at Tanjore, while they were sent on a duty 
 which promised nothing but danger. On this ground 
 they applied for a donation to jiut them on a level with 
 their fellows, and thought they were treated with gross 
 injustice when their request was refused. Their dis- 
 content infected tlie private soldiers, and gave rise to 
 groundless fears and suspicions. At one time it was 
 said that they were too few to contend with the vast 
 host of Nasir Jano;, at another that Mozaffer Jans; was 
 in league with his uncle, and was only leading on the 
 French to betray them to their enemies ; and these 
 feelings produced a general demand to be marched back 
 to Pondicherry. M. d'Auteuil, who commanded the 
 French troops, endeavoured to keep down this mu- 
 tinous spirit, and succeeded in retaining his troops in 
 their position during the first action with the enem}^ March 24, 
 It was confined to a cannonade, and before it began 
 M. d'Auteuil proposed that the two European nations 
 should forbear firing on each other ; Major Lawrence 
 agreed, but a shot from the French coming near his 
 men he thought it was done to try his temper, and fired 
 three shots in return. None of them were fatal, and 
 tlie whole cannonade produced little effect. That even- 
 ing thirteen French officers shamefully threw up their 
 commissions ; and M. d'Auteuil, anticipating the effect 
 of this desertion on the men, determined at once to 
 march back to Pondicherry. This result of the dis- 
 contents fell like a thunderbolt on Mozaffer Jang and
 
 138 RISE OF BraTISII power in INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Chandn Salieb, and chanixecl all their hopes of OTeat- 
 IV. . . . . . 
 
 ' ncss into fears for their lives and liberty. The weaker 
 
 mind of MozafFer Jang remained undecided what course 
 
 to pursue, but Chanda Saheb at once determined to 
 
 adhere to the French in all extremities, and joined 
 
 M. d'Auteuil with a body of his most faithful retainers. 
 
 As soon as the retreat of the French was known, 
 
 Mordr Rao set off in pursuit of them. He came up 
 
 with them about daybreak, and attacked them with a 
 
 vigour and perseverance which is rare even with the 
 
 best cavalry. He broke into a hollow square which 
 
 M. d'Auteuil had found it necessary to form, and 
 
 finding that he was only followed by fifteen horsemen 
 
 lie made another desperate effort, and forced a passage 
 
 tlu'ough the opposite side with the loss of nine of his 
 
 companions. 
 
 The French would have found it difficult to make 
 their way to the bound hedge had they not been 
 assisted by the activity and resolution of Chanda 
 Saheb and the slender troop which still adhered to his 
 fortunes. 
 
 MozafFer Jang, separated from his friends, and 
 hourly deserted by numbers of his followers, had no 
 choice but to throw himself on tlie clemency of his 
 uncle. He had been told, or had imagined, that he 
 might be restored to his former government, but as 
 soon as he reached the camp he was thrown into con- 
 finement. The remains of his army were attacked and 
 dispersed in a moment, so that not a trace remained 
 of the formidable confederacy which so lately aspired 
 to the government of the Carnatic and the Deck an. ^ 
 
 - Mr. Orme alludes to a, report that MozafFer Jang's capture was the 
 result of treachery on the part of Nasir Jang, but Colonel Lawrence (who 
 was present and no panegyrist of Nasir Jang), as well as all the native 
 liistorians, are silent on the subject.
 
 DUPLEIX AND FRENCH ASCENDANCY. 139 
 
 Forty Frencli gunners, who had unaccountably been chap. 
 
 left behmd with eleven guns, were cut up by the 
 
 horse on this occasion, and would all have been de- 
 stroyed, but for the interposition of the English, who 
 succeeded in rescuing a few. 
 
 It is easy to conceive the anguish with which M. 
 Dupleix beheld the destruction of all his schemes of 
 ambition, the ruin of his friends, and the disgrace of his 
 nation. But these emotions were confined to his own 
 breast ; those around him saw nothing but confidence 
 and serenity. He directed M. d'Auteuil to be brought 
 to trial for retreating without orders, and sent back the 
 army to encamp beyond the bound hedge ; he placed 
 the mutinous ofiicers m arrest, restored order among 
 the men, and soon inspired all with the same ardent 
 desire as himself to efface by some brilliant action the 
 stain brought on them by the misconduct of some of 
 their fellow-soldiers. 
 
 At the same time he did not neglect the means of 
 attaining his object by amicable arrangement. He March 26, 
 made overtures to Ndsir Jang, and sent deputies to his ^■^' ^^^^' 
 camp to negotiate. His tone, however, was as high as 
 ])efore. After he had with reluctance waived a demand 
 for the release and restoration of Mozaffer Jang, he 
 insisted, as an indispensable condition, that the former 
 government of that prince should be conferred on his 
 infant son, that Chanda Siiheb should be Nabob of the 
 ( 'arnatic, and that none of the family of Anwar-u-din 
 sliould ever succeed to that office. This peremptory ^ n jg^ 
 demand broke off the negotiation. Ndsir Jang was not ^ '^- ^^^^• 
 disposed to foster a rival in his immediate dominions, 
 and having already granted the government of the 
 Carnatic to ]\Iohammed Ali, he could not listen to 
 applications from anotlier (piarter.
 
 110 IlISE OF BIMTISII rOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. \]ut tlioufrh M. Duiilcix failed in his avowed nesfotia- 
 
 IV. . . . ^ 
 
 . tion, he succeeded in another whicli he had at least as 
 
 much at heart. His long residence in India had endued 
 liim witli a thorouo'h knowledofe of the character of the 
 natives, and at the same time had given him a taste, as 
 well as a talent, for their crooked policy and intrigue. 
 The first of these qualities suggested the probability of 
 disaffection among some of the numerous chiefs who 
 accompanied Ndsir 'Tang, and by means of the second 
 he established a communication with those who were 
 most likely to contribute to his designs. The three 
 Pat;in nabobs had joined the viceroy's standard rather 
 as allies than dependents, and expected in return to 
 be gratified in several claims which they had brought 
 forward. Finding that after the defeat of Mozaffer 
 Jang, they were treated as mere feudatories, who had 
 done no more than their duty, they were filled with 
 resentment and disposed to listen to any proposals that 
 held out hopes of revenge. The embassy afforded an 
 opportunity for coming to an understanding with these 
 chiefs, but a long period was still required to settle the 
 terms of their defection, as well as to arrange the time 
 and manner in which it could be made most useful. 
 M. Dupleix did not allow his hopes from their assist- 
 ance to relax his own exertions during the interval. 
 As soon as the negotiation with N.nsir Jang was 
 broken off, 300 Europeans under M. de la Touche 
 were detached from M. d'Auteuil's array to beat up 
 the nabob's camp at night. They entered an exposed 
 quarter, fired with severe effect on sucli of the enemy 
 as were within reach, spread an alarm through the 
 more distant parts to the encampment, and then 
 retired, with scarcely any loss, to their own lines. 
 
 Three days after this exploit, the viceroy took the
 
 IV. 
 
 DUFLEIX AND IKENCH ASCENDANCY. 141 
 
 rcsoltition of returning to Arcot, a measure inexpedient chap 
 in itself and fatal in its conse(|iiences, as occasioning 
 the separation of the English. Major Lawrence had 
 been employed in soliciting an addition to the Company's 
 lands near Madras, and had been wearied out by the 
 evasive answers which he received. He was now told 
 that he should be gratitied on that head if he would 
 accompany the army to Arcot. This proposal was 
 doubly objectionable, as being part of a plan for 
 removing the viceroy from the point where his 
 presence was required for his own interests, and as 
 leaving the English territory exposed without pro- 
 tection to the French ; and Lawrence, who, though a 
 man of sound sense, and an excellent officer, had not 
 the pliancy and address of his European rivals, saw no 
 use in continuing his co-operation when it seemed so 
 little valued. He had also received some intimation of 
 the plots which were in agitation ; and erroneously 
 attributed the formation of them to the prime minister 
 Shah Nawaz Khan, whom he has unjustly suspected of 
 secret opposition to his own views. He had attempted 
 to warn Nasir Jang of his danger, but found his own 
 interpreter too much in awe of the minister to perform 
 his part in the communication. He therefore lost all 
 confidence in his confederates, and determined to return 
 to Fort St. David as soon as the army should commence 
 its march for Arcot. 
 
 Nasir Jang is represented in very different liglits 
 by his own countrymen and by tlie Euro[)ean writers 
 of this period. To tlic latter lie appeared a worthless 
 voluptuary, remarkable for nothing l)ut slotli, caprice, 
 and incapacity. '11 le native authors, on the other 
 hand, record the skill snid activity l)y wliicli he de- 
 feated and repressed the Marattas in the highest tide
 
 IV 
 
 142 KISE OK 15U1TI811 i'OWEll IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, of their pros[)(3rity,'' and the personal courage he dis- 
 ])hiyed in his more unfortunate resistance to his father, 
 'fhcy expatiate on the quickness of his talents and the 
 high cultivation of his understanding, and speak with 
 affection of his amiable disposition and manners. He 
 was himself a poet of considerable merit, and his prime 
 minister Shtlh Nawdz Khan, and his intimate friend and 
 companion Gholdm Ali Azdd, were the best Persian 
 writers of their age. Even this last author, however, 
 who was with him on the mornino; of his death, admits 
 that he had fallen into habits of indulgence in his latter 
 days, and countenances the statement of other writers, 
 that he sacriticed his duties and interests to his pro- 
 pensity for the pleasures of the seraglio and of the 
 chase.^ 
 
 These last imputations are borne out by his conduct 
 during the whole of this campaign. He should have 
 availed himself of the aid of Lawrence's detachment to 
 attack the French before they recovered from their late 
 reverse and while they were destitute of native allies ; 
 he might then have shut them up in Pondicherry, cut 
 off their communication with the country, and trusted 
 to time and the pressure of those inconveniences for 
 detaching them from their connection with Chanda 
 Sdheb. Instead of this, after wasting time in negotia- 
 tion, he remained in the enjoyment of his favourite 
 pursuits at Arcot, and allowed his enemies to prosecute 
 their plans undisturbed. 
 
 M. Dupleix did not fail to profit by this supineness ; 
 his vigour and enterprise seeming to increase with his 
 ditticulties, Niisir Jang having ordered tlie French 
 
 ' See Book xii. chap. iii. 
 
 ■^ Servi Azdd (quoted by Wilks, i. 2G7). Khezdncli'i-Omra, Supplement 
 to the Mudsir-ul-Omra, Seir-ul-Motdkheiiit.
 
 DUPLEIX AND FliENCH ASCENDANCY. 143 
 
 factory at Masulipatam to be sequestrated, he sent a chap. 
 
 detacluiient by sea and occupied that great city itself, . 
 
 near 400 miles in the rear of Ndsir Janor's position. July 2, 
 Ihis conquest, which from the nature 01 the ground 
 was easily retained, gave the natives a conspicuous 
 proof of his own strength and the weakness of his 
 enemy/ Even before this time, he sent 500 Euro- 
 peans to throw a garrison into the strong pagoda and 
 the town of Trivadi, and to collect the revenue from the 
 adjoining districts. This first step towards the occupa- 
 tion of his territory alarmed Mohannned Ali, who pressed 
 Nasir Jani>" for leave to take the field in its defence. He 
 received such a reinforcement from the viceroy as raised 
 his whole force to 20,000 men, and he obtained 400 
 Europeans and 1,500 sepoys from Lawrence (who was 
 then in charge of the civil government of Fort St. 
 David), engaging to pay them regularly from his own 
 resources. 
 
 He then marched to Trivadi, but after being: re- 
 pulsed in an attack on the French position, in which 
 both he and the Eno'lish incurred loss, he ffot into dis- 
 putes with Captain Cope, the commtuider of the latter 
 force, and either from anger or necessity refused to 
 issue the pay which had been promised to them. A 
 reference was made to Fort St. David, and Lawrence, 
 with the same spirit of indignation which had dictated 
 to him the resolution of quitting Nasir Jang, ordered the 
 troops to leave the nabob and return to Fort St. David.^ August 10, 
 
 Dupleix took iuuuediate advantage of this liasty 
 step, lie sent a rciufurceniciit ^vlli(•ll ((impK'tcd (he 
 detachment at Trivadi to 1,800 Europeans, 2,500 sepoys 
 and 1,000 of Cliaiida S;iliel)'s horse. Witli tlicsc tlic 
 
 '' Mcmvirc punr JJnphix, p. 50. Unuc, i. 150. 
 " Ornie, i. 153 and 154. 
 
 A.J). 1750.
 
 144 KISK OF IHJiriSlI J'OWKR IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Freiicli attacked tlic nabob, and in a short time totally 
 
 IV. , . . , -^ 
 
 defeated and dispersed his army, Avith scarcely the loss 
 
 August 21, of a man on their side. The nabob fled to Arcot with 
 a few attendants. Animated by this snccess, M. Diipleix 
 determined to attempt the bold enterprise of an attack 
 on Jinji. This renowned fortress, which so long re- 
 sisted all the power of Aurangzib,'' was unable to with- 
 stand the skill and valour of a French detachment. A 
 force drawn np before the town was defeated and pur- 
 sued within the walls. Three steep and carefully forti- 
 fied mountains, which form the strength of the place, 
 were attacked in the night. Redoubt after redoubt was 
 carried with the bayonet, and neither the strength of 
 the forts on the summits nor the difiiculty of ascending 
 the crags on which they stood could offer any obstruc- 
 tion to the impetuosity of the assailants ; the gates 
 were blown open with petards, the forts were stormed, 
 and by daybreak the whole of Jinji was in possession 
 of the French. 
 
 These brilliant exploits restored the reputation of 
 the French, and raised it to a higher pitch than ever. 
 They at length roused Ndsir Jang from his dream of 
 security. Considering the rebellion to be crushed by 
 the captivity of Mozaffer Jang, he had sent back a large 
 portion of his own troops and allowed many chiefs to 
 return to their possessions. He now endeavoured to 
 reassemble those forces, but the rains which were at 
 their height above the ghats, and were impending in the 
 Cju'natic, were unfavourable to that 0})eration. 
 scptem- At length he moved from Arcot and slowly advanced 
 
 1750. towards Jinji. While he was yet sixteen miles from 
 
 that place his progress was arrested by the setting in of 
 the monsoon, which completely inundated the country, 
 
 ' See ii. Book xi. chap. iii.
 
 DUPLEIX AND FRENCH ASCENDANCY. 145 
 
 and after the first Imrst, lie foniirl liimself sluit up be- chap. 
 
 ... . IV 
 
 tween two swollen rivers. In tins situation lie remained 
 
 for two months. His army was nearly as great as ever in 
 numbers, though much diminished in fighting men ; and 
 it was not long before it began to suffer from scarcity as 
 well as from sickness and the inclemency of the weather. 
 In these circumstances, Nasir Jang made overtures in 
 his turn to the French ; on which M. Dupleix raised 
 his terms, requiring the cession of Masulipatam, and the 
 temporary occupation of Jinji, in addition to his former 
 demands. This led to a protracted negotiation ; and 
 M. Dupleix had full time to carry on his intrigues with 
 the disaflTected cliiefs. He had now gained a body of 
 Marattas in addition to the Patan nabobs, and by the 
 beginning of December the plot was ripe for execution. 
 The French were to make a night attack on the camp, 
 and their confederates were to chano-e sides durino; the 
 action, when the suddenness of their defection could not 
 fail to decide the fate of the battle. Just at this time 
 Nasir Jang made new proposals, and such as M. Dupleix 
 was well disposed to accept ; but the order had already 
 gone to strike the blow, and it was too late to suspend 
 its effects. 
 
 M. d'Auteuil being disabled by illness, the command 
 fell on M. de la Touche, who marched from Jinji with Decem- 
 800 Europeans, 3,000 sepoys, and ten field pieces. He a.d. 1750. 
 set out at night, and being furnished with guides by 
 the confederates he reached the skirts of the Mogul 
 camp before morning. The army was scattered over 
 eighteen miles of ground, and as it was completely 
 taken by surprise difi'erent parties came without concert 
 to the point attacked ; they were encountered in suc- 
 cession and easily driven off by the French field pieces. 
 The park, with a strong body of irregular infantry 
 
 *L
 
 140 lUSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, attaclied to it, was passed without a conflict. By this 
 ' time tlie day broke : half the viceroy's army had not 
 been enu'ao-ed, and M. de la Tonclie mio;ht still have 
 been overpowered when the smallness of his force was 
 observed. He had occupied three hours in making his 
 way for three miles into the encampment, and as yet 
 lie had heard nothing of his allies. While in the midst 
 of these reflections he saw before him a vast body of 
 horse and foot drawn up in order, extending as far as 
 the eye could reach, and his troops were on the point 
 of losino; coura2:e at the idea of havinof still to contend 
 witli this formidable host when they perceived in the 
 centre of it an elephant bearing a large white flag. 
 This was the concerted signal of the confederates, and 
 was welcomed with repeated shouts by the soldiers. 
 More white flags were seen to rise amidst other bodies 
 of troops, and M. de la Touche was soon informed of 
 an event which of itself was more important than any 
 victory he could have gained. When Nasir Jang first 
 learned that his army was seriously attacked he rose 
 and prepared to move to the point assailed. His 
 manner was cheerful and composed, but he did not 
 mount his elephant until he had performed his devotions 
 and solemnly commended himself to the protection of 
 Providence. Warnino; was mven to him of tlie intended 
 perfidy of the Afghans, but from his unsuspecting 
 temper he refused to credit it and went straight to 
 tlieir part of the line to satisfy himself of their fidelity. 
 The first chief he came to was Himmat Khdn, Nabob 
 of Caddapa, and as he drew near he saluted him by 
 raising his hand to his head. The compliment was not 
 returned, and as it was not broad daylight Nasir Jang 
 thouiji-ht it mio-ht not have been observed. He therefore 
 raised himself in his howdah to repeat the salutation,
 
 DUPLEIX AND FRENCH ASCENDANCY. 147 
 
 when he received two shots through his body, one fired chap. 
 
 })y the nabob himself and another by an attendant who ' 
 
 was behind him on his elephant. He immediately fell 
 down dead, and Himmat Khan ordered his head to be 
 cut off and stuck on a spear. Tliis assassination was 
 certainly unpremeditated. The nabobs would have 
 joined the French and would not have scrupled to take 
 the viceroy's life in battle, but they could never have 
 anticipated that it would be placed within their power 
 by a spontaneous act of the victim.^ 
 
 Mozaffer Jang was forthwith released from prison 
 and saluted master of all the dominions of Asof Jdli. 
 The whole of Ndsir Jang's army hastened to submit to 
 him, and by nine in the morning tranquillity was restored 
 throughout the encampment. 
 
 !Shah Ndwaz Khan, the minister, fled to a fort, and 
 Mohammed Ali mounted his fleetest horse and set off 
 with two or three attendants for Trichinopoly. Three 
 of the late viceroy's younger brothers were in the camp, 
 but without adherents and unprepared for a crisis they 
 could offer no resistance to their nephew. News of 
 this revolution was soon brought to Chanda Saheb at 
 Pondicherry, and he ran overjoyed to the Government 
 House to give the first intelligence to M. Dupleix. 
 They embraced like two friends escaped from a ship- 
 wreck. The event was announced to the town by a 
 general discharge of the artillery, and in the evening 
 M. Du})leix held a court and received the congratula- 
 tions of all the inhabitants. 
 
 " Ornie (i. 155 to 161), Wilks, Dupleix. Many passages in the 
 account of the storm of Jinji and in the succeeding narrative arc copied 
 verbatim from Orme ; hut fithcrs vary considerably from his statements, 
 and in them I have chiefly been guided by Dupleix and Wilks. The 
 circumstances of the death of Nasir .Jang are entirely from ilm Scr id Azdd 
 (quoted by Wilks, i. 207) and the Mudsir-id-Omrd. 
 
 1 9
 
 148 KISE OF BK1T1«11 i'OWEU IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. M. Diinlcix had now attained the summit of his 
 
 IV 
 
 ' ambitious wishes. The Carnatic was in a manner his 
 own, the Deckan was at his feet ; and it was no 
 extravagant imagination to suppose that the influence of 
 his nation mis^ht ere long- be extended over Hindostan. 
 Decern- Ten days after the battle Mozaffer Jang appeared at 
 ^■D^i7r,o. Pondicherry and was received with every mark of joy 
 and of respect. Shows and processions were repeated 
 with as much eagerness as before, but with an increase 
 of magnificence proportioned to the occasion, which 
 was not now the occupation of a province but the un- 
 disputed acquisition of a great kingdom. But Mozaffer 
 Jang's share in all the rejoicings of which he was the 
 object was embittered by his situation in reference to 
 the Patau nabobs. While still a prisoner he had agreed 
 to all their demands, and they were not men either to 
 be persuaded out of solid advantages or to be provoked 
 with impunity by neglect of their acknowledged claims. 
 They had called for a confirmation of the concessions 
 made to them on the very day of Nasir Jang's death, and 
 had been put off for the time on the plea of the necessity 
 for consulting M. Dupleix. To him they now applied as 
 the common arbiter of the affairs of all the confederates. 
 Their expectations were excessive in themselves, 
 and if acquiesced in would have authorised pretensions 
 on the part of the other chiefs which the wliole of the 
 viceroy's territory would have been insufficient to 
 satisfy. M. Dupleix therefore employed all his skill to in- 
 duce the nabobs to a2:ree to more moderate terms. He 
 pointed out the necessity of leaving the viceroy in a 
 fit condition to maintain his government, and declared 
 that although he himself had as large a share as any 
 one in that prince's restoration, he should expect no 
 advantage that might tend to embarrass his affairs.
 
 DUPLEIX AND FRENCH ASCENDANCY. 149 
 
 These arguments made no impression on the Patiins, ^^^^■ 
 but they were well aware that it was useless to press — __ — 
 their demands if the French chief declared agjainst them. 
 They therefore agreed among themselves to seem satis- 
 lied with what was allowed to them, and even submitted 
 to swear fidelity to MozafFer Jang, an acknowledgment 
 of superiority never before yielded by themselves or 
 their ancestors to anyone under a crowned head. 
 
 They acted their part so well that M. Dupleix him- 
 self was deceived, and thouo-ht that he had succeeded 
 in reconciling them to his decision ; but their feehngs 
 of shame for their unprofitable treachery and of revenge 
 against the authors of their humiliation were only the 
 more inflamed by the necessity for concealment. 
 
 This pressing demand being to appearance adjusted, 
 the claims of others came to be considered. Some part 
 of Nasir Jang's treasures had been plundered, the rest 
 was divided among the conspirators — one-half to the 
 three nabobs, and a sixth each to Chanda Sdheb, 
 Mozafi'er Jang himself, and the French. The jewels, 
 however, wliich were of great value, remained with the 
 new viceroy. 
 
 The acquisitions of the French were very moderate 
 with reference either to their merits or their power. 
 Their share of the treasure was 100,000/. ; half of 
 which was a donation to the troops, and the rest went 
 to pay the expenses incurred by the Company. The 
 territorial cessions (including the confirmation of a 
 previous grant of 9,000/.) amounted to no more than 
 38,000/. a year ; and the liberality to individuals ^ was 
 
 " Ormc mentions it as the common report that M. Dupleix received 
 200,000/., besides many valuable jewels from the treasures of Nasir Jang; 
 and a similar charge seems to have been brought forward by the French 
 Company ; but it is expressly denied, and to appearance disproved by
 
 J50 KISE OF BlUTISH POWEU IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, not greater than niiglit have been dictated by the 
 
 L_ gratitude of the prince whom they had phiced upon the 
 
 throne. 
 
 Chanda Saheb received the government of Arcot. 
 Tlie best authorities ^ state that he was to hold it under 
 M. Dupleix, who was to govern all the countries below 
 the Ghats, to the south of the river Kishna, as vice- 
 gerent for Mozaffer Jang. The French commissioners 
 also in 1754 appear to have produced a patent from 
 Mozaffer Jano' to the above effect.^ But it is difficult 
 to reconcile this part of the arrangement with the 
 silence of M. Dupleix himself, and with the manner in 
 which his appointment is treated when really conferred 
 by SaMbat Jang m 1753. It was then spoken of as a 
 new transaction, and was confined to the province of 
 Arcot.^ 
 
 All that was wanting to complete the settlement of 
 the Carnatic was the possession of Trichinopoly, and 
 that seemed to be on the point of attainment, Mohammed 
 Ali havino; all but eno-a^'ed to surrender the fort and to 
 give up his claim to the province of Arcot, provided a 
 government were assigned to him in another part of 
 January 4, tlic viccrov's territory. It was therefore determined 
 
 A D 1751 
 
 that Mozaffer Jang should proceed to take possession 
 of his capital ; and that, for his greater security, he 
 should be accompanied by a French detachment, under 
 the command of M. Bussy. 
 
 Mozaffer Jang appears himself to have been sincerely 
 
 M. Dupleix (Fi^es duSieur Dupleix, Paris, 1763, especially the letter from 
 M. De Larche, p. 23). He himself states (Memoire, p. 61) that he 
 received a personal jagir of 10,000?. a year, not more than has at other 
 times been given both in Europe and Asia for similar services . 
 
 ^ Orme, Wilks, &c. 
 
 - Cambridge's War in India, Appendix, p. 2. 
 
 ^ Memoire pour Dupleix, p. 232,
 
 DUrLEIX AND FRENCH ASCENDANCY. 151 
 
 attached to tlie French, and conscious that his only chap 
 
 , *^ IV. 
 
 hopes of power or even safety depended on their sup- 
 
 port. While with M. Diipleix, he was implicitly guided 
 by the advice of that statesman, and, after his march, 
 the snme influence was maintained by M. Bussy with 
 the aid of Rao-ondt RAo, a Brahmin in the French in- 
 terest, who had been appointed prime minister to the 
 viceroy.^ 
 
 This was probably the time of the highest ascend- 
 ancy of the French in India. They afterwards ex- 
 tended their possessions and increased their military 
 fame, but what they gained in greatness they lost 
 in stability. The English also had by that time 
 begun to rise from the depressed state in which they 
 had hitherto remained, and to show themselves the 
 formidable rivals they afterwards proved. The 
 passion of the French for military glory, combined 
 with the natural quickness and versatility of their 
 talents, enabled them to enter warmly into new designs, 
 and at once to apply the whole of their abilities to their 
 object, but even long success did something to relax 
 their exertions, and repeated failures produced weari- 
 ness and depression. The English were averse to 
 entering on wars which they thought did not concern 
 them, and had no readiness at adapting themselves to 
 new situations. It was not until they were roused by 
 opposition and by national rivalry that they engaged 
 heartily in the contest and exerted all their faculties to 
 succeed. When this was once done, they showed a 
 stubborn and determined spirit which carried them, 
 through good and bad fortune, to the final establish- 
 ment of their empire in the East. 
 
 " Seir-rd-MotdlJierin, iii. 117.
 
 152 lUSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Alarm of the English — Despatch of a force to Trichinopoly — Struggle 
 for the possession of Volconda — Operations before Trichinopoly — 
 Olive's early career — Recommends an attack on Arcot — Gallant 
 defence of Arcot by Olive — French attack on Trichinopoly — The 
 Raja is assisted by the Dalwai of Mysore — Olive's victory over Rezza 
 Sdheb — The advance of the English force under Lawrence and re- 
 treat of the French — Operations against Seringham — Olive's personal 
 adventures — Total destruction of French detachments — Desperate 
 circumstances of the French — Ohanda Saheb deserted by his chiefs 
 — Surrender of d'Auteuil's detacliment — Negotiations for the surren- 
 der of Ohanda Saheb — His fate — Capitulation of Law . 
 
 CHAP ^^'^ ^^^^^ juncture the fate of India hung on the 
 ^- transactions at Trichinopoly. If that place were sur- 
 rendered or taken, the cause of Mohammed Ali was 
 extinguished for ever : the expulsion of the English 
 must speedily have followed, and all the great changes 
 that have since taken place must have been stopped in 
 the commencement, or accomplished in some other form 
 through the agency of the French. The importance of 
 the crisis had become evident to the most obtuse, and 
 as Mr. Saunders, the new Governor of Fort St. David, 
 was a man of sound sense and firmness, the English 
 henceforth laid aside their desultory operations, and 
 pursued with steadiness a plan adopted on an enlarged 
 view of the politics of the Deckan. Then* first measure 
 was to strengthen and encourage Mohammed Ali. 
 Major Lawrence had sailed for Europe, but they detached 
 280 Europeans and 300 sepo37-s to Trichinopoly under 
 the command of Captain Cope. This sign of vigour, to-
 
 CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 153 
 
 gether with the death of IMozaiFer Jang, which happened chap. 
 about the same time, determined Mohammed Ali to break 
 
 off his neootiations. His situation was still full of February, 
 
 O A.D. 17ol. 
 
 danger. Chanda Saheb had repaired to Arcot, and had 
 received the submission of all the chiefs and territories 
 to the north of the Coleroon. The possession of Trichi- 
 nopoly retained the southern countries in nominal obedi- 
 ence to ^lohammed Ali, but to make his authority practi- 
 cally useful, he was obliged to detach a force of 6,000 of his 
 own troops with 30 Europeans into Tinavelly. While 
 they were there, his own officer in Madura, the chief 
 town of the country between that and Trichinopoly, 
 revolted and declared for Chanda Saheb. Tlie greater 
 part of the English troops were sent to reduce liim [ind 
 were joined by those from Tinavelly. A breach was 
 made, but although the Europeans and disciplined 
 sepoys vied with each other in the spirit with which 
 they attempted to storm, they were repulsed with heavy 
 loss and constrained to retreat to Trichinopoly. On 
 this occasion more than half of the nabob's troops went 
 over to the enemy, and about the same time jMohammed 
 Ali received intelligence that Chanda Saheb was pre- 
 paring to come against him without delay. On this he 
 addressed fresh entreaties to the English Government 
 for further supplies of troops, and promised cessions 
 near Madras in return for their assistance. The English 
 had before made up their minds to support him, and at 
 this moment they had just been provoked and alarmed 
 by an ostentatious manifestation of the superiority of 
 Lhe French, who in the course of a revenue survey 
 surrounded the narrow territory of the English with 
 their white flags, and even advanced those marks of their 
 own pretensions witliin the hitherto admitted boundary. 
 Animated by these feelings, they strained every nerve to
 
 154 EisK or BrtiTisii power tn india. 
 
 CHAP, meet the exigency. They immediately prepared a de- 
 
 tacliment consisting of 500 Europeans (of whom 50 were 
 
 oSrii°^ cavahy), 100 negroes, and 1,000 sepoys, witheiglit field 
 A.D. 1751. pieces, under Captain Gingen, a Swiss officer in their 
 service, and only delayed its march until it should be 
 countenanced by the junction of a small party belonging 
 to Mohammed Ali, whom they studiously put forward 
 as the principal in the war. As these troops advanced, 
 they dislodged a garrison of Chanda Saheb's from 
 Yerdachelam, a strong pagoda about forty miles from 
 Fort St. David, the possession of which was necessary 
 to secure the communication between that place and 
 Trichinopoly. At an equal distance further on, and a 
 little to the right of the direct road to Trichinopoly, 
 they came in sight of Chanda Sdheb's army encamped 
 near Volconda. This is a very strong hill fort, and 
 from its situation it was of great importance to both 
 parties to possess it. Before they reached Yolconda 
 the English had been joined by a reinforcement sent 
 to meet them from Trichinopoly, and now amounted 
 to 600 Europeans, 1,000 Sepoys, and 5,000 of the 
 nabob's troops. Chanda Sdheb had a more numerous 
 body of the same undisciplined soldiery, and the 
 French mustered about 600 Europeans and 5,000 
 sepoys.^ 
 
 M. d'Auteuil, who commanded the French, was en- 
 deavouring to prevail on the Mogul governor to admit 
 him into the fort when the English arrived, and these 
 last immediately entered on a similar negotiation. The 
 governor amused both parties for a fortnight, till the 
 English commander got impatient, and determined to 
 
 ^ There are different accounts of this force. Dupleix states the Euro- 
 peans at 400, La DernUre Revolution at near 1,000, Major Lawrence at 
 600.
 
 CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 155 
 
 take the place by force. He Mled in an attempt at a chap. 
 
 sudden escalade, and the fxovernor called in the French. L _ 
 
 This was foreseen, and the English were drawn up to J"^>'7,' , 
 
 ' O ^ J- A.D. 1751 
 
 oppose the entrance of any troops into the place. Yet 
 when the French appeared, instead of at once attacking 
 them, the English commander assembled his principal 
 officers to consult what was to be done. The hesitation 
 of the officers begot distrust among the soldiers. While 
 they were deliberating, the French approached the 
 fort, and the action began, too late to intercept them. 
 At this moment one of those incidents took place 
 which show how easily fear infects small bodies even of 
 l)rave men. A tumbril in the French column was struck 
 by a shot and blew up, on which (says Orme) about 
 100 of the Europeans, with M. d'Auteuil at their head, 
 ran away to the fort of Volconda, where they were 
 admitted. If this flisrht had been a deliberate stratasfem 
 it could not have been more successful. It put an end 
 to the neutrality of the fort. A heavy fire opened from 
 the walls, and the English, struck with a panic in their 
 turn, fled most shamefully from the field, accompanied 
 by some of their officers. The other officers endea- 
 voured in vain to rally them. Abdul Wahdb, the 
 nabob's brother, rode up to them and upbraided them 
 with their cowardice, and, to complete their disgrace, 
 the nabob's troops stood their ground, and their own 
 negroes remained in perfect order, and brought ofi' the 
 dead and wounded after they had been abandoned by 
 the Europeans. All accounts agree, that the destruction 
 of the English army was inevitable if the victory had 
 been followed up ; but no pursuit was attempted, and 
 we are left to wonder at the misconduct of both parties 
 throughout the whole afl^air. Next day tlie English 
 retreated twenty-five miles to the pass of Uttatoor on
 
 A.D. 1751. 
 
 150 RISE OF BlUTISII TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, the direct road to Tricliinopoly. They maintamed this 
 ' post for three days, during which the same men whose 
 behaviour had been so dastardly just before, conducted 
 themselves with the greatest steadiness and courage. 
 They repelled an attack by the whole of the enemy's 
 .Inly 11, army ; but fearful of being cut off from Tricliinopoly, 
 they retreated on the fourth night, and after a march 
 of eighteen miles, arrived on the river Coleroon, within 
 sight of that fortress. 
 
 The city of Tricliinopoly forms a parallelogram of 
 two miles in length and one in breadth. It is sur- 
 rounded by a double rampart of solid stone, with a wet 
 ditch thirty feet broad. It stands on an extensive 
 plain, on which are several detached rocks affording 
 advantageous posts, and which is cut by ravines and 
 hollow ways capable of concealing and covering troops. 
 The town is 500 yards from the Caveri, which bounds 
 the plain on the north. 
 
 This river rises in the Western Ghats and flows 
 through the Mysore. It falls over a cascade 150 feet 
 high on its upper course, and is so rapid even at 
 Tricliinopoly that when swelled by the rains it can 
 scarcely be crossed even in boats. The Caveri divides 
 into two branches about three miles above Trichinopoly 
 and to the north-west of that city. The southern stream 
 retains its name ; the northern is called the Coleroon. 
 The two branches are separated by a slip of land two 
 miles broad at first, but soon getting narrower and 
 continuing to contract until, at the end of thu'teen 
 miles, it would, if left to nature, have come to a point 
 and formed an island. Had this taken place the two 
 rivers, reunited, would have flowed straight to the sea 
 through the channel of tlie Coleroon, and the kingdom 
 of Tanjore would liave been deprived of the Caveri, to
 
 CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 157 
 
 the numerous brandies of which it owes its irreat fer- chap. 
 
 & 
 
 V. 
 
 tility. To obviate this calamity the Tanjorines raised 
 a strong and broad mound a mile long, which prevents 
 the encroachment of the rivers on the isthmus until the 
 nature of the ground causes them again to diverge, and 
 widens the interval between them. As the destruction 
 of this embankment by an enemy would be disastrous 
 to Tanjore, the mud fort of Coiladi is erected for its 
 protection at a distance of a mile. 
 
 In the western part of the island (where it is 
 broadest) and nearly opposite to Trichinopoly at a 
 distance of two miles stands the great pagoda of 
 Seringham, celebrated for its sanctity, and important in 
 a military view from its extent and the solidity of its 
 materials. It has seven walls, the outermost of which 
 is four miles in circumference. Half a mile eastward 
 of Seringham is another pagoda called Jambu Kishna, 
 remarkable for nothing but the extent of its enclo- 
 sure. 
 
 The operations now about to commence occupied 
 three years, and the country just described became 
 the scene of manoeuvres, stratagems, ambuscades, and 
 adventures which we read with unabated interest 
 through half a quarto volume of Orme, but of which 
 only the most important can be touched on here. 
 
 The English crossed the Coleroon on to the island 
 in boats during the night. They first occupied the 
 pagoda of Seringham, but finally withdrew under the 
 walls of Trichinopoly, the greater part of them encamp- 
 ing on the soruth -western side. Chanda Saheb and the 
 French occupied the pagodas, and leaving a garrison, 
 proceeded across the island to the C;iveri. They drove Middle of 
 the English out of Coiladi (of which they had possessed a d^Ttm 
 themselves), and afterwards crossed the Caveri, and
 
 158 KISE OF ElUTISll TOWEU IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, encaniped on the sontli bank to the east of Trichi- 
 '. nopoly.^ 
 
 The Enolish were afterwards twice reinforced from 
 Fort St. David, but after all had only 600 Europeans, 
 \vhile the French had 900, and were still more superior 
 in the number of their sepoys. Chanda Stiheb's troops 
 had been constantly increasing, and were ten times 
 more numerous than those of the nabob, which more- 
 over were useless and inefficient.^ 
 
 The reinforcements had been commanded by Clive, 
 who had returned to the civil service after the siej^e of 
 Devi Cota, but in the present active times had again 
 joined the army, and was now made a captain for 
 the skill and gallantry with which he conducted these 
 parties through many perils to their destination. He 
 was struck with the disparity between the assailants 
 and defenders of Trichinopoly, and to restore the 
 balance he proposed to the Government of Fort St, 
 David to lead a detachment against Arcot itself, which 
 had been exhausted of troops, and which the enemy 
 'tnight be expected to sacrifice all other objects to 
 protect. 
 
 Fort St. David and Madras were nearly stripped of 
 their garrisons to form this detachment, and after all it 
 only amounted to 200 Europeans and 300 sepoys, with 
 three field pieces. The officers were eight in number, 
 and all but two were writers and others never before 
 employed in a military capacity. Their whole strength 
 
 - Orme, Lawrence, Dupleix, La Demiere Reiobition. 
 
 ^ There are great discrepancies in the accounts of the numbers of the 
 French. M. Law flatly contradicts M. Dupleix, and the latter is incon- 
 sistent with himself. Of the two I should give most credit to M. Law, 
 but I have preferred that of Orme (though more nearly approaching to 
 Dupleix's), because he had seen both accounts and had access to othtr 
 materials besides.
 
 CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 159 
 
 lay ill their commander and in the confidence with chap. 
 which he inspired them. " 
 
 Captain Clive was the son of a Shropshire gentleman 
 of ancient family but moderate estate. He had given 
 many proofs of a bold and decided character in his 
 youth, though he made little progress in his studies. 
 At eighteen he went out as a writer to Madras. For 
 some time after his arrival he was not known to a sinMe 
 family in the place, and was too shy or too proud to 
 court acquaintance.'^ He pined for home, and fell into 
 one of those fits of depression to which he was liable 
 through life. All this gloom was dispelled by the first 
 appearance of military operations. After the capture 
 of Madras he escaped in the disguise of a native. He 
 afterwards obtained permission to serve with the army, 
 and showed himself the first in every danger and the 
 coolest and clearest in every deliberation. Before this 
 time he had been restless and insubordinate, but beino; 
 now in his natural element, ail his irregularities dis- 
 appeared. He showed no impatience of the yoke of 
 military discipline, and early became the favourite of 
 his commanding officer.^ He was twenty-six years of 
 age when he marched for Arcot, and his character has 
 never been better described than it was in reference to 
 that period by his friend and patron Major Lawrence. 
 ' He was,' says tliis gallant veteran, ' a man of un- 
 daunted resolution, of a cool temper, and a presence 
 of mind which never left him in the greatest danirer. 
 Born a soldier ; for without a military education of any 
 sort, or much conversing with any of the profession, 
 from his judgment and good sense he led an army like 
 
 * See a letter to his criusin datod Febrnaiy, 1745. Malcohn^s Life of 
 Clive, i. 41. 
 
 * Malcolni's Life of dim; Biogrophla JJritanuica.
 
 IGO 
 
 IJISK OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 ciiAP. m^ experienced officer and a brave soldier, with a pru- 
 
 dence that certainly warranted success.' 
 
 A'f' no'j' ^^^ marched from Madras on August 26, and reached 
 
 Arcot on the 31st. The garrison, though more than 
 double Olive's numbers, evacuated the place, and he 
 marched in amidst the wonder of 100,000 spectators. 
 The town being open, he took up his quarters in the 
 fort. He there found ii-oods belono-ing; to merchants 
 to the value of five lacs of rupees, all of which was 
 immediately restored to the owners, and the inhabitants 
 of the space within the walls were left undisturbed in 
 their dwellings. His first care was to lay in provisions, 
 and to prevent active obstruction from the garrison, 
 which remained within a few miles of the town, he 
 repeatedly beat up their quarters, and kept them on 
 the defensive until they had increased their strength by 
 recruits from the country and till Clive was obliged to 
 send out part of his small force to escort two eighteen- 
 pounders which had been sent to him from Madras. 
 They then ventured on an attempt to recover the fort. 
 This attack, though persevered in for a whole night, was 
 at last repelled, but a much more serious contest was 
 now impending. 
 
 The occupation of Arcot had produced the desired 
 impression at Trichinopoly. Four thousand of Chanda 
 Saheb's best troops were sent to recover it ; they were 
 joined on their march by 150 Europeans from Pondi- 
 cherry and, after they reached Arcot, by the former 
 garrison and by Mortezza Ali with 2,000 horse from 
 Vellor. The whole were under Chanda Siiheb's son, 
 Septcm- I^ezza Saheb. They entered Arcot on September 23. 
 ^^'" -•^;.., On the 24th Clive made a sally at noonday and pene- 
 trated to the gates of the nabob's palace, where Rezza 
 Sdheb had fixed his head-quarters. This bold attack
 
 CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. ] (i 
 
 "svas nnsiiccGssfiil, l)iit it left both parties impressed witli chap 
 
 a high opinion of the Englisli. CUve's force was now L_ 
 
 reduced to 120 Europeans and 200 sepoys, with four 
 officers in all for duty ; and the enemy had loO Euro- 
 peans, 2,000 sepoys, o,000 horse, and 5,000 irregular 
 infantry. The fort Avas a mile in circumference ; the 
 wall was in many ])lnces ruinous, the rampart too 
 narrow to admit of artillery, the parapet low and 
 slightly built ; several of the towers were decayed, and 
 none of them capable of receiving more than one })iece 
 of cannon ; the ditch was in most ])laces fordable, in 
 others dry, and it was crossed at each of the two gates 
 by a solid causeway. As the garrison had but a small 
 stock of provisions, it was necessary to send away all 
 the inhabitants except a few artificers. The enemy at 
 first had no battering guns, but they threw shells into 
 the fort and kept up such a fire from the surrounding 
 houses that they killed and wounded several of the 
 garrison notwithstanding the care taken to keep theui 
 concealed. On three different occasions they kil'ed the 
 sergeants who singly accompanied Clive in going the 
 rounds. At the end of a fortniHit the batterinir o-uns 
 
 O Oil 
 
 arrived ; they consisted of two eighteen-pounders and 
 seven guns of smaller calibre. They soon dismounted or 
 disabled the guns in the fort excei)t one eighteen-pounder 
 and three field-pieces, and these were obliged to be kept 
 out of fire and reserved for great occasions. 
 
 The enemy were thus left to carry on their opei-a- 
 tions unopj)osed, and in six days made a practicable 
 bi'cach fifty feet wide in the north-west part of tlie fort. 
 'J'lie ii'arrison Mere iiidcfatii>al»le in counteractinu" this 
 damage, men and officers labouring indiscriminately, 
 and they so far succeeded in cutting off the breach that 
 the enemy thought it ad\isal»l(' to begin a new one iu 
 
 *M
 
 ICd KISE OF BRITISH POWER IX INDIA. 
 
 '^'"AJ'- an opposite quarter. Otlier measures of attack and 
 
 ' defence were undertaken by both parties, and at one 
 
 time Mortezza Ali, affecting to have quarrelled with 
 
 liezza Siiheb, tried to tempt Clive into a sally by a 
 
 promise of co-operation. 
 
 During- these proceedings the besieged had tlie 
 mortification to learn that a reinforcement which they 
 expected from Madras had been constrained to fall 
 back ; the failure of provisions be^analso to be severely 
 felt/' and the new breach, in spite of all opposition, 
 increased every day. In this desperate state of the 
 garrison, Kezza Saheb offered honourable terms to all 
 and a large sum of money to Clive, adding that in case 
 of further resistance he would storm hnmediately and 
 put every man to the sword. His proposals were 
 scornfully rejected, and the motives which led to them 
 were soon after disclose;!. Morar Rao of Guti had 
 ^^. engaged in a confederacy in ftxvour of Mohammed Ali, 
 and was now within thirty miles of Arcot, and the 
 reinforcement from Madras, increased in numbers, was 
 again on its march under Captain Kilpatrick. It there- 
 fore became evident that no time was to be lost in 
 attempting to carry the fort by storm. The new breach 
 was now thirty yards wide, but the ditch at its foot was 
 not fordable, and the garrison had counterworked this 
 breach as they had before done the other. Nevertheless 
 an assault was ordered on all parts of the walls at once, 
 to take place at daybreak next morning. This hap- 
 
 ® Tliis circumstance drew forth a proof of generous self-devotion on 
 the pai't of the sepoj^s, which sliowed liow much they were ah'eady at- 
 taclied to their leader and to the English cause. The rice (the only food 
 left) was insuthcient to allow above half a meal for each man, and they re- 
 qiiested that the whole might be given to the Europeaiis (whose hxbour as 
 well as their habits required solid food), and that they might receive 
 nothing but the gruel in which it had been boiled. — Malcoim^s Liff of 
 Clive, i. 9G.
 
 CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 163 
 
 pened to be one of the great days of the festival of chap. 
 Moharrem, when the Mussulmans commemorate the " 
 
 murder of the two sons of All, and are inflamed by Novem- 
 
 '' bcr 14. 
 
 mental and physical excitement to the highest pitch of a. 0.1751. 
 religious frenzy. In this spirit they advanced to the 
 attack. Besides multitudes that came with ladders to 
 all the accessible parts of the wall, there were four 
 principal columns directed against the two breaches and 
 the gates. Clive had lain down to take a moment's 
 sleep, when he was awakened by the tumult which arose 
 on every side. The attacks on the gateways were pre- 
 ceded by elephants, whose foreheads were protected by 
 strong iron plates to enable them to burst open the 
 gates, but these animals, terrified by the noise of the 
 musketry and galled by the bullets, soon turned and 
 trampled down the troops that followed them. A raft^i. 
 was launched on the ditch under the south-east breach ; 
 seventy men embarked on it, and in spite of opposition 
 from the musketry, and from two field-pieces in the 
 breach (which were probably kept under by the fire of 
 the storming- party on the bank), they had nearly made 
 good their landing, when Clive, observing the bad aim 
 of the artillerymen, pomted one gun himself, and struck 
 down several of the assailants ; the rest were thrown 
 into such confusion that they overset the raft, and those 
 thought tliemselves fortunate who were able to escape 
 by swimming. But the most desperate attack was on 
 the breach to the north-west. There the ditch offered 
 no obstruction, and the storming-party poured at once 
 into the breach, which they mounted with a mad im- 
 petuosity, while niJiny of those who could not find 
 room to ascend, sat down under the wall to be at hand 
 to relieve those in advance. These last passed the 
 breach, and some were AN'ithin all the defences before the 
 
 H 2
 
 164 RISE or BRITISH POWER IN INDIA, 
 
 CHAP. Englisli gave fire. They at length opened their guns, 
 ' and kept up an incessant discharge of musketry, those 
 behind handing loaded muskets to the soldiers in the 
 front rank. Every shot told, and sliells with short 
 fuses being thrown (like grenades) among the crowd, 
 increased the greneral confusion. The first assailants 
 gave way, and were succeeded by another and tlien 
 another body, until, after the assault had continued 
 on all parts for an hour, the enemy relinquished their 
 attacks at once, and soon after retreated and disap- 
 peared. This attack had been repulsed by no more 
 tlian eiglity Europeans and 120 sepoys (the rest being 
 disabled by wounds and sickness), and this small party, 
 besides serving five guns, fired 12,000 musket- cartridges 
 during the storm. At daybreak the whole army had 
 abandoned the town, and the garrison joyfully issued 
 out and took possession of four pieces of artillery, four 
 mortars, and a large quantity of ammunition which had 
 
 Noveni 
 ber 15, 
 
 A.D. 1751. been left behind 
 
 This defence made a strong impression on the 
 country, and was the first step to retrieve the British 
 character in the East.^ 
 
 After Clive had been joined by his own reinforce- 
 ments and a body of Morar Rao's horse, he set out in 
 pursuit of Rezza Saheb, wliom he before long defeated 
 and constrained to take refuge in Jinji ; COO of tlie 
 
 '' [Orme (i. 200) concludes liis narrative of this remarkable defence 
 with the following encomium on the heroic band : ' Thus ended this siege, 
 maintained fifty days, under every disadvantage of situation and force 
 by a handful of men in their first campaign, with a spirit worthy of the 
 most veteran troops ; and conducted by their young commander with 
 indefatigable activity, unshaken constancy, and undaunted courage ; 
 and, notwithstanding he had at this time neither read books nor con- 
 versed with men capable of giving him much instruction in the military 
 art, all the resources wliich he employed in the defence of Arcot were 
 such as are dictated by the best masters in the science of war.' — Ed.]
 
 CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 165 
 
 French sepoys of liis army deserted and came over to chap. 
 the Ens'lish. " 
 
 The great pagoda of Conjeveram, between Arcot and 
 the coast, was still in possession of the French ; and 
 Olive's next operation was to dislodo-e them. He sum- December, 
 
 A.D. 1751 
 
 moned the garrison, and as none of them understood 
 English, they employed two officers whom they had 
 made prisoners to interpret for them. Their names 
 were Revell and Glass. To them the French command- 
 inor officer dictated an answer to Clive, in which he warned 
 him tliat if the pagoda was attacked, he would expose 
 those prisoners on the walls. They wrote this, but 
 added their entreaties that no regard to their safety 
 should be allowed to interfere with the operations. 
 Guns were brought from Madras and a breach begun, 
 and the Enoflish lost an officer and several men before 
 the enemy evacuated the pagoda.^ 
 
 At the time when Clive marched for Arcot, the August 2«, 
 French at Trichinopoly were waiting for battering guns 
 from Caricdl. They arrived a few days after, and the 
 French began their operations : but they constructed septem- 
 their batteries at such a distance, and showed so much a^d.itsi. 
 more care to defend themselves than attack their oppo- 
 nents, that the English began to treat their attack 
 with contempt, and became ashamed of the awe in 
 wliicli they had stood of so unskilful an enemy. But 
 though secure in a military view, the situation of the 
 garrison was by no means encouraging. Mohammed 
 Ali liad no territory left from whicli he could draw re- 
 sources for the pay and provision of his own troops or 
 his allies. The French were much stronger in regular 
 troops tlian tlie Englisli ; and the great superiority of 
 Clianda Siiheb's irregulars made him formidable from 
 
 ^ The account of the siege of Arcot is entirely from Orme.
 
 16G RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CUAP. the power it gave him of cutting off communications. 
 ' Moiiainmed Ali's chief dependence was on a negotiation 
 which he for some time had been carrying on with the 
 Riija of Mysore. The territory of this prmce lay on the 
 tableland between the Eastern and Western Ghats. It 
 was about 200 miles in length and 150 in breadth, 
 and the southern part of it extended to within thirty 
 miles of Trichinopoly on the east. The ancient line of 
 its princes had lately been set aside, and the present 
 raja was a pageant in the hands of his minister called 
 in that country ' the Dalwai.' The name of the present 
 Dalwai was Nanj Raj, a man of great presumption and 
 little judgment. He was prevailed upon by extrava- 
 gant promises on the part of Mohammed Ali, to afford 
 his zealous assistance in the defence of Trichinopoly, 
 and even to subsidise Morar Rao with 6,000 men for 
 the same service. While the sie2:e of Arcot was still 
 going on, Nanj Raj assembled an army at Cariir, a 
 place within his frontier, about forty miles from Trichi- 
 nopoly, and about the same time, Morar Rao entered 
 the Carnatic at a point further to the north, from whence 
 he sent assistance to Olive, as has been related. The 
 Dalwai's force consisted of 5,000 horse and 10,000 
 infantry. Among these last was a body of a few 
 hundreds, partially disciplined, through the means of 
 French deserters, by Heider Naik ^ or Heider Ali, after- 
 wards the most formidable enemy ever opposed to the 
 British power in India. The rest of the Mysore troops 
 were more inexperienced and unskilful than those of 
 any other native prince. Mordr Rao's cavalry were 
 chosen men, Mussulmans and Rajputs as well as 
 Marattas, well mounted and armed, and habituated to 
 
 ^ [A title of honour in the Deckan equivalent to that of chief or com- 
 mander. It is now employed for non-commissioned officers of sepoys, cor- 
 responding with tliat of cor^joral. ( Yulea^ Glossary of Indian Terms.) — Ed.]
 
 CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 167 
 
 war iiiider their active leader, one of the ablest officers chap. 
 India ever produced, and unceasingly engaged in hos- 
 
 tilities on his own account, or as a subsidised auxiliary. 
 
 The Dahvai on his approach gave signs of his irre- 
 solution and military ignorance. A French detachment 
 being sent to oppose him he did not venture to move 
 until joined by a similar party from Trichinopoly, and 
 even then he proposed that the English should make a 
 false attack on the enemy during the night, while he 
 prosecuted his march under cover of the darkness. 
 The English complied, and while engaged in the pro- 
 posed diversion, they perceived the Mysoreans, whose 
 retreat was to be so secret, passing across the plain with 
 ten thousand lights, as if they had been marching in Febm- 
 procession at an Indian wedding.^ ^'^d. 1752. 
 
 The accession of Mysore to the party of Mohammed 
 Ali had induced the Raja of Tanjore to engage in the 
 same cause. He sent his general, Manikji, with 3,000 
 horse and 2,000 foot to join the camp at Trichinopoly, 
 and his example was followed by Tondiman, the Poligar 
 or chief of a territory situated to the southward of the 
 rdj a' s country, whose force was composed of 400 horse and 
 3,000 cuUs, or coleris, a forest tribe of predatory habits. 
 
 These reinforcements made Mohammed All's army 
 more numerous than Chanda Saheb's, for he had in all 
 20,000 horse and 20,000 foot, while Chanda Saheb's 
 force, though likewise increased by contingents from 
 the southward, amounted to no more than 15,000 horse 
 and 20,000 foot. 
 
 The increase of numbers, however, was of little 
 avail as long as the French remained superior in regu- 
 lar infantry. The Government of Fort St. David uuide 
 every exertion to remove this disadvantage, but before 
 
 ' Onue, i. 211.
 
 168 IIISE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, their prcpamtions were completed, they were disturbed 
 ' by the reappearance of llezza Saheb, who had assembled 
 a force of 400 Europeans, 2,000 sepoys, and 2,500 
 horse, with a large park of artillery, and invaded the 
 Company's territory to the south-west of Madras. 
 Clive marched against him with 380 Europeans, 1,300 
 sepoys, and six field-pieces. His plan was to beat up the 
 enemy's camp, but as he approached he found it evacu- 
 ated. Rezza Saheb had marched with a view to sur- 
 prise Arcot, where he had bought over some native 
 officers of the garrison. The plot was discovered before 
 he arrived, and he was already on his return, when 
 Clive set off to prevent his design, and was hastening 
 towards Arcot, when he came unexpectedly on Rezza 
 Saheb's army in the neighbourhood of Coveripak. It 
 was growing dark at the time, and Clive's first notice 
 of his situation w^as given by a battery of nine pieces of 
 cannon, which opened on him within 250 yards. The 
 battle thus begun was continued by moonlight, wath 
 all the alarms and vicissitudes natural to so extraordi- 
 nary a circumstance. It ended towards morning in 
 the defeat of Rezza Siiheb, who left fifty Europeans and 
 300 sepoys dead on the field. The English had forty 
 Europeans and thirty sepoys killed, and more of each 
 w^ounded. They took nine guns, three cohorns, and sixty 
 European prisoners, and as Rezza Saheb's force soon 
 after dispersed, they recovered for the nabob a country 
 yielding 400,000 pagodas of annual revenue. 
 
 After this Clive went to Fort St. David and was 
 appointed to conduct a great convoy, escorted by 400 
 Europeans, 1,100 sepoys, and eight field-pieces, to Tri- 
 chinopoly, an operation which was to decide the fate of 
 the siege and of the war. 
 
 When he was on the point of marching, Major
 
 CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 109 
 
 Lawrence arrived from Enuland nnd took the command chap. 
 
 as senior officer. Clive evinced no disappointment at 
 
 this imexpected supersession. He cheerfully put him- ^^%l2 
 self under his old commander, wlio on his part showed 
 him all his former kindness and confidence, without 
 the smallest jealousy of a reputation which was already 
 eclipsing his own. The speedy arrival of the detach- 
 ment was rendered more necessary than ever by the 
 increased dissensions among the European officers and 
 the discontents of the native allies, which threatened to 
 break up the force. Lawrence marched from Fort St. 
 David on March 17, and arrived within ten miles of 
 Trichinopoly on the 27tli. 
 
 Dupleix, who was fully sensible of the importance 
 of this convoy, had issued positive orders to M. Law, 
 who commanded the French force, to intercept it at all 
 hazards. M. Law drew up his force for the purpose, 
 but Lawrence, by a mixture of dexterity and boldness, 
 distracted his attention by manoeuvres of the troops 
 from the town, while he himself advanced by an unex- 
 pected road, and after a partial eno-ao-ement brought his March 28, 
 
 \ 1 • ^ T • 1 • 1 A.D. 1752. 
 
 whole convoy mto 1 richmopoly. 
 
 The Eno-lish and their allies were now in a state to 
 cope with the enemy in the field, and they soon after 
 made an attack on his camp which though unsuccessful 
 induced M. Law to retire to the island, where he should 
 be out of the reach of similar disturbance. Chanda 
 S^iheb strenuously opposed this mtention, but when he 
 found he could not prevail with M. Law, he had no 
 choice but to join him in his retreat. They marched April i,_ 
 on the same night ; the French took up their quarters 
 in the pagoda of Jambu Kishna, and Chanda Saheb in 
 that of Seringham, his horse and many of his other 
 troops being encamped close by.
 
 170 EISE OF BKITISII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Tliis retreat was a fatal measure. When tliey could 
 
 no longer carry on the siege, they should have retired 
 
 towards Pondicherry, so as to allow their reinforcements 
 to join them at a distance from Lawrence's force, but 
 they i)robably conceived that this junction might be 
 effected at Seringham, and that they would lose less 
 reputation if they appeared to maintain their ground. 
 
 It is possible they might not have been disappointed 
 if they had had to deal with a less enterprising enemy. 
 They could not be attacked in their present position, 
 and the road was still open for their reinforcements and 
 supplies. To deprive them of this advantage required 
 a bold and hazardous step. If a part of the British 
 force were stationed to the north of the Ooleroon, while 
 the rest remained on the south of the Caveri, the 
 enemy's communications would be entirely cut off and 
 he w^ould be constrained either to fiMit at a disadvan- 
 tage or to surrender ; but, on the other hand, the least 
 deficiency of skill or vigilance on the part of the com- 
 mander of either division would expose him to be over- 
 whelmed singly by the whole power of the French 
 The plan nevertheless occurred to Clive, who suggested 
 it to the commanding officer ; Lawrence entered into 
 it with his usual frankness and cordiality, and so far 
 was he from envying the author that he determined to 
 give the command of the separate detachment to Clive 
 himself, at the hazard of offending all the senior officers. 
 April « Qj-^ i]^Q nifrht of April 6, Clive beo-an his march with 
 
 A.D. ] l,>2. ^ O i ' O 
 
 400 Europeans, 700 sepoys, 1,000 Tanjore horse, and 
 3,000 of Mordr Rdo's under Eunas Khdn. He had 
 with him two battering guns and six field-pieces. 
 
 With this force he took uj) a position at Samiaveram, 
 ten miles from Seringham and fifteen from Uttatoor, the 
 pass already mentioned on the great road from Pondi-
 
 CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 171 
 
 clierry. There were two pagodas in tins village, a chap. 
 quarter of a mile from each other ; these he strengthened ' 
 
 by works, and allotted one to the sepoys and another 
 to the Europeans ; the irregulars encamped around 
 them. Immediately after this he took Lalgudy, a village 
 on the Coleroon, where the enemy had collected a great 
 supply of grain. He was preparing to besiege Pitchauda, 
 a fort commanding the ford opposite Seringham, when 
 he was called off by intelligence from the northward. 
 M. Dupleix, though deeply wounded by what he thought 
 the misconduct of M. Law, applied himself with un- 
 broken spirit to repair the evils it had occasioned. His 
 repeated applications for recruits and reinforcements 
 from France had been neglected, and it was with 
 difficulty he could assemble 120 Europeans and 500 
 sepoys, to escort a great convoy of provisions and 
 stores which he prepared to despatch for Seringham, 
 He sent M. d'Auteuil in command, with orders to 
 supersede M. Law on his arrival. M. d'Auteuil, 
 having reached Uttatoor on April 14, resolved imme- ^^^"\Ji:, 
 diately to push on to Seringham in the night, leaving 
 Olive's detachment at some distance on his left. It 
 was this news that called off Clive from his intended 
 siege. He marched to intercept d'Auteuil, and that 
 officer being informed of his movement, fell back on 
 Uttatoor. Clive finding no signs of the convoy where 
 he expected it, suspected some stratagem of the enemy, 
 and hastened back to his own camp. Meanwhile M. 
 Law, having heard of Olive's nuirch, and being igno- 
 rant of his return, ordered eighty Europeans and 700 
 sepoys to march at nightfall and attack the small body 
 which he imagined to be left at Samiaveram. Forty 
 of the Europeans were English deserters. They 
 reached the skirts of the camp about midnight, and
 
 172 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, were clRillenu-efl by the advanced o-uard of En"lish 
 
 sepoys, on which the officer of the deserters stepped 
 
 out and tohl them he was sent by Major Lawrence to 
 reinforce Captain Clive. The sepoys receiving his 
 answer in l^^nglisli, and hearing the other deserters 
 speak the same Language, admitted the detachment 
 without suspicion, and sent one of their number to 
 conduct it to head -quarters. They passed unquestioned 
 through the Maratta camp, until they reached the lower 
 pagoda, when they were challenged by the sentinel. 
 They replied by a volley into the pagoda, and into 
 an adjoining choultry,^ where Clive lay asleep. The 
 Europeans then rushed into the pagoda, and put all 
 they met to the bayonet. Clive started out of his 
 sleep, and, imputing the firing to his own sepoj^s 
 alarmed at some attack on the skirts of the camp, ran 
 to the upper pagoda to bring down the Europeans. 
 He found them already under arms, and returned witli 
 200 of them to the choultry. He there found a large 
 l)ody of sepoys facing in the direction of Sermgham, and 
 firuig at random. Their position confirmed his im- 
 pression that they were his own sepoys, and, leaving the 
 Europeans about twenty yards in their rear, he went 
 amono' them and ordered them to cease firuii]:, re- 
 proaching them with their unnecessary alarm, and even 
 striking some of them. At last one of the sepoys who 
 understood a little French, discovering that he was an 
 Englishman, attacked and wounded him in two places 
 with his sword, but, finding himself on the point of 
 being overpowered, ran off to the lower pagoda. Clive, 
 exasperated at such insolence from one (as he supposed) 
 of his own men, pursued him to the gate ; where to his 
 
 ^ A building for the accommodation of travellers. In the Carnatic, 
 they are generally of stone and supported by pillars.
 
 CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSKS. 173 
 
 great surprise be was accosted by six Frencbmen. His chap. 
 usual presence of mind did not fail bim in tliis critical " 
 
 situation ; be told tbe Frencbmen tliat be was come 
 to offer tbem terms, tbat if tliey would looiv out tbey 
 would see tbey were surrounded, and tbat tbey must 
 expect no quarter unless tbey immediately submitted. 
 Tbree of tbe number ran into tbe pagoda witli tbis 
 intelligence, and tbe otber tbree gave up tlieir arms 
 and followed Clive to tbe place wbere be bad left bis 
 Europeans, wben witb eigbt more, wbo bad been made 
 prisoners as tbey were reconnoitring, tbey were sent 
 off in tbe custody of a sergeant's guard, Tbe sergeant, 
 not knowing tbat tbe lower pagoda was in possession 
 of tbe enemy, carried tliem tbitber ; and on delivering 
 tbem over to tbe guard, found out bis error, but sucb 
 was tbe confusion among tbe Frencb, tbat lie was 
 allowed to retire unmolested. By tbis time Clive bad 
 assembled bis troops, and bis first object was to recover 
 tbe pagoda. Tbe Frencb and tbe deserters defended 
 it desperately, and killed an officer and fifteen men. 
 Tbe attack was tben suspended till daybreak, at wliicb 
 time tbe Frencb commanding officer made a sally, witb 
 tbe intention of forcing bis way tbrougb tbe enemy ; 
 but be was bimself killed witb twelve of bis men by a 
 volley from tbe Englisb, and tbe rest were obliged to 
 return to tbe pagoda. Clive tben advanced to parley, 
 and being weak witli loss of blood, leaned stooping 
 forward on tbe sboulders of two sergeants. Tbe deserters 
 bad notbing to bope from a surrender, and tbeir officer, 
 to cut off all treaty came forward, and addressing Clive 
 witb abusive language, fired bis musket at bim. Tbe 
 ball missed bim, but went tbrougb tbe bodies of tbe 
 sergeants, and botb fell mortally wounded. Alarmed 
 at tbe probable consequence of tbis outrage, tbe Frencb
 
 174 RISE OF BKITISII POWEK IN INDIA. 
 
 ciiAr. immediately surrendered. Their sej^oys bad marched 
 ^' off as soon as tliey were aware of the numbers of the 
 English, and were allowed to pass tbe camp as quietly 
 as Avhen they entered. Eunas Khiin was now sent in 
 pursuit of them. When overtaken, they flung away 
 their arms and dispersed, and in this defenceless state 
 they were inhumanly cut off to a man. Besides the 
 escapes already mentioned, Clive had another, which 
 was not discovered till the hurry of the day was over, 
 when it was found that the volley which the enemy had 
 fired into the choultry where he was sleeping had 
 shattered a box that lay mider his feet, and killed a 
 servant who slept close by him.^ 
 
 The total loss of this detachment was a severe blow 
 to the French, and the subsequent operations of the 
 English greatly straitened their supplies. 
 
 Their hopes now rested on the junction of d'Auteuil 
 and his convoy, and it was the object of the English 
 to cut it off while beyond reach of their support. For 
 this purpose Captain Dalton (who had returned from 
 May 9, Europe) was sent with a strong detachment, and, 
 ^^^^' though he did not fully succeed, he drove d'Auteuil 
 to a distance, and forced him to take refuge under 
 the walls of Volconda. On his return Dalton found 
 that the Coleroon had risen so as to cut off all 
 couununication both with the island and the town, and 
 that Clive had seized the opportunity to renew his 
 attack on Pitchanda. To forward this service, he 
 put the whole of his detachment under Clive (his 
 junior officer) and declared his own intention to 
 serve as a volunteer. During the movements prepara- 
 
 ^ Though I have carefully retained Orme's words as far as my space 
 allowed, yet to do justice to his narrative, I must refer my reader to the 
 original, i. 22G. 
 
 A.D
 
 CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. ] T'j 
 
 tory to the siege, the Engiisli took possession of a ciiai'. 
 
 V. 
 
 mouucl close to the Coleroon, and saw the whole of 
 Chanda Sdheb's camp spread out beneath them, within 
 gunshot. They immediately opened a cannonade, and 
 produced all the alarm and disorder that might be 
 expected in a native camp. ]\Ien and women, elephants, 
 camels, horses and oxen, were all mingled together in 
 the midst of uproar and confusion. The pressure of 
 the crowd for a time retarded their flight, but in two 
 hours they were all out of reach of the guns on the 
 mound. They hurried towards the opposite side of the 
 pagodas, but before they could settle there, they were 
 fired on from the town of Trichinopoly, and obliged 
 to renew their flight to the part of the island east of 
 the pagodas, where they at length found themselves in 
 safety. 
 
 Next day the breach at Pitchanda was practicable, 
 and as the storming party was advancing, the garrison 
 made signs of surrender. Unfortunately they were mis- 
 understood by the sepoys, who rushed to the assault, 
 and before they could be stopped by the exertions of 
 the officers and the discipline of the Europeans they 
 killed several of the garrison and drove fifteen into the 
 Coleroon, where they were drowned. The o:arrison con- ^'"y i"'- 
 
 , A.D. 17.")2. 
 
 sisted of seventy Europeans and 200 sepoys. 
 
 The communications of the French were now com- 
 pletely cut off and their encampment again exposed to 
 a cannonade. This circumstance and the straits to which 
 they were otherwise re<luced determined most of Chanda 
 Saheb's chiefs to (piit liiiii. He received llic intimation 
 with temper and firmness, lamented that he could not 
 discharge what was due to the troops, but promised 
 them full satisfaction wlien liis better fortune should 
 rctium, and in the mean time gave up the greater part
 
 17^* EISF, OF BltlTISII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 uiiAP. of his elepliants, camels, and other effects as a part of 
 ' their arrears. 
 
 Miiv IS 
 A.v. 17i 
 
 Tlie best of these troo])S joined the English, others 
 went to the Mysoreans, very few to the nabob. Those 
 belono-ing to dependent cliiefs returned to their own 
 countries. On the fourth day not a tent was standing 
 ill the island. Only 2,000 horse and 3,000 foot re- 
 mained with Chanda Saheb, and these took refuge in 
 Seringham. The French also drew all their sepoys, now 
 reduced to 2,000, into tlie other pagoda. 
 
 On the same day Lawrence crossed into the island, 
 and the rest of the allied army closed in on the enemy ; 
 but they had still so large a space to surround that 
 a spirited exertion on the part of M. Law might easily 
 have enabled him to force his way through the circle. 
 He preferred waiting for his reinforcement, and d'Au- 
 teuil determined on a desperate effort to relieve him ; 
 but his plan, though well concerted, was frustrated by 
 Clive, who interposed between him and the island and 
 forced liim to retire on A olconda. He was pursued to 
 tliat place by Clive, and was driven from one line of 
 defence to another until he had no retreat left but the 
 liill fort, and this also was precluded by the perfidy of 
 the jMussulman governor, who had secretly submitted 
 to Mohammed AH and threatened to fire on his former 
 allies. Tliere was now no alternative but to surrender: 
 tlie capitulation was made out in the name of Mohammed 
 3Fiiy 2s, Ali, and 100 Europeans, oOO sepoys, and 350 horse 
 laid down their arms and gave up the convoy they were 
 escorting for M. Law. The horsemen and sepoys were 
 as usual disarmed and set at liberty. 
 
 r»efore he received intelligence of this disaster 
 ]\L Law was distressed for provisions, and was fully 
 sensible of his desperate situation. He had nothing to 
 
 A.n. i;
 
 CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 177 
 
 fear for himself beyond tlie mortification of being made chap. 
 prisoner ; but another fate he thought awaited Chanda " 
 
 Sdheb if he should fall into the hands of his exasperated 
 enemies. Chanda Stiheb had continually urged M. Law 
 to join with him in a vigorous effort to extricate them- 
 selves ; but, finding his opinion disregarded, he became 
 a prey to anxiety and dejection which destroyed his 
 spirit and undermined his health. On a consultation 
 between him and M. Law it was agreed to attempt to 
 gain over some one of the confederates, who might allow 
 Chanda Saheb to escape through his lines. Manikji, the 
 Tanjore general, being on ill terms with the prime 
 minister in his own country, was thought to be the 
 most accessible to such solicitations. A nesfotiation 
 was opened ; Manikji entered on it with every appear- 
 ance of sincerity ; a large sum of money was paid to 
 him, and much more was promised on condition of his 
 engaging to favour Chanda Saheb's escape to Carical. 
 The English had hitherto been prevented attacking the 
 pagodas for want of battering guns. At this time their 
 train arrived from Devi Cota, and they immediately 
 summoned M. Law to surrender. The occurrence of Maysi, 
 this crisis left Chanda Sdlieb no more time for re- 
 flection, and he agreed with Manikji to come over to 
 him that very night. When he drew near to tlie 
 Tanjore lines his anxiety about his probable treatment 
 revived ; he sent on an officer to require further as- 
 surances, and especially the delivery of a hostage for 
 his safety. His emissary was 1>linded by the plausible 
 arguments and calm manner of M,4nikji, and, the further 
 to deceive him, he was shown the palankeen and the 
 escort which were to convey Chanda Saheb to Caricj'd. 
 His report, and the necessity of his own situation, in- 
 duced Chanda Saheb to proceed without I'lu-thcr hesi- 
 
 N
 
 178 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, tation ; but lie liad no sooner passed the Tanjorine 
 ' guard than he was rudely seized, carried to a tent, and 
 put in irons. 
 
 The native allies were immediately apprised of 
 Clianda Saheb's seizure, and spent the night in de- 
 liberatinn^ on his fate. Each insisted on havino: the 
 custody of the prisoner. Mohammed Ali felt that he 
 could never be secure while his rival was in any hands 
 but his own ; the Mysoreans expected a great addition 
 to their influence from having the disposal of so im- 
 portant a person ; Mordr Rao was intent on the profits 
 of a ransom ; and each of these considerations had some 
 share in influencing the Tanjorines. In the morning 
 they all assembled at Lawrence's tent, where the debate 
 of the night was renewed, Lawrence took no part in 
 the discussion till, finding that they would never come 
 to an agreement, he proposed that the prisoner should 
 be entrusted to the English. This plan, as might be 
 expected, was equally unacceptable to all the claimants, 
 and the conference broke up without coming to a 
 decision. 
 
 Manikji was now assailed by threats and promises 
 from the other native powers ; and, though the English 
 remained silent, he did not feel secure that they might 
 not also insist on compliance with their own proposal. 
 He therefore paid a visit to Lawrence to sound him on 
 the subject, and soon found that he meant to interfere 
 no further. After this Manikji returned to his own en- 
 campment and ordered the head of his prisoner to be 
 June 3, struck off. Ormc is of opinion that he resorted to this 
 enormity as the only way of freeing himself from tlie 
 importunity of the allies ; but Wilks (with much greater 
 probability and with the support of native authority) 
 relates that he committed it at the instigation of 
 
 A.D. 1752.
 
 CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 1 70 
 
 Mohammed Ali. Thouo-li the otliers mio-lit be desirous chap. 
 
 of havmg him in their custody, the nabob alone could '_ 
 
 profit by his death ; and no bril)e would be too con- 
 siderable for him to pay for the removal of so dangerous 
 a rival. His head was sent to Mohammed Ali, and, 
 after being exposed to every insult, was formally de- 
 spatched as if to the Emperor at Delhi ; but this cere- 
 mony was only to deceive the populace, and the head 
 was really made over to the Raja of Mysore and hung 
 as a trophy on the walls of his capital.^ 
 
 Lawrence's first summons to M. Law was sent on 
 the day preceding Chanda Sdheb's flight, and was 
 replied to in such a strain as should prevent any sus- 
 picion that he was reduced to so desperate a resource. 
 Next day the demand was renewed more peremptorily, 
 and M. Law was only given till the succeeding day at 
 noon to decide. M. Law pleaded the peace between 
 the French and the English, and Lawrence replied that 
 he was only mediator between the former and the 
 nabob. 
 
 ■* [Such was the animosity with which this struggle was distinguished, 
 that Dupleix, quoted by Mill, does not hesitate to affirm that Cliauda 
 Saheb was murdered by Lawrence's express command, and the accusation 
 was repeated by Lally. Orme in his narrative says that Law, from the 
 prejudices of national animosity, concluded that if the EngKsh got him 
 into their power they would not withhold him from the nabob, and there- 
 fore suggested the expedient named in the text. It must be admitted 
 that Lawrence's exertions in Chanda Saheb's favour were very feeble, and 
 confined to the suggestion that he miglit be handed over to the Englisli ; 
 but when this was rejected by the confederates he interfered no further. 
 It is true, as remarked by H. H. Wilson in a note to this passage in 
 Mill's History, that the English at tliis period were not so Avell assured of 
 their power as to be prepared to dictate to the native powers with wliom 
 they co-operatedi It may be added they were auxiliaries in this war and 
 did not feel their honour deeply concerned in the acts of their allies, witness 
 their conduct in supporting the Raja f)f Tanjore in his breach of faith with 
 Mysore. If Lawrence's position was such as to enable him to insist on 
 Chanda Saheb's good treatment, why did not the unfortunate prince 
 surrender to him '. — Ed.]
 
 180 RISE OF BRITISH TOWEK IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. In tliis prince's name a capitulation was signed. 
 
 The French gave up their guns, stores, and ammunition. 
 
 The officers were released on their parole. It may be 
 presumed that the sepoys were dismissed as usual, but 
 
 June 3, the Europeans, neo-roes, and native Portujjuese remained 
 prisoners oi war.
 
 CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 181 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 March of Mozaffer Jang and Bussy to Heiderdbfld— Conflict with the 
 Patan Nabobs — Death of Mozafier Jang and accession of Salabat 
 Jang — Storm of Carnul — Ascendancy of Bussy, and cessions to the 
 French — Dupleix's exertions to raise a new field force — Mohammed 
 Ali's engagements with Mysore — New ccmflicts with the French and 
 English — Clive returns to Europe — Ghdzi-u-din invades the Deckan — 
 His death — Crisis at Trichinopoly — Operations of Lawrence — Con- 
 fusion in the north of the Carnatic^Superiority of the French and 
 their allies — Lawrence's gallant attack on the French position — His 
 success — ^Renewed difficulties — Second attack, and retreat of the 
 French — Success of the Nabob in the North — The attack on Triclii- 
 nopoly — Its failure. 
 
 The disastrous issue of the siege of Trichinopoly struck chap. 
 the French with consternation, but it only served to " 
 
 stimulate the exertions of their governor and to call 
 forth fresh proofs of his abihties and firmness. His 
 pride, which had alienated the minds of all his country- 
 men, enabled him to stand up alone against the dangers 
 which environed him, and to rely on the resources of 
 his own genius for finally triumphing over all his 
 enemies. His confidence was justified by his success in 
 other quarters, where his plans had at times seemed as 
 near to failure as they now were in the Carnatic. 
 
 When Mozafier Jang marched from Pondicherry in 
 the bemnnino; of January 1751, the detachments which Ja""f7'i. 
 accompanied him under M. Bussy consisted of 300 
 Europeans and 2,000 sepoys, with ten field-pieces, and 
 his own army was the same which had so lately served 
 under Ndsir Jang. He proceeded towards Heiderdbtid
 
 VI 
 
 182 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, tlirougli a friendly country until the end of the month, 
 when he reached the possessions of the Nabob of 
 Caddapa. So well had the Patan princes dissembled 
 their animosity that he entered their territory as securely 
 as he would his own. Some skirmishes which imme- 
 diately took place between his troops and those of the 
 country /Were ascribed to accidental disputes ; nor was 
 premeditated hostility suspected even when the Caddapa 
 troops got engaged with Mozaffer Jang's rearguard ; but 
 on this occasion they happened to attack the part of 
 the line of march which was allotted to the viceroy's 
 harem, and MozaiFer Jang was so incensed at this 
 insult that he halted his army, and could scarcely be 
 dissuaded by M. Bussy from leading it against the 
 nabob. A messenger was despatched on his part and 
 another on Bussy's to demand an explanation ; to the 
 former the nabob replied in terms of defiance, but sent 
 a respectful answer to Bussy, offering to accept of his 
 mediation. The difference of the language stung the 
 viceroy to the quick, and filled him with impatience to 
 show that he could enforce his own authority indepen- 
 dently of his ally. It was by this time ascertained that 
 the three nabobs were fully prepared for war, and that 
 they were drawn up in the mouth of a defile on the 
 road to Heiderdbdd. The whole army was immediately 
 put in motion against them, and Mozaffer Jang hurried 
 on to the attack without waiting for the French 
 auxiliaries. The troops of the nabobs, though very 
 inferior in number, were mostly Patans, and defended 
 themselves with so much bravery that the viceroy's 
 impetuosity availed him nothing, and the repulse of his 
 troops was complete. The arrival of the French changed 
 the fortune of the day, and compelled the Patdns to 
 retreat, when Mozaffer Jang once more separated from the
 
 CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 183 
 
 French and pushed on eagerly in the pursiut. It seemed chap. 
 
 easy now to revenge himself on his broken enemies. '_ 
 
 The Nabob of Shiiniir was overtaken and cut to pieces ; 
 the Nabob of Caddapa fled desperately wounded from 
 the field ; and the Nabob of Carnul, being liotl}' pressed 
 by jMozafier Jang in person, turned with the handful of 
 troops that surrounded him and charged the elephant of 
 his pursuer. Mozafter Jang met him with equal spirit, 
 and had raised his sword to make a blow, when his 
 antagonist struck him in the forehead with a javelin and 
 drove it through his skull into the brain. He fell dead, 
 but the nabob with his small band was instantly over- 
 powered and cut to pieces.^ It made a strong impression 
 on the natives to see the murder of Nasir Janij: so soon 
 avenged on the principal actors by each other's hands. 
 
 The death of the viceroy dissolved the only tie that 
 held his army together, and destroyed the charm by 
 which tlie French gave to their military ascendancy the 
 colour of a legal government. Moz after Jang's title rested 
 on his success alone ; and his only son, a mere infant, 
 could not afibrd even the sanction of a name to those 
 in the exercise of power. The troops mutinied for their 
 arrears ; each chief was busied in his own projects and 
 suspicions of all his neighbours. It seemed likely that 
 the army would break up or declare for the legal heirs 
 of Asof Jdh, whom the French had been the means of 
 supplanting. 
 
 M. Bussy lost not a moment in seizing the crisis. 
 The three younger brothers of Ndsir Jang were 
 prisoners in the camp, and he determined to secure for 
 himself the merit of placing one of them on the throne. 
 He chose Saldbat Jang, the eldest, who, while Ghdzi-u- 
 din's pretensions remained in abeyance, was the legal 
 
 ' Orme.
 
 184 RISE OF BRITISH ROWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, representative of his family. A title so well founded 
 and so promptly asserted was immediately acquiesced 
 
 in by the chiefs and army,''^ the administration continued 
 to be carried on by Kdgonjit Dds, and the influence of 
 the French was placed on as firm a basis as ever. All 
 these events succeeded each other in the course of one 
 day, and the aruiy some time after resumed its march 
 Maxell 15, towards the capital. They passed through tlie Caddapa 
 A.D. 1751. t(,j.j.j|^Qiy unopposed, but when they reached Carniil 
 they found the town garrisoned by 4,000 Patdns pre- 
 pared to defend the widow and family of the late nabob. 
 It was determined to make a severe example of this 
 place, as well in revenge for the death of Mozaffer as 
 for the purpose of inspiring a terror of the French arms. 
 The Patans of Carniil are of a tribe very long settled 
 in India. They belong to a small community of 
 Mahometan fanatics called Gheir Mehdis, and their 
 sectarian spirit gives them a peculiar character dis- 
 tinguished from the other descendants of the Afglians. 
 One of the tenets of their sect, which sanctions the 
 murder of heretics, makes them familiar with assassina- 
 tion ; the practice of this crime, joined to their love of 
 money and their usurious dealings, render them dreaded 
 as well as disliked ; and from this circumstance, together 
 with their bravery, they are generally the great actors 
 in every scene of treachery and bloodshed throughout 
 the Deckan. The same character applies in many 
 j)articulars to their neighbours at Caddapa. Such a 
 people might have been expected to make a desperate 
 defence ; but, though their town was strong, the forti- 
 fications were in ruins, and they were unable to with- 
 stand the powerful artillery and the discipline of the 
 French. The place w^as stormed at several points, the 
 
 ^ Memoire pour Bnssy.
 
 CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 185 
 
 whole of the garrison was put to the sword, and many chap. 
 of the inhabitants shared the same fate. Carniil and 
 
 Caddapa were annexed to Ad6ni, the former jagir of ^^"J^Jf; 
 ^lozafFer Jano-, and the whole united was conferred on 
 the son of that usurper. 
 
 The extirpation of the conspirators against Mozaffer 
 Jang was only the prelude to a more serious contest 
 that threatened his successor. SaUbat Jang had scarcely 
 crossed the Kislina when he was met by 25,000 
 Marattas under the personal command of the Peshwa, 
 Bdlaji Rao. This prince had entered into a league 
 with Ghazi-u-din, had levied a contribution of 150,000/. 
 from Aurangabdd (the chief authority of which place 
 was secretly disposed to Ghazi-u-din), and now appeared 
 as the ally of the lawful viceroy and as the precursor 
 of his appearance in the territories of his father. The 
 Maratta army, however, disappeared as suddenly as it 
 had presented itself. Domestic troubles of the utmost 
 importance compelled Balaji to retrace his steps without 
 delay,^ and left the viceroy at liberty to pursue his 
 march to Heiderabdd, 
 
 He made his entry in great pomp, and took formal "^P"^^' 
 possession of the government. His first attention was 
 directed to rewarding his allies. Gratuities were be- 
 stowed on the officers according to their rank, from 
 100,000/. to the commander-in-chief, to 5,000/. to each 
 ensign. The future pay of the troops was settled with 
 equal liberality. A captain, besides being furnished 
 with carriage for his baggage, had 100/. a month, a 
 lieutenant 50/., an ensign 30/., a serjeant 9/., and a 
 private soldier 61. A communication was opened with 
 Masulipatam, and from that port (only 220 miles dis- 
 tant) the French were supplied with recruits of men, 
 
 ^ See ii. 047. Book xii. chap. iii.
 
 186 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, stores, and ammunition. Bussy was thus enabled 
 
 1_ afterwards to increase his Europeans to 500 and to 
 
 arm new sepoys, whom he recruited in the country, 
 making with the old ones 5,000 sepoys. 
 
 Sahibat ffang did not remain long at his capital. The 
 threatened appearance of Ghazi-u-din, the disaffection 
 of Aurangdbdd and the prospect of renewed invasion 
 by the Marattas, required his presence on his northern 
 frontier, and he set off for Aurano-abdd within a month 
 
 May ' ^ ^ 
 
 A.D. 1751. after his arrival. 
 
 To give the greater weight to his authority, he had 
 recourse to a practice not unusual in the remote pro- 
 vinces of Asiatic empires. He forged a patent from 
 the Great Mogul, appointing him viceroy of the 
 Deckan, and caused it to be delivered to him by a pre- 
 tended messenger from Delhi, whom he went out in 
 person to meet and received with all the respect and 
 honours which he could have shown to the Emperor 
 himself.^ 
 
 June IS, Saldbat Jano- reached Aurang^abad on June 18 ; and 
 
 ADl"'"! 
 
 in the month of August, Bdlaji Rtio, having settled his 
 internal disorders, ao;ain invaded and ravao;'ed the ]Moo;ul 
 territory at the head of 40,000 men. The character of 
 the French auxiliaries acquired fresh lustre on this 
 occasion. While at Aurangab^d, their discipline and 
 orderly conduct had commanded the respect of the 
 natives ; and they now established the superiority of the 
 viceroy over an enemy with whom he had seldom on 
 
 * Ghdzi-u-din's relation to the court of Delhi at this period makes the 
 issue of this patent improbable, but is not conclusive against its authen- 
 ticity. No such patent, however, is mentioned by any writer as among 
 the obstacles to Ghazi-u-din's investiture ; and no former patent was can- 
 celled at the time when the viceroyalty was actually conferred on him. 
 The native writers also inform us that Saldbat Jang received a patent in 
 3754, yet say nothing of one in 1751. We may therefore safely conclude 
 that this last was a forgery.
 
 December 
 A.D. 1751. 
 
 CONTINUAXCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 187 
 
 former occasions been able to contend. The Marattas chap. 
 
 VI. 
 
 were driven back to within twenty miles of Puna, and 
 
 were re luced to make overtures for peace. They were 
 relieved in consequence of the disorders of the vice- 
 roy's Indian trooj)s, by whicli he was compelled to com- 
 mence a retreat towards his own frontier. An invasion 
 of his territory of Berdr by Raguji Bosla occurring at 
 the same time, he was glad to conclude an armistice 
 with the Peshwa and return to his capital of Heider- 
 dbdd. During this period, the viceroy's government 
 was entirely in the hands of the French. M. Bussy 
 personally commanded the army, and controlled the 
 civil administration, through his agent Ragondt Dds. 
 The native princes are m general more tenacious of the 
 forms of power than of the substance ; yet Salabat Jang 
 did not hesitate to address M. Dupleix as his protector, 
 and to acknowledge that himself and his states were 
 entirely at his disposal. We cannot therefore be sur- 
 j)rised that, about the same time, the viceroy ceded a 
 territory round Masulipatam to the French and conferred 
 the government of the Carnatic on M. Dupleix and his 
 successors.^ 
 
 But the French system of government received a 
 serious shock from the death of Ivagomit Dds, who was 
 assassinated by a body of mutinous troops in April 1752. 
 In him Bussy lost an able adviser, and, what was of 
 greater consequence, he lost a safe and efficient instru- 
 ment through which to carry on the ostensible govern- 
 ment of the viceroy. He was provided with another 
 councillor, in whom he had even more confidence than 
 
 * These transactions took place between September 1751 and February 
 1752. See Sablbut Jang's letter in Dupleix, p. 233. It was probably 
 not intended by M. Dupleix to displace Chanda S;ihcb (who was yet 
 alive), but to let him retain his dignity under an appointment from the 
 French.
 
 188 KISE OF EKITISII I'UWEll IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, in the deceased. This was ITcider JaiiG^, a native of 
 vr • . • 
 
 ' MasuUpatam, of low origin, who had early entered into 
 
 the service of the French and learned their language. 
 His abilities attracted the notice of Dupleix, and his 
 judgment and fidelity, wliile with Bussy, had raised him 
 to great power and high honours. But to fill the part 
 of minister it was necessary to find a man of rank, who 
 should be able to regulate the mutinous army and em- 
 barrassed finances, and willing at the same time to be 
 entirely subservient to the French. 
 
 The predominance of a body of foreigners, and the 
 elevation of their upstart dependents, had unavoidably 
 proved disgusting to the nobility of the viceroy's 
 court, and was felt most by those who but for them 
 would have been at the head of the state. 
 
 The two most distinguished men of this class were 
 Shdh ^Aw{iz Khiin and Seiad Lashkar Khan (better 
 known m the Deckan by his title of Rokan-ud-dowlah). 
 Shah Nciwaz had been minister of Nasir Jang wliile go- 
 verning the Deckan as his father's deputy. He joined 
 the prince in his rebellion in 1741, and although his 
 life was spared after the victory of Asof Jtih he re- 
 mained for some years in disgrace. He employed that 
 period in writing a biography of the principal nobles of 
 the preceding age, which has contributed more than his 
 political transactions to preserve his reputation in India. 
 On the accession of Ndsir Jang, he became prime 
 minister to that prince ; and on his death he fled to a 
 hill fort in the Carnatic. He was pardoned and recon- 
 ciled to Mozaffer Jang through the intervention of M. 
 Dupleix, and probably expected to be restored to his 
 former power. Finding the whole administration com- 
 mitted to l\agon.4t Dds, he became discontented and 
 obtained permission to retire to Aurangdbdd, where he
 
 CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 189 
 
 became the head of a party opposed to the French, and chap. 
 
 was the principal mover of the intrigues in that city in [ 
 
 favour of Ghtizi-u-din. M. Bussy was too well aware of 
 his hostility to trust him «ath the office of prime 
 minister ; but thought it expedient to disarm his opposi- 
 tion by appointing him governor of the province of 
 Heiderabfid. Seiad Lashkar Khan had also held a high 
 office under Nasir Jang, and was no less inimical than 
 Shdh Nawdz to the French ascendancy : but he had con- 
 cealed his sentiments with more care, had always been 
 employed under Salabat Jang's government, and now 
 appeared to M. Bussy to be a suitable person to place at 
 the head of the administration. He was accordingly 
 made minister, and the French influence seemed as great 
 as ever. 
 
 M. Dupleix employed these distant successes, with 
 the greatest address, to the relief of his difficulties in the 
 Carnatic. He made a great parade of his appointment to 
 be nabolj of that province ; and gave it full effect among 
 the natives, by maintaining all the forms usual with their 
 own rulers.^ He wore rich native dresses, with the jewels 
 and other decorations appropriate to his rank ; he was 
 surrounded with flags and emblems of dignity peculiar 
 to the East, and in this form he held darbars like an 
 Indian prince, and obliged even the French themselves 
 to present nazars to him on their knees. He was 
 still more alive to the restoration of his military force. 
 The arrival of the annual fleet from France brought him 
 a strong reinforcement of Europeans, which he increased 
 by taking the sailors out of tlic sliips, and substituting 
 native mariners to navigate them ; and by liis indefati- 
 gable exertions, he was before long in a condition to 
 send a force into the field. Circumstances which could 
 
 6 See page 132.
 
 190 inSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, scarcely have been foreseen occurred at tins period to 
 ' ftivonr his views and to prevent his antagonists from 
 taking advantage of his misfortunes. 
 
 The surrender of M. Law and the death of Chanda 
 Saheb had left the English masters of the field, and de- 
 livered Mohammed Ali from his long-dreaded rival. 
 Major Lawrence imagined that he had nothing left to 
 do but to put the nabob in possession of the northern 
 part of his territory ; where, although the French still 
 possessed several places, there was none likely to give 
 any trouble except Jinji. But when he pressed the 
 nabob to put his own force and that of his allies in 
 motion, he found a backwardness on the nabob's part 
 for which he Avas unable to account. At length, to his 
 great astonishment, the Dalwai explained the mystery 
 by refusing to march until the nabob should have ful- 
 filled a promise made to him to deliver up Trichinopoly, 
 and all its dependencies down to Cape Comorin, to the 
 government of Mysore. 
 
 This it appeared was the price at which the assist- 
 ance of Mysore had been purchased, and it had been 
 ao^recd for in a solemn treaty, to the observance of which 
 Mohammed Ali had taken an oath. Li addition to 
 some frivolous objections to fulfilling this engagement 
 at all, the only eff"ect of whicli was to prove the nabob's 
 infidelity, he brought forward one argument which did 
 not seem void of reason. It was absurd, he said, to sup- 
 pose that he would purchase protection for a portion of 
 his dominions by the cession of the whole tract defended, 
 when by doing so he would dc})rive hhnself of the only 
 l)art that was actually in his possession ; and he pro- 
 posed that the raja should assist in reducing the rest of 
 his dominions, when he should be prepared faithfully 
 to pay the stipulated price of the aid afforded. The
 
 CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 191 
 
 English determined to take no part in the dispute unless chap. 
 actual violence was offered to the nabob. In that case 
 
 they seem to have thought their situation as auxiliaries 
 entitled them to interpose, without any strict inquiry 
 into the grounds of the quarrel ; and they were sensible 
 that by allowing the nabob to be deprived of the dis- 
 puted country, they would expose both themselves and 
 him to great dangers, and would lose all the advantages 
 for which they had so long been struggling. 
 
 If the difference had not been irreconcilable from 
 the first, it would soon have become so in the hands of 
 Morar Rao, That expert intriguer had contrived to 
 gain the confidence of both parties ; and, under the show 
 of mediating, he made each more obstinate in his pre- 
 tensions. He had some hopes that their disputes might 
 afford him an opening for once more getting the town 
 into his own possession, and he felt that the establish- 
 ment of peace would diminish his consequence and his 
 profit as a mercenary leader. At one time things 
 seemed so near an adjustment that Lawrence marched 
 to Uttatoor, expectins; the native princes to follow him ; '^""^,i^' 
 
 ' \ , o . ^ ' A.D. 1752. 
 
 but he was obliged to return in two days, by finding 
 that the Dalwdi refused to allow the nabob to move till 
 his claims were satisfied. After this an agreement took 
 place. The nabob was immediately to assign Seringham 
 and certain districts round it to Mysore, and was to 
 give Lip Trichinopoly at the end of two months ; 700 
 Mysore troops were to be admitted immediately into 
 the garrison. The Dalwai was to march along with 
 the rest of the combined army, and to alford liis aid iu 
 recovering the whole of the nabob's country. 
 
 These engagements were insincere on both sides, and 
 did not even deceive the opposite parties. The nabob 
 only wanted to gain time, and was determined not to
 
 192 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, give up Trichiiiopoly. The Dalwdi wished tlie Eno-lish 
 
 to march, being satisfied that if they were once gone, 
 
 lie would easily get possession of the city either by 
 force or fraud. To guard against this. Captain Dalton 
 was left in charo'e with a jxarrison of 200 Europeans 
 
 June 2S, ^ ^ ' 
 
 A.o. ]7o2. and 1,500 sepoys. Lawrence then set out with his 
 remaining troops ^ for Trivadi, a place about fifteen miles 
 from Fort St. David. 
 
 The Tanjorines and Poligars returned home. The 
 Mysoreans and Morar Rao remained on their old ground, 
 the Dalwfii making the best excuse he could for delay- 
 ing to fulfil his engagement. 
 
 It was Lawrence's plan to have employed his forces 
 in occupying the open country and levying the revenue, 
 but the Governor of Madras (to which place the Pre- 
 sidency had recently been transferred from Fort St. 
 David) was induced by the earnest persuasion of the 
 nabob to send a detachment to lay siege to Jinji, which 
 was held by a French garrison. The detachment, 
 though large in proportion to the English army, was 
 by no means sufficient for the attack of so strong a 
 fortress, and was compelled to retreat with little credit 
 
 A.D. 1752. before an inferior French force from Pondicherry. 
 Animated by this success, M. Dupleix fitted out a body 
 of 2,000 infantry and 500 horse, with which he 
 threatened Fort St. David. The English troops at 
 Trivadi moved to cover that place, and Lawrence, who 
 was then ill at Madras, hastened to join them by sea. 
 He was accompanied by one of two companies of Swiss 
 who had just arrived from Europe ; the other had l)een 
 previously despatched in open boats, under an impres- 
 sion that their acts as auxiliaries on shore would not 
 
 ' 500 Europeans, 2,500 Sepoys, and 2,000 wretched troops who still 
 adhered to the nabob.
 
 CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 193 
 
 disturb the peace between the French and English at chap. 
 sea, but M. Dupleix had no scruple in making them " 
 
 prisoners, and seems to have been justified by the cir- 
 cumstances. Lawrence's force was now superior to 
 that of the French, and they retreated within their own 
 boundary, where they were secured by the peace be- 
 tween the nations. But Lawrence, by ingenious man- 
 oeuvres, tempted them to come out and attack him at a 
 village called Baliiir, and the result was their total 
 defeat and the capture of their commander with 100 August 26 
 
 . -, AD. 1752. 
 
 Europeans and all their guns and stores. 
 
 The enemy being driven out of the field, Lawrence 
 proceeded to occupy the country immediately to the 
 north of Pondicherry, and as the French had garrisons 
 in Covelong and Chingliput, two strong forts still 
 further to the north, a detachment was prepared at 
 Madras for the purpose of reducing them. Clive, who 
 was about to leave India from severe illness, undertook 
 this diflicult command. His detachment was composed 
 of 200 Europeans and 500 sepoys, all raw recruits. 
 They repeatedly ran away when a fire was opened on 
 them, and Clive had the greatest difficulty in getting 
 them to put on the appearance of attacking the enemy. 
 But the French were disheartened or ill-commanded, 
 and, although they were reinforced by the indefatigable 
 Dupleix, some bold and skilful movements of Clive, 
 with the aid of such exertions as his personal example 
 could draw from his men, enabled him at length to 
 accomplish his arduous undertaking. After this bril- 
 liant operation Clive immediately embarked for Europe, 
 and about the same time Lawrence retired to Fort St. 
 David for the monsoon, while the nabob's troops broke October, 
 up and returned to their homes. 
 
 The north-east monsoon, Aviruli suspended all 
 
 o
 
 IDJt KISE OF BKlTIrill POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, operations in the Carnatic, did not extend to tlie Ligli 
 ' country of the Deckan, where military movements of 
 great magnitude and importance were at this moment 
 being carried on. Ghdzi-u-din had at length appeared 
 in person to claim his inheritance, and liad assembled 
 one of the lar»:est armies that had of late been seen in 
 that country. 
 
 The motives which led to his acquiescence in the 
 accession of Ndsir Jang ceased with that prmce's life. The 
 weakness of MozafFer Jang's title invited him to assert his 
 own, and the ascendancy of Safder Jang in the Mogul's 
 court had put an end to his views in remaining at the 
 capital. He therefore solicited the Emperor's nomina- 
 tion to the viceroyalty of the Deckan, and at the same 
 time entered on negotiations with the Pesliwa for the 
 purpose of obtaining his support. His promises, and 
 the hopes of profiting by the distractions of the Moguls, 
 led Balaji to give a ready ear to his proposals. He 
 wrote to the Emperor recommending the appointment 
 of Ghazi-u-din,^ and took the field in person on his 
 behalf, as has already been related. Ghazi-u-din's in- 
 vestiture did not go on so rapidly. His patent had 
 been made out soon after the death of Ndsir Jang, but 
 the ministers, though well pleased to remove a com- 
 petitor from court, were unwilling to issue so impor- 
 tant a document without deriving pecuniary advantages 
 from it,^ and Ghazi-u-din, if he possessed the means, 
 must have seen the folly of making any solid sacrifice 
 for so unsubstantial a favour. But at leno-th the court 
 
 o 
 
 of Delhi, being importuned for the subsidy of the 
 Maratta army which Safder Jang had called in for the 
 purpose of resisting an invasion by the Durrani Shah,^ 
 
 '^ Grant Duff, from Maratta MSS., ii. 44. 
 
 '■' Seir-ul-Mutakhertn, iii. 120, 123; Khezdneh-vl-Omra. 
 
 ' See ii. 039. Book xii. chap. 4.
 
 CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 195 
 
 consented to m-ant investiture to Ghazi-u-clm, provided chap. 
 
 . . VI. 
 
 he would deliver tbem from the presence of these ' 
 
 troublesome allies.'^ The Maratta chiefs (Holcar and 
 Sindia) had already received their instructions from the 
 Peshwa, and })rofessed their readiness to move with 
 Ghazi-u-din on the payment of a sum of money for 
 their present expenses. Ghiizi-u-din received his com- 
 mission, was formally invested on Raiab 3, and marched ^ay, 
 
 . "^ J ' ^jy 1752 
 
 from Delhi about two months after that ceremony.^ 
 
 He was acknowledged at Burhanpur by the vice- 
 roy's troops on that frontier. He was afterwards 
 joined by the Peshwa in person, and when he arrived 
 at Aurano-abad (on Zi Cada 20, 1165), his force was October, 
 
 AdI 7'')2 
 
 computed to amount to 150,000 men. He paid the 
 price of the Maratta succours by a cession of Candesh 
 and part of Berar to that nation.'* He appears to have 
 been prepared to offer terms to M. Dupleix, on condi- 
 tion of his withdrawing his assistance from Salabat 
 Jang,^ but his overtures must have been ill-received, 
 as he now granted a formal commission to Mohammed 
 Ali, appointmg him Nabob of the Carnatic.*^ 
 
 The contest between Ndsir Jang and Mozaffer Jang 
 seemed now about to be reacted, with different persons 
 and on a larger scale. Whether it would have led to 
 the defeat of the French party, as in the first stage of 
 that conflict, or to their success, as in the second, it is 
 not easy to say. The presence of the French troops 
 would in all probability have made up for the inferiority 
 of Salabat Jung's numbers, but the question was not 
 destined to be so decided. On Zi Haj 7, 1765, seventeen October, 
 
 A.D. 1752. 
 ■^ Scir-ul-Mntakherin, * Khezdneh-id-Omra^ 
 
 ' Grant Diift', iii. (il ; Khezdnch-ul-Omra. 
 ^ Orme, i. 277. 
 
 " Tlie coniiiiission is dated 7A Ciida 10, 1105, four days before his 
 arrival at Auraiigabad. A translation is given in Rous, Appendix I. p. 0.
 
 196 KIbE OF BIUTISII rOWEH IN INDIA. 
 
 cnAP. days after his entry into Anrangdbdd, Gh.4zi-u-din died 
 " suddenly : '' liis army dispersed, and Salabat Jang re- 
 mained the uncontested representative of Asof Jah. 
 Ghdzi-u-din left a son of the same name, but he was 
 acting as his father's deputy at Delhi ; he was deeply 
 involved in the politics of that court, and was soon 
 too much engaged in making and deposing emperors to 
 prosecute his claims on the Deckan. 
 
 The death of Ghdzi-u-din took place within a few 
 days of that on which Major Lawrence retired to his 
 winter quarters. Affairs at Trichinopoly were at that 
 time hastening to a crisis. 
 June 28, No sooncr were the nabob and the English gone 
 
 A.D. 1/52. ^Ymn the Dalwai began his machinations for gaining 
 possession of the city. He made repeated attempts 
 to corrupt the nabob's troops and the English sepoys, 
 and to procure the assassination of Dalton and the 
 nabob's brother, Kheir-u-din, who commanded on his 
 part. His conspiracies were all discovered, and, after 
 those concerned had repeatedly been pardoned, his two 
 last emissaries were condemned to be blown away from 
 guns. 
 
 In this last case he had written tempting promises 
 under his own seal, which were immediately brought to 
 Dalton by the native officer to whom they were ad- 
 dressed. A Neapolitan named Poverio was next assailed, 
 who, by concert with Dalton, affected to enter into the 
 proposed design. Dalton was to be murdered, the 
 French prisoners released, and the Dalwai admitted 
 into the town. Preparations were made for his recep- 
 
 ^ It is commonly believed that he was poisoned in a dish sent to him 
 according to the custom of India by the mother of Salabat Jang, his own 
 step-mother ; but imputations of tliis sort are so common that they de- 
 serve no attention unless supported by better proof than has been brought 
 forward in this instance.
 
 CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 107 
 
 tion which would have broiio'ht hiin to sio-nal punish- chap. 
 
 VI. 
 
 ment if the whole plan had not been frustrated by the [ 
 
 cowardice of Kheir-u-dm. 
 
 On hearmg of this atrocious project, Lawrence (as 
 he himself tells us in his memoirs) recommended that 
 advantage should be taken of the friendly interviews 
 with which the Dalwtii still endeavoured to throw 
 Dalton off his guard, and that he and Mor^r WAo should 
 be seized at one of those hypocritical ceremonies. The 
 Madras Government disapproved of the proposal, but 
 its occurring at all to so honest and downright an 
 Englishman shows the false notions then entertained 
 with respect to the right to retaliate on native princes 
 the want of faith they practised towards us. 
 
 At the end of the two stipulated months, the Dalwai ^^Jf^^^^jg 
 formally demanded possession of the city, though he 
 liad scarcely made a show of performing his part of the 
 engagement. Kheir-u-din replied by returning to him 
 his intercepted letters, and told him that he had for- 
 feited all claim to the cession, but should still be paid 
 the expenses he had incurred, though in fact employed 
 against a common enemy. The Dalwai at first affected 
 great indignation, but afterwards pretended to close 
 with the jiroposal, and brought a claim to the amount 
 of 8,500,000 rupees, a sum which he knew that it was 
 utterly impossible for the nabob to pay. 
 
 During this time he was carrying on a treaty with 
 M. Dupleix, and his negotiations, which had slackened 
 after the defeat of the French at Bahiir, became more 
 earnest as he lost the hope of getting possession of 
 Trichinopoly by his own contrivances. 
 
 He had drawn off his camp from the neighbour- 
 hood of the city to Scringham after the detection of 
 his intrigues with Poverio, and when he heard that
 
 198 
 
 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP 
 VI. 
 
 Decem- 
 ber 23, 
 A.D. 1752. 
 
 Lawrence had retired into winter quarters, lie began to 
 intercept the supplies of the garrison, and soon after 
 s^ovember gg^t Mordr Rao, under pretence of a quarrel with him- 
 
 ^.D. 1752. . , ' 1.1 11 1 . • 1 T 
 
 self, to jom the lirench with ail his troops, including a 
 detachment which had been sent to Lawrence after his 
 victory at Bahur. 
 
 The English Government, who had hitherto refused 
 all active interference between the nabob and the 
 Mysoreans, thought they were now justified in treating 
 the latter power as an enemy. By their order Dalton 
 made a night attack on the Dah^di's camp, and com- 
 pelled him to take refuge within the walls of the great 
 pagoda. He determined to drive him from this position 
 by a bombardment, and, preparatory to that operation, 
 he detached a large portion of his force to occupy a 
 defensible choultry within the island. They were 
 attacked next day by the Mysore army, and, a party 
 of the nabob's troops who had imprudently exposed 
 themselves, being routed by a body of 300 Rajpiits in 
 the Mysore service, the English detachment was seized 
 with a panic, abandoned the choultry, and were almost 
 entirely destroyed before they could recross the river. 
 Of seventy Europeans and 300 Sepoys, only fifteen 
 escaped unhurt : the ofiicers remained at their post 
 and were cut ofi" to a man. 
 
 After this Dalton had scarcely troops enough to 
 defend his garrison. He ordered out the 700 Mysoreans 
 who had hitherto been allowed to remain within the 
 place, and having restored the confidence of his men 
 by a successful sally, he remained entirely on the de- 
 fensive, while the Mysoreans kept up a strict blockade 
 around the town. 
 
 Up to this time Lawrence had remained in his 
 winter quarters at Fort St. David. In the beginning of 
 
 January, 
 A.D. 1753.
 
 CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. I'JO 
 
 the new year tlic French sent a detachment of 500 Euro- chap 
 
 . VI 
 
 peans, sixty dragoons, 2,000 sepoys, and 4,000 of Mordr 
 
 Kdo's horse, to the immediate neighbourhood of Trivadi, Januaiys, 
 whicli was lield l)y part of Lawrence's force. On this 
 the major marched to the same place, with 700 Euro- 
 peans, 2,000 sepoys, and 1,500 of the nabob's horse, 
 if such a rabble deserve to be counted. A partial action 
 took place, in consequence of an attack of the French, 
 on the village of Trivadi ; but Dupleix, whose object it 
 was to protract the war in the Carnatic, and make it 
 subservient to the siege of Trichinopoly, had sent orders 
 to avoid a general action, and the French, while they 
 secured their camp from attack by surrounding it with 
 strong works, availed themselves with such effect of 
 their great superiority in cavalry, that Lawrence had no 
 means of subsisting his troops except by marching his 
 whole force to Fort St. David and back whenever a 
 supply was required. These marches were always 
 harassing, and sometimes dangerous. After one of 
 them, to which the opposition was unusually serious, 
 Lawrence determined to bring things to a decision by 
 an attack on the French camp, but on arriving at a 
 distance from which it could be clearly seen, it was 
 found to be so regular a fortification, and so well 
 defended by ordnance, that any hope to carry it 
 by assault was vain, and Lawrence was constrained to 
 return to his own camp without having been able to Besyinning 
 strike a blow. f n^?-jC 
 
 A.D. 1 too. 
 
 Three months had elapsed in these discouraging- 
 labours, and Lawrence was deliberating on tlie removal 
 of his force to some point where it miglit be more 
 useful, when intelligence received from Trichinopoly at 
 once determined his movement and left him no choice April 20, 
 in what direction it should be made. ^'^' ^^^'^'
 
 VI 
 
 200 RISE or BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 cnAP. The Mysoreans liad so effectually succeeded, by 
 
 means of their numerous cavalry, in preventing the 
 entry of provisions into Trichinopoly that the resources 
 of the city were nearly exhausted. The shops were shut, 
 the inhabitants began to suffer famine, and the troops 
 were only maintained from the stores laid in against 
 such an emergency. In these circumstances Dalton 
 thought it necessary to examine the magazines, which 
 were reckoned to contain provisions for four months, 
 when to his dismay he discovered that, from the impru- 
 dence or corruption of the nabob's brother, the greater 
 part had been allowed to be sold, and that the stock 
 remaining was only sufficient for fifteen days, a period 
 too short to admit of the army at Trivadi marching 
 to his relief. 
 
 This news reached Lawrence at ten on the night 
 of April 20, and at daybreak he was in motion 
 for Trichinopoly, after leaving a strong garrison in 
 Trivadi. 
 
 As one great cause of the embarrassments of the 
 English was their want of cavalry, Lawrence took the 
 route of Tanjore in hopes of prevailing on the raja to 
 contribute a body of horse to the common cause, but 
 though received with great respect and overloaded with 
 promises, he did not succeed in getting the aid of a 
 single liorseman. 
 
 Not witli standing some spirited sallies of Captain 
 Dalton's, the blockade of Trichinopoly was strictly main- 
 tained till May 6, when Lawrence entered the place. 
 His +roops had suffered severely from the violence of 
 the hot winds on their march. Several died, others were 
 sent back sick to Fort St. David, many (especially of 
 the Swiss) deserted, and 100 men were sent into hospi- 
 tal as soon as they arrived at Trichinopoly. The force
 
 CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 201 
 
 disposable for the field, including sncli portion as CHAr. 
 
 could be spared of the garrison, amounted to no more 
 
 than 500 Europeans and 2,000 sepoys, with the nomi- 
 nal aid of 3,000 of the nabob's ill-paid and mutinous 
 horse. 
 
 A French detachment of 200 Europeans and 500 
 sepoys, sent by Dupleix, under M. Astruc, joined the 
 Mysore army on the same day. Lawrence determined 
 to take advantage of his superiority in regular troops 
 while it lasted, and marched, three days after his 
 arrival, intending to bombard the pagoda of Serin- 
 gham. The nabob's troops to a man refused to ac- 
 company him. The Mysoreans fled when the English 
 crossed the Cdveri, but a gallant charge of the Riijpiits 
 gave time for M. Astruc to come up, and his able dis- 
 position of his small force effectually checked the 
 English, and compelled them to give up their attack 
 after twenty hours of marching and cannonade, and the 
 loss of two officers killed and three wounded. The 
 hope of any decisive success bemg thus frustrated, 
 Lawrence applied himself to collecting provisions for 
 the garrison, but in this he failed from the lukewarm- 
 ness of the Ejija of Tanjore and Tondiman, from whose 
 countries his supplies were to be drawn. The raja's 
 minister was bribed by the enemy, and Tondiman, 
 though a faithful friend, was apprehensive that if 
 Trichinopoly were rendered secure, the army to which 
 he looked for protection would be withdrawn to 
 some other service. Thus, at the end of five weeks, 
 Lawrence had been able to obtain no more provisions 
 than were required to maintain his troops from day to 
 day. 
 
 Tlie French at Trivadi lost no time in })rofiting by 
 the removal of Lawrence to Trichinopoly. They forth-
 
 202 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, witli attacked the fort, which they took, after several 
 
 faihires, and sent the survivors of the garrison 
 
 prisoners to Pondicherry. The whole of the northern 
 part of the Carnatic was at this time a scene of 
 confusion, filled with freebooters acting in the name of 
 one or other of the parties, and sometimes in their own. 
 Mohammed Ali's present rival was Mortezza Ali of 
 Yellor. M, Dupleix had at first named Chanda 
 SAheb's son, Rezza Sdheb, to succeed his father as 
 subordinate nabob. He found him of little use, and 
 as, after spending 140,000/. of his private fortune on 
 the service of the state, he was at a loss for money to 
 carry on the war, he removed Rezza Sdheb, and offered 
 the nabobship to Mortezza, whose reputed wealth 
 promised to supply the deficiency. Mortezza Ali 
 accepted the office, and paid 50,000/. on receiving in- 
 vestiture, but finding that he would be expected to 
 continue pecuniary su2:)plies, and even to take the field 
 in person, he became entirely disgusted with his eleva- 
 tion, and was glad to be allowed to return to Vell(')r. 
 The present success of the French, however, so raised 
 his spirits, that he issued from his fort with fifty 
 Europeans, 2,000 sepoys, and his own irregular force, 
 defeated the nabob's troops at Arcot, destroyed the 
 English garrison of fifty Europeans and 200 sepoys, 
 and took possession of that capital and the surrounding 
 country. So much was he encouraged by this success 
 that he laid siege to Trinomalie, a place of importance 
 between Arcot and Trichinopoly, and at a considerable 
 distance from his retreat of Vellor. Mordr R^o joined 
 him in this undertaking with part of his horse, but 
 3,000 of the number, under Eunas Khdn, marched with 
 a detacliment of Europeans and sepoys sent by Dupleix 
 to Trichinopoly.
 
 CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 203 
 
 After this reinforcement tlie allies outnumbered chap. 
 
 Lawrence beyond all proportion, and of his small body 
 
 700 sepoys were detached into Tondiman's country to 
 collect and escort supplies.^ 
 
 With this superiority they forced Lawrence to fall 
 back to the neighbourhood of the town, and took up 
 ground near him in such a manner as to stop the 
 supplies from the southward, and cut off all communi- 
 cation with the 700 detached sepoys. The fall of 
 Trichinopoly seemed to be inevitable. The most san- 
 guine of its defenders began to lose hope, the rest sunk 
 into despondency, and a strong spirit of desertion arose 
 among the men. 
 
 To increase the difficulties of the English army, 
 M. Astruc determined to seize on a small rock situated be- 
 tween his camp and that of the enemy. Lawrence, aware 
 of the importance of this rock (the loss of which would 
 have rendered his position untenable), had stationed 
 200 sepoys to defend it, and moved out in person when 
 he perceived that it was threatened. He was oblic^ed J""© 2g, 
 
 ^ A.D. 1753. 
 
 to leave 100 Europeans to defend his camp, and most 
 of his sepoys were in the city endeavouring to procure 
 food ; his whole force therefore only amounted to 380 
 Europeans and 500 sepoys. 
 
 8 The allies had : 
 
 Europeans ..... 450 
 
 French sepoys .... 1,500 
 
 Monir Rao's horse . . . 3,000 
 
 Rd.jput horse .... 500 
 
 Mysore regulars .... 1,200 
 
 Mysore irregular infantry . . 15,000 
 
 Mysore cavalry .... 8,000 
 Lawrence had : 
 
 Europeans ..... 500 
 
 Sepoys (including the 700 detached) 2,000 
 
 He had also 100 of the nabob's hoi'se, the rest pereniptoi'ily refusing 
 to move from under the walls.
 
 204 HISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. The extremity of their danger roused the spirit of 
 
 " this little band, and made them willing to run any 
 risk in the field rather than allow themselves to be 
 worn out by famine. Their first efforts, however, were 
 of no avail. Their approach stimulated the exertions 
 of the French, and before they had got more than half 
 way to the post, the 200 sepoys were killed or made 
 prisoners, and the French colours were flying on the 
 top of the rock. They were now in the open plain, in 
 presence of the whole French force ; the IMysoreans 
 were drawn up within cannon shot, and the Marattas 
 were already skirmishing on their flanks. Retreat 
 seemed hopeless, and, in a hasty consultation which 
 Lawrence held with his oflicers, they declared with one 
 voice in favour of a gallant push against the enemy. 
 The order was given to the troops, who received it 
 Avith three huzzas. The grenadiers advanced at a rapid 
 ])ace, and ran np the rock without a pause, driving 
 their startled enemies before them, and followed by 
 some of the most active of the sepoys. On reaching 
 the summit, they saw the French line beneath them 
 within the distance of a pistol shot. They immediately 
 opened a hot fire, and the advance of Lawrence, who 
 wheeled round the rock on the left of the French, 
 compelled M. Astruc to change front to oppose him. 
 This movement brought the right flank of the French 
 immediately under the fire of the troops on the rock, 
 and by the time it was accomplished, they saw the 
 lllnglish opposite, at the distance of twenty yards. The 
 French were astonished at this daring attack on them 
 by such a handful of men, in the midst of the hosts of 
 their allies. Lawrence left them no time to recover their 
 presence of mind, and the vivacity of his fire on their 
 fi'ont, with that on their flank from the hill, threw them
 
 CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAX. 205 
 
 into irrecoverable confusion, and tliev fled with the ut- chap. 
 
 ... -^ VI. 
 
 most precipitation. 
 
 Tliey were saved from destruction by the gallantry 
 of the Maratta horse, who threw themselves between 
 the fugitives and pursuers, and charged the latter with 
 a vigour that compelled them to look to their own 
 defence. 
 
 Balappa, the brother-in-law of Mordr Rao, fell in 
 fighting hand to hand with the grenadiers, and the rest 
 retreated, but not till they had secured the safety of 
 their allies. The body of Balappa was afterwards sent 
 to his friends in Lawrence's own palankeen, a mark of 
 sympathy which was gratefully received. 
 
 This exploit (perhaps the most brilliant in the 
 whole contest between the French and English), could 
 alone have averted the reduction of Trichinopoly. The 
 700 sepoys from the south were enabled to join, and 
 brought m provisions for fifty days' consumption. To 
 husband this supply, Lawrence withdrew his field 
 force to Tanjore, at which time all the nabob's cavalry 
 except fifty men went over to the enemy. At Tanjore 
 he was joined by 170 Europeans and 300 sepoys, with 
 a convoy of several thousand loaded bullocks from Fort 
 St. David. He also j^revalled on tlie Raja of Tanjore to 
 send 3,000 horse and 2,000 matchlockmen along with 
 him to Trichinopoly, 
 
 He was greatly embarrassed by his convoy, and Anofnst 7, 
 received no support from his ncAV allies, but by a tactical 
 skill which might have guided the largest army, he 
 frustrated all attempts to stop his progress, and, after a 
 wdiole day of manoeuvres and partial actions, he brouglit 
 his charge undiminished into the toAvn. 
 
 But he had S( on the mortification to find that the 
 object of so iiiucli care was in fact of little value. The
 
 AugiLst 23, 
 A.D 
 
 200 KISE 01-" BUITISII rOWEK IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, provision of the grain was necessarily under the nabob's 
 ' officers, who purloined the purchase-money, and allowed 
 their followers to load with their own trumpery the 
 bullocks which were supposed to carry this important 
 supply. The whole actually produced amounted to but 
 ten days' stock. 
 
 The old difficulties were now to be encountered 
 anew, and while Lawrence was occupied in dislodging 
 the Mysoreans from a post which gave them the com- 
 mand of one road into the town, he was surprised by the 
 '1753!' arrival of a body of French troops equal to the whole of 
 his own detachment.^ 
 
 This reinforcement was received by its own party 
 with every display of rejoicing. Lawrence was again 
 reduced to the defensive, and his utmost skill and care 
 were called forth in contriving the means of passing 
 escorts with provisions through the enemy's posts, and 
 above all in protecting the entrance of a reinforcement 
 sent from Madras.^ Its arrival left him still greatly 
 inferior in force to the enemy, but he had no further 
 assistance to expect, and was reduced to three days' 
 grain, with a still greater scarcity of fuel and every 
 other necessary. He therefore determined to bring on 
 Scptera- ^ o-eneral action. He first drew up his line in the plain 
 
 ber 20, ^ ■'■ , ^ 
 
 A.D. 1753. and offered battle. When the French refused this chal- 
 lenge, he resolved to attack them in their position, which 
 they had already strengthened, and were still continuing 
 to improve. 
 
 The Marattas were on the right of the enemy's 
 camp, then the French, and the Mysoreans on the left 
 of all. The right of the camp was entrenched, and 
 
 '•* It consisted of 400 Europeana lately arrived from Mauritius, 2,000 
 sepoys, and 3,000 of Morar Rao's liorse, with many matchlockmen under 
 his own command. 
 
 ' 237 Europeans and 300 sepoys.
 
 VI. 
 
 CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 207 
 
 thongli the fortification was incomplete on the left, that chap 
 ilank was defended by a strong hill called the Golden 
 llock garrisoned by 100 Frenchmen and 800 sepoys. 
 The success of this desperate enterprise depended on 
 its secrecy, and Lawrence disguised his intention so 
 well that he took up ground not far from the French 
 left without exciting any apprehension. At four in 
 the morning he commenced his march in dead silence. 
 xVs he drew near the Golden Rock, the moon, which 
 till then had shone brightly, was suddenly obscured by 
 a cloud, so that the English got within pistol shot of 
 the rock before they were discovered. They mounted 
 it in three places at once, and so complete was the sur- 
 prise, that the enemy ran off without even discharging 
 their field pieces, which were found loaded with grape- 
 shot. Lawrence now formed his line, and at the same 
 time sent the Tanjorine troops to make a show of 
 attacking the French entrenchment in front. The 
 English soldiers received the order to advance with 
 loud huzzas, the drums struck up the Grenadier's march, 
 and the sepoys sounded all their instruments of mili- 
 tary music. This completed the rout of the Myso- 
 reans, among whom the fugitives from the hill had 
 already spread terror ; all crowded back on the Frencli, 
 communicating their fears and increasing the general 
 disorder. Finding his entrenchment no longer of any 
 use, M. Astruc changed his front towards his former 
 left and prepared for the attack, but his troops were 
 too unsteady to fulfil his expectations ; they were soon 
 put to flight, and the battle irretrievably lost. Eleven 
 guns were taken. M. Astruc himself with nine oflicers 
 and near 100 soldiers were made prisoners, and about 
 an equal number were killed. Eiglity-five more Euroj)ean 
 fugitives were picked up straggling in the country,
 
 208 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, forty English soldiers were killed, Lawrence himself was 
 ' slightly wounded, and Caj^tain Kilpatrick desperately. 
 After that the French and their allies withdrew into 
 the island, and provisions poured into the English 
 camp in the utmost abundance. Six months' supply 
 was laid up for the garrison, and Ualton, seeing all 
 immediate danger at an end, gave up his command 
 and went away to Europe. Soon after, Lawrence went 
 into quarters for the monsoon at Coiladi ; and the 
 
 9^^°^~ Tanjorines set out for their own country. They pro- 
 
 A.D. 1753. mised to return at the end of the rains, but the r^ija 
 relapsed into his system of inaction, and before long 
 was led by the influence of Sacca Ram, who had been 
 gained by M. Dupleix, to displace Manikji, his general 
 (who was a partisan of the English) and to enter into 
 negotiations for an alliance with the French. 
 
 While these events were passing in the south, 
 Mohammed All's affairs were as prosperous in the 
 other part of the Carnatic. The siege of Trinomali was 
 raised by a detachment from Arcot, and Mohammed 
 Kemdl, a powerful freebooter who had seized on the 
 rich pagoda of Tripeti and appropriated the large 
 revenue derived from the pilgrims, was defeated and put 
 to death. 
 
 But M. Dupleix was not a man to be cast down 
 by ill- success. He set to without delay to repair the 
 misfortune at Trichinopoly, and, by entrusting the 
 defence of Pondicherry to the inhabitants, and sendmg 
 every regular soldier into the field, he contrived, before 
 the monsoon was half over, to reinforce the troops at 
 
 Beginning Scriiigham with oOO Em-opeans, 200 native Christians, 
 
 vembcr 1,000 scpoys, and some cannon. 
 
 A.D. 1753. "Yhe arrival of this detachment did not disturb the 
 
 previous inaction, and both sides lived in as much
 
 CONTINUANCE OF THE STKUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 209 
 
 tranquillity as if they had concluded a regular suspen- chap. 
 sion of arms. 
 
 But the French were at that time projecting no less 
 an enterprise than the storm of Trichinopoly. They 
 had some months before sent a spy into the town, who 
 was detected, but encouraged to hope for pardon if he 
 would write such a report as would lead his employers 
 to attack a particularly strong part of the works, where 
 the garrison was for some nights kept ready to receive 
 them. They never came ; the spy was suspected of 
 collusion. Lawrence, who had been absent during the 
 previous transactions, ordered him to be hanged, and 
 the affiair was ere long forgotten. But the spy had not 
 been guilty of this second deception, and it was against 
 the place pointed out by him that the present attack 
 was directed. It was an old gateway which projected 
 from the outer wall into the ditch and communicated 
 with the entrance in the inner rampart by a winding 
 passage between high walls. The outer gate had been 
 built up, and a battery was constructed on the terrace 
 over it. The inner rampart overlooked the gateway 
 and commanded the battery. Eight hundred Europeans Novem- 
 and a large body of sepoys marched on this attack. ^^^"^-53 
 They took advantage of a very dark night, and com- 
 pletely surprised the garrison. They crossed the ditch 
 (which at this point was fordable), escaladed the gate- 
 "svay, put the guard m the battery to the bayonet, and 
 drawing up their ladders, proceeded to apply them to 
 the inner rampart ; while another party carried two 
 petards through the winding passage to blow open the 
 inner gate. At this juncture an accidental noise gave 
 the ahu-m to some of the English troops, and the 
 French, finding they were discovered, turned the guns 
 of the battery on the town, and commenced an open
 
 210 RISE OF UlUTISII roWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAF. attack with loud shouts of ' Vive le Roi ! ' Captain 
 vi 
 ' Kilpatrick, who comniaiidcd the town, lay wounded in 
 
 his bed, but he issued his orders with promptitude and 
 judgment. Lieutenant Harrison, whom he sent to the 
 point attacked, behaved with equal coolness. The French 
 were dislodged from the inner rampart, their ladders 
 were thrown down and broken, and they were forced to 
 take refuge in the battery, where they remained exposed 
 to the fire of the garrison, unable to retreat from the 
 loss of their ladders, and only protected by the extreme 
 darkness of the night. At the same time Harrison, with 
 a wise precaution, ordered a fire to be kept up on the pas- 
 sage, though no sign of an enemy was discovered in that 
 direction. This fire killed the men carrying the petards 
 and dispersed the party, so that this most dangerous 
 part of the attack was frustrated before it was perceived. 
 
 Nearly 100 of the French threw themselves from 
 the gateway, and were all either killed or disabled ; the 
 rest sheltered themselves as they could till daybreak, 
 when they threw down their arms and surrendered. 
 360 Europeans (including the wounded) were made 
 prisoners, 37 were found dead, so that near 500 of the 
 French were either taken, killed, or disabled, and those 
 alone who had remained in reserve beyond the ditch 
 returned uninjured to the island. 
 
 So great was the impression made by this misfor- 
 tune that the Rdja of Tanjore broke ofi^ a negotiation 
 which he had nearly finished with the French, and 
 even ordered 1,500 horse to join the English ; but he 
 was speedily obliged to withdraw them by an incursion 
 made into his country by Morar Rao, who took that way 
 of punishing his tergiversation. 
 
 About the same time a French detachment from 
 Pondicherry failed in an attempt to besiege Palamcota.
 
 THE LOCAL TEUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 2J I 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Affairs of HeideraMd — Difficiilties of Bussy's position — His vigorous 
 measures — Important cessions of territory to the French— Negotia- 
 tions between the French and English — State of the Mogul Empire 
 — Operations before Tricliinopoly — Opinion in France on the war in 
 India — Negotiations with England for peace — Supersession of Dupleix 
 — Suspension of hostilities — Character of Dupleix — His treatment on 
 his return to France— Terms of the treaty — English invasion of Madura 
 and Tinivelly — Operations of the English fleet against pirates on the 
 Malabar coast — Differences arising in carrying out the truce — Bussy's 
 operations in the Northern cessions — His invasion of Mysore — Attacks 
 the Rdjaof Savanore — His successes — Intrigues at Heiderabad — Dis- 
 missal of the French and their retreat — Bussy occupies Heidei'ilbad — 
 March of reinforcements from Pondicherry — Their conflicts with the 
 enemy and entry into Heiderabad — Triumph of Bussy — Alarming 
 news from the English settlements in Bengal — Account of the rise 
 of the Sepoy force — Improvement in the Company's troops — On the 
 manners of the French and English in India — Note on the titles of 
 the native i:»rinces. 
 
 During the period occupied by tlie transactions at chap. 
 Tricliinopoly, important events bad taken place in the ^^^• 
 Deckan. 
 
 The death of Ghazi-u-dm did not put an end to 
 the war with the Marattas. They no lon^^er disputed 
 Salabat Jang's title, but they insisted on his confirming 
 the cessions made to them by his elder brother. After 
 some time their demands were agreed to, and a peace 
 was concluded at Bidr, by the intervention of M. Bussy, -^i^xaic of 
 who treated with the P6shwa lUilaji Rao in person. Novcu^ber 
 Ragnji Bosla pretended to accede to this treaty, and 
 promised to withdraw to his own territory, but as soon 
 as the Peshwa was gone, he returned ;uid renewed his 
 ravages in the country about Culberga. Tliough he
 
 212 KISE OF BKITISII TOWER IN IN])IA. 
 
 CHAP, endeavoured to avoid tlie French, he found his desiofns 
 VII ... ^ 
 
 ' frustrated by their activity, and was glad to make 
 
 peace in earnest and to evacuate the territories which 
 he had taken from the viceroy. In the last battle, 
 which decided this contest, M. Bussy headed the 
 Nizam's cavalry. His services during these wars with 
 the Marattas were compensated by a fictitious grant of 
 a high honour from Delhi, and, as it was usual to allot 
 lands for the purpose of maintaining such dignities, 
 M. Bussy took the opportunity of procuring a grant of 
 Condavh' on this pretence, and disinterestedly made it 
 over to his nation. Condavir is a very extensive 
 district on the right bank of the Kishna, near the mouth. 
 It is at no great distance from Masulipatam, and M. 
 Dupleix had been very anxious to obtain it, even as a 
 farm. 
 
 It was M. Bussy 's wish to have carried the viceroy 
 to the Carnatic, where his presence would have restored 
 the French affairs, then at rather a low ebb. He had 
 advanced as far as Culberga with this intention, when 
 Decern- a ujutiny of the viceroy's troops, and the embarrassed 
 A.D.lzpS. state of his finances, obliged him to give up the design. 
 M. Bussy's situation indeed was materially altered 
 since the death of Ragonat Das. That minister, from a 
 wish to please, or from a temper really sanguine, had 
 buoyed him up with a notion of the mexhaustible re- 
 sources of the viceroy ; but no sooner was Seiad Lashkar 
 Khan raised to power, than he disclosed to Bussy the 
 true state of the finances, impoverished by the plunder of 
 treasures and devastation of provinces during so many 
 revolutions, and since weighed down by the expense 
 of armies and subsidies. These real difiiculties were 
 increased by the artifices of the new minister, who threw 
 every possible obstruction in the way of finding funds
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 213 
 
 for the French, and hoped that by wearing them ont in chap. 
 
 that way, he woiihl induce them to withdraw their 
 
 troops. M. Bussy indeed seems seriously to have 
 considered such a measure, and before marching from 
 Culberga he held a council of his officers on the 
 subject. He set before them on one hand the certain 
 failure of their pay, and possibility of their not being 
 able to procure supplies, and on the other, tlie loss of 
 all the advantages they had gained, if they were to 
 withdraw from the service. The officers decided that 
 the honour of the nation required them to remain. On 
 this Bussy gave his whole attention to securing a fund 
 for his expenses, and proposed that the four Sircdrs, or 
 districts contiguous to Condaviron the north, should be 
 given up to tlie French, to be administered by their 
 officers, under the management of the Government of 
 Pondicherry. But the time was past when he had 
 only to speak his will. The minister made difficulties 
 and mterposed delays, until M. Bussy was taken so ill 
 that he was under the necessity of retiring to the sea- 
 coast. It was then that the full value of his ser- 
 vices became manifest. He had maintained discipline 
 among his troops ; he had preserved them from want 
 by private loans ; he had kept on terms of friendship 
 and equality with the great men of the court ; and 
 had so completely gained the viceroy's confidence as 
 partially to reconcile him to the state of pupiLage in 
 which he was kept, and fully to convince him that 
 neither his power nor his person would be safe if he 
 had not the French to protect him against foreign and 
 domestic enemies. 
 
 No sooner was he gone than the general dislike to 
 the French broke out. Their own troops, no longer 
 restrained by so vigorous a hand, l)egan to clamour and
 
 214 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 ciTAF. desert, and were only kept within bounds by the 
 ' firmness and zeal of their officers, who contributed 
 from their own funds to relieve their immediate wants. 
 Seiad Lashkar Khan inspired the viceroy with a 
 sense of his dependence, and began to take direct 
 measures for effecting his emancipation. The presence 
 of the French troops made this a dangerous task, but an 
 ino'enious contrivance of Seiad Lashkar Khdn's delivered 
 him from this embarrassment. After brino-ing; the 
 pressure of their pecuniary difficulties to the highest 
 23itch, he proposed to give assignments on particular 
 districts to the French, and authorised them to go 
 themselves and enforce the collections. This proposal 
 had every appearance of sincerity, and was agreeable 
 to the officers, who saw a good chance of private 
 advantage from a share in the administration of the 
 revenue. In pursuance of this arrangement, the 
 French troops were scattered about the country, only a 
 small body remaining at Heiderabad with M. Goupil, 
 the commanding officer. To remove him still further 
 from the French, Seiad Lashkar suggested that the 
 viceroy should find a pretext for a journey to 
 Aurangdbdd, and should take only a small detachment 
 of French troops as a body-guard. M. Goupil, who 
 thought his own place was with the main body, allowed 
 the guard to go under an officer of inferior rank, and 
 made no provision for the political duties so much 
 called for at the court. Seiad Lashkar, set free from 
 restraint, pushed on his plans with greater boldness 
 than before. He had always been much connected 
 with the Marattas, and about this time he entered on a 
 correspondence with the English, whom he hoped to 
 make use of against their common enemy. ^ 
 
 ' Dupleix, 91 and 94. M. Dupleix is not a safe authority, but the 
 
 story is probable in itself.
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 215 
 
 M. Dupleix saw all these proceedings with well- chap. 
 
 grounded alarm, and perceived that the only remedy 
 lay in the return of ]3iissy. That officer was slowly 
 recovering his health at Masulipatam, but had made up 
 his mind to retire from the service. He had long seen 
 the insecurity of the French power in the Deckan, and 
 the little hope of assistance from the Carnatic, where 
 the whole resources of the nation were swallowed up by 
 the local war. He, from the first, recommended peace 
 with jMohammed Ali and the English, and afterwards 
 began to perceive that even such a relief would be insuffi- 
 cient, that the Mogul power was gomg rapidly to decay, 
 and, instead of affording any strength to its allies, would 
 require all their exertions to uphold it against the 
 Marattas. In addition to the discouragement occasioned 
 by these reflections, it is probable that he also felt the 
 danger of acting under M. Dupleix, who was in the 
 habit of exacting impossibilities from his officers, and 
 throwing the blame of any failure of his schemes on 
 their want of energy in carrying his orders into effect.^ 
 Dupleix strained every nerve to induce him to change 
 his resolution. He declared that the talents of M. 
 Bussy alone could retrieve the ascendancy of his nation ; 
 gave him full powers to conduct the affairs of the 
 Deckan at his discretion ; authorised him to contract 
 loans on the Company's behalf ; and promised him 
 further assistance from Pondicherry. To his own 
 entreaties he joined the influence of a common friend 
 whom he sent on purpose from l*ondicherry, and 
 added the weight of his authority, by expressly 
 ordering Bussy to return, and charging him with the 
 responsibility of any consequences that might result 
 from his disobedience. Bussy likewise received an 
 
 * See Bussy'a letter to Dupleix in his 3Ienwire, 37. 
 
 VII.
 
 216 T5TSE (^F BKITISII POWEK IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, address signed by the principal officers of his own force, 
 ^^^' remonstrating against his purpose of leaving them, 
 
 and earnestly entreating his return. Led by all these 
 considerations, Bussy determined to set out, though 
 but imperfectly recovered, and ordered his troops 
 to concentrate at Heideraljad, where he meant to join 
 them. Before his departure he wrote to Dupleix, 
 settinoc forth the difficulties of his situation, and 
 explicitly declaring that, unless he had the means of 
 paying his troops, he would assuredly withdraw them 
 •^"°^,^?' from the country. He reached Heiderabad on June 
 
 A.D. l75o. •' . /» 1 
 
 20. lie assembled his army at that city, but found 
 it nearly ninety thousand pounds in arrears, the 
 sepoys in a state bordering on mutiny, and the 
 governor of Heiderabad hostile, and disposed as far as 
 possible to withhold supplies. It was also the rainy 
 season, when it was impossible to move to Aurangdbad. 
 He contrived, however, to borrow money for the pay- 
 ment of part of the arrears, and forced the governor 
 to find subsistence for his force during the time that it 
 remained at Heiderdbad ; even with these aids, he still 
 found it difficult to appease the dissatisfaction of his 
 troops or to prevent their burstmg into open tumult 
 and violence. 
 
 In November he marched for Aurangabsid, where 
 his appearance was sufficient to overawe all his enemies. 
 He halted at some distance from the town, and several 
 days were spent in negotiations before he made his 
 entry. Seiad Lashkar's first thought was to fly to a 
 hill fort, but on consideration he resolved on un- 
 qualified submission, and sent the seals of his office to 
 M. Bussy as an acknowledgment that his power de- 
 pended on the pleasure of that commander. In these 
 circumstances the parties soon came to terms, and about
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 217 
 
 the end of November, BusRy made his entry in great chap. 
 
 pomp, and was met before he reached the walls by the . 
 
 viceroy and all his court, with every mark of respect 
 and honour. On the same day he had a private inter- 
 view with Seiad Lashkar Khan, at which it was agreed 
 that the four provinces near Masulipatam should be 
 assigned to the French as a fund for their pay ; that 
 the protection of the viceroy's person should be en- 
 trusted to the French troops ; that the viceroy should 
 in no respect interfere with the government of the 
 Carnatic ; and that all other affairs should be carried on 
 with M. Bussy's concurrence. On these conditions 
 M. Russy engaged to support Seiad Lashkar Khdn in 
 his office of Diwdn. This agreement was solemnly 
 sworn to by the parties on the Bible and the Korean. 
 It is not improbable that Seiad Lashkar continued his 
 secret opposition, but all that is certain is, that he 
 was removed by Bussy almost immediately after this 
 agreement,'^ and that Shah Nawaz Khan was appointed 
 his successor. M. Bussy hoped that this statesman had 
 learned from experience the necessity of uniting with 
 the French, and, after he had made some other changes 
 in the court, he fancied that he had left none near the December, 
 
 , . ^ , . A.D. 1753. 
 
 viceroy but partisans oi that nation. 
 
 The provinces ceded, together with those before 
 possessed by the French (now comprehended under the 
 name of the Northern Sircars), extend from the 
 Carnatic to the district of Cattac in Orissa. Tlieir 
 length is about 450 miles, and their breadth from fifty to 
 eighty. Their situation made them very convenient to 
 a European power, as they lay along the sea-coast, 
 
 " Bussy (41) boasts in plain terms of having removed the partisans 
 of the enemy, and replaced them with friends of France ; but Dupleix 
 (99) speaks of Seiad Lashkar's retirement as voluntary and unaccount- 
 able.
 
 December, 
 A.D. 1753. 
 
 218 IIISE OF BUITISII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, and were protected from the interior by woods and 
 vir. . '■ '' 
 mountains. 
 
 They are rich in natural productions and manufac- 
 tures, and contain about three millions of inhabitants. 
 The annual revenue was estimated at 535,000/. It 
 yielded while held by the French about 600,000/., and 
 now amounts to upwards of 800,000/. 
 
 During all M. Bussy's successes, he had recom- 
 mended to M. Dupleix to make peace with the English, 
 and such had long been the wish of the Company and 
 Ministers in France. M. Dupleix had been induced, 
 about the middle of 1753, to open a correspondence 
 with Mr. Saunders. The negotiation went on very 
 slowly, and it was not till the end of the year that it 
 was agreed that commissioners from each party should 
 meet at Sadrds, between Pondicherry and Madras, to 
 settle the terms of a treaty. 
 
 It was obvious at the commencement of this nego- 
 tiation that it would lead to no adjustment, the 
 English insisting that Mohammed Ali should be ac- 
 knowledged as Nabob of the Carnatic, and the French 
 that Sahibat Jang should be left without restraint to 
 dispose of that province as he pleased. Nevertheless, 
 the commissioners entered into an examination of the 
 royal patents on which each party founded its claim, 
 and affected to regard the whole question as turning on 
 the titles of those princes.'* After the production of 
 various documents, and several references to the respec- 
 tive Presidencies, the conferences broke up without 
 having advanced a single step. The real difficulty in 
 the way of an agreement was never avowed nor dis- 
 cussed. It was that, if the French acknowledged 
 Mohammed Ali, even under an appointment from 
 
 ■* [See note at the end of this chapter. — Ed.]
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 219 
 
 Salc4bat Jano', his connection with the Eno-lish would chap. 
 
 . . . VII. 
 
 give to that nation a decided preponderance in the Car- ' 
 
 natic ; and on tlic other hand, if Sahlbat Jang were left 
 to appoint a nabob at his own discretion, he would con- 
 firm his appointment of M, Dupleix, or keep the French 
 in possession under some other form. 
 
 The justice of the proceedings of the European 
 nations depended but little on the rights of the native 
 princes ; which in fact had assumed no definite form 
 since the dissolution of the empire. The real cjuestion 
 was, which of the two compelled the other to embark in 
 these quarrels. The first interference was made by M. 
 Dupleix, but he justified it on the ground that if he 
 had not seized the opportunity, the English would have 
 anticipated him. Their support of a claimant to Tan- 
 jore gave some foundation to the assertion, but that 
 enterprise was on a small scale, and for a small object. 
 It was unlikely, from the timid and unwarlike character 
 of the English Government in India, that they would 
 ever aggrandise themselves to such an extent as to be 
 dangerous to the French. Had the latter nation left 
 Nasir Jang and Anwar-u-din undisturbed, there is no 
 reason to think that those rulers would ever have called 
 in the English ; and it would have depended on some 
 remote contingency whether that people ever took part 
 in the politics of the peninsula. 
 
 The first interference therefore may be charged on 
 the French. But it need lay no great burden on the 
 conscience of either nation. They overthrew no estab- 
 lished government, and disturbed no tranquil popula- 
 tion. The Mogul empire was in anju'cliy and confusion 
 from end to end. The supremacy was falling rapidly 
 into the hands of the Miirattas, more destructive 
 conquerors tlian ever the Europeans have proved, and
 
 220 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IX INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, incapable of repaying the evils of their first settlement 
 ' by any subsequent improvement in government or 
 civilisation. 
 
 Hostilities were not suspended during these nego- 
 tiations, and the contest at Trichinopoly went on without 
 interruption. The inroad of Morar Rao's horse had at 
 first rather strengthened the Raja of Taujore's con- 
 nection with the English. He had appointed Manikji, 
 their partisan, to command his army, but although 
 that general soon gratified him by taking signal 
 vengeance on Monir Rao's party, he was unable to 
 stand against Saccaram, on whose accession to power 
 the raja's disposition towards the French revived. 
 
 The number of French prisoners in Trichinopoly 
 had obliged Lawrence to make a large addition to the 
 garrison, and left his field force inferior to that of the 
 French. Each party had about 600 Europeans, but 
 the French had four companies of native Christians and 
 6,000 sepoys, besides the Mysoreans and Marattas, while 
 Lawrence had about 1,800 sepoys, with no native ally. 
 He was therefore confined to the defensive, and 
 obliged, as before, to give his whole attention to 
 supplies. He was seven times successful in introducing 
 convoys under strong escorts, but on the eighth, 
 when he had detached a third of his wdiole force to 
 ])rotect a very important supply of provisions, stores, 
 and treasure, the French made so good a use of their 
 superior numbers that the whole convoy fell into their 
 hands, and the escort to a man were either killed or 
 Febru- taken prisoners. Much of the slaughter, as well as of 
 A.D. i7.">4. t)ie success, was owing to the spirit and activity of 
 Morar Rao ; and the French had a glorious opportunity 
 of displaying their humanity by protecting the survivors 
 from the fury of his troops.
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 221 
 
 Lawrence's movements were now more restricted chap. 
 than ever. He, however, contrived to obtain supplies by ' 
 
 stealth and in small quantities, but at the end of three 
 months this resource began to fail him, and he had no 
 alternative but to risk a large portion of his remaining 
 force, or to retreat to Tanjore and leave the garrison 
 to its fate. 
 
 He determined on the former experiment, and sent May 12, 
 out a strong detachment under Captain Caillaud to cover 
 a convoy which he had ordered to attempt an entrance. 
 The French were aware of this intention, and placed a 
 force of double its strength in ambuscade in a dry tank 
 near the spot where the detachment was to await the 
 convoy. The detachment made an unexpected re- 
 sistance ; the whole French army moved out to secure 
 the capture of it, and the English were compelled to 
 make a similar r^ovement to endeavour to save it. 
 
 The French had 750 Europeans, 5,000 sepoys, and 
 10,000 Mysore horse. The English were much less 
 than half the number of regular troops, and with only 
 eleven mounted men, and their last chance M^as staked 
 on this unequal contest. Lawrence, who was confined 
 to the town by illness, had himself carried to the top of 
 a gateway, where he watched the struggle, and trembled 
 for the issue. But his anxiety was ere long relieved, 
 for the English, though forced to take post and to 
 form a hollow square, repelled every assault with so 
 much firnmess that the enemy at length desisted, 
 and allowed them to march back to the town. Duringc 
 this engagement, the convoy had passed in unmolested, 
 and the danger of the crisis was at once dispelled. 
 
 Having failed in stoj)ping the I'higlish convoys, the 
 enemy determiiie(l to strike at the source of their supply; 
 they nuu'ched into Tondiman's country, where they
 
 222 RISE OF BRITISH POWEK IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, burned the villages and drove the inhabitants hito the 
 
 VII • 
 
 " woods. They next invaded Tanjore, though the nija 
 had long discouraged the exportation of provisions to 
 Trichinopoly, and the more effectually to destroy that 
 
 May 2i_, country they took Coiladi, and broke down the famous 
 embankment which that place was constructed to 
 l)rotect. This mortal injury threw the Tanjorines for 
 ever into the arms of the English. About the same 
 time Morar Rao, who had long before ceased to act 
 with the French, marched off to his own country loaded 
 with contributions which he had exacted from all 
 parties. The English also began to be joined by 
 detachments, and had every prospect of soon being 
 powerfully reinforced. 
 
 Immediately on liearing of the destruction of the 
 convoy in February, the Government of Madras had 
 exerted itself to repair the disaster, but it unluckily made 
 the march of the troops it had collected depend on the 
 movements of the nabob's brother, Mahfuz Khan. 
 This man had been taken prisoner at the battle of 
 Ambiir, in which his father was killed, and had since 
 inclined to the party of Mozaffcr Jang, but he now 
 came with 2,000 horse and as many infantry, whom he 
 had collected with the professed intention of joining his 
 brother. His wants, his laziness, and his timidity 
 occasioned continual interruptions to his proceedings, 
 and retarded the march of the reinforcement for nearly 
 six months. 
 
 At leno'th Lawrence ordered them not to wait for 
 
 August H, Mahfuz Khan, and they joined his force in the neigh- 
 
 A.D. 1754. 7 .7 J o 
 
 bourliood of Tanjore. 
 
 All these changes had brought the English to a 
 level with the French, and a severe struggle was 
 expected to have been the result of their equality, but
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 223 
 
 causes little influenced by tlieir contest had already chap. 
 given a new direction to the course of events. The [ 
 
 French declmed an engagement, military operations 
 became of secondary importance, and the approach of 
 the rains constrained Lawrence to retire mto winter ber\X' 
 quarters at Coiladi. About the same time the English ^-^^ i^s-i. 
 fleet under Admiral Watson reached Madras. It 
 brought out the King's forty-ninth regiment, 700 
 strong, under Colonel Adlercron, and a small party of 
 the Royal Artillery, with 200 recruits for the Company ; 
 the French also at about the same time received a rem- 
 forcement of 1,200 men, of whom 600 were hussars, but 
 circumstances had taken away the interest which would 
 have been produced by these additions to the strength 
 of the belligerents. 
 
 M. Dupleix's first successes filled all France with 
 delifrht and admiration. The King-'s ministers and the 
 Company concurred in their aj)plauses of the Governor 
 who had so much extended their territories and 
 increased the reputation of their arms ; but they early 
 expressed an anxious wish that he would secure all the 
 great advantages he had gained by concluding peace, 
 and when they heard of the march of Bussy's detach- 
 ment into the interior of the Deckan, they evinced the 
 liveliest alarm at the possible consequences of such an 
 undertaking, and positively ordered the detachment to 
 be recalled to their own possessions. But during all 
 this time they did not abate their commendations of 
 M. Dupleix, who was created a marquis as late as the 
 end of 1752, and whose calls for troops and stores were 
 met by liberal promises of support. 
 
 The failure of the siege of Trichinopoly in 1752 
 seems first to have shaken their confidence in Dupleix. 
 The derangement of their commerce during these exten-
 
 22-i KISE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, isive wiirs, and the disappoiutiiient of their hopes of imme- 
 ' diate profit from their acquisitions, had a tendency to in- 
 crease their dissatisfaction,^ and about the same time they 
 began to receive frequent representations from the court 
 of England on the continuance of hostilities in India 
 (hiring profound peace in Europe. The French were 
 probably unwilling to purchase peace in India by great 
 sacrifices, and they protracted the discussions regarding 
 it for more than a year without any result, but they 
 were desirous of avoiding a general war imtil they had 
 time to restore their navy, and their views of aggran- 
 disement were more directed to America than to the 
 East.^ It was owing to these pacific influences that the 
 negotiations at Sadnis took place, and these afterwards 
 acquired additional strength from the firmness of the 
 British. Government, which was preparing a naval 
 squadron and some king's troops for India. 
 
 Having once made up their mind to peace, the 
 French saw the obstructions that would be opposed to it 
 from the character of M. Dupleix, and they determined 
 to remove him and send out M. Godeheu, a Director of 
 the Company, in his room. 
 
 '• [Lally Tollendal, in an elaborate review of Dupleix's career prepared 
 for the Bio(j7aphie Univcrsdlc, says that matters were brought to a crisis 
 between the Company and Dupleix by the abrupt disclosure of the state 
 of the finances of the Indian settlement. During the latter part of his 
 administration he had disregarded their instructions, even in the disposal 
 of the troops they sent out, and in the end declared that the King alone 
 had the right to judge of his actions. When his policy was successful 
 he held out extravagant hopes of advantages, and when he met with re- 
 verses he concealed or extenuated their losses. On June 20, 1752, the 
 Company were informed that they had a clear surplus of 24,110,418 liv. 
 Seven months later, Feb. 19, 1753, the Council of Pondicherry wrote, 
 ' Far from having any surplus, we owe nearly two millions. The deficit 
 has exhausted our resources,' &c. This last despatch overwhelmed the 
 Directors of the Company and the Council of the King, and they decided 
 on an immediate change in the administration. — En.] 
 
 ® Orme ; Dupleix.
 
 THE LOCAL TKL'CE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 225 
 
 M. Godeheu arrived at Pondicherry on Auo-ust 1. chap. 
 
 He had brought with him a powerful reinforcement of 
 French troops, and, as the English fleet had not then 
 arrived, he might, by a vigorous application of his 
 means, have gamed so decided an advantage over 
 La\vrence as would have materially influenced the terms 
 of the peace/ But his inclination, and probably his 
 instructions, were to avoid fresh causes of irritation. 
 He opened an immediate communication with Mr. 
 Saunders, and, as a proof of his favourable intentions, 
 released the Swiss company which had been made 
 prisoners at sea.^ 
 
 The impression made by this change of Governors 
 was as great as could have been efl*ected by any revolu- 
 tion. The French considered the system they had been 
 pursuing as extinguished with the government of M. 
 Dupleix. They regarded the change as the result of an 
 unqualified submission to the English, and saw with 
 indignation the vast acquisitions which had cost them 
 so many labours on the point of being sacrificed by 
 the pusillanimity of their own Government. Bussy 
 and Moracin (the Lieutenant-Governor of the recent 
 cessions), declared their intention of withdrawing from 
 the service. The troops at Trichinopoly, thinking 
 themselves no longer secure of their pay and arrears, 
 began to mutiny. The native princes viewed the trans- 
 action with the same eyes. The Dalw^ii of Mysore de- 
 plored the change with tears, and Shah Nawtiz Khan, 
 on the part of Salabat Jang, announced that he saw no 
 resource but in entering on terms with the English.^ 
 M. I)u])leix himself received the notice of his removal 
 wdth the same composure which he had displayed in all 
 
 " Dupleix, lOo. " Ornie, i. 309. 
 
 " Dupleix, 105 i^'c, witJi tlif docnuients there quoted. 
 
 VII.
 
 226 KISE OF BKITISIT POWER IN INDIA, 
 
 CHAP. Lis former reverses. He professed liis readiness to 
 
 VII . 
 
 ' afford every assistance to M. Godeheu. He wrote to 
 entreat Bussy and Moracin to allow no change to 
 diminish their zeal for the public service, and he 
 pointed out to his successor the means which he 
 conceived the best for obtaining on honourable terms 
 tlie peace which was so much desired.^ His plans, 
 which were influenced by his own previous views, did 
 not meet with the concurrence of M. Godeheu, and were 
 rendered less practicable by the arrival of the English 
 Octo- fleet and troops. A suspension of arms for three 
 ^Vihi nionths was concluded between the Governors, and the 
 negotiations for a permanent adjustment were renewed 
 with fresh spirit." 
 
 Three days after the signing of the suspension, M. 
 Dupleix sailed for Europe. The pride and haughty de- 
 meanour of this great Governor, with his rigour in 
 exacting duty, and the toils which his ambition im- 
 posed on all his officers, had made him many enemies 
 among those subject to his authority. But these feel- 
 ings were extinguished on his removal. The glory 
 attained under his government was remembered, and 
 every Frenchman agreed in considering his dismission 
 as the greatest misfortune that could have fallen on 
 their nation. Later times have confirmed their judg- 
 ment. We look with admiration on the founder of 
 the European ascendancy in India, to whose genius the 
 mighty changes which are now working in Asia owe 
 their being ; the first who made an extensive use of dis- 
 ciplined sepoys ; the first who quitted the ports on the 
 sea and marched an army into the heart of the conti- 
 nent ; the first, above all, who discovered the illusion 
 of the Mogul greatness, and turned to his own purposes 
 
 ' Dupleix, 111. - Oniie ; Dupleix.
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 227 
 
 the awe with which weaker minds still refj^arded that chap. 
 
 VII 
 
 gigantic phantom. " 
 
 His many great qualities were not without alloy. 
 Though free from any act of atrocity, he showed in 
 his official conduct a total disregard of the principles 
 of morality and public law, with an insincerity and 
 love of artifice de2:radino^ even to a character less ele- 
 vated than his. ■ It is said by Orme that he could not 
 preserve his coolness when in the tumult of instant 
 danger, but this deficiency (if it can be believed) 
 was amply compensated by the courage with which he 
 contemplated dangers of other descriptions at which the 
 stoutest soldier might have trembled.^ 
 
 By his accounts which he delivered to M. Godeheu, 
 it appeared that he had expended for the public 
 300,000/. more than he had received. These funds 
 were supplied from his private fortune, or from loans on 
 his personal credit. The repayment was basely withheld 
 by the Company ; his services were forgotten by the 
 Crown. The most he could obtain was a protection 
 from the legal claims of his creditors, and, after nine 
 years of soliciting and of litigation, he died, a memor- 
 able example of the ingratitude of a court and nation 
 to whose glory his whole life had been devoted. 
 
 About the same time Lawrence quitted Trichino- Middle of 
 poly, . leaving Captain Kilpatrick in command of the a. d. 1754. 
 garrison. 
 
 M. Godeheu and Mr. Saunders made so good a 
 use of tlie time granted for a suspension of arms, that 
 before the end of the year they had come to a settle- 
 ment, as fiir as their poAvcrs allowed, and on January 1 1, 
 1755, when the suspension expired, they ])ublished a J:""i- 
 
 ^ Dupleix, Appendices. For Oniie's estimate of Du])leix's character, 
 see i. 37!'. 
 
 y 
 
 A.D. 1755.
 
 228 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, provisional treaty, to take effect if approved by the two 
 " Governments in Europe, and a truce to be observed until 
 the decision of both their Governments was received. 
 
 The terms of the treaty were that the two Companies 
 should renounce all Moorish '^ government and dignity, 
 and should never interfere in the disputes of native 
 states ; and that all places in their possession not 
 specified in the treat}'' should be given up to the 
 Moors. In Tanjore the English were to retain Devi 
 Cota, and the French Carical. In the Carnatic the 
 English were to retain Madras and Fort St. David, 
 and the French Pondicherry, with a territory ecpial 
 to that of the other two. 
 
 In the Northern Sircars the French had the option 
 of retaining Masulipatam and giving up Divy to the 
 English, or keeping Divy and giving up Masulipatam. 
 In the other northern districts each party was to have 
 an equal number of factories at spots fixed in the 
 treaty. While the treaty remained under reference, 
 neither nation was to procure any new grant or cession. 
 The old fortifications of their establishments were to be 
 kept from falling into decay, but no new ones were to be 
 erected. The indemnities due to each nation for the 
 expenses of the war were to be settled in the definitive 
 treaty. 
 
 The truce provided that until a decision on the treaty 
 was received from Europe, the French and English 
 should not act against each other as principals or auxi- 
 liaries ; that they should restrain tlieir native allies 
 from carrying on hostilities ngainst each other, and 
 that ^both nations should unite against any of them, or 
 any other power that should disturb the public tran- 
 cpiillity. Free communication for troops and mer- 
 
 ■* [Maliometan, see ante, p. 7, nute. — Ei>.]
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 229 
 
 cliandise was to be allowed tlirou<j!;liout tlie Carnatic : chap. 
 
 . VII. 
 
 commissaries to be appointed to settle disputes between ' 
 
 the nations. All the English prisoners, and an equal 
 number of the French, were to be released. Ijy this 
 last article the P^nglish retained 650 prisoners. But 
 the territory in their possession was only valued at 
 100,000/. annual revenue, while that left to the French 
 •amounted to 855,000/. 
 
 If M. Dupleix had been pi'operly supported from the 
 first, it is not improbable that he would have placed 
 his nation in the position since occupied by the English, 
 and would have made good his threat to reduce Madras 
 and Calcutta to their original state of fishing towns. 
 But before this truce was concluded the prospects of the 
 parties had materially altered. The English troops had 
 acquired a great confidence in their own superiority. 
 They had also many good officers ; while, except Bussy, 
 the French had none of merit. M. Dupleix changed the 
 commander of his field force six times in two years ; a 
 proof of the defect alluded to, and not the way to 
 remove it. The English, or Mohammed Ali, had 
 nominal possession of almost the whole Carnatic, while 
 the French were employed in the remote dominions of 
 the viceroy, and were there endangered by internal dis- 
 contents and powerful foreign enemies. 
 
 M. Godeheu and Mr. Saunders left India as soon 
 as they had accomplished their task of peacemaking. 
 
 The Dalwdi of Mysore refused to be bound by a 
 truce to which he had never consented. He first en- 
 deavoured, by the offer of an immense bribe, to induce 
 M. de Saussay, the French officer at Trichinopoly, to 
 leave him to carry on hostilities, and afterwards re- 
 turned to his old plans of getting possession of the 
 town by intrigues with the garrison, but M. de Saussay,
 
 A.D. 1755. 
 
 A.D. 1755. 
 
 230 RISE OF BKITISri POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, with the siunc spirit of honour as before, gave immediate 
 
 ' notice of his plots to Captain Kilpatrick. At length 
 
 news reached liim that his country was invaded at once 
 
 by the Peshwa and Salabat Jang, each of whom came 
 
 April 14, to claim tribute on his own account, on which he broke 
 up his camp and returned to his own country after a 
 fruitless labour of upwards of three years. He made 
 over the island of Seringham to the French, with whom 
 he kept up his alliance notwithstanding his retreat from 
 the Carnatic. 
 
 So little had the English apprehended from the 
 
 February, unassistcd attacks of the Dalwai, that almost imme- 
 diately after the proclamation of the truce, they had 
 allowed the greater part of their field force at Trichmo- 
 poly to march with Mahfiiz Khdn, the nabob's brother, 
 to reduce the countries of Madura and Tinivelly. The 
 English force consisted of 500 Europeans and 2,000 
 natives, under the command of a Lieutenant- Colonel 
 Heron who had just arrived from Europe, a man not 
 wanting in courage, but as destitute of ability as of 
 honour. Madura was still m the hands of the officer 
 who had revolted in 1751, and fell without opposition. 
 Tinivelly was afterwards occupied with equal ease. 
 The principal duty remaining was to levy the arrears of 
 tribute from the various Poligars, or hill chiefs, of the 
 country. These are the heads of forest tribes, compre- 
 hended under the name of Coleri, and resembling that 
 class of the aborigines in other parts of India. They 
 live by plunder, and are famous for the secrecy of their 
 night attacks. By day they creep along the woods 
 with a spear eighteen or twenty feet long trailing on 
 the ground, and rush out on their enemy as he is 
 marching off his guard, or harass him with firearms 
 and missiles from under cover, taking all the advantages
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 231 
 
 which a ^voodv• and rocky country affords to a nimble chap. 
 
 VII. 
 
 body and cunning head. 
 
 Some of these tribes paid their tribute voluntarily 
 and some by compulsion, but such was the corruption 
 of Heron himself, and the licentious conduct of his men, 
 infected by his example, that all classes were united in 
 hatred of the invaders and in desire to revenge the 
 injuries and insults they had suffered. Heron's force 
 was at length recalled by the Madras Government, but 
 before it reached Trichinopoly it had to pass through a 
 long and narrow defile with steep sides clothed with 
 thick woods. Here the Coleris had concealed themselves 
 to await the arrival of the detachment. Heron, though 
 apprised of their design, failed to profit by the warning ; 
 a portion of his line, with the baggage and rearguard, 
 having been stopped by the breaking down of a tumbril, 
 he allowed it to be separated from the rest of the column, 
 which pursued its march without • attending to the acci- 
 dent. The Coleris remained perfectly quiet until the 
 main body was out of sight and hearing, when they 
 started at once from the woods, and rushed on the rear- 
 guard with horrible screams and yells. Though re- 
 pulsed on the attack, they continued to annoy the troops 
 from under cover with arrows, matchlocks, rockets, 
 javelins, and pikes. At length, after a momentary lull, 
 the whole body made a rush at the baggage, stabbing 
 the cattle with their long spears, and sparing neither 
 age nor sex among the followers. The terrified crowd, 
 driven back on the fighting men, prevented their using 
 their arms in their defence, and the officer commanding 
 had some difficulty in extricating them from the defile^ 
 with the loss of all the baggage and great part of the 
 stores of the army. They reached Trichinopoly on 
 June 5, when Colonel Heron was brought to trial
 
 232 KISE OF BRITISH ruWEK IX INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, and dismissed the service by the sentence of a court 
 VII. . -^ 
 martial. 
 
 July 9, 
 
 A.D. 1755 
 
 Notwitli standing this disgraceful termination of the 
 campaign, IMahfiiz Khan remained in possession of the 
 open part of the two provinces, and probably continued 
 to receive some portion of the tribute from the Poligars. 
 He was supported by a detachment of 1,000 English 
 sepoys under the command of a native officer. The 
 northern part of the Carnatic, though not in revolt, was 
 far from being in perfect obedience ; the nabob himself, 
 accompanied by a British detachment, now marched from 
 Trichinopoly for the purpose of restoring it to order. 
 He first went to Arcot, which he had not visited since 
 the death of Nasir Jang, and made his entry in great 
 
 Augustso, poQ^p^ He then repaired to Madras, and after some 
 discussions with the Governor, he "'ranted assio-nments 
 on the revenue for the gradual payment of his debt to 
 the Company, and as he still required assistance against 
 some Poligars in the north, it was settled that whatever 
 tribute was recovered from them should be equally 
 divided. A member of council accompanied the camp, 
 to concert means for conducting this affair and such 
 others as might arise. 
 
 Octo. When the monsoon drew near, Admiral Watson 
 
 ber 10, . . . . 
 
 A.D. 1755. retired with his squadron, as he had done in the preceding 
 
 year, to the coast of Malabar. 
 Novem- When he reached Bombay he found several ships, 
 
 ber 10, . . *' . ^ 
 
 A.D. 1755. with a considerable body of troops arrived from Eng- 
 land under the command of Colonel Clive. The troops 
 were intended for an exj^edition to the Deckan. 
 
 The progress of M. Bussy had excited just alarm in 
 England, and there seemed to be no better way of 
 checkinor it than to assist the Marattas in their war 
 against the viceroy. The plan was well conceived.
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCK. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 2oo 
 
 and tlie point for coinmencing- it well chosen, as Bombay ^^^^• 
 
 was contiguous to the Maratta territory and within less . 
 
 than 200 miles of Anrangabad. Before the expedition 
 reached India, the trace had been concluded, and the 
 Government of Bombay judged it necessary to suspend 
 this hostile operation. The Government of Madras 
 took a diiferent view of the terms of the pacification, 
 and strongly recommended proceeding with the original 
 design, but before this opinion was received the Govern- 
 ment of Bombay had employed the troops on another 
 enterprise in their own neighbourhood. 
 
 The coast of Malabar had been celebrated from the 
 time of the ancients for its piratical inhabitants. When 
 Sevaji took possession of the Concan, he employed this 
 disposition of his new subjects against the Moguls and 
 his other enemies. He built forts all along the coast, 
 and sent out fleets which captured vessels at sea and 
 made descents on the parts of the coast subject to 
 Bijapur. The forts were commanded by Marattas, and 
 about twenty years after Sevaji' s death, the chief naval 
 authority of the district was Canoji Angria. The a.d. ig98. 
 contest between Sevaji's descendants which was raging 
 at that period enabled Angria to disregard their 
 authority, and although he continued to profess himself 
 a servant of the state, he became in fact independent, 
 and plundered on his own account without confining 
 his depredations to the enemies of his nation. His head 
 station, Coh'iba, was within less than twenty miles of 
 Bombay, and he had forts all down the coast of tlie 
 Concan. He used to send out squadrons of eight or 
 ten frigates of a peculiar construction, and forty or 
 fifty galliots wliich carried light guns and could row 
 as well as sail. With these vessels crowded with 
 men, he surrounded and overpowered single ships of
 
 234 RISE OF BIMTISII POWER IN INDIA, 
 
 CHAP, wluitever size, and even on one occasion destroveJ a 
 
 VII. . "^ 
 
 " I) 11 tell squadron of three men-of-war, taking one and 
 burning the others. The European nations, thus 
 harassed by Angria, made several strenuous but 
 unsuccessful attempts to put him down. 
 
 The most considerable m which the English engaged 
 A.D. 1721. was an attack by land and sea on All Bagh, near 
 Colaba. It was made by four King's ships and several 
 belonging to the Company, with a land force and a 
 train of artillery from Bombay, to which was united 
 a Portuguese army under the Viceroy of Goa in 
 person. The confederates were repulsed in an attempt 
 to take the place by escalade, fell out among them- 
 selves, and finally gave up the enterprise. 
 
 The Peshwa took advantage of some dissensions 
 that followed the death of Cdnoji, and secured the 
 succession to one of that usurper's sons on condition 
 A.D. 1740. ^^^ obedience to the Maratta Government.'^ The chief 
 thus set up was driven out after some years, and the 
 Peshwa proposed to join with the English in an attack 
 on his brother who had expelled him. The expedition 
 went on well till the death of the Peshwa compelled 
 the Marattas to withdraw. 
 
 These repeated failures discouraged the Bombay 
 Government, and brouo-ht it to believe that Ano-ria's 
 strongholds were impregnable. 
 
 Their terror was first dissipated by Commodore 
 James, of the Company's marine service, who w^as sent 
 in 1755 to co-operate with a Maratta fleet and army in 
 an attack on Severndriig, but w^as specially instructed 
 to confine his operations to the sea and not risk his 
 ships by approaching any of the forts. James had 
 only a forty-four-gim ship, a ketch of sixteen guns, 
 
 6 Vol. ii. 630.
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCKSSES OF BUSSY. ZOO 
 
 and two bomb-vessels, but, finding the Maratta fleet ^y^- 
 
 useless, and the army little better, he took the re- 
 
 sponsibility of attackmg Severndriig himself, and by a 
 severe cannonade and bombardment, which luckily set 
 fire to the huts of the soldiers and blew up a magazine, 
 he compelled the garrison to surrender, and frightened 
 Ano'ria's other o-overnors into the evacuation of some 
 places of less consequence. He returned to Bombay 
 for the monsoon, and by the time the season was 
 again opened, the Government found itself so strength- 
 ened by the arrival of Olive's detachment and the 
 fleet luider Admiral Watson, that they resolved to 
 besiege Gheria (or A^ijeidrug), which was now Angria's 
 residence and his chief arsenal. The English had been 
 twice defeated in attempts on this place in former times, 
 and were cautious in attacking it even with the present 
 great force. The expedition consisted of fourteen vessels, 
 of which three were of the line and one a forty-four, 
 with 800 Europeans and 1,000 sepoys under Clive. 
 
 When they reached Gheria, they found the Maratta Febru- 
 army had already arrived, after reducing most of l.^, 1756. 
 Angria's other places. 
 
 As soon as the English fleet appeared, Tiilaji 
 Angria, then head of the family, repaired to the Maratta 
 camp, in the hopes of obtaining tolerable terms from 
 his countrymen, but the commander immediately made 
 him prisoner, and compelled him to give an order for 
 the surrender of the fort to tlie Peshwa. The English, 
 who had already agreed to divide the property in the 
 place among themselves, were much dissatisfied with 
 this proceeding, by which they wotdd have been an- 
 ticipated in theu' intended appropriation. To prevent 
 its accomplishment, they sent ashore their land force, 
 and distributed it in such a manner as to allow no
 
 236 KISE OF BKITISII roWEIl IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, intercourse between the cimip and the garrison. Gberia 
 
 _ ^— stand,s on a rock connected by a slip of sand with the 
 
 mainland, and protects a large harbour in which Angria's 
 fleet then lay. The ships drew close up to the place 
 and commenced a furious cannonade and bombardment. 
 The Maratta general, perceiving the design of the 
 English to exclude him, endeavoured by a great bribe 
 to induce a member of the Bombay Council (who 
 accompanied the expedition) to suspend their operations, 
 and afterwards tempted the fidelity of Captain Buchanan, 
 who commanded the picket, by an offer of 8,000Z. 
 if he would allow him with a party to pass into the 
 fort. Both offers were rejected with disdom ; the 
 English pressed their operations, and on the 13th 
 the place surrendered. The fleet, together with two 
 ships (one of forty guns) which were on the stocks, 
 was burned during the attack. The English troops 
 divided the captured property, amounting to 120,000/., 
 among themselves, reserving nothing for their own 
 Government or their allies ; ^ and the Government of 
 Bombay took advantage of some evasions by the 
 Marattas of the terms agreed to at the time of the 
 attack on Severndriig, and insisted on retaining Gheria, 
 
 '' The self-interest shown by these officers in their treatment of their 
 allies did not influence their conduct among themselves. In settling the 
 division of prize-money at Bombay, Clive was only assigned the shai'e of 
 a post-captain. When this was communicated to the military officers, 
 they were oflended at the little regard shown to their profession in the 
 person of their commander, and urged Clive to insist on a more suitable 
 share. Admiral Watson, to avoid further irritation, agreed to make up 
 dive's share to the amount demanded from his own prize money. When 
 the division afterwards took place, he sent him the requisite sum, but 
 Clive immediately returned it, with warm acknowledgments, and an as- 
 surance that, although he had deemed it necessary for preserving unanimity 
 to acquiesce in the proposal, he had never entertained a thought of 
 profiting by the admiral's disinterestedness. (Ives's Voyage ; Lord 
 Clivers Evidence before the Committee of the House of Commons, 1772, 
 146).
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 237 
 
 winch tliey had expressly promised to give up to the chap. 
 Peshwa. ^^'- 
 
 Tiilaji died in confinement many years after. Some 
 member of his family had been set iip in his place by 
 the Peshwa, and enjoyed part of the possessions of the 
 family, but no longer infested the seas as before. ^ 
 
 After this expedition, the fleet returned to Madras, March 12, 
 accompanied by Clive and his force. Nothing very ^'^' ■^'"^" 
 material had occurred in the Carnatic since the truce, 
 but there had been disputes about the interpretation 
 to be put on that convention which at one time ran 
 so high as to threaten a renewal of hostilities. The 
 aggression was chiefly on the part of the English ; the 
 principal instances were their attack on Madura and 
 Tinivelly, which had at one time declared for Chanda 
 Saheb, and which had never recognised Mohammed 
 Ali, and an attempt to besiege Veil or, the capital of 
 Mortezza Ali, whom the French still acknowledo-ed as 
 Nabob of the Carnatic. 
 
 These difi'erences were accommodated, but the most 
 irreconcilable differences relating to the observance of 
 the truce arose from the nature of M. Bossy's situation 
 in the Deckan.^ 
 
 The occupation of tlie territory ceded in December 
 1753 did not prove a peaceful undertaking. Jfiar Ali 
 Khan, the Mogul governor of part of the districts, and 
 Yijei Ram Riiz, a dependent zemindar of another 
 portion, combined to resist the entrance of the new 
 claimant. M, Moracin adroitly brought over Vijei 
 Rdm by granting the farm of the whole of the cessions 
 to him, and Jatir Ali, thus deserted, called in the 
 
 ** Grant DuQ"'s Ilidory of ike Mundlas, ii. 85-92. Sec also Onue, 
 and Ives's V()\ju<je. 
 ^ Ormc, i. o72.
 
 238 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Berar Marattas, of whom J<4noii, the son of llao'iiii, was 
 
 VII . . c-> ,) J 
 
 ' now chief These invaders, after ravaging the country 
 for some time, were driven out by M. Moracin with his 
 small force of regulars joined to the troops of Vijei 
 Ram. Jdfir Ali, on this, threw himself on the vice- 
 roy's clemency, was pardoned, and allowed to retain a 
 jagir in the Upper Deck an. 
 
 During this time M. Bussy had been employed 
 against the Naik (or Poligar) of Nirmal, a wild tract 
 in the south-east of Berar inhabited by forest tribes, 
 but as soon as that duty was performed, he set out for 
 Masulipatam, and arrived there in July 1754. He 
 found full occupation in reducing the half independent 
 zemindars and levying tribute on the hill chiefs, until, 
 in January 1755, he was summoned to join Salabat 
 Jang on an expedition which he contemplated to recover 
 his arrears of tribute from Mysore. This design 
 involved M. Bussy in great embarrassment. The Raja 
 of Mysore was in close alliance with the French, and 
 yet M. Bussy was bound by the conditions on which 
 he received the cessions to assist the viceroy against 
 all enemies. His desire to preserve the reputation of 
 a faithful ally to the viceroy did not (as he says) 
 allow him to hesitate in joining his army, but he did 
 so with the firm resolution of preserving the same re- 
 putation with the Raja of Mysore.^ His expedient was 
 to injure the Mysoreans as little as he could, and to 
 use all his influence to bring about an accommodation. 
 His double game was disturbed by the obstinacy of 
 the Mysoreans. Several of their forts only surrendered 
 on the appearance of the French ; others held out, and 
 were not taken without bloodshed ; and when the 
 invaders approached Seringapataui, the brother and 
 
 ' Memoir e pour Bussy, 53.
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE, SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 239 
 
 colleao-ue of the Dalwai, who resided there, announced chap. 
 
 . . . VII. 
 
 his intention of defending the phice to the last. All 
 
 this time M. Bussy contmued his endeavours to bring 
 about a peace, and enforced his arguments by the 
 rapidity with Avhich he urged on the operations of the 
 siege. It is probable he would have taken the town by 
 assault in a few days, when the invasion of Mysore by 
 the Peshwa brought a new motive for the submission 
 of the besieged. M, Bussy engaged to procure the 
 retreat of the Marattas, if the Mysoreans would satisfy 
 the claims of Salabat Jang ; and the Mysoreans, pressed 
 on all sides, agreed to pay arrears to the amount of 
 fifty-six lacs of rupees. This was exactly double the 
 amount due at the most liberal calculation, and a large 
 portion was required to be paid immediately. The 
 payment could only be made by giving up the jewels 
 and plate belonging to the nija (including the orna- 
 ments of his women), as well as the same description 
 of property belonging to the temples ; hostages were 
 taken for the second payment, most of whom died in 
 prison ; and M. Bussy speaks A\dth more than usual 
 complacency of the applause and gratitude expressed by 
 both parties for this conciliatory arrangement.^ By 
 this time the Marattas were in some measure satiated 
 with plunder, and the fear of a quarrel with the viceroy, 
 added perhaps to some share of the money received at 
 Seringapatam, induced the Peshwa to retire to his own 
 frontier.''^ 
 
 The viceroy also returned to Heiderabad, where he 
 arrived in July 1755. 
 
 The attack on Mj^sore by the French was contrary 
 
 ' Menwire pour Biissy, 54. The account of liis proceedings is from 
 Orme, i. 403, and Wilks, i. 34G. 
 
 ■'' Orme, i. 404, and for tlie pecuniary payment Grant Dull', ii. (>(i.
 
 240 KISK OF BRITISH POWKIl IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, to tlie siiirit of the truce, and it so mncli alariucd the 
 
 VII 
 
 ' Madras Government that they called in the troops from 
 Madura (as has been stated) for the defence of their 
 own possessions. When they remonstrated with M. 
 de Leyrit, the French Governor, they were told that 
 the truce did not stipulate for the recall of M. Bussy, 
 and m fact was only mtended to provide for the 
 tranquillity of the province of Arcot. The time ,'^oon 
 came when this view of the question was favourable to 
 the interests of the English, and the Government of 
 Madras made it their chief argument in the discussion 
 with that of Bombay, whether the troops sent from 
 England under Clive could justly be employed in the 
 Deckan during the existence of the truce. But though 
 the exemption of the Frencli army in the Deckan from 
 the truce was insisted on at different times by both 
 parties, it is difficult to find the least ground for the 
 position. No exception is made in its favour in the 
 truce, and the treaty plainly extends to it, since it 
 assigns an equal number of factories to the Frencli 
 and English in the Northern Sircars, the whole of 
 which were at this time in exclusive possession of the 
 French. 
 
 In February 1755, Salabat Jang and M. Bussy 
 marched against the Nabob of Shahniir (or Savanore) 
 one of the three Patau nabobs, who had probably been 
 left lui molested after the death of Mozaffer Jang, and 
 now affected independence. His country is detached 
 from that of the two other nabobs, and lies near the 
 southern frontier of the Marattas, about 2 GO miles 
 from Piina. Mordr Eao's fort of Guti lies 150 miles 
 east of Shahniir, but his original seat of Sondur is 
 about ]uilf-way l^etween those places. About the time 
 when the viceroy marched against the Nabob of
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 241 
 
 Sluilmur, tlie Peshwa Balaif luio moved from Puna to chap. 
 
 . VII. 
 
 reduce Morar Rao ; and as neither of the refractory ' 
 
 chiefs was without apprehension on his own account 
 from the enemy of the other, they formed a close 
 connection, and Morar Rao threw himself with a select 
 body of troops into the town of Shahniir. 
 
 The viceroy and the Peshwa, on the other hand, 
 united their armies, and supported as they were by the 
 French, must soon have made themselves masters of 
 the place. But Morar Rao had a claim for about 
 150,000/. on the French Government, and liad often 
 applied for it to the Council at Pondicherry in a tone of 
 menace which made them very anxious that it should be 
 settled. He now offered to cancel this debt if M. Bussy 
 would obtain for him the protection, or at least the 
 neutrality, of the viceroy. Bussy closed with the offer, 
 and the bonds were deposited with a common friend. 
 On the other hand (says M. Bussy), Balaji Rao 
 appealed to the faith of treaties and his alliance with the 
 French nation : it was necessary to serve one party in 
 affectmg to serve the other, while the viceroy (by 
 whom M. Bussy was subsidised) wished that no service 
 should be done to either.^ The boldness with wliich 
 M. Bussy managed these conflicting engagements would 
 have been admirable in an honest cause. Instead of re- 
 tarding hostilities, he pushed tlicm on with the greatest 
 vijrour, and exulted when he saw the sieo;e of Shd-hniir 
 about to open, and all parties reduced to dependence on 
 his military skill and resources. He was then chosen 
 arbiter by all ; he dictated the conditions of the peace, 
 
 '* ' D'un autre coto, Baljiji'rao rt'clfimi)it la foi dcs traites ct Talliance de 
 la nation Fran^aisc. II falloit servir I'lin et aflecter de scivir Fautre. 
 Des vues du dorbar ctoient do nc servir aucun des deux.' {Mcmoirc, 
 57.) 
 
 R
 
 242 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP and it was concluded (says lie), to tlic glory of the 
 " F rench name and the satisfaction of all parties.^ 
 
 This satisfaction was not quite so general as 
 M. Bussy describes it, and an opposite feeling al- 
 most immediately led to a rupture of the French 
 connection with the viceroy. 
 
 Shah Nawaz Khan had watched the whole of the 
 preceding negotiations, but abstained from all inter- 
 ference, and saw with pleasure M. Bussy involving him- 
 self in ti'ansactions which must destroy all reliance on 
 his fidelity. Not long before the present campaign, M. 
 Bussy had undertaken to exert his irresistible influence 
 in procuring the government of Burhanpiir for one of 
 the French Company's creditors on his renouncing his 
 debt of 12,000/. or 13,000/. M. Bussy (as he truly 
 observes) might have sold this patronage on his own 
 account, and the use he made of it was a proof of his 
 public zeal ; but, admitting the most perfect personal 
 integrity on his part, he. had many parties to conciliate 
 for his nation, and it is not to be supposed that all his 
 native agents were as disinterested as himself. We may 
 therefore imagine how burdensome his ascendancy was 
 to the minister, and how general must have been the 
 hatred borne to him by all ^\ lio looked to promotion 
 from the court. A strong party was thus formed 
 ao'ainst the French, the real heads of which were 
 Shah Nawaz Khan and Jafir Ali Khan, the displaced 
 governor of the Northern Sircars. By their means the 
 viceroy was impressed with a conviction that his 
 interests both in the Deckan and the Carnatic were 
 saci"ificed to the separate views of the French, and lie 
 was induced to give his consent to the removal of the 
 troops of that nation from his service. Balaji was also 
 
 ' Memoire, 57.
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 243 
 
 applied to for assistance in expelling these intruders chap. 
 from the Deck an, and joyfully agreed to a measure L_ 
 
 which would have left the viceroy at his mercy. He 
 even entertained hopes of engaging the dismissed 
 French to take service in his own army. 
 
 After this co-operation had been settled, and the 
 additional precaution of assassinating M. Bussy had 
 been considered and laid aside, the dismission of the 
 French was announced to them, together with an order 
 for their immediate departure from the viceroy's terri- 
 tories. M. Bussy, though astonished at this sudden re- 
 volution, took a calm view of his situation. Threatened 
 by so great a force, and at such a distance from his re- 
 sources, he saw that his only safe course was to yield to 
 circuna stances and to wait for some favourable change. 
 He therefore affected ready acquiescence, and marched May, 
 off with his army, professedly for Masulipatam. He had ^'^' '^^' 
 been promised in the viceroy's name to be allowed to 
 retire unmolested, but found himself followed by a body 
 of 6,000 Marattas belonging to the viceroy's jagirddrs 
 of that nation,^ and as the zemindars of the country 
 were ordered to obstruct his passage, he was harassed 
 during the whole of a month's march which he was 
 oblioed to make before he found a ford over the Kishna. 
 A greater danger now awaited him in the approach of 
 Jafir Ali, who had been despatched in pursuit of him 
 with 25,000 horse and foot, and who came up just as he 
 had crossed the Kishna. But the river rose soon after the 
 
 " Onne supposes these horse to have been tlie Peshwa's, and sent by 
 Bdlaji, from a high chivalrous feeling, to protect Bussy's retreat. Wilks 
 believes the fact, but tries to find more probable motives. But lUis.sy 
 mentions no such allies; on the contrary, he expressly states that Balajl 
 joined in the confederacy against him ; and Grant Duif, from the family 
 names of the chiefs, proves beyond doubt that they were the viceroy's 
 jdgirdars, the same who soon after attacked M. Bussy at Hcidenlbdd.
 
 244 EISE OF BKITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. French Lad forded, and it was fifteen days before Jiifir 
 
 VII. 
 
 Ali could effect liis passage. M. Bussy's force consisted 
 
 of 200 European cavalry, 600 European infantry, and 
 5,000 well-disciplined sepoys, with a well-appointed train 
 of artillery. AVith such troops he could easily have 
 gained a battle over any force that could be brought 
 against him, but there were still upwards of 200 miles 
 of poor country between him and Masulipatam, and it 
 would be easy for the enemy to cut off his provisions, 
 which already began to fail. This last circumstance, and 
 the want of money to pay the troops, produced sick- 
 ness among the Europeans and discontent and desertion 
 among the sepoys. On the whole it appeared to M. 
 Bussy to be the most prudent course to prosecute his 
 retreat no further, but to adopt the bold measure of 
 seizing on Heiderabad, and standing on the defensive in 
 the viceroy's own capital. He encamped near that 
 city in the middle of Jmie, and as the garrison was too 
 weak to resist him, he was allowed a friendly communi- 
 cation with the town, and enabled to raise some money 
 amontr the bankers to relieve his immediate wants. But 
 the aovernor was son-in-law to Jafir Ali, and animated 
 with the same hostility to the European intruders. All 
 danger from him was removed by his assassination at 
 an interview with Rutni Khan, one of M. Bussy's prin- 
 cipal interpreters ; Eiimi Khan was killed on the same 
 occasion, and the whole catastrophe is ascribed by Orme 
 to a sudden quarrel. It is alleged with nuich greater pro- 
 bability by a native historian^ to have been the contriv- 
 ance of Heider Jang, M. Bussy's Diwan, who sent four 
 assassins to the conference unknown to the unfortu- 
 nate interpreter, on whom this act of perfidy was 
 avenged. After this M. Bussy remained master of the 
 
 ^ Translated in Hollingberry's Ilistory of Nizam Ali Khan, 4.
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 245 
 
 town. Tlie next event of consequence was the arrival cmap. 
 
 ^ VII. 
 
 of the Maratta jagirdars, whose numbers were now _ 
 
 doubled. They summoned Bussy to give up such of ^"^^^^^^'g 
 his guns as belonged to the viceroy, together with the 
 emblems of his Mogul dignities. On these conditions 
 they promised to allow him to proceed to Masulipatam. 
 Bussy rejected their demand, and some success against 
 a reconnoitring party having encouraged them to raise 
 their terms, he broke off all negotiation and thought 
 onl}'' of defence. He occupied the gai'den of the last •Tuiy-'>2_ 
 king of Golconda, an extensive enclosure with high 
 walls, containing a large reservoir of water, and 
 palaces which afforded quarters for the troops. It was 
 sej)arated from the city by the river Miisi, but M. Bussy 
 stationed a strong party at a near point within the city 
 walls, in an ancient and substantial building, the 
 terrace of which was so solid as to allow four eighteen- 
 pounders to be mounted on it. At the same time he 
 seized on all the viceroy's magazines, and removed the 
 cannon from the walls to his own quarters. 
 
 At length Jafir Ali came up, and his first design 
 was to attack the city, but M. Bussy mounted some 
 guns of small calibre on the terrace of an archway that 
 overlooked the town, and not only threatened to can- 
 nonade the surrounding houses, but to set fire to tlie 
 whole if any attempt was made by the viceroy's troops 
 to pass the gates. This menace succeeded ; the attack 
 on the town w^as given up, and the operations continued 
 in the open country by a succession of surprises, skir- 
 mishes, and field actions at which the romantic adven- 
 tures of Trichinopoly seem to be renewed. 
 
 A great change took place in M. Bussy's situation 
 when 4,000 sepoys in the viceroy's service arrived in 
 Jdfir Ali's camp. Tliey were raised, disciplined, and
 
 246 RISE OF BKITISH POWKR IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, commanded by Mozaffer Khun, a native officer of French 
 
 VII. -^ ' 
 sepoys who had gone over to the Peshwa m 1751, and 
 
 had since successively transferred his services and those 
 of his corps to the Raja of Mysore, the Nabob of 
 Shahniir, and after the quarrel with the French, to the 
 viceroy. He still retained great influence with the 
 French sepoys, and had kept up a correspondence with 
 some of their officers. On the very day of his arrival 
 near Heiderabad, a whole company went out on pre- 
 tence of exercising;, and marched straiofht with 
 shouldered arms to his camp ; and a continuance of his 
 intrigues, joined to the previous distress and discontent 
 of the sepoys, produced a spirit of defection of the most 
 alarmino; character. The knowleds^e of this feelinffem- 
 boldened the Moguls, and determined M. Bussy to keep 
 within his walls until he should be joined by reinforce- 
 ments which were now near at hand. He had earnestly 
 applied for additional troops from the time of his march 
 from Shahniir, and had likewise employed the French 
 agent at Surat to entertain 600 Arabs and Abyssinians 
 for his service. The latter body was destroyed by the 
 viceroy's troops while on its way to join him, but a force 
 of 480 Europeans and 1,100 sepoys, with eleven pieces 
 of cannon, from Pondicherry and Masulipatam, were 
 assembled at the latter place and marched about the 
 end of July, under the command of M. Law. On 
 August 10 this detachment had arrived within fifteen 
 leagues of Heiderabad, and on the lltli they renewed 
 their march through a woody and rocky country which 
 obliofed them to narrow their front and confine them- 
 selves to the beaten road. While advancing in this 
 manner, they perceived signs of the approach of an 
 enemy. Sixteen thousand horse (12,000 of whom were 
 Marattajagirdars), and 10,000 infantry commanded by
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 2-17 
 
 Mozaffer Khdn, had been sent out to intercept them, chap. 
 
 and it was their parties which were now descried. The '. 
 
 advanced guard of tlie French consisted of 400 sepoys, 
 commanded by a native officer named Mahmiid Khan. 
 He no sooner came in sight of the enemy than he 
 quickened his pace as if impatient to engage them, and 
 was soon seen to join their ranks and unite in the attack 
 on his ohl masters. Nothing of much consequence was 
 attempted during the rest of that day. Xext morning the 
 French found the enemy in possession of a village which 
 they proceeded to attack. The whole of the enemy's 
 cavahy surrounded them, and presented a very threaten- 
 ing aspect to troops about to be engaged in front. But 
 M. Bussy had opened a negotiation with the two greatest 
 of the Maratta jagirdars. He had had a secret inter- 
 view w^ith them the night before they marched, and, by 
 means not ascertained, prevailed on them to promise 
 that they would not act against the detachment further 
 than was required to save appearances. Favoured by 
 this understanding, the French carried the village and 
 halted there for the rest of the day. But that part of 
 the cavalry which remained faithful to its duty had in 
 the meantime attacked their bao-o'ao:e and seized or 
 dispersed the oxen by which it was carried. In conse- 
 quence of this misfortune, the French lost all their pro- 
 visions and were obhged to kill some of the draught 
 Ijullocks of their artillery before they could get a meal. 
 They marched at night, and Ijefore morning made out 
 fifteen miles to Meliapiir. The road was peculiarly 
 difficult, and they were harassed by the infantry during 
 the whole march, so that, although they had sustained 
 scarcely any loss, they were fatigued and exhausted by 
 the time they reached Meliapur. At this village they 
 halted to refresh, but the leisure thus airorded left time
 
 248 RISE OF BKITiSH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. foj. gloomy reflections. The loss of tlieir baggage ; the 
 
 uncertain attachment of their sepoys ; the difficulty of 
 
 the country which they had still to traverse, and the 
 neighbourhood of the enemy's main body indicated by 
 the increasing number of their opponents, disheart- 
 ened both men and officers. They thought it im- 
 possible to proceed unless assisted from Heiderabad, 
 and prevailed on M. Law to represent their danger to 
 M. Bussy. 
 
 M. Bussy had that day made a diversion in their 
 favour by a partial attack on the grand camp made 
 with Europeans alone, but he was afraid to divide his 
 force in present circumstances or to trust his sepoys 
 in the neighbourhood of Mozaffer Khan. He 
 never showed greater decision than in this critical 
 juncture. He sent positive orders in the King's name to 
 M. Law to march at all events on the receipt of his 
 letter, and he crossed the Miisi with all the troops he 
 could trust, so as to alarm the enemy Avitli the prospect 
 of a general attack. 
 
 M. Law had gamed little rest for his troops by the 
 
 halt at Meliapur, having been harassed night and day 
 
 by the attacks of the enemy. As soon as he received 
 
 Augustu, ^[ Bussy's letter, he issued orders for marchinf^ at 
 
 A.D, 1756. . "^ . ^ 
 
 nightfall. He had a narrow defile to pass, which was 
 lined with scattered infantry, and he was assailed by 
 the cavalry wherever there was an opening for them 
 to charge. His troops were thrown into some confu- 
 sion, but tlieir flanks were in some degree protected 
 by the defile, and, as they had no baggage, they con- 
 tinued to move on at a rapid pace. When they reached 
 the mouth of the defile, they found twenty pieces of 
 cannon drawn up to bear on them. They were, however, 
 ill-pointed and ill -served, and were soon silenced by
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 2-J9 
 
 the French artillery. In the open country they had chap. 
 
 to fear the charges of the cavalry, but the backward- 
 
 ness of the friendly jngirdurs discouraged the rest, 
 and at five in the afternoon they reached Hei;itnagar, 
 within six miles of Heidenibad, after eighteen hours 
 of incessant marching and fighting. Here M. Bussy 
 sent a detachment to reinforce them, and what was still 
 more acceptable, a supply of provisions ready dressed. 
 On the next day they entered Heiderabad, having lost 
 in the last day ninety Europeans killed and wounded, 
 and a greater number of sepoys. The whole march 
 from the frontier did great honour to M. Law, and 
 gives an unfavourable impression of the Nizam's troops, 
 even when supported by disciplined sepoys. Salabat 
 Jang and Shah Nawaz Khan had arrived in camp about 
 a fortnight before this crisis, and on the same day on 
 which the reinforcement entered, they sent proposals of ^'Jf'^j^Jjj"'' 
 peace to M. Bassy. 
 
 Both parties were disposed to an accommodation. 
 M. Bussy did not require the removal of Shdh Ndwaz ; 
 Jafir Ali came to Bussy of his own accord, and 
 was reconciled after frankly acknowledging his error. 
 Mozaff'er Khan and Mahinud Khan were ordered to 
 separate from the viceroy's camp. Mahnuid soon after 
 was taken prisoner by the French, but was pardoned 
 in consideration of his former services. Mozafi*er 
 entered the service of Balaji Rao, and was afterwards 
 put to death for his share in a conspiracy. 
 
 Thus ended a long train of dangers from wliich 
 M. Bussy owed his deliverance to his admirable resolu 
 tion and ability. He had an interview with Sahibat 
 Jang, and was received, if possible, with more respect 
 and apparent affection than ever. His rank and 
 honours were fixed as high as they ever had been,
 
 250 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, but he no longer attempted to exercise the complete 
 _^_ control which he formerly possessed over the govern- 
 ment of the Deckan. 
 
 The sadden submission of Salabat Jang must 
 doubtless have been in part occasioned by his own 
 irresolution, and the failure of all the expectations 
 held out by his minister, but it is probable that it was 
 chiefly produced by events which were taking place 
 in a distant quarter. From the first moment of the 
 rupture with M. Bussy, Shdh Nawaz Khan had been 
 soliciting assistance from the Madras Presidency. It 
 was only by the aid of English troops that he could 
 hope finally to expel the French, or to make head 
 against the Marat fcas after this separation from his 
 former protectors. 
 
 The English had entered into these views, and had 
 prepared a detachment for the support of their new 
 ally, w^hen the intelligence of the total subversion of 
 their establishment in Bengal compelled them to re- 
 nounce all other objects, and turn their whole power 
 to revenge the disgrace of their nation, and to afford 
 immediate protection to the survivors of their country- 
 men. 
 -j^^^ . J - The news of this calamity reached Madras a month 
 
 A.D. 1756. before the viceroy's overtures to the French, and must 
 have been still earlier known at Heiderabad by direct 
 conmiunications from Bengal. It at once destroyed all 
 hope from the English, and scarcely left an alternative 
 lor the viceroy but to renew his alliance with the 
 French. 
 
 The war with the French in the Carnatic has been 
 described with more minuteness than will henceforward 
 be required. It was the contest which decided the 
 fate of India, and the school in which the system of
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 251 
 
 war and policy pursued by European nations in that chap. 
 country was formed. . 
 
 The military establishment of each Presidency at 
 first consisted of a very small number of Europeans, 
 who were reinforced in times of danger by native 
 matchlockmen hired for the occasion, and by the 
 inhabitants serving as militia. It soon became the 
 practice to arm these men with European firelocks, 
 but when they were first taught to move and act 
 together, and by word of command, has not been 
 recorded.^ 
 
 In 1682 (as has been mentioned) the Bombay 
 Government had repeatedly pressed on the Court of 
 Directors the necessity of sending out European officers 
 to train up and exercise the militia, but it does not appear 
 that their request was complied with. The common 
 opinion is, that disciplined sepoys were first introduced 
 by the French ; it was certainly the French that soonest 
 employed them extensively, and made them an im- 
 portant part of every arm37-. Four hundred men of this 
 description served at the siege of Madras in 1 746, while 
 the English had only irregulars to oppose them. In 
 1747 a detachment of 100 sepoys arrived from Bombay, 
 together with 400 from Telicherry ; which would lead 
 us to conclude that such troops had already been 
 trained on the coast of Malabar, but we do not know 
 to what extent these sepoys were disciplined. At the 
 siege of Pondicherry in 1749 the English had 1,100 
 sepoys, scarcely better disciplined than the common foot 
 soldiers of the country. The English sepoys made 
 little figure until the rise of Clive. They iirst dis- 
 tinguished themselves in the defence of Arcot, up to 
 which time they appear to have been very inferior to 
 
 * iii. 145.
 
 ^52 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, tlie French sepoys. Even at the close of the first 
 ' siege of Trichmopoly, the best sepoys in the English 
 service were those who had come over from the 
 French." 
 
 But about this time the English sepoys began to 
 assume a superiority which they afterwards retained, 
 and to be favourably contrasted with their rivals both 
 in spirit and fidelity. 
 
 The earliest sepcys probably wore the native dress, 
 with turbans of a uniform colour. The progress was 
 very gradual, until they assumed the red jacket and a 
 glazed cap on the model of a turban, and, after many 
 changes, arrived at the close resemblance in dress to 
 European soldiers which they now exhibit.^ 
 
 The command of large bodies of sepoys was at first 
 entrusted to natives, and they seem to have had corre- 
 sponding rank. Mohammed Eusof was second in com- 
 mand to Colonel Heron, though many European officers 
 must have been present. The trust seems to have been 
 too great a trial for the natives at that time. Mozaffer 
 Khan and Mahmiid Khiin carried off their troops from 
 the French army in the Deckan. Ibrahim Khan (known 
 by the name of Gardi, a corruption from the French 
 'Garde') deserted in like manner about 1758, gained 
 great reputation under the Marattas, and was killed at 
 
 '•' Orme, i. 234. 
 
 ' The translator of the Sei?- nl MotaMerin (a French convert to the 
 Mahometan religion), who wrote in 1789, gives the following account of 
 the French sepoys of early times, who, he says, scarcely bore a resemblance 
 to the English sepoys of his own day. ' The French could neither change 
 their dress, or clothe them uniformly, or keejj their arms in order, or 
 punish them, or prevent their firing away their ammunition at the new 
 moon, or pay them themselves, or bring them under the least restraint 
 or discipline. They were a rabble with immense turbans and immense 
 trousers ; with muskets so ill-used that not one in twenty was in order.' 
 {Seir ul Motaklierin, iii. 152, note.)
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 253 
 
 Paiiii)ut. MoliJiinmed Eusof himself revolted from the chap. 
 . . vii. 
 English, as will appear hereafter, bat no sepoys under 
 
 the exclusive command of natives ever seem to have 
 approached the efficiency of those commanded by 
 Europeans. Intermediate between the sepoys and the 
 Europeans, were at one time a class called To passes. 
 They were mixed descendants or converts of the Portu- 
 guese ; they did not object to wear the European dress 
 or submit to discipline, and though not superior to 
 other natives, were classed with Europeans.^ -They 
 were employed in Bombay as early as IGSS."* 
 
 We can imagine the degraded state of the early 
 Europeans, employed on low wages, as watchmen 
 rather than soldiers, in small and scattered factories. 
 When their numbers increased, they were still the lowest 
 or most desperate of the population of the capital,^ until 
 the exploits of the Company's army and the reports of 
 the wealth of India drew young men of adventurous 
 disposition into their ranks. The recruits had little or 
 no training until tliey were sent on board ship, and 
 
 * Orme, i. 80. ^ Orme's FragmenU, 130. 
 
 ' [In the early days of the Company they ai-e said to have gladly accepted 
 for service felons who were respited from capital punishment on condition 
 of their being sent to the East Indies, but after the middle of the last 
 century they resolutely refused to accept them, though much pressed by 
 the Treasury. There is much correspondence in the India Office relating 
 to the respiting of convicts in former days, which is noticed in the first 
 of a series of papers lately published on ' Some of the India OlHce 
 Records.' A letter of St. John is quoted showing how strongly the 
 Government of the day insisted on convicts being sent to the East Indies. 
 It is dated January 1, 1711 : 'Gentlemen, — Having last night in Cabinet 
 Council acquainted y" Queen with your desire that she would be i)leased 
 to permit Thomas Abraham to be transported to the West Indies, Her 
 Majesty has commanded me to let j'ou know she was induced by your 
 former application to sjiare his life provided he was sent to y'' East 
 Indies and sufficient security given y' he shall never return into her 
 dominions, but y' she will not consent to jiardon hliu on any other con- 
 dition. — lam, gentlemen, Ac, H. St. John.' -Ed.]
 
 254 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, probably marched off into the field before they had ever 
 ' manoeuvred even on a parade. Some of the officers 
 sent from England had seen service in the British or 
 foreign armies, but others were inexperienced ; and 
 many young civil servants joined the troops in India. 
 Their frequent panics, interspersed with instances of 
 romantic courage, show the unsteadiness of raw troops 
 combined with the ardour of early conquerors. As they 
 acquired experience their bad qualities disappeared, 
 and they became models of spirit and intrepidity. In 
 these respects they were probably not surpassed, if 
 equalled, by any soldiers more regularly disciplined and 
 actino- with srreat armies. 
 
 As the war advanced, an improvement took place in 
 the members of the civil government. They were 
 oblio-ed to learn somethino^ of the state of the native 
 powers ; some of the councillors had served with the 
 troops, and the Commander-in-Chi-ef always formed 
 one of the number. If they still retained a portion of 
 the narrow views of mere traders, they were incompar- 
 ably superior to their predecessors in the time of the 
 Childs, or to their contemporaries in the peaceful factories 
 of Bengal. Scarcely any of either service spoke the 
 native lanffuag-es. The confined use of Hindostani, and 
 the number and difficulty of the local languages, dis- 
 couraged this sort of knowledge, and till the beginning 
 of the present century it was not unusual on the 
 Madras establishment to communicate with the natives 
 through interpreters. 
 
 It does not appear that the French were much more 
 advanced. Madame Dupleix's knowledge of the native 
 language is mentioned as an important qualification,* 
 and Bussy did not begin to learn that language until he 
 
 ^ Lawrence's Narrative.
 
 THE LOCAL TKUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 255 
 
 was establislied in the Deckan." But the disposition chap. 
 
 . VII 
 
 of M. Dapleix individually, and perhaps that of his '. . 
 
 countrymen, combined with the number as well as 
 the power and magnificence of the princes with whom 
 they were connected to promote a greater taste for 
 Indian manners amons: the Frendi than the Eno-lish 
 had any opportunity of acquiring from the fugitive ad- 
 herents of ^lohammed Ali. 
 
 The Oriental splendour of j\I. Duj^leix has been 
 often mentioned/ That of M. Bussy was at least as 
 conspicuous. This able officer maintained a constant 
 intercourse wdth the natives of rank, and miirht be 
 reckoned among the greatest of the noblemen of the 
 court of Heiderabiid. He entered into the intrinfues 
 and transactions of those around, and seemed as erreat a 
 master of their peculiar sort of policy as if he had been 
 brought up at an Indian darbar. 
 
 The English in general maintained their natin-al re- 
 serve, with the plainness of their manners, and seem to 
 have had little acquaintance and taken very little interest 
 in any natives except their own sepoys.^ 
 
 ** Meinuire pour Bussy, 17- 
 
 '' [This he maint.ained to the hist. Ormc says that on his supersei':sion 
 by M. Godeheu, that geiitlcnian 'permitted him to continue the exhibi- 
 tion of those marks of Moorish dignity, which both Muzafler Jang and 
 Sahibat Jang heid permitted him to display when they appointed him 
 Nabob of tlie Carnatic. These were of various flags and ensigns, various 
 instruments of military music, particular ornaments for liis palankeen, a 
 Moorish dress distinguished likewise with ornaments peculiar to the 
 nabobship ; and in this equipage he went with great solennxity to dine 
 with M. Godelieu on the feast of St. Louis,' i, 308, — ■'Ed.] 
 
 ^ The contrast of manners asserted in tlio text is well described by 
 the French translator of the Scir ul AlotakJicriu, iii. 150, ' If any one,' 
 says he, ' had seen M. dc Bussy aiid Colonel Clive or Mr. Hastings 
 in thjo height of their power and influence, ho may have taken from 
 those two or three individuals a pretty good idea of tlie diflerent 
 geniuses of the French and English nations. M, de Bussy always wore 
 (in 17«^0 and 1755) embroidered clothes or brocade, witli an cni])ro)'
 
 25G risp: of British power in india. 
 
 NOTE ON THE DOCUMENTS PBODUCED BY THE 
 NATIVE PRINCES IN SUPPORT OF THEIR 
 TITLES. 
 
 CHAP. The following is an account of the pretensions of 
 
 ^ ^' the native princes, and the documents by which they 
 
 were supported. 
 
 The Moo:ul was at one time absolute master of all 
 tlie countries under discussion, but the destruction of 
 his power, and the successful rebellion of Asof Jah, 
 made the latter in many respects an independent 
 power, and entitled his family to succeed, under a 
 certain form, to his newly acquired dominions. The 
 form was a confirmation by the Emperor, which all 
 
 dered hat, and on days of ceremony embroidei'ed shoes of black velvet. 
 He was seen in an immense tent, full sufficient for six hundred men, of 
 about thirty feet in elevation ; at one end of this tent he sat on an arm- 
 chair, embroidered with his king's arms, placed upon an elevation, which 
 last was covered by a crimson carpet of embroidei'ed velvet. At his right 
 and left, but upon back chairs only, sat a dozen of his officers. Over 
 against him, his French guard on horseback, and behind these his Turkish 
 guards. His table, always in plate, was served with three, often with 
 four, services. To this French magnificence he added all the parade and 
 pageant of Hindoostany manners and customs. A numerous set of tents; 
 a pish-ghana ;* always on an elephant himself, as were all his officers. He 
 was preceded by chopdars on horseback, and by a set of musicians sing- 
 ing his feats of chivalry, with always two head chopdars reciting his 
 eulogium. Colonel Clive always wore his regimentals in the field, was 
 always on horseback, and never rode in a palanquin ; he had a plentiful 
 table, but no ways delicate, and never more than two services. He used 
 to march mostly at the head of the column, Avith his aide-de-camps, or 
 was hunting, at the right and left. He never wore silks but in town. 
 Governor Hastings always wore a plain coat of English broadcloth, and 
 never anything like lace or embroidery. His whole retinue a dozen of 
 horse-guards ; his throne a plain chair of mahogany, with plenty of 
 such thrones in the hall ; his table sometimes neglected ; his diet sparing, 
 and always abstemious ; his address and deportment very distant from 
 pride, and still more so from familiarity.' 
 
 * [Pt'sh kliana, tents ami retinue .sent in advance. — Ed.]
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 257 
 
 Yll. 
 
 parties admitted to be essential to their title, resting chap. 
 their claims more on that confirmation than on their 
 relationship to Asof Jah. Considering the matter in 
 this view, the first in descent was Ghazi-u-din Khiin ; 
 bnt he did not at first receive an appointment from the 
 Mogul, and the title passed to his next brother, Nasir 
 Jang, who had the Emperor's authority as well as actual 
 possession. AVhcn Nasir Jang was killed, Ghazi-u-din 
 Khan procured a regular patent and investiture, and 
 became in all respects the legal viceroy. His natural 
 rio'hts descended on his death to his son, Ghazi-u-din 
 the younger, but they formed an imperfect title unless 
 they were confirmed by the Mogul. The next in 
 succession was Salabat Jang, and after him, his three 
 surviving brothers. If Mozaffer Jaug had survived all 
 these princes, he would have had the next claim to con- 
 side ration, as representing their sister, his mother. At 
 the time of the negotiation at Sadras, Ghazi-u-din the 
 younger had not been confirmed, and although Salabat 
 Jang produced an alleged appointment from the Mogul, 
 yet the authenticity of it was very doubtful,^ and until 
 that was proved there was no legal viceroy. Salabat 
 Jang, however, was in full possession. 
 
 The claims of the Nabobs of the Carnatic depended 
 on those of the viceroys. The family of Saadat Ullah, 
 having been forty years in possession, had an hereditary 
 hold on public opinion, but they never pretended to be 
 independent of the viceroy, and the last of them that 
 held the office was removed by Asof Jah in person. 
 Whatever claim they possessed was now vested in Ali 
 Dost Khan, the only surviving son of Safder Khan, for 
 Mortezza Ali (though the nephew of Saddat Ullah) was 
 not in the direct line, and had only inherited his ap})a- 
 
 •* See ii. 012. 
 
 S
 
 258 TvISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, nagc of \^ell6r ; the title now put forward by him rested 
 ^^^' entirely on a patent from Salabat Jang appomting him 
 nabob in subordination to M. Dupleix. Chanda Saheb 
 and his son, as well as M. Dupleix, claimed solely on 
 the ground of patents from Mozaffer Jang and SaLibat 
 Jang, confirmed, it was said, in M. Dupleix's case, by 
 the Great Moo'ul. 
 
 Mohammed Ali had not the shadow of an hereditary 
 claim. His father, Anwar-u-din, only held the office of 
 nabob for four years, and had besides a lawful son, 
 Mahfiiz Khan, older than Mohammed Ali, who was 
 illegitimate. His title rested on an alleged promise 
 from Asof Jah, and on patents which he professed to 
 possess from Nasir Jang, Ghazi-u-dm, and finally from 
 the Emperor himself. We are next to examine the 
 patents on which so much stress is laid. 
 
 Of the seven documents produced by the French in 
 support of their party, six were copies, and their au- 
 thenticity was disputed on that account. There can be 
 no doubt, however, that they were genuine, for they 
 were all from Mozaffer Jang and Salabat Jang, who 
 would have granted anything the French desired. The 
 real objection to these documents was the want of right 
 in the grantor. 
 
 The seventh was said to be an original letter from 
 the Great Mogul to M. Dupleix, recommending Salabat 
 Jang to his favour and protection. 
 
 This letter had neither seal nor signature, except a 
 small signet attached by a string to the bag in which 
 the letter was contained. On this seal were the Avords 
 ' The kingdom is God's, 3, 11 o3.' The first number is 
 the king's reign and the second the Hijra, which fixes 
 the date of the seal in the third year of Mohammed Shah, 
 Hij. 1133, A.D. 1721, many years before the death of
 
 THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 259 
 
 Asof Jab. It may therefore fairly be inferred that the chap. 
 
 ^ VII. 
 
 signet had been transferred from some old letter and 
 
 attached to a recent forgery. When called to account 
 for this inconsistency, he coolly replied that the letter 
 be had sent was only a duplicate and might have had 
 an old seal attached to it owino* to some neo'li^ence in 
 tbe Great Mogul's secretaries, but that he was ready to 
 exhibit the original, whicb bore the date of the fifth 
 year of the reign of the present Emperor and 1163 of 
 the Hijra. 
 
 Even here was another mistake, for the fifth year of 
 the reign of Ahmed Shah was in 1166 liij. 
 
 Mohammed All's papers were not produced, but by 
 his own account they consisted of a patent from Nasir 
 Jang, another from Ghazi-u-din the elder, together with 
 a letter from the Great Mogul procured by Ghazi-u-din 
 the younger. The two first were probably authentic, but 
 were liable to be set aside by Salabat Jang if he should 
 succeed in proving his own appointment, and it is most 
 probable that Mohammed Ali fabricated the royal letter 
 as a precaution against such a contingency. In the 
 then state of Delhi, it is not likely that such a document 
 would be issued without a considerable payment wliich 
 Mohammed Ali had not the means of procuring, and 
 his delay in exhibiting his documents affords further 
 ground of suspicion.
 
 260 lUSE OF BRITISH rOWEU I.V INDIA. 
 
 CHAPTER VIIL 
 
 V/All IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 
 
 Afliiirs of Bengal — Rise of Ali Verdi Khan — Succession of Suraj-u-Doula 
 — His character — His dispute with the English authorities at Cal- 
 cutta — Attacks the settlement — Abandonment of the place by the 
 Governor and principal inhabitants — Surrender of the garrison — 
 The Black Hole — Expedition from Madras under Clive — Recoveiy of 
 Calcutta — War with France — Chandernagor — Clive attacks the 
 Nabob's camp — Alarm of Sunij-u-Doula — Agrees to terms of peace 
 — Negotiations with the French — Capture of Chandernagor — The 
 Nabob threatens war — Some of his chiefs make overtures to the 
 English — Decision of the Council to support Mir Jilfir — Battle of 
 Piassy — Mir Jilfir assumes the Government of Bengal — Large pay- 
 ments of money— Remarks on the conduct of Clive — Weakness of 
 the new Government at Murshidabdd — Affairs on the coast of 
 Coromandel — Expedition to the French possessions — Appearance of 
 Prince Ali Gohan on the frontier — Advance of Clive and retreat of 
 the prince — Clive's jagi'rs — Dutch expedition from Batavia arrives in 
 the Hughli — Attacked by English troops — Clive returns to England. 
 
 CHAP. At tlie time of the war with the Eiio-Ush in 1688, tfie 
 
 VIII , . -r 
 
 ^ Viceroy of Bengal was Shaista Khan, maternal uncle of 
 
 Aurangzib.^ He was succeeded by Azim-u- Shan, grand- 
 son of the same monarch. On the death of his father, 
 Buhadur Shah, Azim-u- Shan contested the crown with 
 
 A D. 1712. his brothers and was killed in battle.^ The successful 
 competitor conferred the government of Bengal on 
 Jafir Khan who was already in charge of the province 
 as deputy to Azim-u-Shan. Farokhsir, the son of the 
 last-named prince, fled to Behar and was afterwards 
 raised to the throne.^ One of his first acts was to ap- 
 point a viceroy on his own part to Bengal. Jafir Khan 
 
 ^ See Book xi. chap. ii. of former history. ^ See ii. 5G7. 
 
 3 See ii. 569.
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 261 
 
 resisted and defeated tlie new viceroy, but did not abate chap. 
 
 ^ VII r. 
 in his professions of respect to the Emperor. By these L_ 
 
 means he obtained a confirmation of his ap|)ointment, ^-^^ i'i2. 
 and continued to send tribute and to profess the usual 
 obedience. The confusions which ensued on the mur- 
 der of Farokhsh' left him at leisure to consolidate his 
 power, and every day rendered it more difficult to dis- 
 possess him. But his province was contiguous to those 
 still in reality attached to the court of Delhi, and was 
 not influenced by the neighbourhood of foreign enemies. 
 He did not therefore openly throw off his allegiance, 
 like the Viceroy of the Deckan, but was contented to 
 enjoy his independence subject to the usual payments 
 and the usual relation to the Emperor. 
 
 He was a vigorous and able ruler, but tyrannical, 
 bigoted, and rapacious. His exactions and his exclusion 
 of the zemindars from all share in collectino; the revenue 
 had great effects on the administration of Bengal down 
 to modern times. Jdfir Ali wished to have left his 
 power to Sinifraz Khan (the son of his daughter who 
 was married to Shuja Khan, a native of the Deckan), but 
 Shuja Khdn seized on the government ibr himself, pro- a.d. 1725. 
 cured a patent from Delhi, and afterwards obtained the 
 annexation of the province of Behar to those of jjcngal 
 and Orissa. These patents were probably obtained by 
 money ; they only gave to the possessor a sanction to use 
 his own means for occupying the so-called office. 
 
 Shujsi Khan, though a better governor than his 
 father-in-law, had not the same energy. lie took 
 little share in the details of the administration, and was 
 guided by the counsels of IL4ji Ahmed and Ali Verdi 
 Khan, and of two Hindus, the llai Baian and Jaggat 
 Set. The two first of these advisers were brothers, 
 natives of Delhi, of a Persian family. Both were bold
 
 262 KISE OF BRITISH roWER IN INDIA, 
 
 CHAP, intrio-uers and able ministers, but Ali Verdi joined to 
 VIII . . . 
 L the talents of his brother a greater fitness for military 
 
 command. The Rai Raian had been accountant to 
 Shujjl Khan's household, and was raised on his acces- 
 sion to the charo'c of the finances of Benfial. Jao;o;at 
 Set * was a banker of a wealthy family, who had long 
 been the chief of the profession in Mnrshidabad, and 
 had for two generations been bankers to the viceroy, 
 an office of much importance with states which are 
 obliged so frequently to anticipate their revenue. 
 
 When Shuja Khan obtained the government of 
 Behar he appointed Ali Verdi his deputy, and procured 
 him honours from Delhi which gave him some preten- 
 sions to a direct connection with the Emperor. On 
 A.D. 1739. Shuja Khdn's death, Sirafrdz Khan obtained the inheri- 
 tance so long ago designed for him. He seems to have 
 been a man of slender capacity, and wasted his time 
 between the society of his women and the devotional 
 observances of his religion. He contracted a natural 
 jealousy of his father's ministers, whose power prevented 
 his attempting to throw off their control, but did not 
 restrain him from irritating them by personal ofiJ'ences 
 and alarming them by his ill-concealed enmity. 
 
 In these circumstances, Ali Verdi contrived to obtain 
 patents in his own name from Delhi, and marched with 
 an army to dispossess his master. Sirafraz showed no 
 want of spirit, and was zealously supported by the army 
 of his province. He was killed in action, at a time 
 when the battle seemed to lean to his side, and liis fall 
 placed Ali Verdi in undisturbed possession of the vice- 
 royalty. 
 
 * Jaggat Set is a title. The name of the first who bore it was Manik 
 Chand. He held the oflice of No gar Se't, or head banker of the city, and 
 received from the Emperor the title of Jaggat Set, head banker of the world. 
 
 A.D. 1740.
 
 VIII. 
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 
 
 The first attention of the nev>- prince was directed ^^ap. 
 to obtainino: the confirmation of the court of Delhi. 
 The sums lie is said to have paid on the occasion are 
 evidently exaggerated : ^ that he made any payment at 
 all, at a time when Nadir Shah had just quitted the 
 capital, is explained by the fact that most of the money 
 went to the Piina Marattas to purchase their aid against 
 those of Benir. Some present to the Emperor and some 
 bribes to his ministers were the price of their media- 
 tion with the Marattas.^ 
 
 Ali Verdi (better known in Bengal by his title of 
 Mohabat Jang) was the last Nabob of Bengal who 
 maintained for any length of time the semblance of 
 power and independence. For this reason his memory 
 is still highly respected in the province, where a strong 
 impression is maintained of his military and political 
 abilities; but in war he showed more activity than 
 talent, and in politics his chief reliance was on the 
 vulgar expedients of fraud and assassmation. His 
 great enemy was Bagoji Bosla,^ and as that prince was 
 engaged in important contests and remote expeditions 
 in the Deckan, and had to send his armies through 500 
 or GOO miles of aluiost uninhabited forest into Beugal, a 
 province of which a large portion was protected by the 
 Ganges, and the rest ill-fitted for the operations of 
 cavalry, it is much more to be wondered at that he 
 should be able to persevere in his enterprise than that 
 Ali Verdi should oppose a long resistance to his designs. 
 Tor the first ten years of the government of the latter, 
 scarcely a year passed without a visit from the Marattas, 
 
 '' The Persian Hisiory of Bengal, translated by M. Gladwin, makes the 
 amount 540,000?. (175). The Heir nl Motalherln says a million sterling 
 in money and 700,000/. in jewels, besides other sums, making in all about 
 two millions. 
 
 •^ See ii. Book xii. chap. iii. (541. " Sec ii. Book xii. chap. iii. G41-2.
 
 264 RISE OF BKITISII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, who sometimes settled for more tlian one season within 
 
 '__ Bengal, and who ravaged the country far and wide, 
 
 multiplying their apparent numbers by the celerity of 
 their motions. At length Ali Verdi gave way. He 
 ceded the province of Cattac to Ragoji, and consented 
 to pay 120,000/. a year under the name of the Chout of 
 Beno-al. Durino^ his war with the Marattas he had 
 been engaged in other disturbances, proceeding from a 
 quarrel with the Afgluin troops, the only efficient part 
 of his army, in which he was at length s;uccessful after 
 a contest carried on with equal pei*fidy and ferocity on 
 both sides. 
 
 From his peace with Ragoji in 1751 to his death in 
 1756 he enjoyed a period of tranquillity and had no 
 difficulty in transmitting his power to his favourite 
 grand-nephew, Suraj-u-Doula. His reputation with 
 posterity was no doubt increased by the comparative 
 gravity of his manners and purity of his life. He was 
 indefatigable in business, abstinent in pleasures, and 
 had only one wife, to whom he was strictly faithful. 
 
 The example of Ali Verdi did not extend its influence 
 to his court ; even the members of his own family, both 
 male and female, furnished instances of licentiousness 
 and depravity surpassing the worst of preceding times. 
 Brought up in this society, indulging his vicious 
 propensities in private and dissembling them before his 
 grand-uncle like the rest, Sunij-u-Doala learned to 
 despise his species and to fix all his thoughts on him- 
 self. He lived among buffoons and profligates in low 
 debauchery, and soon came to think his own pleasures 
 insipid unless they were accompanied with insult or 
 injury to others. The weakness of his understanding 
 and irritability of his temper were increased by the 
 excessive use of spirituous liquors. His distrust of
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 265 
 
 tliose uroimd liiui, and his ionorance of all beyond, made <^hap. 
 
 11 VIII. 
 
 him timid as well as presumptuous, and exposed those 
 
 in his power to danger from his apprehensions no less 
 than from his violence. Though he was always the 
 object of All Verdi's doting fondness, he was never free 
 from jealousy of his other relations, and on one occasion 
 was so much discontented with the attention shown to 
 them, that he rebelled against his grand-uncle, and en- 
 deavoured to make himself master of the city of Patna. 
 He was then only nineteen years old, and showed him- ad. 1750. 
 self as deficient in courage as prudence. This temporary 
 alienation only served to increase his influence. He was 
 relieved from the most formidable of his rivals by their 
 natural deaths, and he removed by assassination some 
 other persons whom he looked on as dangerous enemies. 
 By these means he was able on Ali Verdi's demise to 
 take quiet possession of the government. But, not- 
 withstanding the hopelessness of opposition, a cousin 
 of the new nabob revolted in Purnia, and the daughter 
 of Ali Verdi Khan, now a widow, set up another relation 
 of the family (an infant) and assembled troops at her 
 residence close to the capital. She was, however, 
 deceived into a mock reconciliation, and was seized and 
 imprisoned.^ Her principal adviser. Raj Balab Das, 
 a Hindii, foreseeing the troubles that would follow the 
 death of Ali Verdi, had instructed his son Kishen 
 Das, who was at Dacca, to set out as if on a pilgrimage 
 to Jaganat, and to find some pretext for halting at 
 Calcutta until the crisis should have passed. Kishen 
 Das, being the son of a person of consequence, and 
 recommended by the Company's agent at Mursliid;ib;id, 
 
 ^ The account of the native governments is chiefly drawn from Oriue 
 and the Seir id Mutakherhi ; but Scott's and Stewart's and Gladwin's liis- 
 tories, with HolwoU's Historical Events, have likewise been consulted.
 
 Snn JUSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. wa8 admitted into Calcutta, and took iii) his residence 
 viii . . 
 
 ' with Omi Chand, a banker of great wealth, who was 
 
 much connected with the court of Murshidtibcid. Omi 
 
 Chand was supposed to be discontented with some 
 
 recent proceeding of the Company, and the Government 
 
 of Calcutta, much in the dark about Indian politics, 
 
 entertained a vao^ue dread of his intrio:ues and influence. 
 
 The reception of Kishen Das roused the suspicions of 
 
 Surdj-u-Doula, and on his accession he sent a written 
 
 order to Mr. Drake, the Governor of Calcutta, to deliver 
 
 him up with his property and followers. The messenger 
 
 entered Calcutta in disguise, and went straight to the 
 
 house of Omi Chand, from whence he proceeded to 
 
 deliver his letter. Mr. Drake, suspecting some trick 
 
 of Omi Chand's, set down the messenger for an impostor, 
 
 and ordered him to be turned out of the town. 
 
 The nabob showed no resentment at this indignity, 
 but soon afterwards the English received intelligence 
 that war with France was inevitable, and began to put 
 their fort in order against any attack from that nation, 
 whose princij3al settlement, Chandernagor, was only 
 sixteen miles from Calcutta. This measure, following 
 the ill-treatment of his messenger, increased the dis- 
 pleasure of Sur^j-u-Doula, who sent orders to the 
 English to discontinue their fortifications, and to throw 
 down any recent additions that had been made to them. 
 Mr. Drake replied by pointing out the small extent to 
 which the fortifications had been carried, and explaining 
 that they were only designed against the French, who 
 had disregarded the neutrality of the jMogul's territory 
 in attacking Madras, and might be as little scrupulous 
 in Beno-al. 
 
 This answer threw Surdj-u-Doula into a paroxysm 
 of rao:e which astonished even his own courtiers.
 
 WAR IX BENGAL. PLASSY. 267 
 
 Though he despised the power of the Enghsh at chap. 
 
 Calcutta, he was no stranger to the revolutions produced 
 
 by their struggle with the French in the Carnatic, or 
 to the ascendancy of the French at the court of the 
 Viceroy of the Deckan. He looked with terror to a 
 transfer of the war into his own province, and was no 
 less alarmed than offended by the assumption implied 
 in Mr. Drake's letter, that his power was insufficient to 
 restrain the violence of either of the parties. Passion 
 and policy seemed to concur in urging him to anticipate 
 the coming evil by the extirpation of tlie English. He 
 expected little difficulty in the execution of this design, 
 and was farther invited to it by the hopes of plundering 
 a commercial establishment of the wealth of which he 
 had formed an exa^'o'erated notion. 
 
 He therefore at once chano'ed the direction of his 
 march, and proceeded towards Calcutta at the head of May 17, 
 an army of 50,000 men. 
 
 He surrounded the factory of Casimbdzar near 
 Murshidabad, treacherously seized Mr. Watts, the 
 chief, at a conference, and compelled the remaining 
 servants of the Company to surrender the place, which 
 was immediately given up to plunder. The ensign 
 commanding a small guard that was stationed there 
 shot himself from despair and indignation. 
 
 The nabob then pressed on for Calcutta with all the June 9, 
 speed that his train of artillery would allow. 
 
 As soon as the Government heard of his return, 
 they sent repeated orders to Mr. Watts to announce 
 their acquiescence in his demands. Their despatches 
 were intercepted by the nabob's troops, and though 
 doubtless conveyed to him, they only served to stimu- 
 late his advance by showing the weakness of his 
 enemies. Up to this time the English had forborne to
 
 268 RISE OF BRITISH TOWP^R IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. ])repare for (lefencc, from the fear of mcreasino; the 
 " nabob's displeasure. They now wrote to Madras for 
 succours, applied to the French and Dutch for their 
 assistance, and began to strengthen their position by 
 such means as were in their power. Madras was very 
 distant, and the European colonies naturally refused to 
 interfere. The Presidency of Calcutta was therefore left 
 to its own resources. It had 264 soldiers and 250 in- 
 habitants who took up arms as militia ; of both de- 
 scriptions only 174 were Europeans, the rest being 
 native Portui>'nese and Armenians. Not ten of the 
 whole number had ever seen a shot fired. 
 
 The fort, a brick enclosure, around the interior of 
 w^liich run warehouses with terraced roofs, vras found not 
 to be defensible, and it was determined to make a stand in 
 the adjoining portion of the town. Three batteries were 
 placed across the principal streets, and the smaller 
 entrances within the same circuit were closed by barri- 
 cades ; 1,500 native matchlockmen were hired to assist 
 in the defence of this enclosure, on which all the hopes 
 of the garrison were to rest. During the terror of the 
 nabob's approach, a letter was intercepted from the chief 
 of his spies and messengers to Omi Chand. Though no 
 treason was discovered, all the old suspicions of Omi 
 Chand were aroused ; both he and Kishen Dds were 
 made prisoners, and on an attempt to pursue his brother 
 wlio had fled into the female apartments, his armed re- 
 tainers resisted, and their chief, a man of high caste, 
 determined to save the honour of the women, killed the 
 principal ones with his own hand, set fire to the house, 
 and finally stabbed himself, though the blow did not 
 prove mortal. 
 
 The works were scarcely completed when the nabob's 
 army arrived. He had marched on with such impetuo-
 
 WAR JN BENGAL. TLASSY. 269 
 
 sity that geveral of bis men died from heat and fatigue, chap. 
 
 . . . . . VIII 
 
 and so impatient was he to begin his operations that he ' 
 
 fell without inquiry on the only point beyond the barri- 
 cades where he could have met with resistance. It was 
 a redoubt constructed at the point of junction between 
 the river and a broad trench covering the north and 
 north-east faces of the town and suburbs, which had 
 formerly been dug as a defence against the Marattas, 
 and was called the Maratta ditch. Ensign Pischard, 
 who commanded this redoubt, had served on the coast 
 of Cororaandel, and now showed himself a thorough 
 soldier in circumstances that might have justified de- 
 spair. Though incessantly assailed by infantry and 
 cannon, he kept the nabob's army at bay till dark, and 
 at midnight he made a sally, crossed the Maratta ditch, 
 spiked four guns, and put all that part of the encamp- 
 ment to flight. Next morning the nabob discovered 
 his error. He marched round to a point wdiere there 
 was no obstacle to oppose him, and took up his ground June is. 
 near the town. On the third day the army advanced 
 to the attack. A multitude of some thousands poured 
 down the avenue that led to the eastern battery ; they 
 drove in the outposts, and when checked by the fire of 
 the battery, spread through the town and filled the 
 nearest houses with innumerable matchlockmen. The 
 worst natives are bold and active when they are sure of 
 success, and they now kept up so hot a fire, especially 
 on the eastern battery, that all the men except those 
 actually working the guns were forced to retire into 
 shelter. They held out, however, for many hours but 
 the fire was incessant and insu])portable, and tlie as- 
 sailants, who pressed their attack on all sides, at last 
 forced one of the barricades. The troops in the bat- 
 teries and other entrances were then recalled, and the
 
 270 RISE OF BlUTLSn POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, enemy rushed in with shouts of joy and exultation, 
 
 ^ w^liile the English fell back on the fort which had 
 
 already been pronounced untenable. At this moment 
 the boldest seemed to despair. The native troops and 
 militia were stupified with fear ; the hired matchlockmen 
 had disappeared to a man ; the town had been deserted 
 before the attack ; and a helpless crowd of native Por- 
 tuguese, with their women and children, occupied every 
 spot that promised shelter within the fort, and filled 
 the place with uproar and confusion. The English 
 preserved their courage, but they were exhausted by 
 their unremitting exertions under a burning sun, and 
 almost lost amidst the general disorder. Small parties, 
 however, were got to the points most important to pro- 
 tect, and others continued to defend the rampart. But 
 the enemy now brought cannon against the walls and 
 kept up such a fire from the surrounding houses that it 
 was almost impossible to stir within the place. Never- 
 theless the Europeans kept their ground till dark, when 
 the enemy's fire necessarily ceased. The European 
 women were embarked in the evening on seven or eight 
 ships which lay at anchor not far from the fort ; two 
 of the councillors went on board to escort them, and did 
 not return to the garrison. This was the first example 
 of desertion. In the night, a general coinicil was held 
 on the question whether they should embark immedi- 
 ately or send off the Portuguese women next day, and 
 retire with less tumult and disorder in the evening. 
 They broke up without coming to a decision, so that 
 every man was left under the impression that he was to 
 provide for his own safety. In the morning the attack 
 was renewed. The English took possession of some of 
 the houses that had most annoyed the garrison during 
 the preceding evening, but they were pressed by so
 
 ^YAn IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 271 
 
 incessant a fire from tlie enemy that many were killed, chap. 
 
 • . VIII. 
 
 and more, with their gallant commander Ensign Pis- . '__ 
 
 chard, were wounded. At last they were fairly driven in, 
 and their retreat ano'mented the terror of the besieo-ed 
 and the audacity of the assailants. Meanwhile the 
 Portuguese women had been embarking, but with so 
 much hurry and confusion that several boats sank and 
 many lives were lost. Some of the principal English 
 were endeavouring to keep order, and to retain the 
 native boatmen, who were anxious to make their escape, 
 but the enemy had ere this spread along the bank of the 
 river and began to throw rockets at the ships. Those on 
 board were seized with alarm, and one of the fusntive 
 councillors, in heedless terror, gave the order to drop 
 down the river out of reach. This happened exactly 
 as the party from the houses was driven in, and the 
 beholders thought themselves overpowered and deserted 
 and gave up all for lost. Among those on the beach 
 was the Governor, Mr. Drake. He had as yet shown no 
 want of personal courage, and had freely exposed himself 
 wherever his presence was required, but he was exhausted 
 by fatigue and want of sleep. He understood better than 
 the rest the state to which the garrison was reduced, 
 and he knew that the nabob had always fixed on him 
 as the special object of his vengeance. The last boat 
 was leaving the shore, some of his friends were among 
 the passengers, and in an unhappy tnoment he threw 
 himself on board, followed by the military commander. 
 The astonishment and indignation of the garrison at 
 this desertion passed all bounds, but amidst their exe- 
 ci-ations against the fugitives, they persevered in their 
 own defence. They chose Mr. Ho] well, a member of 
 council, to command, and under his cool and resolute 
 directions, they pursued such measures as their hopeless
 
 272 RISE OF BIMTJSII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, situation allowed. Tliey endeavoured to shelter tliem- 
 
 '_ selves from the musketry by piling packages of cloth on 
 
 the rampart, and to deaden the effect of the cannon shot 
 by placing bales of cotton against the walls. During 
 this time they indulged the hope that the fugitives on 
 the ships, when out of all fear for themselves, would 
 have thought of their former companions, and they 
 attempted to excite their sympathy by flags and other 
 signals of distress, but no appeal could kindle a spark 
 of generous or manly feeling. A single sloop might, 
 with little risk, have prevented all the horrors that were 
 to come, but this aid was basely withheld. One hope 
 yet remained. A vessel which had been stationed off 
 the northern redoubt still continued at her anchorage. 
 She now dropped down towards the fort, and every eye 
 was fixed on her with fervent hopes of deliverance ; 
 but the spot was dangerous, the pilot lost his presence 
 of mind, the vessel struck on a bank, and was before 
 long abandoned by the crew. Another night, however, 
 June 20. wore away, and when the attacks of the next day began, 
 Mr. Holwell was often urged to endeavour to caf)itulate. 
 He made overtures in various forms, and among others 
 presented himself on the ramparts with a flag of truce. 
 At length the firing ceased and a person stepped forward 
 and made signs of a desire to parley, but while this was 
 passing, numbers crowded up to the walls on other 
 sides, and some found an entrance at a neglected door, 
 others mounted the walls in different parts, and in an 
 instant the place was filled with the besiegers. Mr Hol- 
 well immediately gave up his sword to a man who 
 seemed to be a commander, the rest of the garrison 
 threw down their arms, and the enemy meeting with no 
 opposition, shed no more blood. They rifled the pri- 
 soners of their articles of value, and dispersed to plunder 
 the goods and merchandise. In the afternoon the nabob
 
 VIII. 
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. I'LASSY. 273 
 
 entered the fort. He was cfirried in on a sort of litter, ^^,''^^- 
 and expressed his astonishment when he saw the sinall- 
 ness of the garrison. He released Kishen Dtxs and 
 Omi Chand, to whom he gave an honourable reception. 
 At the same time he received the cono-ratidations of 
 his chiefs on his victory. Even in the complacency 
 of triumph, he asked eagerly for Mr. Drake, but when 
 Mr. Hoi well was brought to him, with his hands tied, 
 he ordered him to be unbound, and promised the Eng- 
 lish, on the faith of a soldier, that not a hair of their 
 heads should be touched. It was now near evening, 
 and the prisoners were assembled under an arcade where 
 they were closely surrounded hj guards. Many of them 
 w^ere wounded, and some mortally, but the rest felt as- 
 sured of their safety, and some even began to joke on 
 the oddity of their situation. But the buildings round 
 them had been set fire to, they were threatened by the 
 approach of the flames, and were again in doubt about 
 the fate designed for them, when they received an order 
 to move into a barrack close to which they had been 
 standing. Beyond this barrack was a place used for 
 the confinement of military delinquents, which, as was 
 then usual in garrisons in England, was called the 
 Black Hole.'' It was a room about twenty feet square. 
 
 ^ [Mill, in his history, assumes that the place of confinement was ' a 
 small, ill-aired, and miwholesome dungeon,' adding that 'the English 
 had only their own practice to thank for suggesting it to the officers of 
 the Subahdar as a fit place of confinement.' Mr. H. H. Wilson, in hia 
 edition of Mill's liistory, comments on this and other remarks by the 
 historian, used in palliation of the acts of Sur;'ij-u-Doula. He thus describes 
 the place Avhich tradition assigned as the scene of these horrors : — ' In 
 1808 a chamber was shown in the old fort of Calcutta, then standing, 
 said to be the Black Hole of 1750. Its situation did not correspond 
 exactly with Mr. Holwell's description of it, but, if not the same, it was 
 a room of the same description and size, such as is very connnon among 
 the offices of both public and private buildings in Calcutta, and no doubt 
 accurately represented the kind of place which was the scene of this 
 
 T
 
 274 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, -^yitii only two small grated windows, and even they 
 
 '. only opened on a covered arcade. Into this place they 
 
 were desired to enter. The few who knew the size of 
 the apartment hesitated, and those who did enter were 
 soon stopped by want of room to advance. On this the 
 guard levelled their matchlocks and pressed on with their 
 swords ; the prisoners, taken by surprise, crowded into 
 the room and the door was closed before they were well 
 aware of their situation. The prison was a place of pen- 
 ance for a single offender, but to a mass of 146 persons who 
 were now crushed into it, it was a scene of death and hor- 
 ror. Earnest demands, entreaties, and supplications were 
 addressed to the guards at the window, to divide the pri- 
 soners into different apartments ; furious efforts were 
 made to force the door. The heat and suffocation were 
 l)eyond endurance from the first, and were increased by 
 the exertions that were made to obtain relief; intolerable 
 thirst succeeded, and its pangs were augmented by a sup- 
 ply of water which it was attempted to convey through 
 the windows. Little passed those whom it first reached, 
 and to them it only made the thirst more tormenting ; 
 those behind struggled for a share, and the desperate con- 
 test excited the laughter of some of the guards, who now 
 dashed in water for amusement, as the others had done from 
 humanity. The most cutting reproaches were addressed 
 to the guard to provoke them to fire into the prison. 
 The cry of ' Air, air ! ' burst from every quarter, groans 
 and lamentations were succeeded by the wildest ravings 
 
 occurrence. It bore by no means the character of a prison. It was 
 much more light, airy, and spacious than most of tlie rooms used formerly 
 by the London Avatch, or at present by the police for purposes of tem- 
 porally durance. Had a dozen or twenty people been immured within 
 such limits for a night there would have been no hardship Avhatever in 
 their imprisonment, and in all probability no such number of persons 
 ever were conflned in it.' — Ed.]
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. TLASSY. 275 
 
 of delirium, everyone pressed madly towards the win- ^-^f^' 
 
 dows, many fell down never more to rise ; and, as their 
 
 strength and fury were exhausted, the survivors sunk 
 into silence and stupor. Fresh efforts brought fresh 
 accessions of misery, and the most enviable, next to the 
 dead, were those who lost all consciousness of their 
 sufferings in insensibility. Before this horrible night 
 was closed, but twenty-three of the 146 remained alive; 
 among these, one was a woman. 
 
 As long as the influence of reason remained, great 
 respect was shown for Mr. Holwell. He was placed 
 with some wounded officers near one of the windows, 
 and owed his preservation to the strength he retained 
 from this circumstance. In the fierce struo-o-les that 
 ensued, he was at last worn out, and retired mto the 
 back part of the prison to die in quiet. He was again 
 brought forward, in the hope that he might prevail on 
 the guard to procure some mitigation of the general 
 calamity, but after an interval he again retired, and at 
 length sunk into total insensibility. About six in the 
 morning an officer of the nabob's came to the window 
 and inquired if the chief was still alive ; he was then 
 drawn out from under several dead bodies, and on being- 
 lifted to the air discovered signs of life. The prison June 21. 
 was soon after opened, but it was long before the re- 
 moval of the corpses made room for the release of the 
 living. Mr. Holwell was laid on the wet grass, and 
 when he came to himself was in a high putrid fever, 
 unable to stand and scarcely able to speak. When he 
 was in some degree restored he was carried to the nabol), 
 by whose order he had been sought for. Up to this 
 time, Suraj-u-Doula had no direct share in the barbarity 
 of which he was the original cause ; he had thought of 
 nothing but the safe custody of the prisoners, and their
 
 276 KISE OF BHITISII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, nrotractul sulfcriiiii's arose fi'oni the fear of awakenino; 
 viii. ' ^ . . . 
 him, while without his sanction the door of the prison 
 
 conhl not be opened He now made himself a party to 
 all the guilt he had occasioned, for, without evmcing 
 the smallest regret for the past, he inflicted new seve- 
 rities on the remaining victims. As Mr. Hoi well was 
 being conveyed to the nabob, an officer told him that if 
 he did not disclose where the treasure was concealed he 
 would be blown from a gun. In his present state he 
 heard the menace with indifFerence, or rather with satis- 
 faction. The nabob entered on the same inquiry with 
 equal harshness. He cut short Mr. Holwell's recital 
 of the dismal fate of his companions, by telling him 
 that he knew there was a large treasure hidden in the 
 fort, and that if he expected favour he must discover it. 
 ^Iv. Holwell's protestations that there was no such 
 treasure only led to more peremptory commands, while 
 his appeals to the nabob' sformer promises were treated 
 with even less regard. He and three of his prmcipal 
 fellow- sufferers were loaded with fetters, and were 
 afterwards sent off to Murshidabad in boats. During 
 this voyage, which lasted fourteen days, they lay on the 
 hard deck exposed to the burning sun and the intense 
 rain of the monsoon ; their food was rice and water, 
 and they were covered from head to foot with large and 
 painful boils, which deprived them of the use of their 
 hands, and rendered the weight of their fetters into- 
 lerably galling. At Murshid;ibc4d they were dragged 
 through the city, a spectacle to the assembled popula- 
 tion, and were lodged in a stable, where they were 
 deprived of all repose, and crowded nearly to suffoca- 
 tion by the vast throngs of people whom curiosity 
 drew to look at them. The other English were set at 
 liberty, many at tlie intercession of the French and
 
 WAK IN BENGAL. TLASSY. 277 
 
 Dutch, who behaved throiiii'hout with the utmost ^'Hap. 
 humanity, ofteriu^' their own security lor some, grant- 
 
 ing an asyhim to others, and sparing no expense nor 
 exertions in rehevino; the wants of all. Those nations 
 had been called on by the nabob to join him against 
 the English, but maintained a strict neutrality in spite 
 of threats and intimidation. 
 
 Mr, Holwell and his companions had not been long 
 at Murshidiibad before the nabob returned to his capital. 
 Their deplorable condition had excited the compassion 
 of the mother of Sunij-u-Doula, who interceded with 
 her son for their release. One day the nabob had to juiy i6. 
 pass by the place of their confinement on his way to a 
 garden, and they prevailed on their guards to let them 
 stand close to the road. When the nabob approached, 
 they made him the usual salute, on which he stopped 
 his litter, and Mr. Holwell seized the opportunity to 
 petition for their liberty ; their ghastly countenances 
 and miserable appearance would have touched any 
 heart ; the Nabob made no reply, but immediately or- 
 dered them to be released, and is said to have expressed 
 displeasure at the cruel usage they had undergone. 
 They immediately repaired to the Dutch factory, where 
 they were joyfully received.^ 
 
 The ships had been prevented leaving the Ganges in 
 consequence of the prevalence of the monsoon. They 
 anchored at Falta, about twenty miles of direct dis- 
 tance below Calcutta, where the fugitives from that city 
 
 ' The transactions down to this period arc from the evidence and appen- 
 dices in the First Report of the Cotumittec of tlie House of Commons in 
 1772 ; the numerous controversial letters between Messrs Holwell, Drake, 
 Becher, ttc. at tlie India House (of which Mr. Holvvell's part is published 
 in a pamphlet called Inipmiant Facta, printed in 1704) ; Mr. Holwell's 
 narrative of the deplorable deaths in the Black Hole ; Orme ; and the 
 Seir ul MntaMieriH.
 
 278 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 ^JJlV^- erected hovels and were found by the expedition that 
 VIII. , , . "^ ^ 
 
 _ afterwards came to their relief in a wretched condition, 
 
 more like shipwrecked sailors than men accustomed to 
 ease and luxury.''^ They now paid the price of their 
 dastardly abandonment of their companions ; their recol- 
 lections of the past were worse than their present suffer- 
 ings, and both were embittered by mutual reproaches 
 and recrimination.^ 
 
 The ao'ents from the other fjictories likewise in time 
 found their way to Falta, where they were left un- 
 molested by the contemptuous supineness of the native 
 government. 
 
 The nabob had treated the unoffendino; factories of 
 the other powers with so little justice or consideration 
 as made it appear how little any real provocation was 
 required to produce his violence towards the Enghsli ; 
 he extorted 45,000/. from the Dutch, and 35,000/. from 
 the French, besides a smaller sum from the Danes. 
 
 The first notification of Suraj-u-Doula's march 
 A.D. 1756. agamst the English reached Madras on July 15, and 
 within five days from that time the Government de- 
 spatched the Company's trading ship Delaware, with two 
 hundred and thirty soldiers under Major Kilpatrick, to 
 their assistance. 
 
 The mtelligence of the completion of the disaster 
 arrived on August 5, and struck the settlement with 
 horror and mdignation. Reflection added perplexity 
 and alarm. The fears of the Madras Government had 
 hitherto been directed to the ascendancy of the French 
 at Heiderabad, from which a favourable combination of 
 circumstances had just given them hopes of deliverance.* 
 
 '^ Ives's Voyage. 
 
 ^ Orme; and evidence before the Committee of the House of Commons. 
 
 ■* See ante, chap. vii.
 
 ■\Vi\IJ IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 279 
 
 To profit by the occasion, tliey were preparing an ex- 
 pedition to send into tlie Deckan, but their means were 
 scarcely adequate to the exertion it required. The 
 arrival of the reinforcement under Colonel Clive had 
 done no more than bring them to an equality with the 
 French in the province of Arcot alone, where each 
 nation had about 2,000 Europeans and 10,000 sepoys. 
 Admiral Watson's fleet gave the English the temporary 
 command of the sea ; but they heard from Europe that 
 war with France was certain, and that the French were 
 about to despatch a fleet of nineteen ships, with 3,000 
 soldiers, to Pondicherry. 
 
 Unless they could dislodge the French from the 
 Deckan before this force arrived, they must themselves 
 be driven out of the Carnatic ; on the other hand the 
 urgent interests of the Company and the honour of the 
 nation required an immediate display of force in Bengal. 
 The two courses were debated in council, and a middle 
 one proposed of sending a small force to Bengal ; but 
 this was overruled by the wisdom and firmness of Orme 
 the historian, who foresaw that such a measure would 
 ruin both expeditions, and prevailed on the council to 
 ap[)ly their whole strength to Bengal. It was chiefly 
 owing to the zealous support of the same councillor 
 that the command was committed to Clive. Mr. Pigott, 
 the Governor, proposed to go himself with full powers. 
 Colonel Adlercron, the commander of the forces, but in- 
 experienced and incompetent, refused to allow the King's 
 troops to embark under any command but his own ; 
 l.awrence was disabled by sickness, and gave his voice 
 for Clive. Mr. Manningham, one of the fugitive members 
 of council, who had been deputed from Bengal, thought it 
 became him to protest against an arrangement likely to 
 deprive the heads of that Presidency of any portion of 
 
 CHAP. 
 VIII.
 
 280 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA, 
 
 VIII. 
 
 CHAP, the powers wliicli they liad shown themselves so incom- 
 petent to exercise. 
 
 The appointment of Clive gave general satisfaction 
 to the troops. He was instructed to acknowledge Mr. 
 Drake as Governor in civil and commercial bnsmess, but 
 to retain the complete control of the military and political 
 part of the expedition, and the funds for its supply 
 were placed in his hands. The plan was submitted to 
 Admiral Watson, who consented to take his share in 
 the execution. The squadron consisted (besides trans- 
 ports) of three ships of the line, one fifty -gun ship, one 
 twenty gun ship, and one fireship, but the land force 
 obtained with so much difficulty amounted only to 
 900 Europeans and 1,500 sepoys. Of the Europeans, 
 250 were men of Colonel Adlercron's regiment whom 
 he had at length allowed to go as marines under the 
 admiral. They had no prospect of a single friend 
 among the natives, and their opinion of the power of 
 their enemies was raised by the recent display of it, as 
 well as by the impression that they were to encounter 
 the Rjxjputs and Patans of Hindostan instead of the 
 puny soldiery of the Carnatic. 
 
 The fleet sailed on October 10. It had to contend 
 with the north-west monsoon, and met with great 
 delay and obstruction. The fireship was driven to 
 Ceylon ; the Marlborough, a Company's ship, was 
 obliged to part company, and it was not until 
 November 16 that the admiral, with the rest of the 
 fleet, approached the mouth of the Hiigli. The naviga- 
 tion of this branch of the Ganges is peculiarly difficult. 
 It brings down quantities of soil along with it, which 
 form dangerous banks at its mouth, extending far out 
 into the sea. Its own channel also is choked with banks 
 of mud and sand, and is so intricate that in the latest
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 281 
 
 times, with a regular pilot service and all the advantage of ^^j^^- 
 
 buoys and lighthouses, the Company's ships never went 
 
 higlier than Diamond Harbour, thirty-five miles below 
 Calcutta. Admiral Watson's determination to sail up 
 this then almost unknown river, was therefore one of 
 the most gallant parts of the whole enterprise. The 
 commencement was not auspicious. Before they got 
 sight of the shores of the Hiigli, two of the ships struck 
 on a bank, and though both ultimately got off, one was 
 driven to leeward, and was obliged to sail for Yizaga- 
 patam on the coast of Coromandel. This was the 
 Cumberland of seventy guns, having on board Admiral 
 Pococke and 250 European soldiers. The I'est of the 
 fleet remained at anchor until they were joined by two 
 European pilots from Ealta, and then made their way 
 to that anchorage. They there found the remains of the Decem- 
 English of Bengal, together with Major Kilpatrick and A^D.'r756 
 his detachment, which had already lost half its number 
 from the unhealthiness of the climate. In the mean- 
 time Mr. Drake had received despatches from England, 
 appointing him and three of his former council a 
 committee for the conduct of the Company's affairs in 
 Bengal. They had already called in Major Kilpatrick 
 to their board, and now added Watson and Clive to the 
 number. 
 
 They, however, protested against the powers en- 
 trusted to Clive, and required him to be guided in all 
 his operations and negotiations by their orders. This 
 Clive refused, but said he never would act contrary to 
 their wishes unless they forced him. Accordingly he 
 never failed to attend the committee when within reach, 
 and never took a step of importance without its previous 
 sanction. The admiral attended the first meetins^s, 
 which were held on board his ship ; after the taking
 
 282 RISE OF Buirisii power ix india, 
 
 CHAP, of Calcutta, he acted as a separate authority, but was 
 
 treated with great deference by all parties. He kept 
 
 up a correspondence of his own with the nabob, but 
 always in the spirit of that of Olive and the committee. 
 He was frank, honourable, and disinterested, capable 
 of sacrificing even his prejudices to the public service, 
 good-hearted, and no less beloved than respected by all 
 connected with hiui ; but his opinions were strong, 
 his disposition somewhat warm, and he entertained a 
 jealousy of the laud service and a high sense of the 
 dignity of his own station which might have pro- 
 duced inconvenience if his military colleague had not 
 possessed the complete command of at least as warui a 
 temper. 
 
 After the destruction of Calcutta, Suraj-u-Doula had 
 returned to his capital and had marched against his 
 rival at Purnia, who was defeated and killed in a battle 
 with the nabob's troops under Mir Jaiir. All his 
 apprehensions from the interior were therefore at an 
 end, and such was his impression of the insignificance 
 of his foreign enemies, that he declared he did not 
 believe there were ten thousand men in all Europe. 
 
 Manik Chand, a Hindu, had been appointed Governor 
 of Calcutta, and had taken measures to streno-then the 
 })lace as well as the neighbouring forts on the river. 
 ]3oats loaded with bricks were also prepared to be sunk 
 in a narrow channel of the stream, 
 
 On the arrival of the armament, letters from the 
 Government of Madras, from the Viceroy of the Deckan, 
 and the Nabob of the Oarnatic, were forwarded to Surdj- 
 u-Doula, with peremptory letters from Watson and 
 Olive. As no answer was deigned to this communica- 
 tion, the English authorities declared war, and published 
 
 a manifesto giving their reasons.
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 28,3 
 
 They then set sail for Falta, and next day ap- chap. 
 proached the fort of Bujbuj, ten miles from Calcutta. 
 
 To cut off the escape of the garrison, Clive landed some ^^f^f 2™' 
 miles below the place, with 500 Europeans and all the ^-d- it.'o. 
 sepoys, and marched in the night to a point on the 
 road to Calcutta. His march was through a tract full 
 of swamps and rivulets, and the troops did not reach 
 their destination till morning, when they lay down 
 exhausted, without order or precaution, and in a few 
 minutes were all asleep. 
 
 In this situation they were surprised by Manik 
 Chand, who had come to Bujbuj the day before, with 
 1,500 horse and 2,000 foot. He at first caused con- 
 fusion and loss. In time, however, the English 
 recovered their order and compelled the assailants to 
 withdraw to Calcutta. In the meantime the fire of 
 Bujbuj had been silenced by the ships, and next 
 morning the fort was found evacuated. 
 
 On December 30 the fleet proceeded to Calcutta, 
 and on January 7, 1757, anchored before that place. 
 Miinik Chand had retired to Hiigli, leaving a garrison 
 of 500 men in the Enu'lish fort. These men returned 
 the cannonade of the English ships, and killed seventeen 
 sailors before their fire was silenced. They then 
 quitted the place, which was taken possession of at 
 eleven o'clock. The admiral sent Captain (afterwards 
 Sir Eyre) Coote, of Adlercron's regiment, ashore, with 
 a commission as Governor, but Clive, who arrived 
 soon after, took the command as general of the land 
 foixe. The admiral was much mcensed, and on Clive's 
 perseverance, threatened to drive him out with his 
 cannon. Clive replied that the responsibility of such 
 a proceeding would rest with tlie admiral, but that he 
 was determined never to give up the command to a
 
 284 iiiSE OF BRITISH rowioii in india. 
 
 ^}^,^f subordinate. The matter at lenii'tli was compro.nised : 
 viir. . 
 
 Clive gave u[) the keys to the admu*al, who hmded 
 
 to receive them, and immediately made them over to 
 Mr. Drake, the civil Governor. 
 
 As it was found that the Nabob was not yet prepared 
 to move from Murshidj'ibad, a strong detachment was 
 sent by water to attack Hi'igli, the seat of the government 
 of that division of Bengal, which it was of obvious 
 political importance to reduce. An imperfect breach 
 was made from the ships, and the troops carried 
 the place by storm with little loss. During this 
 expedition news arrived through private channels of 
 the breaking out of war with France. There were at 
 Chandernag6r 600 Europeans, of whom 300 were soldiers. 
 They were well supplied w^ith artillery. One of Bussy's 
 stations was wdthin 200 miles of the nearest part of 
 Bengal, and he was himself not far from the frontier. 
 It was therefore expected that the French would join 
 the nabob, which would at once have turned the scale 
 against the English. Even a protracted struggle would 
 have been a great gam to the French, since a small de- 
 tachment of theirs, aided by the nabob, would employ 
 so laro-e an English force as would leave the Caniatic 
 nearly defenceless. 
 
 On no one did these considerations fall with more 
 weight than on Clive. He for the first time saw the 
 safety of liis army and of the British interests in India 
 depend on his conduct, and the effect was such as could 
 only have been produced on a mind of which the 
 strongest passions were forgotten in the public cause. 
 
 To the daring spirit which had ever characterised 
 him were now added the stimulants of wealth and glory 
 to be attained by military exploits, and by them alone. 
 Every motive combined to urge him to an immediate
 
 AVAK IX BENGAL. PLASSY. 2(S5 
 
 appeal to arms, yet liis prudence during all the chap. 
 
 subsequent transactions in Bengal, his caution in his '— 
 
 movements, and his anxiety to effect a settlement with- 
 out the risk of hostilities, were such as in another 
 man could scarcely have escaped the reproach of 
 timidity. 
 
 Soon after the recapture of Calcutta, the nabob 
 had sounded the Enghsh, through the French dejiuties 
 then treating with them on their own account, as to 
 the terms on which they were willing to make peace. 
 The terms which they proposed, though even more 
 moderate than those afterwards obtained, remained 
 unnoticed, but a channel of communication was kept 
 up through the great bankers of the house of Jaggat 
 Set, of which Clive took advantage to endeavour to 
 open a negotiation. Tlie nabob was not yet convinced 
 of the power of his enemies, and was rather irritated 
 than intimidated by the success that had attended them. 
 He refused to listen to their overtures, but the Sets, 
 foreseeing the possibility of a change in his counsels, 
 sent an able agent, named Ranjit Rai, to accompany 
 his army, which now began its march towards Calcutta. 
 Omi Chand continued to be the object of a sort of 
 superstitious dread to the English. To him Mr. Holwell 
 ascribed his own ill-treatment, and observed that the 
 three gentlemen pitched on to he his companions in 
 captivity were all personal enemies of Omi Chand's. 
 He was now more formidable than ever from his 
 having gained the confidence of Suraj-u-Doula, but his 
 interest was involved in the restoration of peace and 
 the revi\'al of tlie trade of Calcutta, and from this 
 motive he also accompanied the army, and was ready to 
 do all in his ]io\ver to promote an accommodation. 
 
 Colonel Clive had taken up and fortified a position
 
 28j5 lUSE OF BKITISII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 ^^V^- which covered the only accessible part of the Company's 
 
 territory, the rest being protected by an extensive 
 
 lake of salt water. It was about a mile to the 
 northward of the town, and half a mile inland from a 
 point on the river not far beyond the redoubt which had 
 formerly resisted the nabob's attack. As the nabob 
 drew near, the villagers ceased to send in supplies to 
 camp, and the whole of the native followers deserted. 
 No cattle had yet been collected, and there was only one 
 horse in camp. The nabob therefore had only to avoid 
 an engagement, and he might have destroyed the force 
 landed or have compelled it to reimbark. In these cir- 
 cumstances Clive wrote to him through Ranjit Rai to 
 Janu- propose peace. The nabob i»:ave a friendly answer and 
 
 ary 30, I ^ ^ . . ^ . t , . 
 
 A.D. 1757. kept up the negotiations, but continued his march. 
 Three days after, his advanced guard was descried from 
 the British lines. Unwilling to take any step that might 
 interrupt his negotiations, Clive allowed them to pass 
 within sight of his camp, when a s\\"arm of plunderers 
 spread over the Company's territory, and one regular 
 body, with nine heavy guns, took up and fortified a posi- 
 tion about a mile and a half to the south-east of that of 
 Clive. This seemed too threatening a movement, and 
 Clive set out in the evening to dislodge the party ; but 
 he was unable to effect his purpose, and returned after 
 a camionade in which both sides lost some men. Next 
 day the main body passed on by the same route. The 
 sight was disheartening to the troops, and the result 
 was to i)lace the nabob's army nearer to Calcutta than 
 Clive's. The nabob himself halted for some time at a 
 village in the rear of his army, and sent to Clive to re- 
 quest that he would depute commissioners to treat. 
 Mr. Walsh and Mr. Scrafton were immediately de- 
 spatched, but before they arrived the nabob had
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. I'LASSY. 287 
 
 marched, and they overtook liim hite in the even- 
 ing at a garden of Omi Chand's within the Maratta 
 ditch, where he had fixed his head-quarters. After 
 they had been searched for concealed weapons, and 
 an attempt had been made to de})rive them of their 
 swords, they were presented to the nabob. He received 
 them in a full darl)dr, surrounded by armed chiefs, 
 "who seemed to scowl defiance on the deputies. They 
 nevertheless remonstrated with the nabob on the in- 
 consistency between his acts and his professions, and 
 afterwards presented a paper containing their proposals. 
 The nabob lool:ed over the paper and said something 
 in a low voice to his attendants ; he then referred the de- 
 puties to his mmister, to whose tent they were ordered 
 to repair. Their experience of the nabob's treachery 
 of itself suggested the probability of a design to seize 
 them, and, as they were leaving the darbar, Omi Chand 
 drew near and whispered to them to take care of them- 
 selves. On this the deputies ordered their lights to be 
 extinguished, and instead of proceeding to the j^riine 
 minister, made the best of their way to their own 
 camp. 
 
 On hearing their report, Olive resumed all his usual 
 energy and decision. He received the deputies at eleven ; 
 before midnight he was on board the admiral's ship ; 
 by one o'clock a body of sailors was landed, and by two 
 the troops were under arms ready to attack the nabob's 
 camp.^ There were GOO sailors armed with firelocks, 
 750 Europeans, 800 sepoys, and six field-pieces which 
 were drawn ])y the sailors. The choicest part of the 
 nabob's army was round his own station at Omi Chand's 
 garden, but the rest were scattered over a great extent 
 
 ■'■' Olive's evidence, First Report of the Committee of the House of 
 Commons, 1772, 147. 
 
 CHAP. 
 VllT.
 
 288 RISE OF E1UT18II TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, to the eastward of the Maratta ditch. The colnnin be- 
 
 VIII. 
 
 trail its march at four o'clock. It was intended to move 
 
 straight on the head-quarters and the park of artillery, 
 but, as the day dawned, one of those fogs came on which 
 in their intensity are peculiar to Bengal. No guides 
 were of use in such impenetrable darkness ; the column 
 left Omi Chand's garden and the Maratta ditch on their 
 riofht, and marched on to the southward, through the 
 midst of the camp, firing by platoons to the right and 
 left, and discharging their field-pieces obliquely towards 
 the front. When they came in a line with Omi Chand's 
 garden, but without knowing where they were, they 
 heard the sound of cavalry approaching at full gallop. 
 They opened a heavy fire in the direction of the noise, 
 which soon after ceased. It proved to have been a body 
 of Persians excellently mounted, who charged with 
 great spirit, but were brought to a stand by the sharp- 
 ness of the lire when within thirty yards of the line. 
 When the column had advanced about a mile, it came 
 to a high causeway running at right angles to its line 
 of march, and forming the road from the country on 
 the east to the fort of Calcutta. The head of the 
 column was ordered to direct its march to the right, so 
 as to cross the IMaratta ditch by the causeway and then 
 turn back on Omi Chand's garden, but when they had 
 proceeded a short way in their new direction, tliey came 
 within the range of their own guns which continued 
 iiriijo- from the rear. This threw theui into confusion, 
 and tlie troops ran down from the road and took shelter 
 behind the causeway. As the next part of tlie column 
 pressed on, the whole were crowded into a disorderly 
 mass, and at this moment the}^ received a discharge of 
 grape from some heavy guns of the enem^^'s ui a bastion 
 close at hand. W^hen order was restored, they marched
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 289 
 
 on to another road parallel to the first, where tliey at '^^.^J'- 
 
 length crossed the ditch, but before this the fog began 
 
 to clear away, other guns were opened on them from 
 fresh quarters, a body of cavalry appeared in their front, 
 and larger bodies pressed hard on their flanks and rear. 
 The troops were exhausted with their march, which had 
 latterly been through ricefields, two of their field-pieces 
 had stuck in the mire of those enclosures, and, when 
 they had repulsed the enemy, Clive found them too 
 much fatio'ued for the attack on the •••arden, and marched 
 them along the road to the fort of Calcutta, from 
 whence, after some rest, they returned to their camp. 
 They had only lost 174 men killed and wounded, but 
 had failed in their main object, and were much more 
 dispirited than encouraged by the general result. But 
 the loss in the native camp had been a great deal more 
 severe, and the nabob himself had been so terrified at 
 the near approach of danger, that he was with difficulty 
 prevented from ordering an iuimediate retreat. The 
 utmost vigilance was kept up in his camp next night, 
 cannon and musketry being fired on every idle alarm. 
 He immediately revived the negotiation, and as if to 
 show his sincerity, he moved to a safe distance from the 
 English camp. The terms offered were such as he was February 
 not likely to refuse. They were that he should restore ^^^ ^{jr^j 
 the Company's factories and confirm all their former 
 privileges to the fullest extent ; that they should receive 
 the villages, thirty-eight in number, which they had 
 been allowed to purchase by the Emperor Farokhsir, 
 but of which they had never obtained possession ; that 
 they should l)c permitted to fortify Calcutta aud to coin 
 money ; and that all goods under their permits should 
 pass duty free throughout the country.'' A dcniand bad 
 
 * This article is modilicd by an agreement on the part of the C'uiiiiiauy, 
 
 U
 
 290 KISK OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. l)ceii iiijulc for compensation for all the property plun- 
 
 clered, but the nabob would only agree to pay for that 
 
 seized by his order and brought to account in his treasury. 
 
 The Company on their part engaged to conduct 
 themselves within the nabob's jurisdiction as formerly, 
 to do violence to no one, and to give up defaulters 
 and offenders. 
 
 In a letter returning his ratification of the treaty, 
 the nabob solemnly promised to esteem the enemies of 
 the English as his enemies, and to assist the latter to the 
 utmost of his powder, and he solicited a correspond- 
 ing assurance on the part of the English Govern- 
 ment. Separate engagements, expressed with equal 
 solemnity, were sent to him by Clive and Watson, but 
 no formal treaty of alliance was drawn up. 
 
 The treaty concluded was neither honourable nor 
 secure. It did little more than replace the parties 
 where they stood before the war, and did not punish 
 the nabob for the outrage by which that war was 
 occasioned, or indemnify the Company for the expense 
 at which it had been carried on. It afforded no secu- 
 rity against the nabob's renewing hostilities as soon as 
 the British forces were withdrawn, and did not make 
 the least provision against a combination between the 
 nabob and the French, or even against the operations 
 of the French themselves. 
 
 Nevertheless, in the Aveak state of the British land 
 force, it was thought highly advantageous. Watson, 
 however, could not be persuaded that the nabob would 
 sign it, and, while it was yet pending, he sent his flag 
 
 ill which they engage that tlie business of their factories shall be carried 
 on agreeably to former practice ; and the nabob's orders for carrying tliis 
 article into effect direct their goods to be passed duty free according to 
 the king's grant and to previous usage.
 
 WAR IX BENGAL. PLASSY. 291 
 
 captain to uro;e Clive to strike another blow at the chap. 
 
 . ... VIII. 
 
 enemy, and even suggested his consulting his officers — 
 
 if he himself had any hesitation about the measure. 
 
 Some time previous to these last transactions, there 
 had been hopes of maintaining a local peace with the 
 French in Beno-al notwithstandiiiii^ the war between 
 the nations. Soon after the recovery of Calcutta, they 
 had sent deputies to propose a treaty, but it had been 
 broken off apparently from the English insisting that 
 they should take part agamst Sunij-u-Doula. 
 
 The peace with the nabob now dictated a speedy 
 settlement of the question with them. Clive had 
 received repeated and urgent calls from the Government 
 of Madras, who were themselves in irreat dancrer from 
 the French, and was ardently desirous of returning to 
 the coast, but durst not leave the government of Chan- 
 dernagor unfettered behind him. An overture for 
 a neutrality unclogged with the former stipulations 
 had been made at his suggestion, but, as no answer 
 had been returned, he concurred with Watson in the 
 expediency of an immediate attack on Chandernag6r, 
 provided the nabob's consent could be obtained ; without 
 that, both parties agreed that no offensive operations 
 could be thought of.^ The nabob was accordingly Pubm- 
 applied to, on the ground of his engagement to regard ^^'^ ^^' 
 the enemies of the Eni^lish as his own.^ He cave no 
 direct answer, but announced that 13 ussy was about to 
 march into Bengal, and that a large French fleet would 
 soon be in the Ganges, and called on the British officers 
 to assist him in repelling the invasion.'-' 
 
 ' His luttfv (jf Fulnuary 1 to tliu Court of Directors. (India House.) 
 ** Olive's letter to the Court of Directors, dated February 2*J. (India 
 
 House.) The date is from Ornie, ii. 13(). 
 
 '■' Onne, ii. 13(». Watson's letter in Ives. 117. Olive's kller of 
 
 February 22. (India House.) 
 
 u 2
 
 292 
 
 RISE OF BrvITlSII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. 
 VIII. 
 
 Febru- 
 ary 18. 
 
 March 8. 
 
 Thougli this seemed an indirect attempt at intimida- 
 tion, it was resolved to construe it into a consent, and 
 to force the nabob to an explicit declaration by acting 
 upon it without delay. With this view Clive crossed 
 the river. But the nabob had previously made up his 
 mind. He had sent a supply of 10,000/. to the French, 
 and had ordered his governor of Hug'li (to whom he 
 despatched a reinforcement) to support them to the 
 utmost of his power. On hearing of Olive's march, he 
 sent a peremptory prohibition to his advance, and 
 threatened to join the French if the attack were per- 
 severed in. On this Clive returned to Calcutta, and 
 solemn assurances were sent to the nabob that no attack 
 should be made without his consent.^ 
 
 The negotiations for a local peace with the French 
 were renewed at the same time, and terms which were 
 to be guaranteed by the nabob were agreed on and 
 drawn out for signature. So much was the question 
 looked on as settled, that Clive made ready to embark 
 with part of his troops for Madras.^ But when the 
 terms were sent to Watson for his confirmation, he 
 positively refused to accede to them until they should 
 have been sanctioned by the Supreme Government at 
 Pondicherry. He pointed out that without such a con- 
 firmation they would not be binding even on the sub- 
 ordinate government, still less on the superior one, or 
 on any French commander, naval or military, who might 
 enter Bengal under a separate authority ; he ridiculed 
 the guarantee of the nabob, who he said liad not per- 
 foi'iiicd one article of his own treaty, and ought himself 
 
 ' Watson's letter, Ives, 121. Orme, ii. 137, 138. Clive's letter to 
 Watts, dated March 1, in Malcolm's Life, i. 185. 
 
 - Scrafton, 69. See also Clive's letter dated February 22. (India 
 House.)
 
 WAK IN BENIJAL. PLASSY. 293 
 
 to be treated as an enemy if lie did not fulfil his engage- ^y.f f- 
 
 raents within ten days. These objections were perfectly 
 
 well founded, but they ought to have been brought for- 
 ward before the terms were agreed to. In insisting on 
 them now, Watson showed little regard to the honour 
 of his colleagues, and made an ill return for the fidelity 
 with which the French had acted in the preceding 
 period. On these grounds they were indignantly repelled 
 by Clive. He further urged that before a ratification March 4. 
 could be expected to arrive from Pondicherry, the season 
 for the departure of the British troops would have 
 passed, and he insisted that the treaty should either 
 be signed immediately and unconditionally, or that it 
 should be broken off at once, and an attack made on 
 Chandernagor. If neither of these plans was adopted, 
 he announced his mtention of immediately returning to 
 Madras.^ 
 
 At this juncture Watson received official notice of March 6. 
 the war with France, together with suitable orders from 
 the Admiralty, and thought it became his duty to en- 
 gage the French wherever he found them, unless he 
 should be restrained by a protest on the part of the 
 Company's Government.'^ He therefore agreed to an 
 mimediate attack, provided the nabob's consent could 
 be obtained. Strong remonstrances had been addressed 
 to that ]:)rince on his non-performance of the treaty ; 
 and Watson in particular had threatened war if the 
 execution were delayed.'^ At the same time the nabob 
 
 ^ In this remonstrance Clive notices the arrival of the missing ships 
 and of a reinforcement from Bombay, but declares that those circum- 
 stances do not diminish the necessity of immediately concluding the treaty. 
 These letters are given at full length in the appendix to the First Report 
 of the Committee itc. of the House of Connnons, 1772, 122. 
 
 ■* See his letter in Malcolm's Clive, i. 18G. 
 
 * Watson's letter in Ives, 124.
 
 294 RISE OF BRITISIT TOWER TN INDIA, 
 
 v^ni. 
 
 CHAP, received intelligence, wliich he believed, that Ahmed 
 Sh;ih DuiVmi had niarched from Delhi with the intention 
 of conquering Bengal, and under the influence of this 
 new alarm he had applied to the English for assist- 
 ance and offered them 10,000/. a month for the co-opera- 
 tion of their army. In such circumstances it seemed 
 probable that the nabob would at length give his con- 
 sent, and the majority of the committee determined to 
 make one more effort to obtain it before they signed the 
 neutrality. They resolved that their force should in the 
 meantime advance on Chandernagor, but that if the 
 nabob should still object to hostilities, the treaty with 
 the French should be signed without further delay. ^ 
 The nabob, thus pressed by fears on all sides, told Mr. 
 Watts in plain terms that he should no longer interfere 
 with any attempt on Chandernagor, and on the same 
 day, March 10, he wrote to Watson, consenting, though 
 in ambiguous language, to the attack. 
 
 On the 16th he again changed his mind, and again 
 issued a positive prohibition. But hostilities had com- 
 menced on the 14th, and on the 23rd the garrison was 
 compelled to surrender, chiefly by the gallantry of the 
 naval force. The defence had been maintained with 
 great bravery, and had occasioned heavy loss on both 
 sides. ^ 
 
 " Records at the India House ; Orme ; Scrafton. It appears from the 
 records that Mr. Becher was for signing the neutrality at once, that Mr. 
 Drake thought it would be nugatory without Watson's consent, and other- 
 wise gave an indistinct opinion ; but Clive and Kilijatrick were for the 
 line stated in text. From Olive's evidence it appears that Kilpatrick was 
 at first for an immediate neutrality, but changed on Clive assuring him 
 that the British force was sufficient to encounter the nabob and the 
 French together. It was never proposed to attack the French without the 
 nabob's consent ; but it was probably anticipated, as happened in eifect, 
 that the nabob might change his mind after the siege had begun under 
 his sanction. 
 
 ■^ Watts's letters at the India House; Ives; Scrafton. Clive's own
 
 WAH IX BENGAL. PLASSY. 295 
 
 The success of the Eno-lish was promoted by Nan- ^^^^^l*- 
 
 , . 10 VIII. 
 
 comar, governor of Hugli (afterwards so celebrated from 
 
 the ch'cumstances of his dcatli). He had been corrupted 
 by Omi Chand at the thne of Olive's first march, and not 
 oidy withheld the aid he was ordered to afford to the 
 French, but continually misled the nabob with false 
 intelligence. 
 
 During the siege the nabol) had been alternately 
 ordering and countermanding preparations for marching 
 to the relief of Chandernag(')r. J5ut when the place fell 
 he warmly congratulated Clive and Watson on their 
 victory ; he set about fulfilling the articles of his treaty, 
 and, before the end of the next month, except the re- 
 storation of the guns he had taken at Casimbazar, 
 the sanction necessary for the transfer of the thirty- 
 eight villages, and the settlement of some pecuniary 
 payments which he might in reality have thought 
 doubtful, he had nearly accomplished the whole of his 
 engagements.^ But he used every means to prevent 
 any further reduction of the power of the French, he 
 secretly took into his service a body of their troops 
 which had escaped from Chandernagor under M. Law, 
 he redoubled his applications to Bussy to advance, and 
 he formed an entrenched camp under his Diwan Ivai 
 Diilab at Plassy, between his capital and Chandcrnagcu*. 
 Copies of some of his letters to Bussy were found after 
 the taking of Murshidabad.^ The first is supposed to 
 be written about the end of February, and presses Bussy 
 to move to the defence of Chandernagor ; but this letter 
 refers to an earlier one, in which the nabob had a})plied 
 
 account in his evidence, though correct in the main, is, as might be ex- 
 pected, inaccurate in particulars. 
 
 » Watts's letters, April 9, also April 20 or 28. 
 
 " These letters arc printed in Ap. V. to the First Report of the Com- 
 mittee of the House of Commons, 1772.
 
 29') KISE OF BKITJHII POWKli IX INDIA, 
 
 CHAP. fQY r^Yi auxiliary force of 2,000 men, witliout any refe- 
 
 VIII. -M , , . -, 
 
 - — - rence to Cliandernagor being threatened. As M, Biissy, 
 
 in the very beginning of the year, gave out that he was 
 marching to settle ]jengal, it is probable this letter 
 was written soon after the arrival of the Enoiish arma- 
 ment in the Ganges. These invitations were continued 
 (witli increased expressions of bitterness against the 
 English) after the fall of Cliandernagor ; orders to his 
 own officers, and recommendations to foreign states to 
 assist M. Bussy in his march, were forwarded during 
 the time when the nabob was professing the greatest 
 friendship for the English and offering the aid of all 
 his forces to repel Bussy' s invasion.^ Bussy had been 
 induced by them to march to the point in his territory 
 nearest to Bengal, and would probably have continued 
 his advance if he had not been discouraged by the fall 
 of Chandernagor and the irresolution exhibited by the 
 nabob.^ 
 
 These particulars had not yet come to the knowledge 
 of the admiral and the committee, but they were well 
 aware that a contmual correspondence was kept up with 
 Bussy, and they were apprised by their friends at 
 Murshidabad, that the nabob was only waiting his 
 opportunity to gratify his favourite wish of rooting 
 them out of Beno-al.^ 
 
 The knowledge of these projects made them more 
 eager to complete the extinction of the French power 
 in the province, and likewise more indifferent to the 
 offence that their proceedings might give to the nabob. 
 They pressed that prince to allow them to attack the 
 French factories at Casimbazar and other places, and 
 
 ' Nabob's letters to Admiral Watson of April 2 and April 14. Ives, 
 140 and 142. ^ Orme, ii. 2G1. 
 
 ^ Letters from Watts of February 25, 26, and April 28,
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. I'LASSY. 297 
 
 insisted on liis withdrawing liis protection from M. Law. chap. 
 
 The nabob at first affected to agree to their demands, ■ 
 
 but stipulated that the EngUsh shouki indemnify him 
 for the loss of the duties paid by the French, and should 
 become bound for the debts owed by that nation to his 
 subjects. Contrary to his expectation, the British im- 
 mediately agreed ; on which he retracted his offer and 
 more openly showed his resolution to protect the French 
 interests. As tlie demands were contmued he became 
 more and more irritated, but wavered in his conduct 
 according to his humours and expectations ; actuated 
 alternately by his hopes from Bussy and his fears of 
 Clive, and scarcely less by the rejDorts which he conti- 
 nued to receive of the advance or retreat of the Diiranis. 
 At one time he professed the utmost cordiality towards the 
 British, and ordered M. Law to march out of Murshid- 
 AhM, but supplied him with money and ammunition, ^r"^ ^'^■ 
 and stationed him within call ; at another time he drove 
 the English vakil '^ with ignominy from his presence, 
 threatened to impale Mr. Watts,^ and avowed his de- 
 termination never to rest till he had extirpated the 
 British. 
 
 The committee by this time began to see the impos- 
 sibility of depending on the nabob, and to contemplate 
 a renewal of the war which hitherto they certainly had 
 been desirous to avoid. The admiral wrote a strong ^piii vj. 
 remonstrance to the nabob, insisting on his fulfilling 
 his engagements, and calling on him, as a proof of his 
 sincerity, to desist from protecting the enemies of the 
 liritish nation ; he declares that while there is a French- 
 man in the country he will never cease pursuing him, 
 but ends by conjuring the nabob to preserve the peace 
 
 ■*. Native agent. 
 
 •' Watts's lettci- of Ai)ril 14 in Malcolm's Clive, 229.
 
 298 ]{ISE OF BUITISII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 ^vitf ^^y '^ ^i^i^^^fi^l adherence to his engagements. Clive ap- 
 
 pears to have written in still stronger terms.'' 
 
 April 20. But these letters had no effect either in soothing or 
 
 intimidating the nahob. He publicly tore a letter from 
 Clive ; declared that he could bear no more, but saw 
 he should be obliged again to march down against 
 the English ; and ordered Mir Jahr to reinforce lliii 
 Dulab, promising him ten lacs of rupees if he would 
 destroy the objects of his displeasure.' 
 
 These violent measures were ascribed by Clive to 
 some intelligence the nabob had received of the advance 
 of Bussy or the retreat of the Durrdnis. They con- 
 vinced the disaffected chiefs of the nabob's court that 
 ^\ar with the English was become inevitable, and on 
 the same day a principal member of their body made 
 overtures to Mr. Watts for a secret alliance with that 
 nation. 
 
 The insolence and cruelty of Suraj-u-Doula had 
 long since disgusted those about him. He struck Jaggat 
 Set on the face not long after his conquest of Calcutta,^ 
 and he afterwards often threatened to have him circum- 
 cised.^ He insulted his Mahometan chiefs by taunts 
 and scurrilous language, and kept them in constant fear 
 of their lives from his suspicions, his treachery, and his 
 violence.^ There was hardly a man among them whom 
 
 ^ The admiral's letter is in Ives, 143. For Olive's remonstrance see 
 the Memoirs of the Revolution in Baiyal (anonymous, but apparently 
 written from Mr. Watts's information). The records at the India House 
 are incomplete at this period, and no letter from Clive appeal's in them. 
 
 ' Letter from Watts, dated April 20 (Malcolm's (Xwe, i. 232) ; Letter 
 from Clive to AVatson (Malcolm's Clive, 234) ; Letter from Scrafton 
 dated April 20. (India House.) 
 
 ** Letter from a Dutch agent at Casimbazar in September 1756. (India 
 House.) 
 
 '^ Seir ul Mutakherin, i. pt. 2, 759. 
 
 ' Seir ul MutaJcherin, 719, 724, 727, 7«2.
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 290 
 
 Jie had not menaced with death ; ^ and Mi'r Jafir told chap. 
 
 Mr. Watts that he never went to tlie palace without ex- 
 
 pecting assassination.^ The discontent of the old chiefs 
 and ministers was increased by the ascendancy of two 
 upstart favourites, M6hon I^;il and Mir Madan ; one a 
 Hindii and one a Mussulman — one assuming; the control 
 of civil busmess, and the other of the army.'^ 
 
 The first to apply to the English (April 20) was 
 Khuda Yar Khan Latti, an officer of some consequence 
 connected with Jao;a:at Set." He made 2:reat offers 
 through that powerful financier on condition of being 
 placed on Suraj-u-Doula's masnad, but a few days 
 afterwards (probably April 24), a similar proposal was 
 received from Mir Jafir, who was married to Ali Verdi's 
 sister, and was one of the principal commanders in the 
 army. He proposed that himself, Rai Diilab, and some 
 other chiefs whom he named should join the English, 
 and set up as nabob whatever person should be thought 
 most suitable.^ On receiving the first of these overtures 
 the committee carae to a resolution that, as they might 
 be forced into a war owins: to the fickle and uncertain 
 temper of the nabob, they should authorise Clive to 
 sound the dispositions of the great men at court, and 
 learn how they stood affected in respect to a revolution. 
 
 At the same time they resolved to withdraw the 
 public property from Murshidjibad, and to send agents 
 to the southward to watch Bussy and endeavour to 
 prevail on the local chiefs to oppose his advance.^ 
 
 On a subsequent day the committee received Mir 
 
 ^ Scrafton, 175 and 176. 
 
 ^ Watts's letter to the Committee, May 20 or 28. (India House.) 
 ^ Seir ul Mntahherin, 720. 
 '^ Scrafton, letter of April 20. (India Hoii.se.) 
 
 « Watt's letters, May 2G and 28; Scraf ton's letter, May 28. (India 
 House.) 
 
 ^ Consultation of April 2^5. (India IIouso.)
 
 300 KISE OF BUITISII TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. JaHr's proposal, along witli letters from Mr. Watts of 
 _1L_ April 26 and 28, and from Mr. Scrafton of April 28, 
 ^^ ■ acquaintinn- them that certam accounts had been re- 
 ceived of the retreat of the Diirrdnis, and that the 
 nabob had broken out into fresh excesses. It had 
 been determined to withdraw the ffiirrison alono" 
 Avith the property from Casimbaz/ir, but as the men at 
 that place were chiefly French deserters and unarmed, 
 it was not thought prudent to entrust the escort of the 
 treasure to them alone ; twenty sepoys, with some spare 
 arms and ammunition, were therefore sent from Hiigli 
 about April 24.^ This party had been stopped on its 
 march by Rai Diilab, on which the nabob caught up 
 the idea that Clive was secretly despatching a powerful 
 force to the neighbourhood of the capital. He sent a 
 body of troops to enter and search the factory, and 
 issued orders to cut off the ears and noses of any soldiers 
 or other persons belonging to the English who should 
 be on board of boats in which ammunition should be 
 discovered. He at the same time directed a reinforce- 
 ment estimated at 15,000 men to march to Plass)'', 
 ordered out his own tents with the intention of following, 
 and sent instructions to M. Law to suspend his march 
 and prepare to return when summoned. On the same 
 evening a letter from Clive led him to countermand the 
 latter part of his orders,^ but next day the reinforcement 
 actually marched under Mir Jafir.^ 
 
 All these subjects were fully discussed in the com- 
 mittee of May 1, on which occasion Clive was present. 
 They came to a resolution that no dependence could 
 be placed on the friendship or honour of the nabob, and 
 
 ^ Letter from Clive to Casimbazdr. Malcolm's Clive, i . 232. 
 ^ Scraf ton's letter of April 28. (India House.) 
 * Orme, ii. 150.
 
 WAR IN BEXGAL. PLASSY. 301 
 
 that a revolution in the government would be extremely chat. 
 advantageous to the Company's affairs. 
 
 They assign their reasons for promoting such an 
 event at length, under three heads. 1. The nabob's 
 original insincerity in his engagement ; proved by his 
 non-fulfilment of the conditions, especially in the in- 
 adequacy of his pecuniary payments.''^ 2. His evident 
 intention to break it now ; proved by his favour to the 
 French, his invitations to Bussy, his preparations 
 against an attack, and the opinion of all men that he 
 was resolved upon a rupture. 3. The general discon- 
 tent, and the probability tliat a revolution would be 
 effected without their aid, in which case they would 
 lose all the advantage that might be obtained by taking 
 a share in it. 
 
 On these grounds they determined to support Mir 
 Jtifir, and fixed the terms on which they were to 
 promise their alliance.^ 
 
 At this time all correspondence with Murshidjiljad 
 was carried on through Clive, who usually resided in 
 camp, but Avent to Calcutta when anything of importance 
 came before the council. At other times he kept them 
 acquainted with the proceedings at the nabob's court, 
 and communicated their instructions and such as he 
 himself thought expedient to Mr. Watts. It was there- 
 fore by Clive that the above resolutions were notified to 
 Watts. His letter is dated May 2, and gives authority 
 to Watts to modify the terms in such manner as his 
 
 - For one instance, he would only allow G7,8;]0L for the whole amount 
 of property taken at Calcutta, while the connnittee alleged that the 
 private losses of the Europeans alone amounted to ten times that value. 
 He denied that he was responsihle for nicmey embezzled by the governor 
 whom he placed in the town. 
 
 ^ Proceedings of the Committee at the India House, and the letter of 
 the Select Committee to the Directors, September 1, 210.
 
 302 KISJC OF BKlTlyll ruWEK IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, knowlcdo'c of the state of affairs on the spot may sno-o-est 
 
 VIII. . '^ I J C--0 
 to him. 
 
 The nature of the transactions with Mir Jafir 
 required profound secrecy, and his proposals when 
 first transmitted by Mr. Watts were accompanied by 
 sua'ixestions that if the committee should determine on 
 a rupture they should put off the appearance of it ; 
 they shoidd withdraw their troops, and amuse the 
 nabob with discussions about commercial matters and 
 the fulfilment of the treaty, while they removed their 
 property and perfected their plans. Accordingly, in 
 his letter of May 2 Clive informed Mr. Watts that he 
 had addressed a soothing letter to the nabob, and should 
 retire to Calcutta next day ; and in the same letter he 
 sent a message to assure Mir Jafir that lie would stand 
 by him while he had a man left, and that he had no 
 doubt of being able to seize the nabob's person or to 
 drive him out of the country.'^ 
 
 This system of double-dealing was kept up to the 
 end. The Englisli continued to press the nabob to 
 remove all fears about peace by withdrawing his troops 
 and fulfilling his agreement, when they had resolved, 
 and had engaged to Mir Jafir, that no act of the nabob's 
 should prevent their making war. 'Jlie nabob, however, 
 was not deceived ; his fears kept him more than awake 
 to the designs of his enemies. He kept his army in the 
 field, retained M. Law in his pay, continued his corre- 
 spondence with M. Bussy, and looked impatiently to the 
 time when he should be an object of terror in his turn.^ 
 
 Meanwhile the arrano^ement of the terms was sfoinsr 
 on. Mir J;ifir on his departure for Plassy had left a 
 confidential servant at Miirshidiibad, with whom Mr. 
 W^atts continued to consult. He also kept up a cor- 
 
 ' Malcolm's Clive, i. 240. 
 
 '■' Letter from Watts, May 11. (India House.)
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 803 
 
 respoiidence with Clive, and by these means he had 
 modified the terms sent from Calcutta in such a manner 
 as to render them more advantageous to the Company, 
 at the same time that several of the articles which 
 were not acceptable to Mir Jj'iiir were struck out. But 
 when things seemed tending rapidly to a conclusion, 
 an unexpected obstruction arose which brought tLe 
 whole plot to the very brink of discovery. 
 
 Omi Chand, though vindictive and implacable, was 
 still more avaricious ; and after he found his interests 
 involved with those of the English, he cast aside the 
 remembrance of the injuries he had received from them, 
 and took an active part in promoting their views at the 
 native court, not, however, without occasionally injuring 
 their interests by petty frauds for his own profit. It 
 was through him that overtures had been received from 
 Jaggat Set and Latti^ ; and, although he was an object 
 of distrust and aversion to Mir Jafir, who insisted that 
 he should have no share in the negotiation or knowledge 
 of its existence, yet Watts, judging it impossible to 
 elude his suspicions, thought it best to entrust him with 
 the secret, and admitted him without reserve into his 
 counsels. So fully did Clive partake in this confidence, 
 that in his instructions to Watts he desired him to 
 consult with Omi Chand on any modiiications that might 
 be required in the treaty ; and so well was he disposed 
 to reward .his services that he suggested tlie insertion 
 of a separate article in the treaty to provide a compensa- 
 tion for his losses at Calcutta,^ and afterwards authorised 
 a promise to him of five per cent. ' on whatever money 
 he might r(;ceive on the new coutrnct.' '^ 
 
 The iKil lire and extent (»(" this hist gi-aiit are not clear, 
 
 '■' Scrafton's letter of INIiiy 2(1. (Iii.li;i ll(.u«o.) 
 
 ' Malcolui's ('live, i. 240. 
 
 " Mr. WuUb's letitr of May 1-i ; Fjr.st Report, 2l;t. T liave retained 
 
 CHAP 
 VIII.
 
 304 KISE OF BRITISH r0WP:K in INDIA. 
 
 ^vm ^^^^ ^^ ^"^ ^^^^^ certain tliat the intention of conferring it 
 
 Mas communicated to Onn Chand ; but if it bad been 
 
 offered to him at the largest interpretation, it would 
 have fallen far short of the expectations he had already 
 formed. Tlie demand he made on Watts was for five 
 per cent, on all Suraj-u-Doula's treasure, and one-fourth 
 of all his jewels ; and to give a colour of public zeal to 
 his own rapacity, he also required that the taxes should 
 henceforth be limited to the rates at which they were 
 levied under Jafir Khan. Suraj-u-Doula's treasure was 
 estimated by ]\Ir. Watts and the ])est informed English, 
 as well as by the generality of the natives, at forty 
 millions sterling,^ an amount which it seems extraordi- 
 nary that people of common sense should have believed, 
 but which would have raised Omi Chand' s expected 
 receipts to two millions sterling,^ independent of the 
 jewels. Whatever his receipts might have proved in 
 reality, the lowest estimate formed of them at the 
 time would, with the jewels, have fallen little short of 
 one million sterling.^ Of these demands he could not be 
 
 Mr. ^Vatts's words, being in doubt as to the meaning. If tJie promise im- 
 plied five per cent, on the money to be received under the new treaty, the 
 amount would have been equal to that of the same commission afterwards 
 granted to Rai Diilab, which was 590,998 rujiees (upwards of CO,OOOZ.). 
 First Report, 2G2. 
 
 » Mr. Watts's letter of May 14, First Report, 219 ; Scrafton's reflec- 
 tions, 91. ' Watts in the letter above referred to, 219. 
 
 ^ Orme says that the common people rated the nabob's treasures at 
 forty-five millions stei'ling, but that better incpiirers sup2>osed them to 
 be four millions and a half sterling, on which, he adds, ' Omi Chand's 
 share would have been (>7o,000l. sterling ' (ii. 151). It is not clear how 
 this sum is computed, but it may be taken as that at which those who, 
 like Orme, took the most moderate view of the nabob's treasure, fixed 
 the share of Omi Chand. The jewels were supposed by the English, after 
 they had opportunities of ascertaining their value, to have been worth one 
 million sterling (Olive's evidence, First Report, 155), of which Omi Chand's 
 fourth would be 250,000/. Thus his demand at the lowest was for 925,000/. 
 It is possible, however, though certainly not reconcilable to his expres- 
 sions, that Orme may have included the fourth of the jewels in the
 
 WAR IX BENGAL. PLA8SY. 305 
 
 prevailed on to abate one tittle, and he threatened chap. 
 
 I ' \rTTr 
 
 that if they were not complied with he would reveal 
 the whole conspiracy to the nabob. Habituated as he 
 was to the risk of discovery, Watts was dismayed 
 at this new dans^er, which seemed about to involve 
 himself and his friends in common destruction. The 
 agitation of his mind may be inferred by his sending 
 three hundred notes to Clive on the day when the 
 threat was held out to him ; ^ and the nature of his 
 alarm is shown in a conversation of the same day with 
 Mr. Sykes.^ But fearful as was his situation, he did 
 not lose his energy and decision. Findmg Omi Chand 
 inflexible, he determined to conclude the negotiation 
 without further consultmg him. At an mterview with 
 Mir Jafir's confidential agent, he drew up eleven articles 
 which comprised all the objects desired for the Company, 
 and to which the agent assured him Mir Jtifir would 
 agree. Among those stipulations was one for 300,000/. 
 to Omi Chand. Watts probably found that this sum was 
 the utmost Mir Jafir would have admitted, and took his 
 
 675,000?., which would occasion a reduction of 250,000L in the total 
 amount. 
 
 3 Malcolm's Life of Clive, i. 295~G. 
 
 ■* Watts's corresjjondence with Clive has never been published, but 
 the substance of it appears in Clive's evidence (First Report, 14!)), where 
 he states that AVatts wrote to him ' that Omi Chand had insisted on live per 
 cent, on the nabob's treasure and thirty lacs of rupees in money, and 
 that if he did not comply with that demand, he would immediately ac- 
 quaint Serajah Dowla with what was going on, and Mr. Watts should be 
 put to death.' Mr. Sykes's evidence gives more particulars. He says 
 (First Report, 145), that 'in the year 1757 he was stationed at the subor- 
 dinate factory called Cassimbazar, in council ; that he does not know par- 
 ticularly the terms demanded by Omi Cliund ; but, being on a visit to 
 Mr. Watts, he found him under great anxiety ; that he took him aside 
 and told him that Omi Chand had been threatening to betray them to 
 Serajah Dowla, and would have them all murdeied that night luiless ho 
 would give him some assurances that the sum promised him (by Sir. Watts) 
 should be made good,' and, 'that he was under the greatest anxiety liow 
 to counteract the designs of Oun Chand.' 
 
 X 
 
 VIII.
 
 306 RISE OF BRITISH ^O^VI•;R IN INDIA. 
 
 ^3jfF- cliiince of Omi Chanel's acquiescing, or of dive's finding 
 
 out some other way of averting the danger. 
 
 These terms accompanied- his despatch of May 14, 
 and reached the council on the 17th. The treachery 
 of Omi Chand excited equal surprise and indignation. 
 They immediately struck out the article giving him 
 300,000/., declaring that his behaviour rather merited 
 disgrace and punishment at their liaiids than such a 
 stipulation iii his favour. They then agreed to the 
 other terms with some modifications, and afterwards pro- 
 ceeded to consider ' liow^ to deceive Omi Chand and pre- 
 vent the disclosure of the whole project.' For this 
 purpose they adopted a plan suggested by Clive, that 
 they should prepare two treaties, one containing all the 
 stipulations demanded by Omi Chand, and the other 
 omittino; all mention of his name.^ Both treaties w^ere 
 to be signed by the contracting parties, but that with- 
 out the stipulations was to be tlie only one really 
 binding ; the other was only to be made use of to de- 
 ceive Omi Chand, and was to be written on red paper 
 to distmguish. it from the true one. Admiral Watson 
 refused to sign the false treaty, declaring that ' lie would 
 have nothing to do with it ; he was a stranger to de- 
 ception ; they might do as they pleased.' ^ It is doubtful 
 whether anything else ever passed on the subject, but 
 the gentleman wlio had carried tlie treaty to Watson 
 understood him to mean, that though he would not sign 
 the false treaty himself, he had no objection to his 
 name being put to it by some other person. Clive, on 
 
 •^ Proceedings of tlie Committee. First Report of the Committee of the 
 House of Commons, 1772, 220. Clive's suggestion is in Orme, and in his 
 own evidence. 
 
 •^ Captain Brereton's evidence (First Report, 151). Much of his evi- 
 dence is at second hand, and a good deal of it is inaccurate ; but the words 
 quoted he says he heard from Watson himself.
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 307 
 
 this, ordered his signature to be affixed, and afterwards, chap. 
 . . . VIII. 
 in his evidence before Parliament, dechired that he 
 
 understood the admiral to have given his consent, but 
 
 that he would have ordered his name to be put there, 
 
 whether he had consented or not/ 
 
 Wliile the answer from Calcutta was still in suspense, May le. 
 
 Omi Chand was contriving how he might make the 
 
 most of the nabob. hi spite of the remonstrances of 
 
 Watts, to whom he imparted his design, he alarmed 
 
 Suraj-u-Doula by dark hints of an impending evil, 
 
 which it might cost him his life to make known. AVhen 
 
 the nabo1> was blinded by fear and curiosity, he revealed 
 
 to him that the English had sent two gentlemen to 
 
 Bussy, and that the French and English had agreed to 
 
 unite their forces and divide Bengal between them. 
 
 The nabob was thunderstruck at this intelligence, and 
 
 Omi Chand so artfully worked on his gratitude and his 
 
 anxiety for further information, that he prevailed on 
 
 him to give orders for the immediate restoration of all 
 
 the money found in liis house at Calcutta (which Orme 
 
 fixes at 40,000/.), for reimbursement for his losses in 
 
 merchandise and eflfects, and for the discharge of a 
 
 debt of 40,000/. owed him by the Raja of Bardwan.^ 
 
 The first sum he received that very night, the second he 
 
 set to work to ascertain and recover without a moment's 
 
 delay, the third was equally secure to him whether 
 
 tlic allies effected their purpose or not.^ 
 
 ' Evidence before the Committee of the House of Commons, 1772; 
 and Orme. 
 
 » Watts's letter of May 17 in Malcohn's Clive, i. 245 ; Orme, i. 156. 
 He had before received some compensation ; Orme, 128. The Memoirs of 
 the Revolution in Bengal (the materials of which appear to have been 
 furnished by Mr. Watts), give the particulars of this transaction and tlie 
 date, May 1(5 (04) which agrees with Watts's letter, but is totally silent 
 on the subject of Omi Cliaud's demands and the double treaty. 
 
 '-• The extent of the concession made to Omi Chand in the false treaty 
 
 X 2
 
 308 RISE OF Burnsii power in india. 
 
 cnAr. When the treaties arrived it was evident that the 
 
 VIII. 
 
 precautions against detection were no more than were 
 
 lias been thrown into obscurity by a statement of Ornie's, which has been 
 followed by other writers, but which I tind it difficult to x-econcile with the 
 printed documents. He states (ii. 153), that in the articles drawn up by 
 AVatts, three millions of rupees (300,000?.) were mentioned for Omi 
 Ch;ind, of which he supposes Mr. Watts had informed him ; and (in page 
 154) he says tliat in the fictitious treaty the sum allotted to him was two 
 millions of rupees. Why a fictitious treaty drawn up for the express 
 purpose of satisfying Omi (Jhand should fall a million of rupees short of 
 what had been promised him, is not apparent. Indeed, if Omi Chand 
 had so far receded from his extravagant pretensions as to come down to 
 the comparatively moderate sum of two, or even three millions of rupees, 
 which Mir Jafir also had agreed to pay, there hardly seems a sufficient 
 motive for incurring the danger and discredit of forming a fictitious treaty 
 at all. Most of the writers who have followed Orme in other respects fix 
 the sum stipiilated for in the fictitious treaty at 300,000?., and appear to 
 regard it as the sum agreed on between Omi Chand and W^atts. But the 
 papers laid before Parliament show inconte.stably that Omi Chand never 
 came to any compromise with Watts, and never receded from his original 
 demand of five per cent, on the nabob's treasures ; and that the stipulation 
 in the false treaty went to the full extent of that demand. The follow- 
 ing is Mr. Watts's account of the transaction, as communicated in his 
 despatch to Clive dated May 14 (First Report, 219). 'I showed the 
 ai-ticles you sent up to Omi Chand, who did not approve of them, but in- 
 sisted on my demanding for him five per cent, on all the nabob's treasure, 
 which would amount to two crore of rupees, besides a quarter of all his 
 wealth ; and that Mi'r Jafir should oblige himself to take from the zemin- 
 dars no more than they paid in Jafir Cawn's time. . . . These and 
 many other articles, in which his own ambition, cunning, and avaricious 
 views were the chief motives, he positively insisted on, and would not be 
 prevailed upon to recede from one article. Perceiving his obstinacy would 
 only ruin our affairs, and that we should alarm the jealousy and lose the 
 good opinion of all i)eople, and that the accomplishment of his treaty (if 
 agreed to) would take some years — Mir Jafir likewise having expressed an 
 utter distrust and disgust at his being anyways concerned in the treaty, 
 and as delays are dangerous — I therefore, with Petrose, had a meeting 
 with Mir Jiifir's confidant, who sets out to-day with the accompanying 
 articles which, he says, he is sure Mir Jafir will comply with.' Of the 
 articles just mentioned, the eighth stipulates for thirty lacs of rupees in 
 favour of Omi Chand. From tliis narrative it is evident that there had 
 been no concert with Omi Chand in preparing the article in his favour, 
 which is confirmed by Olive's statement that Watts never promised him 
 any specific sum (First Report, 140). That Watts was far from thinking 
 that he had come to an adjustment with Omi Chand is also manifest from 
 his earnest entreaties at the close of his despatch, that the part relating
 
 ^VAII TX bent; A L. PLASSY. 
 
 a09 
 
 rendered necessary \)y the wary temper of Onii Cliand. ^yjjj^' 
 He continued to doubt and scrutinise to the last, and it 
 
 was not till afterwards, when he had returned to Calcutta, May 25. 
 and had bribed the native secretary who copied the treaty 
 to let him know if there was anything wrong in the 
 ratification, that he at length rested satisfied. 
 
 Watts, who still thought his life and those of his 
 associates insecure as long as Omi Chand remained at 
 ]\Iurshidabad, used every argument to convince him that 
 it was for his own interest to withdraw to Calcutta ; 
 but, as the insatiable extortioner had money to collect 
 in the city, it was difficult to draw his attention to any 
 other consideration, and when he was at length per- 
 suaded, all his skill was necessary to induce the nabob 
 to part with him. He at length set out in company 
 with Mr. Scrafton, then returning to Calcutta from a May 31. 
 
 to that individual may be kept inviolably secret, ' the critical situation of 
 our affairs rendering such a precaution indisjjensable.' We possess no 
 copy of the false treaty, but the evidence of Lord Clive, who framed it, 
 shows the extent of the stipulation in favour of Omi Chand. He says 
 (First Report, 150), that ' the fictitious treaty, to the best of his remem- 
 brance, stated thirty lacs and five per cent, upon the treasures,' and in 
 answer to a question added, ' it might be fifty lacs for ought he knows.' 
 The statement regarding the thirty or fifty lacs is obscure (it may per- 
 haps have been Olive's own estimate of the value of Omi Chand's share 
 of the jewels), but that relating to the five per cent, is clear and j^ositive, 
 and shows that the lowest sum which Omi Chand would have accepted 
 was still, according to the most moderate estimate at the time, about one 
 million sterling. Sir John Malcolm, who had access to all Olive's corre- 
 spondence, speaks of the limitation to .100,000?. as a thing certain ; and on 
 one occasion (i. 295-G) seems to quote three uiipublislied notes of Watts's 
 as proofs that such was the sum insisted on. But the real intention of his 
 quotation is only to prove the fact of Omi Chand's threats, for in another 
 place (247) he says expressly tliat he finds ' no details of wliat passed with 
 Omi Chand in any of Mr. Watts's- letter's ; ' and his other proofs quoted 
 along with the three notes, refer to the danger alone, and not the amount 
 demanded. In other places relating to Omi Chand, Sir John confines his 
 references to authorities already printed ; and it is probable tliat the whole 
 narrative would have been more clear and consistent if it had undergone 
 the last revision of its distinguished author.
 
 810 RISE OF I5KITTSH POWEll IX INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, mission which he had just accomphshed, and, after 
 ^-^__ alarming his fellow-traveller by several disappearances, 
 which however were prompted by avarice and uncon- 
 nected with any treacherous design, he at last reached 
 Calcutta. He was received with ever}^ appearance of 
 cordiality by Clive and the select committee, and con- 
 tinued to be treated as a friend and confederate until 
 the fall of Sunij-u-Doula rendered all further dissimula- 
 tion unnecessaiy.^ 
 
 The object of Scrafton's journey to Murshidabad de- 
 serves mention. 
 
 A letter had been received by Mr. Drake, purporting 
 to be from Balaji, the Peshwa, offering the alliance of 
 the Marattas and proposmg a confederacy against the 
 nabob. The sagacity of Chve suggested at once the 
 probability of this being a contrivance of the nabob's, 
 and the best means of defeating it. It was determined 
 to communicate the letter to the nabob himself, who, if 
 he had sent it to try the sincerity of the English, would 
 be deceived by his own stratagem. 
 
 At the same time the committee were at a loss how 
 to explain the circumstance of the double treaty to Mir 
 Jdfir. Tliey therefore resolved to despatch Mr. Scrafton 
 on a special mission, as if to communicate Balaji's letter 
 in the most secret and solemn manner to the nabob, ' by 
 which,' they say, ' we may gain the nabob's confidence 
 and incline him to think us sincere in our friendship 
 for him,' but in reality to visit the camp at Plassy and 
 procure Mir Jdtir's signature to the real and fictitious 
 treaties.^ This avowal, without hesitation, softening, or 
 apology, is a pla'n proof of the conviction of the com- 
 mittee that they were perfectly justified in employing 
 
 ' Orme, ii. 157. 
 
 2 Proceedings of the Committee, May 17 ; First Report, 220.
 
 WAR IX BENGAL. PLASSY. 311 
 
 against Sumj-n-Doiila tlie same deception that he had chap. 
 
 attempted to practise on them ; as if, by degrading them- 
 
 selves to the level of a barbarian, they could shake off 
 the responsibility imposed on them by tlieir superior 
 knowledii'e. 
 
 They were disappointed in both their objects. The 
 nabob's vigilance prevented the interview with Mir 
 Jatir, and the letter from Balaji made no great impres- 
 sion. The only effect of their proof of confidence was 
 to induce the nabob to withdraw his troops from Plassy.^ 
 The return of Mir Jafir, who arrived before the rest, 
 afforded an opportunity for consulting him through his 
 native agent, when he declared his approbation of the 
 draft submitted to him, and Scrafton set off with it for 
 Calcutta, as has been mentioned. 
 
 But the treaty, though accepted, had not been signed, 
 nor was there any proof of Mir Jafir' s consent to it 
 except the word of his confidential agent. It was there- 
 fore indispensable for Mr. Watts to have a meeting with 
 him, and such intercourse was now become nearly impos- 
 sible from the new or revived suspicions of the nabob. 
 Though he had received no information of the plot 
 agamst him, it is not unlikely that vague surmises were 
 afloat of what was going on underhand, and from these 
 or some caprice of his own, he had received Mir Jafir 
 on his return with marked distrust and displeasure. A 
 few days after, Mir Jdfir was removed from his office 
 and command. Mutual jealousy was now avowed. 
 Jdfir ceased to go to court, and assembled his retainers 
 in his palace, wliile the nabob surrounded him with 
 spies, and secretly posted guards on all the communica- 
 tions with his residence. 
 
 Such was the state of things in wliicli AYatts liad to 
 
 ^ Scrafton's letter of May 25. (India IJousd.
 
 S12 IJISE OF BlilTISII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. 
 Vlll. 
 
 attempt an interview. Trusting his life to the fidelity 
 of some of his servants, he set out m a close litter, such 
 as is commonly used by women, passed the guards and 
 spies unsuspected, and reached the apartment where he 
 was expected by his confederate. A full conference 
 then took place ; Mir Jafir signed the treat}', swore 
 on the Koran to observe it, and, laying his hand on his 
 son's head, devoted him to the divine vengeance if he 
 June 5, liimself ijroved unfaithful to his eno-ao'ement.'* 
 
 A.D 1757. rm 
 
 The terms of the treaty were — 
 
 1. The articles agreed to by Suraj-u-Doula to re- 
 main in force. 
 
 2. The enemies of the English, European or Indian, 
 to be the enemies of the nabob. 
 
 3. The French factories to be transferred to the 
 Enoiish. and the French never to be allowed to return 
 to B enseal. 
 
 4 to 7. Compensation to be granted for losses at 
 Calcutta &c. — 
 
 To the Company .... £1,000,000 
 
 To the European inhabitants . . 500,000 
 
 To the native inhabitants . . 200,000 
 
 To the Armenians .... 70,000 
 
 8. The tract within the Maratta ditch and 600 yards 
 beyond to be ceded. 
 
 9. The country to the south of Calcutta as far as 
 Calpi to be granted to the Company as a zemindari, sub- 
 ject to the usual payment of revenue to the nabob. 
 
 10. The nabob to pay for any assistance he may 
 require from the English. 
 
 11. To erect no new fortifications on the river below 
 Hdgli. 
 
 * Orme, ii. 161; Memoirs of tJie Revolution in Bengal, 98. I have pre- 
 ferred the date in the latter to Orme's, which is probably calculated from 
 that in the treaty.
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. TLASSY. 313 
 
 12. Tlie above sums to be paid as soon as Mir Jafir ctiap. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 is established in the o-overnment. 
 
 These engagements are all on the part of Mir Jafir ; 
 on the part of the Company there is only one — 
 
 13. The Company to aid Mir Jafir in acquiring the 
 government, and to assist him to the utmost against all 
 enemies.^ 
 
 Along with the treaty a private engagement was 
 obtained from Mir Jafir, by which he promised to give 
 200,000/. as a donation to the army, 200,000/. to the 
 navy, and from 120,000/. to 150,000/. to the Governor 
 and members of the committee. In addition to which, 
 after his accession he gave 160,000/. to Chve, 10,000/. 
 each to such of the councillors as were not of the 
 committee, and considerable sums to other persons, tlie 
 particulars of which have never been made public.^ 
 
 ^ Treatiea coid Grants to the East India Company, 73. 
 
 ^ The history of the pecuniary demands is cnrioiis, as showing their 
 progress and the individuals in whom each originated. The draft of 
 May 1 merely stipulated for compensation to the Company and the Euro- 
 peans (India House records, and Memoirs of the Revolution, in Bengal, 88). 
 On May 2 Clive wrote that any gratuity the nabob might bestow on the 
 troops must be left to his generosity and to the management of Mr. 
 Watts and Omi Chand. (Malcolm's CUve, 239.) Mr. Watts, desirous of 
 introducing some precision into the articles, appears to have consulted 
 Clive regarding the sums to be demanded, for on May 5 Clive writes to 
 him suggesting 500,000^. for all private losses except Omi Chand's, for 
 whom he recommends a separate stipulation and ' ten lacs ' of rupees, 
 e(iual to 100,000?. (qucere 100 lacs, equal to 1,000,OOOL /) to the Company 
 for the expenses of the war, including a donation to the troops (Malcolm's 
 Clive, i. 241). The specitication of the sums in tlie treaty was made by 
 Mr. Watts after ascertaining Mi'i" -Jatir's disposition {Alcmoirs, 8G). They 
 were in his draft as follows : 
 
 To the Company .... £1,000,000 
 To the European sufferers . . 300,000 
 To the native sufferers . . . 300,000 
 To the Armenians .... 150,000 
 To Omi Cliand .... 300,000 
 
 (First Report, 2l!>). The proportions were afterwards altered in the final 
 draft 1iy the committee ; and in the treatj' itself, which was made out
 
 314 RISE OF BKITISII TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 ^vm' '^'^^ whole of this private agreement was higlily 
 
 reprehensible. Whatever gratnity was proper for the 
 
 troops shonld have been inserted in the treaty ; the 
 other demands shoidd never have been made at all. 
 Clive and Watts, perhaps Kilpatrick (who alone had 
 any claims), should have trusted to Mir Jatir's gratitude, 
 which his subsequent liberality to Clive shows to have 
 been a solid ground to rely on. The stipulations for 
 the members of the committee and the council were 
 warranted by no merit, and set an example which 
 afterwards led to still more diso;raceful exactions. The 
 only palliation lies in the sordid economy of the Court 
 of Directors, by which their servants, deprived of 
 honourable means of subsistence, were compelled to 
 look to indirect ones. Trade on their own account was 
 
 under Olive's directions, a blank was left in the demand for the Company 
 which Watts was authorised to reduce to 500,000/. if Mi'r Jafir objected 
 to the larger amount. (Proceedings of the Committee, May in ; First 
 Report, House of Commons, 1772, 220.) As in Watts's draft the 100,000/. 
 for exi^enses and donations to the troops was omitted, it was probably he 
 who suggested a separate arrangement for the latter object. Whether he 
 also indicated the amount does not appear ; but at the same meeting of 
 the committee at which the final draft was prepared (May 17), the grants 
 to the troops inserted in the private agreement were decided on, and Mr. 
 Becher, one of the members, observing that it was but reasonable that 
 the committee who had set the whole machine in motion should also share 
 in the reward, it was at once resolved that a donation for them should be 
 stipulated for along with the rest. (Mr. Becher's evidence. Report, 145. ) 
 Ko notice is taken of these gratuities in the recorded proceedings of the 
 committee ; but two days after (May 19) Clive writes to Watts to get a 
 l)rivate engagement for 200,000/. each to the army and navy, and 120,000/. 
 to the committee. (Malcolm's Clive, i. 253.) It does not appear how this 
 last sum came to be increased, but the actual payments are stated in Mr. 
 Becher's evidence to have been 28,000/. each to Mr. Drake and Colonel 
 Clive, and 24,000/. to each of the other four members, which would make 
 the whole amount to 152,000/. This was all that was stipulated for in the 
 agreement. The other presents made after the nabob's accession were 
 not in consequence of that engagement. Some of them are stated by 
 Clive in his evidence from imperfect recollection : 80,000/. to Air. Watts ; 
 50,000/. to Mr. Walsh ; 30 or 40,000/. to Major Kilpatrick ; 20,000/. to 
 Mr. Scrafton, besides smaller sums.
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. TLASSY. 315 
 
 the usual source of their emohuiients, but no source 
 was forbidden that did not interfere with the mterests 
 of the Company/ In such circumstances some allow- 
 ance may Ije made for needy men, disposing of wealth 
 which they thougitt inexhaustible, and which at the 
 moment had no recognised owner.^ 
 
 After tlie signing of the treaty there was no call for 
 Mr. Watts's services or presence at Murshidabad, but, 
 as his flight would have opened the nabob's eyes, he 
 continued his residence notwithstandino- the urgent 
 advice of Mir Jafir, and, even after reports of an 
 English plot began to circulate, he still maintained his 
 
 " Major Kilpatrick, one of the best officers in their service, was ap- 
 pointed Commander-in-Chief in Bengal and third in council, with a salary, 
 in full of all demands, of 2o0l. a year. Yet he had an important trust 
 to execute and some dignity to maintain, and he had no other emoluments, 
 avowed or secret. Sir John Malcolm justly observes that a person in 
 Clive's situation in later times would have had 30,000/. a year for his 
 salary and a grant from the Company for his services equal to that which 
 Clive received from the nabob. 
 
 [Clive, when his conduct was assailed in the House of Commons yeai's 
 later, defended his conduct on the ground that presents -were authorised 
 by the practice of the service at the time, and justifiable under the con- 
 ditions of a service whose emoluments were so poor. {Life of Clive, iii. 
 351.) The same line of defence was taken in his letter to the Court of 
 Proprietors when his rights were called in question. (Ibid., i. 308.) 
 Malcolm, in his Political India (ii. 245), while vindicating Clive's conduct 
 on this occasion, gives a remarkable instance of similar payments so late 
 as in 1702, when, on the conclusion of the peace with Tijjpoo, thirty lacs 
 of rupees were demanded and given as darbdr khurutch, or darbar ex- 
 penses, to be distributed among the officers concerned in settling the 
 treaty. It seems from the same author that the usage was recognised by 
 tlie Court of Directors in their letter of March 1758, when they direct 
 tliat the surplus of the sums received, after the reimbursement of losses, 
 should be paid into the Company's treasury. They add, ' We do not 
 intend by this to break in upon any sums of money which have been given 
 by tlie nabob to particular persons by way of free gift or in reward of 
 their services.' {Life of Clive, i. 308.) The defence would be complete 
 were the sums stipulated for under the so-called treaty with Mir Jilfir, 
 then only commander of the nuwab's forces, presents in any sense of the 
 word. They were moneys bargained for the sale of a province under 
 a transaction stained with falsehood and treachery throughout. — En.] 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 VIII.
 
 Juno 12 
 
 June 13 
 
 olG IJISK OF ClUTLSIl roWER IN INDIA. 
 
 ^y/lF- ground, resolving not to leave his btation till he learned 
 from Clive that all was ripe for a disclosure. When 
 sucli a notice reached him, lie went out in tlie cool of 
 the evening on pretence of hunting. Three Englisli 
 gentlemen, wlio formed his suite, had previously repaired 
 to a country residence from whence they joined him, 
 and all four set off for camp accompanied by an old 
 Tartar soldier who had long been in the service of Mr. 
 Watts. They had about seventy miles to ride without 
 guides, and had to pass the nabob's guards and to find 
 boats for crossing the river, but they got through their 
 journey with few adventures, and next afternoon reached 
 Olive's camp at Calna, fifteen miles north of Hugli.^ 
 
 Clive had marched from Chandernagor on the day 
 when Watts joined him, and at the same time had de- 
 spatched a letter to the nabob, stating all the grievances 
 of the British, and in fact declaring war.^ 
 
 On the 19th he took Catvva, a town which the 
 nabob had been strengthening since his alarm from 
 the English, but up to this time he had received no 
 accounts from Mir Jafir, who had promised to join him 
 at that place. ^ 
 
 When Mr. Watts left Murshidabad, the nabob had 
 gone to such extremities against Mir Jafir as sho\Yed 
 that henceforth his hostility could only be restrained 
 by liis fears. He had brought cannon ag-ainst the 
 residence of his refractory subject, and might probably 
 have soon obliged him to surrender, when he was 
 arrested by the intelligence of Watts's flight. This 
 event changed his resentment into alarm and trepida- 
 tion. He saw that he was to be attacked by the English, 
 and feared that they might be joined by the malcontents 
 in his own army. He immediately opened a negotiation 
 
 ^ Orme, ii. 105.
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 317 
 
 with Mir Jiitir, and, as that experienced intrio'iier was chap. 
 
 all-aid to trust himself in his power, he went himself, L^ 
 
 almost unattended, to Mir Jafir's palace, and, l)y his 
 entreaties and professions, brought about a seeming 
 reconciliation.- This took place on the loth, and so 
 elated the nabob that he wrote a letter of defiance to 
 Clive, and a few days after marched towards Plassy 
 with at least IT), 000 horse, 35,000 infantry, and upwards 
 of forty heavy guns. Clive's force was 75.0 European 
 soldiers and 50 seamen, 2,100 sepoys, and eight field- 
 pieces.'^ 
 
 Mir Jafir had written to Clive to explain the real 
 nature of his reconciliation, but his letter was long in 
 arrivmo- and before it was received, a messeno-er who 
 had been sent by Watts returned from Murshidabad, 
 and reported that he had seen Mir Jafir and his son ; 
 that the first admitted him alone, and expressed 
 good hopes and wishes but promised no assistance, 
 while the son received him before witnesses, disclaimed 
 all connection with the Eni»'lish, and si)oke the lanu'uajxe 
 of an open enemy. Intelligence had also been received 
 throuo'h Omi Chand that the reconciliation with the 
 nabob was cordial, and tliat the whole plot was at an end.^ 
 Clive was perplexed by these accounts and by his own 
 situation. It had never been intended that he should 
 engage the nabob unsupported ; the rains were setting 
 in ; his next march would carry liim across the river 
 into the presence of the enemy. If he once crossed he 
 
 ^ It is given at large in Sci'afton's Reflections, 82. 
 
 ' Clive's evidence, First Report, 149. - Onne, ii. 107. 
 
 ^ The nabob's force was ascertained by Clive after tlie taking of 
 IMurshidiibad (Malcolm's Clive, i. 204). Onne and Scrafton make it much 
 more considerable. Clive's numbers arc stated, seemingly frum otiicial 
 returns, in Rlalcolm's VUre, i. 'IhiS. 
 
 ' Clive's evidence. First Report, 149. Letters from Clive. (India I louse.)
 
 318 RISE OF BlUTiSll POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 ^^J^f- would not be able to return, unci he would soon be 
 
 — equally unable to advance or to procure subsistence for 
 
 his army. Urged by these considerations, he wrote to 
 consult the committee. He first proposed the alterna- 
 tive of a halt till after the rains, during which interval 
 the British might strengthen themselves by certain alli- 
 ances, and, after the report of the messenger, he again 
 wrote suggesting the possibility of an honourable peace 
 with the nabob. The committee answered the first 
 letter like men not called on to act ; they boldly de- 
 cided for an immediate action in their first paragraph, 
 but neutralised the decision by a qualification in the 
 second. The other letter they submitted to the admiral 
 and his captains, and concurred in the opinion they 
 gave, that a decisive action was the only expedient left.^ 
 But before either of these answers arrived, Clive had 
 won his victory. 
 
 After writing to the committee he had received 
 Mir Jafir's letter, but though assured of his sincerity, 
 he still saw the strongest reason to doubt both his 
 courage and his power. On the 21st he summoned a 
 council of war to decide between an immediate attack, 
 and delay till reinforced by some of the native states. 
 He himself gave his opinion for delay, and was sup- 
 ported by eight ofiicers, among whom was Kilpatrick ; 
 but seven others, headed by Coote, were for an imme- 
 diate attack.^ The minority saw only the military ques- 
 tion, but Clive knew that a defeat would be ruinous to 
 the English Government, and was the only thing that 
 could preserve the nabob's from dissolution. At the 
 breaking up of the council he retired into a neigh- 
 Ijouring grove, and walked about for an hour reviewing 
 
 '■^ This correspondence is on the records at the India House. 
 
 ® Sir Eyre Coote's evidence, First Report, 153 ; Malcolm's Clive, i. 258.
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 319 
 
 VIIT. 
 
 the question in all iU bearings. At the end of that '^^^^f^^- 
 time he returned to the lines, and, without further dis- 
 cussion or explanation, gave orders for a march.^ 
 
 The army crossed the river next morning, and a 
 little after midnight they arrived at Plassy, and could 
 hear the music of the nabob's band which played, as 
 is usual, at the commencement of every watch. The 
 British occupied an extensive grove or orchard of 
 thickly planted mango-treea, surrounded, as is common 
 in I5engal, by a bank of earth inste^ad of a wall. 
 
 l^he nabob Avas in the entrenched camp formerly 
 occupied by Eai Diilab. At daybreak his army issued 
 out, and drew up in a long line, with the guns and 
 elephants at regular intervals. In this order it advanced, 
 and presented a splendid and formidable appearance, 
 sufficient of itself to awe all but experienced soldiers. 
 Clive, probably to encourage his confederates, drew up 
 outside of the enclosure, but seeing no signs of support, 
 and suffering from the fire of the enemy's guns, he 
 after some time withdrew into the grove, Avhere the 
 heavy shot, though they crashed among the trees and 
 scattered the branches, did little damage to the men, 
 w^ho were protected by the bank. The greatest amioy- 
 ance they suffered was from a small party of forty 
 Frenchmen, who took up a position, at a distance of oOO 
 yards, behind the high bank of a tank, and kept up a 
 sharp and well-directed fire from four field-pieces. This 
 post could not be attacked without exposiug the flank 
 of the assailants to the nabob's wliole army, and the 
 other guns were so scattered that no attempt to storm 
 them could have been decisive, while any disorder 
 among Olive's own men, such as he had experienced on 
 a recent occasion, would have placed him at the mercy 
 
 ' Ormc, ii. 171 ; Sir Eyre Coote's evidence as above.
 
 320 I^ISE OF BKITISII rOWEK IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, of an overwbehiiino; cavalry. He saw therefore no 
 
 VIII o «' 
 
 ' resource, when aLandoned by Mir Jafir, but to main- 
 tain bis position durini^ tbe day and attack tbe enemy 
 after dark. 
 
 About noon there was a heavy fall of rain, which 
 wetted the priming of the enemy's guus and compelled 
 them to slacken their fire. The English field-pieces 
 had been actively employed, and with great effect for 
 their number, but the damage told little in so dis- 
 proportioned a body. About this time, however, a shot 
 struck ]\Iir Madan, the favourite and military adviser of 
 Suraj-u-Doula. He was carried to a tent, where the 
 nabob sat out of danger, and expired m his presence. 
 The nabob had passed the mornmg and the preceding 
 night in despondency and perturbation, and this sight 
 quite overthrew all remains of firmness. He sent for 
 Mir Jafir, who came reluctantly and strongly guarded, 
 laid his turban at his feet (the most abject manner of 
 Indian supplication), and entreated him to protect the 
 grandson of Ali Verdi. Mir Jafir answered him by un- 
 meanino' promises, and either he or Rai Diilab advised 
 him to withdraw his troops within the entrenchment. 
 This advice proved fatal. The first sight of a retreat 
 was perceived by Kilpatrick, who instantly sallied out 
 ^vith two companies of Europeans to attack the French 
 post at the tank. Clive, ^vorn out with fatigue and 
 watchmg, had lain down and perhaps fallen asleep. He 
 started up on hearing what was ^^^ssing and sharply 
 censured Kilpatrick for deranging his plan, but he no 
 sooner perceived the extent of the enemy's movement 
 than he determined on a general and decisive effort, and 
 ordered his own Ime to advance. After driving the 
 French from the tank, he moved on against two emi- 
 nences nearer to the camp. This new aspect of the battle
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. TLASSY. 321 
 
 drew the enemy's army back into the fiekl. Notwith- ^1?|^- 
 
 standing the want of a leader, and the distrust pervading 
 
 both the chiefs and soldiers, the cavalry exposed them- 
 selves with great spirit and lost many men, the infantry 
 also were returning to their stations, and attempts were 
 made to Ijring back the guns, but the long train of white 
 oxen by which each was drawn afforded an excellent 
 mark to the lield-pieces, by which they were soon either 
 disabled or dispersed. Beyond the eminences which 
 had been carried was a place where tlie two faces of the 
 nabob's entrenchment formed an angle. This was the 
 most important point in the whole Ime ; it was defended 
 by a redoul)t with a battery of guns, and was occupied 
 among others by the Frenchmen who had retreated from 
 the tank. Against this work Clive directed all his 
 efforts. He advanced in three columns, and expected 
 a resolute opposition, but when he gained the redoubt 
 he found it had just been evacuated, and entered the 
 camp about five in the afternoon. The evacuation was 
 occasioned by the sudden flight of the nabob, who, 
 struck with a panic, leaped on a running camel and 
 fled with precipitation in the direction of Murshid;ibad. 
 His disappearance led to the dispersion of his army. 
 The rout was complete. The English pursued ; they 
 found the plain strewn with tents, carriages, arms, and 
 baggage of all descriptions, and they took immediate 
 possession of forty pieces of cannon. The troops, being 
 promised a donation, sliowed no disposition to plunder, 
 and after yoking some of the nabob's oxen to their own 
 field-y)ieces, they continued tlieir march for six miles 
 furtlier to a village called Daudpur. During the ad- 
 vance of the English towards the camp, they jicrccived 
 large bodies of horse lianging on tlioir (lank ; tliese 
 were Mir Jiifir and liis confederates, but as lliey neither 
 
 Y
 
 322 laSE 01'^ BKITISII POWEK in INDIA. 
 
 ^y/^f' assisted the Enolish nor hung out white flags as had 
 
 — been concerted, they were taken for enemies and were 
 
 kept at a distance by the fire of the field-pieces.^ The 
 loss of tlie English was insignificant ; only twenty 
 Europeans and fifty-two sepoys killed and wounded. 
 The bank which had covered them from the cannon had 
 also prevented their being charged by the cavalry until 
 the fate of the action had been decided. 
 
 June 23, Qn the mornincr after the battle, Mir Jafir joined the 
 
 A.D. 1757. . . ? ' . •; 
 
 victors ; his consciousness of demerit made him doubt- 
 ful of his reception, and he started at the clash of arms 
 as the guard saluted him. But Clive received him 
 with a cordiality that speedily reassured him. He con- 
 gratulated him on his accession to the government of 
 Bengal, and hurried him off to the capital to secure 
 the treasures and j^revent the escape of his rival. ^ 
 
 June 24. Mir Jafir reached Murshidabad on the evening of 
 
 the next day, and found the city in a state of confusion 
 
 June 25. .|nd aiiarcliy. On the following day the English 
 army marched to within six miles of the city, when 
 Mr. Watts and Mr. Walsh were sent on to confer with 
 the intended viceroy. Whether Mir Jafir, when no 
 longer under the excitement of hope, was really alarmed 
 at the emljarrassments before him, or whether he 
 merely affected modesty and forbearance, it was some 
 time before the two deputies could prevail on him to 
 assume the dignity which he had so anxiously desired. 
 He at length consented, and was proclaimed A'iceroy of 
 Bengal, Behdr, and Orissa.^ 
 
 June 20. CHve allowed things to settle before he himself made 
 
 his entry into Murshidabad. He was joyfully welcomed 
 
 ** Cli\c's letter to the Court of Directors (Malcolm's Clive, i. 263); 
 Orme, i. 172 ; Scrafton's liejlcctions, 87 ; Memoirs, 109. 
 
 » Scrafton, 89. ' Scrafton, 91.
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. TLASSY. 323 
 
 by the population of that great city, who crowded every ^^.^J*- 
 
 avenue to catch a ghmpse of him and his army. Ac- 
 
 companied by the nabob's son, who had met him on 
 entering the city, he proceeded to the pahice, and was 
 there received with the utmost respect by Mir Jafir, 
 and conducted by him to the hall of audience. Here 
 all the nobles of the court and army were arranged in a 
 full darljiir, and between their ranks the two principal 
 actors advanced to the upper end of the hall. Mir Jafir 
 afFectmg to decline the seat of dignity, Clive led him up 
 to it, placed him on the masnad, and presented a salver 
 of gold coin as an acknowledgment of his authority. 
 His example was followed by the other persons present, 
 and Mir Jafir's government was recognised throughout 
 the three provinces. 
 
 The next step was to fulfil the obligations of the 
 treaty, and those of a pecuniary nature came first in order. 
 
 At the time of the discussion of the first agreement 
 with Mir Jafir, Rai Diilab declared that the whole 
 wealth of the government was inadequate to supply the 
 sums demanded, and proposed that the new nabob and 
 the English should share equally in whatever was found 
 in the treasury. To this Mr. Watts, who believed in 
 the alleged extent of the nabob's hoard, immediately 
 gave his consent. But when Ilai Diilab recollected, 
 that from his office he was entitled to five per cent, on 
 all the money issued in the usual manner from tlie 
 treasury, and that he would get nothing in a sunnnary 
 division of tliis kind, he retracted his objection and 
 agreed to the stipulated payments. His first state- 
 ment proved true ; the whole amount to be paid was 
 2,340,000/., and the money in tlic treasury was not 
 sufficient to meet even a moiety of the deniand."- 
 
 * Lord Clive, in his letter to the Court of Directors, reckons it about 
 
 T 2
 
 324 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IX INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. It was tlierefore settled that the Enoiish should for 
 
 VIII. . ^ 
 the present forego one half of the sum due to them ; 
 
 that, of the half which they were to receive, two-thirds 
 should be in money and one- third in jewels, and that 
 the remainin"' half should he discharijed within three 
 years by three equal payments. This adjustment was 
 made by the mediation of Jagg'at Set, whom Clive had 
 strongly recommended to Jafir, and who was now 
 admitted to a share in the administration ; Mir Jafir, 
 Clive, Ivai Diilab, and he entering into mutual engage- 
 ments on oath to support one another. Omi Chand 
 was present on this occasion, but as he was not invited 
 to join the conference, he sat down in a distant part of 
 the apartment. When the party rose Clive moved 
 towards him, and said to Scrafton that it was now 
 time to undeceive Omi Chand, on which Scrafton 
 abruptly told him that the red treaty was a trick, and 
 that he was to have nothing. Omi Chand sank down 
 fainting, and was obliged to be supported by those 
 around him. He was conveyed to his own house, where 
 he remained for some hours in a state of stupor ; he 
 afterwards betrayed signs of derangement, and died at 
 the end of a year and a half in a state of imbecility.^ 
 
 During the first uncertainty caused by the revolution 
 the great men and rich merchants, anxious about their 
 fate, sent messages to Clive tendermg their submission, 
 and made offers of large presents, all which he refused, 
 
 one million and a half pounds (Malcolm's Clive, i. 269). Tliis would have 
 been more than half the avowed demands ; but Jafir had donations to 
 his confederates and his own troops to make, with many other expenses 
 absolutely indispensable to a new government. 
 
 ^ Orme, ii. 182. This account of the eilect of his disajipointnient on 
 Omi Chand has been disi)utt'd on the ground that Clive, more than sixweeks 
 later, speaks of Omi Cliand as a man still capable of being of use to the 
 Company. This shows that Clive was not aware of his hopeless condition, 
 but does nothing to shake a fact so emphatically asserted by Orme.
 
 WAK IX BENGAL. PLASHY. 325 
 
 assurinof them that he desu'ed notliini>- but then* assist- ^^Vr^f- 
 
 aiice in settlino- the government.'^ He, however, })romised 
 
 his protection to some, and wrote to cahn the apprehen- 
 sions of others who were at a distance from tlie capitah 
 All that ^vas wanting to complete the settlement was 
 the seizure of Suraj-u-l)oula, and this consummation was 
 not long withlield. He had reached Murshidabad early 
 on the nii«-ht of the battle, but could not brmgr himself 
 to decide on the course he was next to pursue. He was 
 advised to give himself up to the English, Avliich he 
 rejected with horror. He meditated another trial of his 
 strength in the field, and he at last determined to make 
 his way to M. Law and retreat with him into Beliar. 
 There, he thought, he might still hold out against his 
 enemies until he could be assisted by M. Bussy or by 
 Shujti-u-Doula, whose provmce was contiguous. He 
 made some preparations to act on this plan, and sent off 
 his wife and most of his women on elephants towards 
 Behar, but his irresolution again came upon him, and 
 he remained distracted by doubt and terror until the 
 next evening, when the arrival of Mir Jafir compelled 
 hun to accelerate his flight. He embarked on l)oard 
 a boat, disguised in a mean dress, accompanied l)y a 
 
 * Scrafton,91; Olive's evidence. During his examination Clivc read part 
 of a printed letter to the Proprietors of the East India Coni])any, of which 
 the following is an extract. ' Had I accepted these offers I might have been 
 possessed of millions which the present Court of Directors could not have 
 dispossessed me of. But preferring the reputation of the English nation, 
 the interest of the nabob, and the advantage of the Company to all pecu- 
 niary considerations, I refused all the oilers made to me, not only tlien 
 but to tlie latest hour of my continuance in the Company's service in 
 Bengal ; and 1 do challenge friend or enemy to bring one single instance 
 of my being influenced by interested motives to the Company's disadvan- 
 tage, or to do any act that could rellect dishonour to my country or the 
 Company in any one action of my administration either as Covcnior 
 or conmianding officer.' (Report of the Committee of tlie House of 
 Commons, 148.)
 
 326 KISE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. 
 VIII. 
 
 favourite concubine and a eunuch, and carrying with 
 liim a casket of his most vakiable jewels. He had 
 reached Eaj Mahal, about seventy miles from Mur- 
 shidabad, and was withm twenty miles of M. Law's 
 party, when his rowers became so much exhausted that 
 they were obliged to put to for rest and refreshment. 
 Durinii: this interval he concealed himself in a deserted 
 garden, and was there discovered by a fakir whose nose 
 and ears he had formerly cut off in one of his fits of 
 passion. This man immediately gave notice to the 
 governor of Raj Mahal, who was Mir Jafir's brother, 
 and Suraj-u-Doula was seized and taken back with 
 every mdigTiity to Murshidabad. He arrived there on 
 the night of July 2, and was carried into the presence 
 of the new nabob. He prostrated himself before his 
 former servant, and begged with tears and {)rayers for 
 life alone. Mir Jafir hesitated and desired that he 
 might be kept in confinement, but his son Miran, a 
 violent and unprincipled youth, ordered him of his 
 own authority to be put to death in his prison. The 
 particulars were not known to the English till many 
 months later, and it is still uncertain whether Miran 
 really acted without his father's knowledge. Such, 
 however, was Mir Jafir's assertion, and on it rested 
 his apology to Clive.^ 
 
 Suraj-u-Doula was only twenty-five years of age, 
 and had reigned thirteen months. His youth was 
 some excuse for his insolence and misconduct, but none 
 for his treachery and cruelty.^ 
 
 '' Orme ; Scrafton ; Seir ul Mutakherin. 
 
 ^ Orme (185) makes him only twenty, in wliicli he is copied by Stewart 
 {Hidory of Berujal, 531), although the latter writer has stated (495) that 
 he was born at the time of Mir Jafir's appointment to the government of 
 Behar, which by his own account (421) was in 1729-30. This would 
 make him twenty-six. The Memoirs of the Revolution in Bengal say he
 
 WAU IX BENGAL. PLASSY. 327 
 
 The news of the victory was received by the En2,iish chap. 
 
 . . . VIII. 
 in Calcutta with unbounded joy, and their delight was 
 
 increased soon after, when the first advance of the 
 treasure arrived. It amounted to near a million sterling, 
 perhaps the largest sum ever received at once into a 
 British treasury. It was conveyed in two hundred 
 boats, was escorted by a body of soldiers, and accom- 
 panied by all the boats of the squadron in triumphal 
 procession, with music playing and colours flying. Those 
 who, little more than a year before, had been reduced 
 to the lowest extremity of humiliation and ruin, now 
 saw riches pouring in on them beyond the dreams of 
 their most exalted flxncy, while their oppressor was 
 crushed and their own disgrace effaced by the glory 
 of the present successes. The effect of this influx of 
 wealth, and of the other advantages of the treaty, soon 
 showed itself in the altered state of Calcutta. Trade 
 revived and increased, new houses were erected on a 
 larger scale than before, and the city by degrees began 
 to assume the appearance of the splendid capital wdiich 
 it now presents. 
 
 The joy and exultation of the public were first 
 checked by the death of Watson, which happened on 
 August 16. His place was well supplied by Admiral 
 Pococke, who had been second in command ; but his 
 courage, integrity, generosity, and other virtues had 
 endeared him to all, and his loss spread a gloom over 
 every rank and description of his countrymen. 
 
 Whatever may have been the conduct of the English 
 on particular occasions, it must be acknowledged that 
 Surdj-u-Doula brought all his misfortunes on hunself. 
 His unprovoked attack on Calcutta led to retaliation, 
 
 was tvventy-fivo ; and the sliorfcnr pcruxl is quito incoiiaistent with tho 
 part he filled during tho latter years of Ali Verdi.
 
 328 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 ^viif' '^^^^^^ ^^^"^^ ^^ mutual distrust, and liis siimmons to 
 Bussy, with his avowed partiaUty to the French, de- 
 stroyed any cliance that remained of a return of confi- 
 dence. He had engaged in liis letter accompanying the 
 ratified treaty to look on the enemies of the English as 
 his own, and ought therefore to have joined against the 
 French as soon as hostilities broke out. If tliat letter 
 he not regarded as equally binding with the treaty, he 
 had a right to protect the French within his own pro- 
 vinces, and might wish to maintam them as a counter- 
 poise to the English, but even in this case his object 
 might have been effected without rendering peace impos- 
 sible by calling in a force which he would never have 
 been able to restrain. The English were certainly 
 sincere in their promises not to attack Chandernagor 
 without his leave. If he had behaved with common 
 steadiness and common honesty the neutrality would 
 assuredly have been signed, the course of events might 
 have turned the force of both parties towards the 
 Deckan, and Beno^al mio-ht not for a lono; time have 
 suffered from the rivalry of Europeans. 
 
 But although the irreconcilable enmity which he 
 showed towards the Eno'lish entitled that nation to insist 
 on securities, and to destroy his power if none such could 
 be foimd, it could never entitle them to make war on 
 him, under cover of apparent frankness and cordiality, 
 nor to plot with his own servants for his destruction 
 while professing to put him on his guard against the 
 machinations of foreign enemies. 
 
 As the acts and fortunes of individuals eno^a^^e our 
 sympathy more than those of states, the case of Omi 
 Chand has led to more discussion than the important 
 event out of which it arose. The conduct of Clive, who 
 was the prime mover of the whole, has by some been
 
 WAR IM BENGAL. TLASSY. 329 
 
 tliouo-lit worthy of entire approbation, and by others of ^^^j- 
 
 unmitigated condemnation and reproacli. When impar- 
 
 tially considered, it appears not to be capable of justifi- 
 cation, but to be accompanied by as many circumstances 
 of extenuation as can attend any departure from prin- 
 ciple. 
 
 Clive believed that the success of his enterprise and 
 the lives of his friends depended on his making the pro- 
 mise ; he believed that it was impossible to carry it 
 into effect, and he was transported with a just resent- 
 ment at the perfidy of his confederate and his own 
 subjection to the dictation of such a traitor. Can we 
 wonder if, under the influence of such feelings, he fell 
 into an error which has misled the learned in their 
 closets and the unlearned in their disinterested judg 
 ments ? '^ He gave the promise with his mind made up 
 not to perform it, and was thence led almost necessarily 
 into a long train of fraud and deception which he pro- 
 bably never foresaw.^ 
 
 With the honourable exception of Watson, all Olive's 
 contemporaries tliought his conduct not only blameless 
 but meritorious. Had there been a dissentino- voice it 
 
 '' Some of the best writers on ethics maintain that as a forced promise 
 gives no right to the exactor, it hiys no obligation on the promiser ; and 
 the general opinion justifies a person who refuses to discharge a bond 
 signed under duress, or to pay a sum promised to a highwayman. In 
 these judgments it seems to be forgotten that there is a duty to society 
 as well as to the other party, and that by it the promiser is bound in all 
 cases to adhere to the general rules of morality. But in support of the 
 doctrine, sec the numerous authorities in Pullcndorf 's Lmv of Nature and 
 Nations, Book iii. chap. vi. sects. 11, 12, and 13, with Barbeyrac's notes, 
 Kennett's English translation, 285. 
 
 ** The double treaty and the fictitious signature were done in the first 
 heat, and probably with alacrity ; but the long course of dissinuilation 
 towards Omi Chand after he returned to Calcutta must have given suffi- 
 cient time and more than sufficient motives for feelings of humiliation 
 and almost of repentance.
 
 330 KIvSE OF BKITISII 1'0\YER IN INDIA. 
 
 ^}^^^- would have been in the fleet, and Watson's own suro-eon 
 VIII. ' . ° 
 
 assures us that ' all classes of people, from their know- 
 ledge of Omi Chand's avarice and treachery, applauded 
 the artifice by which he was so dexterously outwitted.'^ 
 
 No number or agreement of opinions can make 
 wrong right, but where an error is general it should 
 fall with less wei2:ht on each individual. 
 
 dive's first object, after seating Mir Jafir on the 
 masnad, was to disperse the French party under Law, 
 and withm four days of the death of Suraj-u-Doula, a 
 detachment was sent off for that purpose. It consisted 
 of little more than 500 men, more than half sepoys, 
 with two field-pieces, and was commanded by Captain 
 Coote. Though this officer reached Patna, 200 miles 
 from Murshidabad, in eleven days, he was unable to 
 overtake Law, who had much the start of him from the 
 first, and was favoured by the governor of the province. 
 Coote, however, continued the pursuit to Chaprah, forty- 
 four miles from Patna, where he learned that the French 
 party had passed the frontier into Benares in the terri- 
 tory of the Viceroy of Oude.^ 
 
 Ptim Ndrain, the governor of P)ehar, had remamed 
 faithful to Suraj-u-Doula, and it was towards Patna 
 that the flight of that prince was directed. On the death 
 of his master he proclaimed Mir Jafir, but was suspected 
 of disaffection, and was even accused of a design to 
 massacre Coote's detachment while halted at Patna on 
 August 12. their advance. On these grounds Coote was ordered to 
 
 ^ Ives's Voyage, 147. 
 
 ' M. Law seems to have been a man of considerable abilities. He 
 was probably brother to the officer of the same name in the Deckan, who 
 was nephew to the famous financier and father of the French general, 
 the Man^uis of Lauriston. He was at length taken i^risoner while in the 
 service of Shah Alain, and returned to France. {Biogrivphie Universelle, 
 end of the article Law.)
 
 WAIl IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 331 
 
 dispossess him of his government. He returned to '^yf^f- 
 
 Patna for that purpose, and was on the point of attack- 
 
 ing the town when he received a counter-order, A re- 
 conciUation took place with the govermnent, and Riim 
 Narain remained in his office, but without any confi- August 22. 
 dence between him and the nabob. Coote returned to 
 Murshidabab, and on the day after his arrival Clive set septem- 
 out for Calcutta. He left the detachment under Coote 
 at Casunbazar, but removed the rest of the army 
 to Chandernagor. 
 
 After so violent a revolution, it was natural to ex- 
 pect temporary disorders, but before Clive left Murshid- 
 abad, there were already signs of permanent weakness 
 in the new government. The great claims of the 
 English had left Mir Jafir no means of gratifying his 
 old adherents or rewardino* those chiefs Avho had taken 
 part with him in the late conspiracy ; the transfer of so 
 much money to a foreign territory was of itself unpo- 
 pular, and the ascendancy of Europeans, hitherto only 
 known as humble merchants, was odious to all classes, 
 especially to the Mahometans. Mir Jafir' s own character 
 was little qualified to remove these bad impressions. 
 He was feeble and irresolute, indolent and insincere ; he 
 wasted his time in frivolous amusements, and embittered 
 the disappointment of his unrewarded friends by lavish 
 expenditure on his own pomp and pleasures. His son 
 Ml ran, though so young, had, from his reckless energy, 
 an ascendancy over him. This young man was rather 
 ]wpular with the soldiery, from a notion that he was 
 unfavourable to the Enghsh ; but his treachery and 
 cruelty, his licentious and profligate character, made 
 him detested by all other classes of the people. Neitlier 
 father nor son understood the Englisli, the most corrupt 
 of whom despised habitual fraud and falsehood. If those
 
 332 KI.SE OF BRITISH rOWKR IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, iiround were discontented witli tlie nabob, he was not 
 
 VIII. . 
 
 better pleased with them. He had expected to step at 
 
 once into the situation of Ali Verdi, and he found him- 
 self not only controlled by his alhes, but tied up by 
 engagements to his own subjects which he was not 
 allowed to break. The first object of his jealous}?^ was 
 liai Diilab, who till the moment when he mounted the 
 niasnad had been his equal, and who from the agree- 
 ment sworn to by himself and Clive, was still beyond 
 the reach of his power. To deprive Rai Dulab of this 
 protection Jtifir brought forward all the accusations to 
 Avliich he gave credit, and others which he invented or 
 did not believe. Ram Narain having formerly been a 
 dependent of Rai Diilab, was supposed to be under his 
 influence ; insurrections broke out in different places 
 which were attributed to him ; a body of Marattas, who 
 threatened Bengal from Cattac, were thought to have 
 l)een invited by Rai Diilab, and the troops more than 
 once mutmied for pay, which was supposed to be at his in- 
 stigation. How far Rai Diilab was concerned in any of 
 these machinations is doubtful, but he did the nabob 
 as serious an injuiy, by endeavouring to impress on the 
 English that he had formed a regular design for freeing 
 himself by force from their control. He himself was 
 alarmed for his life, and several times shut himself up in 
 his house, suspending all the financial busmess of the 
 state and depriving it of the services of the large body of 
 troops which was under his personal command. This 
 state of things kept the city in continual agitation and 
 alarm. On one occasion durins^ the nabob's absence a 
 cry was raised of an extensive conspiracy headed by Rai 
 Diilab to put the infant nephew of Suraj-u-Doula on 
 the masnad, on which Miran ordered the unfortunate 
 child to be murdered, and imprisoned the ladies of Ali
 
 WAli IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 333 
 
 Verdi's family. Teini)orary reconciliations were me- chap. 
 
 "^ . "^ . VIII. 
 
 diated by the Ei\i^-li.sli, but did not last, until Clive, 
 
 judiciously availing himself of a period of embarrass- 
 ment, convinced the nabob of the injury he was doing to 
 his own affairs, and brought about an agreement which 
 was effective for a considerable time. 
 
 The first of the insurrections alluded to was at Mid- 
 napiir, where the farmer of the revenue resisted the new 
 government, but was brought to obedience by the in- 
 terposition of Clive. The next was a plot at Dacca, to 
 set up one of the family of Sarafiaz Khan, but that was 
 quelled by the local officers. The most serious was 
 that of Achal Sing, the farmer of Purnia, who set up a 
 connection of Ali A^erdi's family and raised a great body 
 of troops. The nabob went in person against this in- 
 surgent, accompanied by Clive and the British troops. 
 Their approach broke up the rebellion, and an officer of 
 the nabob's, named Khadim Husen, who was sent in 
 advance, took possession of the district and made Achal 
 . Sing prisoner. The nabob, thus freed from his other ene- 
 mies, was eager to dispossess Ram Narain, while Clive, who 
 knew that he had collected an army, and feared that if 
 driven to despair he would call in the Nabob of Oude 
 and tliiow the whole country into confusion, was very 
 averse to proceeding to extremities. Pie complied with 
 the nabob's wish that he shoidd march towards Patna, 
 but he obtained his leave to attempt by fair means to 
 obtain the submission of Ram Narjiin, and wrote to that 
 officer undertaking to guarantee the terms proposed by 
 the nabtjb. On receiving this letter Riini Njirj'iin set 
 out from Patna, and came without hesitation to tlie 
 camp, when he was presented to tlie nabol) and was 
 confirmed in his government. Rtini Niiniiii on this 
 occasion was quite sincere, and was effectually })rotccte(l
 
 334 lUSE OF BRITISH TOWEIl IN INDIA 
 
 ^i^^P- as long as Clive remained in India, but the nabob gave 
 
 such proofs of sinister intentions during the transaction 
 
 as to create a great degree of alienation between him 
 and Clive, and even to excite some suspicions of hos- 
 tile designs against the latter. When all was at last 
 adjusted, the army returned to Murshidabad, Mir Jafir 
 following by a circuitous route. When the army reached 
 the capital, Miran affected alarm at the power of Rai 
 Diilab and fled to a country house, an act of folly which 
 though m some degree repaired by his early return, 
 revived the old estrangement of Rai Dulab, and even 
 implied distrust of Clive, 
 
 A considerable portion of the first payment to the 
 English, which it had been agreed should be made in 
 ready money, w^as still outstanding, and the expense of 
 the present expedition increased the debt. Before the 
 march of the army, Clive required that districts should 
 be set aside from which the amount mio-ht be collected 
 on account of the English, and the nabob at this time 
 conferred a further favour on the Company by allowing 
 it to farm the saltpetre monopoly in his province, though 
 at the highest rate ever paid on any former occasion.^ 
 
 After a short stay at Murshidabad, Clive proceeded to 
 Calcutta. Despatches soon after arrived from England 
 setting aside Clive, who had first been nominated as head 
 of a committee for the settlement of Bengal, and appoint- 
 ing a council of ten, the four senior members of which 
 were to preside for four months each in turn. This 
 absurd arrangement was the result of a compromise 
 between conflicting interests in the Court of Directors. 
 It had taken eiiiht months to reach Bens'al, and had been 
 
 " The districts wei'c subsequently restored before the whole debt had 
 been liquidated, and a deposit of jewels was accepted as security for the 
 remainder, which amounted to 200,000?.
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. ,335 
 
 drawn up before the news of the battle of Plassv had chap. 
 
 . . VIII. 
 
 been heard of in England. Had that victory not taken 1_ 
 
 place, the plan must have occasioned the immediate de- 
 struction of the P>ritish power in Bengal. Even in the 
 actual state of affairs it was so pregnant with danger, 
 that the members who would have formed the rotation 
 government, to the great honour of their disinterested- 
 ness and patriotism, at once determined to waive the 
 appointment, and with the consent of the rest of the 
 council, offered the -government to Clive. 
 
 Clive, though greatly offended at the treatment he 
 had received, did not withhold his services, but accepted 
 the charge without hesitation. This was the first in- 
 stance of open disobedience to the orders of the Court of 
 Directors, which was afterwards so often the theme of 
 invective against their servants. The extreme impor- 
 tance of subordination, and the unnecessary breaches of 
 it which sometimes occurred in India, make the general 
 clamour on this subject natural and commendable, but 
 in fact the distance of the Court of Directors, their 
 ignorance of India, then only gradually becoming known 
 to persons on the spot, their liability to local influence, 
 and the necessary inapplicability of orders arriving at 
 least a year after the exigency to which they related, 
 made it often impossible to carry their instructions 
 into effect. In the present case disobedience saved the 
 provmce, and on many subsequent occasions the most 
 useful and necessary measures were carried througli in 
 India, in direct opposition to the Court of Directors. 
 In this instance a revolution of parties in the court led 
 to a speedy correction of tlieir error and confirmed Clive's 
 appointment. 
 
 The nabob paid a coinplimoutary visit to Calcutta 
 soon after C/live's accession, and, in liis absence, the long
 
 336 RISE OF BRITISH ROWER IN INDIA. 
 
 ^yJ\j- disputes with Rui Diilab were brought to a crisis. That 
 minister was desired to exhibit his accounts to be ex- 
 amined l^y Miran's diwan, and seeing the snare pre- 
 pared for him, he requested to be allowed to retire to 
 Calcutta. Miran refused, and at the same time insti- 
 gated a body of troops to raise a mutiny and threaten 
 the life of the minister. Eai Diilab stood on the defen- 
 sive until he was relieved by Mr. Watts, who returned 
 from the nabob with a permission which he had obtained 
 for the mmister's departure. The removal of so power- 
 ful a subject was a great triumph to the nabob, but he 
 did not feel safe while his enemy was at the ear of the 
 British Governor. He had recourse therefore to new 
 devices. Soon after his return to his capital he gave 
 out that as he was going to perform his public devotions 
 he observed a commotion among the troops whom he 
 passed, and on reaching the mosque found that Khoja 
 Hadi, who was posted there with his personal guard, 
 was engaged in a plot to murder him, and to join in an 
 extensive mutiny for which his death was to be the 
 signal. No attempt on his life was made, and the 
 threatened disturbance was quelled with miaccountable 
 ease ; but Khoja Hadi was dismissed from the service, 
 and soon after the nabob pretended to have gained pos- 
 session of a letter to him from I\ai Dulab. In this 
 letter that veteran conspirator was made to avow his own 
 share in the plot without reserve, and to say that he had 
 obtained Clive's consent to it ; and this was addressed to 
 a man wIki, as the letter shows, required no such encourage- 
 ment to induce him to go through with the plot. The 
 intention of the letter was to irritate Clive against I\ai 
 Diilab, but the forgery was too palpable to deceive any- 
 l)()dy, and Clive contented himself with remonstrating 
 a<^i^amst the nabol)'s giving ear to a story in which his
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 337 
 
 name was so dishonourably introduced. How much of chap. 
 
 . VIII 
 
 the whole plot was real and how much invented by the ' 
 
 nabob was never fully ascertained, for Khoja Hadi was 
 allowed to depart with a small escort, and was murdered 
 by a party of the nabob's troops in a defile through 
 which he had to pass. 
 
 ]3efore tliis, the French liad sent such a force to 
 Coromandel as obliged the English to stand on the de- 
 fensive, and about this time intelligence arrived that 
 they had taken Fort St. David and were threatening 
 Madras. Earuest and repeated entreaties and injunc- 
 tions had from time to time been received from tlie 
 Madras Government for the return of Chve and his 
 detachment to that Presidency. The course of 
 the narrative has already shown the utter impos- 
 sibility of compliance up to this period, and even now 
 it was not competent for Clive to abandon his govern- 
 ment, if he could otherwise have been spared. Even to 
 weaken his force for a time was dangerous, and to do so 
 permaneutly would have been ruinous. He, however, 
 discovered a plan by which one part of the evil was 
 avoided, and resolved to send an expedition into the 
 French districts nearest Bengal, by which, if he did 
 not effect a diversion, he would at least strike at the 
 most important of the enemy's resources. 
 
 This resolution was opposed by the whole council 
 Avithout exception. Besides the perilous state of the 
 interior, they still looked to the possibility of a descent 
 by the French, and they thought, not without plausible 
 reasons, that it would be an act of uupar(I()ual)le rash- 
 ness to weaken a ])i"ovinc(' wlici-c tlicir jjowci- was so 
 precarious, and which was of so uiiicli inoi'c Aaliie than 
 all the Company's old possessions. Tlic expedition, 
 however, sailed on Olive's sole responsibiHty. It was 
 
 z
 
 338 
 
 EISE OF BKITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. 
 VIII. 
 
 End of 
 Sep- 
 tember, 
 A.D. 1758. 
 
 January, 
 A.D. 17"i>9. 
 
 commanded by Colonel Forde, and consisted of a full half 
 of tlie troops. 
 
 The successes of the French opened new views to 
 the nabob, and he was. heard to say that if that nation 
 were to come to Bengal, he would assist them, unless 
 the British T\ould agree to renounce all their pecuniary 
 and territorial claims. But although the reduced num- 
 bers of the English was favourable to any design against 
 them, none seems to have been formed. Jafir was 
 greatly irritated by the restraints imposed on him, and 
 felt the increasing pressure of the Company's claims, 
 and he was at first disappomted to find that the muni- 
 ficence of his presents to Clive produced no disposition 
 to relax on public questions ; but he perceived how 
 insecure his power would be without the English, and 
 he still felt reverence and perhaps regard for their chief. 
 Clive owed these sentiments as much to his steady con- 
 duct as to his services and station. He treated the 
 nabob with frankness and temper, as well as with firm- 
 ness ; trusting in general to reason and sometimes to 
 time and patience for attaining his objects, seldom 
 peremptory and never arrogant. 
 
 Not long after the departure of the expedition, 
 intellio'ence was received which showed in a strono; lio-ht 
 the danger of leaving Bengal so ill defended. Prmce 
 Ali Gohar, after his escape from Delhi,^ remained for 
 several months in dependence on Najib-u-Doula, but 
 hearing of the distracted state of Bengal, he thought he 
 might have some chance of supplanting the present 
 occupant of that province. Shuja-u-Doula, to whom 
 he next repaired, had a secret motive for encouraging 
 Inm to make the attempt, and for inducing his own 
 
 ^ ii. 608.
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. PL ASSY. 339 
 
 cousin Mohammed Kiili, Viceroy of AllaMbad, to eml)ark chap. 
 
 with the greatest zeal in liis cause. ;_ 
 
 If the Empire had still been in existence, Ali Gohar 
 was a rebel, for sucli he had been proclaimed by his 
 father at Delhi ; his claim to Bengal was a fresh offence 
 against his sovereign, for the king's patent for that 
 province had not long before been sold to Mir Jafir. 
 But the Emperor was known to be a tool in the hands of 
 Ghazi-u-din, and as the right of the house of Teimur 
 had become a mere matter of feeling, it would have been 
 idle to scrutinise the legal pretensions of any of its 
 members. Ali Gohar' s name, supported by the power 
 and resources of Mohammed Kuli, drew toirether a 
 force which was at one time estimated at 40,000 men. 
 He wrote to Clive, promising whatever he chose to ask 
 withm the compass of the Empire ; but Clive j^lainly 
 stated his relation to the nabob, whom he had reco«»'nised 
 as master of the country, and, though in general very 
 respectful, he on one occasion, when dismissing the 
 prince'.s agents, told them that if they should return 
 with similar proposals, he would put tliem to death as 
 disturbers of the pul)lic peace. This conduct did much 
 to quiet the mind of the nabob, but his knowledge of 
 his own unpopularity, his fears of treachery from J\am 
 Narain, and his doubts of the fidelity of all his troops 
 and officers, kept him still in great alarm. He even 
 thought of l^uying off the ])rince with a sum of money, 
 but Clive convinced him of the dano-er as well as dis- 
 grace of such a course, and. in compliance with the 
 earnest entreaties of the nabob, he agreed to take the 
 field nloug with IMinni to oppose the invader. Tliough 
 his force consisted of no more than 500 lMir()])eans and 
 2,500 sepoys, he left Calcutta nearly stripped of troops. 
 While he was preparing, and the nabob providiug pay
 
 340 
 
 KISE OF BKITISII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 nil. 
 
 Marcli 23 
 
 for his army, the prince and Mohammed Kiili had ad- 
 vanced into Behar, and Shuja-u-Donla, the Nawab 
 Vizier of Oude, was making open pre[)arations to follow. 
 Ram Naniin wrote urgent letters for assistance, and 
 Clive gave him the strongest assurances of support ; 
 but the enemy at last reached Patna, and Ram Narain 
 had no expedient left but to temporise. He waited 
 on the prince and made the fidlest submission, and so far 
 won on Mohammed Kiili, that he promised to make 
 him Diwan of Allaluibad. But he allowed nobody to 
 enter the city, and when at length the patience of the 
 confederates was completely woni out, he shut his gates 
 and stood on the defensive. It was never doubted at 
 Murshidabad that he was sincere in his defection. The 
 nabob was filled with fresh alarms ; even Clive was 
 misled and wrote to reproach him. But Ram Narain 
 was quite in earnest in his defence, and held out steadily 
 against repeated attempts to breach and storm the walls. 
 At the end of a fortnight the British army drew near, 
 and he was still looking to their arrival for deliverance, 
 when his difficulties were at once removed by an act of 
 unparalleled treachery committed by Shuja-u-Doula. 
 Having embarked his cousin in the invasion of Behar, 
 he made a show of joining him, and obtained leave to de- 
 posit his family in the fort of Allaluibad ; when admitted 
 he made himself master of the place, and, in the absence 
 of their chief and his army, the whole country speedily 
 submitted. Their recent repulse, followed by this cala- 
 mity, disheartened Mohammed Kiili's men, who were 
 afraid to face a force of Shuja's sent to attack hiui, and 
 in the end he threw himself on his cousin's mercy and 
 was immediately put to death. When he left Patna, 
 the prince, who depended on him for his daily bread, 
 Apiii 5. was obliged to retire with him.
 
 WAK IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 341 
 
 At the time of tliis retreat, Clive's advanced guard chap. 
 
 was witliin a march of Patna, and he himself, with 
 the young nabob, made his entry into the town five 
 days after it. 'Jlie prince repeatedly applied to Clive for 
 an asylmn, but CUve, though he replied in terms of 
 sympathy, warned liim that it would be his duty to 
 make him prisoner if ever he came into his power. The 
 end of their intercourse was a present of 1,000/. from 
 Clive to relieve the prince's urgent necessities. After 
 reducing some zemindars in the hilly part of Ijeliar, 
 who had declared for the prince, Clive returned to 
 IMurshidiibad, where he was received with joy and 
 gratitude by the nabob. As an unequivocal proof of 
 those sentiments, he conferred on him as a jjigir tlie 
 rent reserved from the districts held by the Company, 
 the value of which was 30,000/. a year, llie magnitude 
 of this gift, and the dependent condition of the nabob, 
 naturally suggest a suspicion that such a sacrifice must 
 have been extorted by the receiver, or must have been 
 made with the expectation of obtaining some advantage 
 in return. But on a close inquiry it appears that the 
 only application made by Clive was an expression of 
 disappointment, in a letter to the Sets, that the nabob, 
 when he procured him a high title from Delhi, had not 
 assigned him a jagir for the support of his dignity ; he 
 begged the Sets to apply to tlie nabob on this subject, 
 as he had no intention of brino-ins; it forward hiuiself. 
 The nabob returned an evasive answer, after which six 
 or seven montlis ehapsed, and Clive b}^ his own account 
 thought tlie affair forgotten. It is certain that he 
 took no further steps relating to it, for the S(5ts, 
 wlieii they report their ultimate success, and take credit 
 for having kept the nabob in mind, still refer to Clive's 
 first letter as tlie only commmiication they have had 
 
 VIII.
 
 342 RISE OF BRITISH ROWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, on tlie siibiect from liini. Mr. Sykes, the Resident 
 VIII. . ' ... 
 at Mursliidabad, states in his evidence that he had 
 
 received no apphcation directly or indirectly from Clive, 
 and had never heard of the intended grant till it was 
 notified to him by the nabob. No urgency had been 
 shown under apparent neglect, and the amount to be 
 given was left entirely to the donor.* The nabob no 
 doubt expected some advantage from conciliating Clive, 
 but he knew from former experience how little effect 
 presents had in mollifying his strictness in public 
 matters, and that he required no extraneous motive to 
 induce him to show his gratitude to Clive is apparent 
 from the circumstance of his leaving him a large legacy 
 in his will. The transaction therefore was as free 
 from corruption as from extortion ; whether it was 
 equally free from indelicacy on Clive' s part is a very 
 different question. 
 
 Not long after Clive's return to Calcutta, he had 
 to encounter a new enemy. A strong expedition was 
 fitted out by the Dutch at Batavia, professedly for the 
 purpose of reinforcmg their settlements on the coast of 
 Coromandel, but really destined, for Bengal. It sailed 
 in the middle of June, touched at Negapatam on the 
 coast, where it left no troops, and arrived in the Ganges 
 in October. Its arrival placed the British Government 
 in imminent danger. The absence of the force under 
 Colonel Forde, the chance of renewed disturbances in 
 the interior, even the uncertainty of the nabob's dis- 
 position, made its situation critical, and threw those 
 at the head of it into o;reat embarrassment. To allow 
 the Dutch to establish themselves was to give up 
 Bengal, and to oppose them during peace with their 
 
 •* Letters from the Sfjts, First Report of 1772, 224; evidence of Clive, ibid. 
 153 ; evidence of Sykes, ibid. 153 ; Clive's Letter to the Proprietois, 35.
 
 VIII. 
 
 WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 343 
 
 nation was a violent step for a subordinate autliority. chap 
 War with Holland was indeed expected, but it had 
 not been proclaimed and in fact never took place. A 
 prodigious responsibility was thus thrown upon Clive, 
 and, to add to his perplexity, a great part of his private 
 fortune was in the hands of the Dutch. He, however, 
 gave no signs of hesitation, but acted with firmness and 
 consistency from first to last.^ 
 
 The nabob sent repeated prohibitions agamst the 
 force landing, which were answered by promises of 
 compliance by the Dutch. Hostilities were commenced 
 by the invaders, but the English had previously deter- 
 mined to oppose them by force of arms. 
 
 The British troops took the field, to the number of 
 320 Europeans and 1,200 sepoys, leaving Calcutta in 
 charge of 250 militia. They were commanded by 
 Colonel Forde, who had returned after the conquest of the 
 French districts on the coast, suffermg severe ill-health, 
 and just superseded in his command by the Court of 
 Directors. His zeal and spirit were not the least abated ; 
 he took the Dutch post of Barnagor, dispersed an 
 ambuscade which lay in wait for him in the ruins of 
 Chandernagor, and took up his station near Chinsura to 
 await the arrival of the Dutch force. He soon after learned 
 that it had landed on the preceding day and was at 
 no great distance.*^ It consisted of 700 Europeans 
 
 ^ He said to a friend who remonstrated against his incurring so great 
 a responsibility, ' A public man must sometimes act with a halter round 
 his neck.' 
 
 •* It is said with every appearance of truth, that he applied to Clive 
 for final orders, which might be required for his justification in so ques- 
 tionable a case. Clive was playing at cards when the note was delivered 
 to him, and without rising from the table he wrote with a pencil, ' Dear 
 Forde, — Fight them iuimediately. You shall have the order of council 
 to-morrow.'
 
 344 
 
 lUSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA, 
 
 CHAP. 
 Vlll. 
 
 February 
 5, A.D. 
 1760. 
 
 unci 700 Malays, with some Indian foot soldiers. The 
 Europeans were mostly Germans, and the commanding 
 ofiicer was a Frenchman. From their composition 
 they were very superior to Forde's force. The action 
 was short, bloody, and decisive ; the Dutch had 300 
 killed and 150 wounded. A body of the nabob's 
 cavalry which had joined Forde took an active part in 
 tlie affair, especially in the pursuit. On tlie same day 
 the seven Dutch ships which had brought the troops 
 were taken by three English Indiamen after an action of 
 two hours. The Government of Chinsura immediately 
 came to terms. They engaged to pay for the damage 
 done to the British merchant vessels and villages, 
 and to restrict their military establishment for the 
 future to 125 European soldiers. The Dutch well 
 knew when they began that they would have to fight 
 the British. Their expedition was an aggression against 
 the nabob if he were a substantive power ; if he were 
 not so, it was an ao'»'ression aouinst the Eno-lish whose 
 ascendancy in Bengal had, from circumstances beyond 
 their control, become necessary to their existence in 
 that province. 
 
 The nabob was supposed by the English to have 
 invited the Dutch, but to have changed his mind after 
 the war with Ali Goliar. It is probable that though he 
 would have been glad to see a counterpoise to the 
 power of the English, he never went beyond some 
 underhand assurances of favour in an early stage of the 
 affair.'' 
 
 This was the last transaction of Olive's government. 
 He sailed for England early in the next year. 
 
 ' See the letters of the Dutch Governor ; First Report of tlie Com- 
 mittee of the House of Commons, 1G2.
 
 KEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 345 
 
 CHAI?TEJi IX. 
 
 Prince Ali Gohar assumes the title of Shah Alam — Is routed by the 
 English under Caillaud— Operations of Caillaud — Death of Miran — 
 Crisis in the affairs of Murshidabad — Arrival of Yansittart — Decides 
 on supporting Casim Ali — Terms of the treaty — Jafir Ali deposed — 
 Remarks on the revolution — Presents to members of the Government 
 — Defeat of Shah Alam by Carnac, and his surrender to the English — 
 Disputes with Casim Ali — Private trade of the Company's servants — 
 Its abuses— The Nabob abolishes all inland duties — Violent resolu- 
 tions of the Council — The Nabob seizes boats with supply of arms 
 for Patna — Cajiture of an English detachment — Murder of Mr. 
 Amyatt — Treaty with Mir Jafir and advance of the English army — 
 Defeat of Casim Ali — Massacre of the English at Patna — Casim Ali 
 takes refuge in Oude — Insubordination in the British force — Defeat of 
 Shuja-u-Doula by Carnac — Another mutiny in the British army — 
 Battle of Buxar — Shah Alam joins the British camp — Capture of 
 Allahabad and occupation of Lucknow — Shuja-u-Doula seeks assist- 
 ance from the Marattas — Surrenders to Carnac. 
 
 Before Olive's departure news had been received of the chap 
 reappearance of the Prince Ali Gohar on the north- 
 western frontier. He was not now supported by any 
 of the great chiefs of Hindostan, but was invited by some 
 zemindars and some military officers who thought 
 themselves aggrieved by Mir Jtidr. In his present 
 state of want and despondency, however, any adven- 
 ture was worth the trial. ^ The chief of the malcontents 
 was Cdmgar Khdn, a zemindar of Belidr, and to him 
 the prince entrusted the duties of prime minister and 
 commander-in-chief during the whole of the expedition. 
 Before he reached the frontier he heard of the mui-der 
 
 ' 'The forlorn prince wlio had no house nor home of his own, wanted 
 no better.' (>'t'/'y vl MvtKlhniii, ii. !I2.) 
 
 A.D. 1759.
 
 346 ]{ISE OF BRITISH rOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, of his father at Delhi, and immediately assumed the 
 
 IX. 
 
 November 
 A.D. 1751). 
 
 title of Emperor''^ and the name of Shah Alam. His 
 right was incontestible, and was generally recognised, 
 and although it added little or nothing to his power and 
 influence in the Empire, it made some impression in his 
 immediate vicinity. Single adventurers joined him in 
 greater numbers, and the neighbouring zemindars 
 began to think better than they had done of his chance 
 of success. He before lono; obtained a more solid 
 advantage by the indiscretion of Ram Nariiin, who was 
 still governor of Patna, and who quitted the city for 
 the purpose of meeting him in the field. 
 
 Ram Narain had a native force estimated at 15,000 
 men,^ with twenty guns, but his own part of it was dis- 
 contented for want of pay, and he had reason to doubt the 
 fidelity of the zemindars who composed the other portion 
 
 ^ [The sovereigns of Delhi are usually described as kings in the 
 English versions of the grants to the East India Company. The title, 
 which is rendered Emperor in the text, is probably that of Padshah, 
 which was uniformly borne by the members of the Mogul dynasties and 
 by Shah Alam himself at the lowest point of the fortunes of the family. 
 (See the Essay on ' Imperial and other Titles,' Journal vf the Royal Asiatic 
 Society, vol. ix. N.S.). Eastern titles are very various, as Malik, Sultan, 
 Shah, or Khan, differing in linguistic origin and in the importance attached 
 to each at different times. The title Khan was brought by the Mogul 
 conquerors of Asia from the north, but on the decline of their power it 
 drops out of history as a royal appellation. The title of Sultan was com- 
 monly borne by the early Mahometan conquerors of India. Baber was 
 the first to take the title of Padshah. He says in his memoirs that he 
 assumed it after his conquest of India. ' Till this time the family of 
 Timur Beg, even though on the throne, had never assumed any other 
 title than that of Mirza. At this period I ordered that they should style 
 me Padshah.' The Imperial title now borne by our sovereign is that of 
 Kaiser-i-Hind. The new designation steers clear of all controversy as to 
 the employment of a title of Aryan or Semitic origin, and it is said to be 
 one still recognised as Imperial in the East. — Ed.] 
 
 ■' MS. letter of Mr. Amyatt, dated Patna, January 17, 1760, ' the 
 narrative of what happened in Bengal in 1700,' reckons Rtim Narain's 
 force at 40,000 men, and Shah Alam's, at a later period, when at its 
 highest, 00,000.
 
 EEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 347 
 
 of his array. He was accompanied by seventy Euro- chap. 
 peans, a battalion of sepoys, and two field- j)ieces, which ' 
 
 Clive had left as a garrison in the town."* The prmcc's 
 ariiiy was probably not so numerous, and had no guns. 
 Ram Naram drew up his troops at too great a distance 
 to allow of his receiving support from the English. 
 Two disaffected zemindars chan<xed sides in the be2:in- 
 ning of the action, and fell on Ram Narain's rear ; he 
 was himself severely wounded, and his remaining troops 
 dispersed. He owed his own retreat to the protection 
 of a body of 400 English sepoys who moved to his 
 assistance, and who after effecting that service were cut 
 to pieces Avith their officers, only twenty-five men sur- 
 viving. The remains of the British troops made their 
 way to the city through the midst of their victorious 
 enemies. 
 
 Patna was thrown mto consternation by this defeat, February 
 but the prince made no serious attack on it. He spent iVeo. 
 a few days in plundering the country, and probably 
 in increasing his force, but his attention was chiefly 
 directed to the approach of Miran and the British. 
 Colonel Caillaud (who had been summoned from Madras 
 to command the army in Bengal) marched from Mur- 
 shidabad on January 18 with 400 Europeans, a battalion 
 of sepoys, and six field-pieces, accompanied by Miran 
 at the head of 15,000 men, and twenty-five pieces of 
 cannon. On the 19th they were within twenty-eight 
 miles of Shah Alam, who immediately moved against 
 them. On tlie 22nd, in the evening, as the British were 
 pitching their tents, they Avere attacked with vigour 
 by the Emperor. Miran's troops showed no want 
 of courage, but were luiddlcd up in a mass by the 
 
 ^ We learn from Vansittart {Letter to the Proprietors, 1)8) tliat tlie 
 strength of a battalion was at that time 700 men.
 
 .H48 ELSE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, ignorance of tlieir loafler, and were on the point of giving 
 
 IX 
 
 way, when Caillaud wheeled up part of his sepoys, and 
 took the enemy in flank. Their success was now 
 turned into a complete rout ; seventeen pieces of cannon 
 fell into the hands of the Eno-lish. But as Miran refused 
 to pursue, the enemy's whole force was collected again 
 within two days at Behar, ten miles from the field of 
 battle and thirty-five from Patna. Miran himself was 
 slightly wounded in the action, and made that a pre- 
 tence for sfoinsr into Patna and remaining; there for a 
 week, 
 February At lencrtli lic was prevailed on to move, hut before 
 
 29 n 1 , ' 
 
 he reached Behar he found that Shah Alam had left 
 his opponents behind and boldly pushed for Murshid- 
 abad. Miran and his horse immediately pursued by 
 forced marches, while Caillaud moved with equal speed 
 in boats down the current of the Ganges. At the end 
 of three days Shah Alam found he could no longer 
 March 8. cscapc aloug the river, and struck into the mountainous 
 tract which covers the south of Bengal. Though he 
 had only light horse, without guns or baggage, he was 
 so nuicli delayed by the thick woods and narrow passes 
 in those hills, that it was not till the end of March 
 that he presented himself within thirty miles to the 
 west of Murshiclabjid. He was there joined by four or 
 five thousand Berdr IMarattas, who had come on a 
 jiliindering expedition from Orissa and had made their 
 way so far towards the north. The nabob had had 
 time in the interval to draw together some of his troops, 
 w^ith whom, and wdth 200 Europeans, he moved out to 
 cover the city, where the greatest alarm nevertheless 
 prevailed. Up to this time Shah Alam had conducted 
 his march with skill and energy, but he threw away the 
 effects of it by hesitating to attack the nabob and push
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 349 
 
 on to Mursliidabad before any sufficient force could be chap. 
 
 IX 
 
 assembled to oppose him. In a few days it was out of _^.^_ 
 
 his power to do so, for Mi'ran and Caillaud joined the 
 nabob on April 4, and the Emperor had no resource left 
 but to retreat. He was followed for two or three marches, J'^i -^p"^ 
 and on this occasion, as well as on the march from Behar, 
 several opportunities of destroying him were lost 
 through the jealousy, slothj or caprice of the nabob and 
 his son. Shah Alam seems now to have recovered liis 
 judgment, which had desert-^d him in the decisive 
 moment. He recollected the defenceless state of Patna, 
 and determined to march with all speed to that city 
 in the hope of obtaining possession of it before any 
 succours could arrive. 
 
 He reached the neighbourhood of l^atna about 
 April 22, and was there most opportunely joined by 
 M. Law, Avho had hitherto found shelter in Bundelcand, 
 with the remnant of the French sepoys and some o-uns. 
 With this accession to his means for a sieo-e, he at- 
 tempted both to breach and escalade the walls of 
 Patna. 
 
 The garrison repulsed two attacks, but on the 
 second the enemy had for a time got into tlie town 
 through the breach, and tliey despaired of being able to 
 hold out for another day, when their drooping spirits were 
 revived by the most unlooked for appearance of a British 
 detachment. It was under Captain Knox, who had 
 left Caillaud's camp on April 16 with 200 Europeans, 
 a battalion of sepoys, and two guns, had marched oOO 
 miles in thirteen days, a distance ahuost incredible at 
 that scorching season, and now tlircw IiiiiiseH' into Patna. 
 soon after the second assault had faik\l. 
 
 Next day he surju'iscd Sliah Alani's camp about April 28. 
 noon, tlic hour for dinner and repose, and caused so
 
 350 KISE OF r>KITISlI POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, much loss, confusion, and terror, that the enemy with- 
 
 __L__ drew fifty miles to the southward of the city, and 
 
 remained there, for a lono; time inactive. 
 
 t-i 
 
 From the heginning of Shah Alam's invasion, 
 Khadim Husen, governor of the district of Purnia, 
 though a creature of Mir Jafir's own, had, on some 
 offence or alarm, carried on a correspondence with the 
 Emperor, whom he promised to join. Had he done so 
 at an earlier period, the fate of Patna would have been 
 sealed. Even now it was of importance to prevent his 
 forming a junction with Shah Alam, and when he 
 marched from Purniji along the left bank of the Ganges, 
 
 May 23. Caillaud and Miran set out from Raj Mahal in pursuit of 
 him. They themselves kept on the right bank, but 
 wrote to Knox, as soon as Khadim Husen got near 
 Patna, to cross and intercept him. Knox accordingly 
 crossed when he was nearly opposite to Patna, and 
 
 June iG. found himsclf wdth 200 Europeans, a battalion of sepoys, 
 five guns, and 300 irregular horse, opposed to an army 
 wdiich the lowest account transmitted to us reckons 
 at 12,000 men, with thirty guns. He was therefore 
 obliired to act on the defensive ; but so effectually did 
 he repulse the repeated attacks of the enemy, that in 
 the end he drove them from the field and captured 
 eight of their guns. Kluidim Husen now retired to 
 the northward towards Batia and the nei2:hbourino: 
 forests. . Miran and Caillaud followed in pursuit, but 
 the monsoon now set in with its usual violence, and, 
 while the army was encamped on the River Gandac, it 
 was overtaken by a storm such as is common at that 
 season ; during the height of the tempest a flash of 
 lio'htnino; struck Miran's tent and killed Inm wdtli two 
 of his attendants. The news was speedily and secretly 
 conveyed to Caillaud, who concealed it from all but the
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 351 
 
 principal chiefs until the necessary arrangements had chap. 
 been made and the army was on its return towards __J__ 
 Patna, at which place it took up its quarters for tlic 
 rains.^ 
 
 The death of Miran brought on a crisis in the affairs 
 of Bengal. 
 
 The mutual irritation between the nabob and the 
 Company's Government had increased rapidly within 
 the last few months. On Olive's departure the nabob 
 lost all remains of his confidence in the English, and all 
 the reverence which he had hitherto felt for their chief. 
 Mr. Vansittart, Governor of Madras, had at Olive's re- 
 commendation been appointed to the government of 
 Bengal. He had not yet reached Calcutta, and his 
 place was filled for the present by Mr. Holwell, tlie 
 senior member of council. The temporary nature of 
 
 * The campaign against Shah iVlam is taken from Caillaud's evidence 
 before the Committee of the House of Commons, First Report, 158 et seq. , 
 and from an anonymous Narrative of what happened in Bengal in 1700, pub- 
 lished in England in the same year, and reprinted in the Asiatic Annual 
 Begister for 1800, as communicated by Colonel Ironside, who was pro- 
 bably the author. Further information is derived from the Selr nl Mi<tak- 
 herin. Two points were the subject of minute inquirj'^ in consequence 
 of charges brought against Caillaud in England. He was alleged to have 
 engaged in a plot for dethroning Mir Jafir, and, as j^reparatory steps, to 
 have favoured the murder of Mi'ran and promised a great reward to an 
 assassin who was to take oflf Shah Alam. We are astonished to find the 
 name of Mr. Burke connected with this wild accusation. It appeared that 
 there was not the slightest ground for suspicion in regard to this plot, or 
 to the murder of Miran, but Caillaud did not escape so well from the 
 cliiirge respecting Shah Alam. Ho liad really comitersignod a promise of 
 Mi'r Jiilir and Mi'ran to a person who had offered to murder Sh;ih Alam ; 
 but this he did at a time wlien the nabob and the English strongly sus- 
 pected each other of negotiating with that prince, and under an impres- 
 sion that the whole overture was .i trick of the nabob's for the purjiosc of 
 putting Caillaud's sincerity to trial. It is certain that he had no design 
 on the life of Shah Alam, but he showed little regard to his own honour 
 or that of his country in willingly connecting his name with so dis- 
 graceful a fabrication. The whole particulars of the incpiiry are given in 
 the Appendix No. 10 to the First Report, 238 to 249.
 
 352 RISE OF BRITISH rowp:R in india. 
 
 CHAP, this gentleman's antliority lessened his weight with the 
 __11_ nabob, who scarcely concealed his distrust in every 
 transaction with the English. Mr. Holwell in his turn 
 was provoked at the disregard of his j ust demands, gave 
 ear to every report unfavourable to the nabob, and put 
 the worst construction on all that prince's actions. But 
 the embarrassment occasioned to the Government by its 
 relation to the nabob was in itself of the most serious 
 nature. As long as the treasures gained by the revolu- 
 tion lasted, the Company found no difficulty in defray- 
 ing the heaviest and most unexpected charges ; but when 
 that fund was exhausted they began to discover that 
 the provision made for the future by the treaty was 
 quite inadequate to the demands of their new situation. 
 The sum of a lac of rupees (10,000/.) a month, which 
 the nabob was to pay while their troops were employed 
 on his requisition, was scarcely sufficient to meet their 
 actual field expenses for the time, while that of main- 
 taining the troops when not on service, and supplying 
 them with recruits and stores from Europe was totally 
 unprovided for. The annual revenue of 70,000/. from 
 lands ceded to them on other grounds would not, even 
 if devoted to this object, have been nearly sufficient. 
 
 So far from being able to make up these deficiencies, 
 the nabob had not the means of discharging his exist- 
 ing debt to the Company. The enormous sums which he 
 had to pay at his accession had exhausted all the wealth 
 at his command, and he was now without sufficient re- 
 sources to support either the Company's government or 
 his own. The monthly subsidy to the troops on service 
 was two or three months in arrear ; ^ assignments for 
 it had been given on the revenues of particular districts, 
 but those districts happened to be the scene of the 
 
 '^ Vansittart's Narrative, i. 34.
 
 DEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 353 
 
 ravai^es of Shah Alam and the Marattas, and the wants chap. 
 of the nabob's own officers also sometmies led them to ' 
 
 encroach on the assigned revenue. This source of in- 
 come was therefore unproductive, and the Company was 
 reduced to extremities, obliged to suspend its trade, and 
 yet unable to pay its troops, wlio in consequence 
 showed a disposition to desertion J 
 
 The nabob's own troops were much more in arrears, 
 often mutinied against his authority, and sometimes 
 threatened his life. Add to this that the revenue col- 
 lected from his country was wasted by frauds and em- 
 bezzlement before it reached his treasury,^ and that 
 more than one of the principal zemindars became re- 
 fractory, withheld their tribute, and threatened further 
 disturbance.^ Even within his own territory the nabob 
 was despised for his irresolution and hated for his ex- 
 actions, and for several executions and assassinations, 
 which his fears and suspicions had prompted him to 
 order himself, or to acquiesce in when they originated in 
 the violence of his son. The only remedy for all these 
 evils appeared to Mr. Ilolwell to be to depose the nabob. 
 It was to be done by obtaining from Shfih Alam the 
 transfer of his office to the Company, on its engaging to 
 pay to him the full tribute of Bengal and to assist him 
 with all its means in recovering the throne of his an- 
 cestors.^ The seizure of the province by the Company 
 might perhaps have been accomplished, but the part of 
 the project connected with Shah Alam was not within 
 the verge of possibility. By setting up the infant son of 
 Miran or some erinally helpless representative of the 
 family of Ali \ erdi, by adhering strictly to old foi'iiis, 
 
 ■^ Vansittart's Narrative, i. 34 and 36. 
 « Ibid. i. 35. 
 
 ^ Narrative of vhat happoiM in BctKjal above referred to. 
 ' Hohveirs Address to the Proprictort^, 50 and (50. Sec also (13. 
 
 A A
 
 354 EISK OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, and keeping up the native mode of government, so as to 
 ' afford the nsnal employment to all classes of its subjects, 
 the English might perhaps have possessed themselves 
 of all real power as easily as they did ten years later. 
 Such a measure, if practicable, would have been attended 
 with several obvious advantages, and would have been 
 free from many of the objections to merely changing 
 the nabob. 
 
 But the attempt to revive the Mogul government 
 Avould have been an obstruction rather than an aid to 
 the plan. The titular Emperor did not at that moment 
 possess a foot of land, nor had he the means of influen- 
 cing the transfer of an acre in any part of his so-called 
 dominions.^ We were to restore him to power by 
 affording our assistance to the Mussulman chiefs and 
 the Abdali Shdh, but only a few months had elapsed 
 since those powers had routed the Marattas at Panipat 
 and had nothing to obstruct any designs they might 
 have entertained in favour of the Emperor. Yet except 
 for a dutiful recognition of his title at the recommenda- 
 tion of the Shah, the chiefs never mentioned Shah Alam 
 or gave a thought to his pretensions. The reason was 
 obvious ; their territories were formed out of the last 
 possessions of the house of Teimur, and /,he first step 
 towards restoring that family must have been to give up 
 their own sovereignty. Even such disinterestedness 
 would have made the Emperor but a petty prince at 
 best. The Empire had died a natural death after a long 
 decay commencing with Aurangzib, and the name was 
 allowed to remain solely because it had no reality, and 
 
 ^ It may appear that an exception ought to be made of the city of 
 Delhi, where Shdh Alam's son bore the name of Emperor, but the real 
 possessor was Najib-vi-Doula, the Rohilla chief of Seharanpiir, who alone 
 exercised any authority in the city. (Dow's Hindostan, ii. 350.)
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 355 
 
 interfered with nobody. The English, even the most chap. 
 inteUigent and best informed, entertained and continued ___1^_ 
 
 for some years to entertain an exaggerated idea of the 
 importance of the Emperor,^ but there was not a 
 native chief in Hindostan or the Deckan who thoug-ht 
 it worth while to make use of him even as a pageant. 
 
 When the council of Calcutta were on the point of 
 opening a negotiation with Shah Alam, accounts of 
 Miran's death were received, and this event sug-orested 
 
 ' (DO 
 
 a combination by -which a new model of the nabob's 
 government might be more easily effected. 
 
 Almost immediately afterwards, Mr. Vansittart ar- End of 
 rived. The new Governor seems to hav^e been endowed ijio.^'^' 
 with judgment and integrity sufficient to guide him 
 rightly in ordinary circumstances, but to have been 
 unfit for any situation in which self-reliance or firmness 
 of any kind was required. The strong opinions and 
 ready arguments of Mr. Holwell seem to have over- 
 powered him from the first, and in three or four days 
 he announced his adoption of the last of that gentle- 
 man's plans. 
 
 This was to confer on Casim Ali, the nabob's son- 
 in-law, the titles and offices formerly held by Miran, to 
 invest him at once with all the powers of the state, and 
 to secure his succession to the title also on the nabob's 
 death. Casim Ali was one of the ablest and most 
 ambitious men about the court. He had been entrusted 
 with im})ortant employments and commands, and from 
 the moment of Miran's death seems to have fixed his 
 
 ^ Holwoll's Address to the Proprietors, GO, 01, 02 ; Minute of Colonel 
 Coote and other opposition Members of Council, dated March 11, 1702, 
 17-19 ; Vansittart's Narrative, 254-9. Clive, in denying that Shah 
 Alam still rules over the Empire, admits that he may possess a twentieth 
 part of it [Letter to the Proprietors, published 1704, 22]. It has been 
 shown in the text that he did not possess any fraction of it. 
 
 * V -7
 
 356 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, eye on the succession. In a desperate mutiny of the 
 troops at the capital which followed that event, and 
 
 July 18, in which the nabob's life was exposed to imminent 
 danger, Casim Ali stepped forth to pacify the tumult, 
 became security for all the arrears due to the troops, 
 and paid three lacs of rupees out of his own funds to 
 appease the most pressing demands.^ 
 
 This conduct gained him universal popularity, and 
 led everyone to regard him as the only person fitted to 
 retrieve the desperate affairs of the government. Soon 
 after Miran's death he wrote to Mr. Holwell with the 
 strongest professions in favour of the Company if they 
 would procLire his appointment to the station held by 
 Miran.^ After Mr. Yansittart's arrival he was invited 
 to Calcutta, and the nabob's consent was obtained 
 September OH somc prctcxt to liis visit. After one or two cere- 
 1760.^ monial interviews with the Governor, he had a confi- 
 septem- dential meeting with Mr. Holwell. He commenced by 
 A.v'^UGO. insisting on the murder of Mir Jafir as a necessary pre- 
 liminary to his undertaking the government. Mr. 
 Plolwell explaming the horror in which such actions 
 were held by the British nation, and the necessity for 
 his renouncing all thoughts of them if he expected its 
 support, he at length gave way, but with an appearance 
 of dissatisfaction, and an observation that Mr. Holwell 
 was not so much his friend as he had thought him.^ 
 Ten articles were then agreed to after much discussion, 
 by the principal of which it was settled that the govern- 
 ment should be carried on in the name of the nabob, 
 who should have a personal allowance of 120,000/. a 
 year ; that all tiie powers of the state should be vested 
 in Casim Ali, to wliom the succession on the nabob's 
 
 ■* Yansittart's Narrative, i. 71. 
 
 * Holwell's Address to the Proprietors, 67. ^ Ibid. 69.
 
 DEVOLUTIONS TN BENGAL. 357 
 
 death should be secured ; that there should he an chap. 
 
 . . IX. 
 
 offensive and defensive alUance between him and the ' 
 
 Company, and that the Company should always be 
 ready to support him with their army, which they 
 engaged was to consist of 8,000 sepoys, 2,000 Euro- 
 peans, 2,000 irregular cavalry, and 500 European 
 horse. In return for this he was to pay up all the 
 moneys due, and cede the districts of Bardwdn, Midna- 
 pur, and Chittagong to the Company. The immediate 
 recognition of the title of the nominal Emperor was 
 pressed by Mr. Hoi well, but objected to by Casim Ali, 
 and was at length allowed to lie over for further con- 
 sideration.'^ 
 
 These articles, with the omission of the amount of 
 Mir Jd,fir's allowance and the number of the troops to 
 be kept up, were signed on the next day but one by 
 Mr. Vansittart and the select committee of the council, Septem- 
 to whom the conduct of all business requiring secrecy a.d. itgo. 
 was entrusted.^ Up to this time not a hint had been 
 given to Mir Jdfir of an intention of deposing him. But 
 when all was settled the Governor and Colonel Caillaud 
 repaired to Murshidabtid accompanied by a body of 
 troops. At the two first interviews between these gentle- October 
 men and the nabob, the complaints of the Company and uqq' 
 the necessity of redress were stated in vague and 
 general terms. At tKe third, Mr. Vansittart, still in October ^ 
 a circuitous and indistinct manner, intimated to the nco.' 
 nabob that he must make a territorial cession to the Com- 
 pany, and must transfer the conduct of his government 
 to some one of his relations, so that he might himself 
 enjoy ease and tranquillity undisturbed by public 
 affairs. 'I'he fitness of several relations was discussed, 
 
 ^ Holwell's Address to the Proprietors, 70. 
 ^ Vansittart's Narrative, i. 101-4.
 
 358 * RISE OF BlUTISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, and amono'st others that of Casim Ali, to whom Mr. 
 
 IX 
 
 '. Vansittart showed a strono- inclination and the nabob 
 
 a still stronger repugnance. This transfer, when once 
 disclosed, was pressed with indecent haste ; the nabob 
 was refused time for consideration or even for returnins; 
 to his palace at his dinner hour ; he was obliged to send 
 for his meal to the garden where the meeting was held, 
 and was not allowed to go till he was so much ex- 
 hausted with fatigue and anxiety as to be unable to 
 attend to business. Nothins; was settled when he went 
 away, no hint was given of the treaty with Casim Ali, 
 and all seemed to be left for discussion at another 
 meeting. Next day he was left undisturbed, but Casim 
 Ali exclaimed against the suspense, during which he 
 said he was in hourly fear of assassination ; and Mr. 
 Yansittart learning that the nabob had spent the day 
 with some of the most worthless of his advisers, con- 
 cluded that no good would come of the consultation, 
 and determined to resort to force. 
 
 Accordingly, at three in the morning, Colonel Cail- 
 laud with the British troo]3S, and Casim Ali with his 
 own, marched secretly to the nabob's palace, which 
 they surprised and surrounded. They seized the min- 
 isters, and told the nabob tliat he must make over the 
 conduct of affairs without delay to Casim Ali. At first 
 the nabob gave way to hip surprise and indignation ; 
 he reproached the English with their breach of faith, 
 and threatened to defend himself to the last extremity ; 
 but reflecting that, while m the palace, he was every 
 moment exposed to the practices of Casim Ali, he sent 
 for Caillaud, and although he still rejected the pro- 
 posed arrangement, which he said would place his life 
 in the hands of his substitute, he expressed himself 
 ready to abdicate, provided his life and an allowance for
 
 IJEVOLUTIOXS IN BENGAL. 359 
 
 his maintenance were secured. His offer was acceded chap. 
 
 IX 
 
 to ; Casim Ali was installed and proclaimed ; Mir Jtifir, ' 
 
 who was afraid to remain a single night in Murshidabad, 
 set off on his journey to Calcutta ; and the day passed 
 with as much quiet and composure as if nothing ex- 
 traordinary had happened\^ Never was a revolution October 
 effected on more slender grounds, nor a greater scandal ijgo.' 
 than the deposal of a prince by the same body which 
 had so lately raised itself to power by a solemn eugage- 
 ment to support his title. The reasons alleged were 
 Mir Jafir's plots to undermine the British authority, 
 and the cruelty and oppression of his internal adminis- 
 tration ; but few of those charges would have justified 
 the subversion of his government, and fewer still could 
 be substantiated by evidence.^ "^ 
 
 '■' Vansittart's Narrative, i. 109-136. Caillaud's Narrative. 
 
 ^ The following are the reasons assigned (Holwell's Address to the 
 Proprietors, 14, and Vansittart's Narrative, i.) : — 
 
 1st. That Mir Jd,fir from his accession formed a design to reduce the 
 power of the English. 
 
 2nd. That for this purpose he cut ofl' or drove out of the provinces 
 every person whom he suspected of being attached to us. 
 
 3rd. That he conspired with the Dutch to counteract and destroy 
 our power and influence. 
 
 4th. That he and his son, on three different occasions of actual ser- 
 vice, treacherously deserted our commander-in-chief. 
 
 5th. That he meditated a treaty with Shah Alam and ofl'cred to 
 sacrifice us. 
 
 (ith. That he negotiated with the Marattas to introduce 25,000 or 
 30,000 of their troops into Bengal. (Letter to Mr. Amyatt ; p. 65 of Mr 
 Holwell's Address to the Froprietors.) 
 
 7th. That his government was a continued chain of cruelty and 
 oppression . 
 
 But most of these charges may be refuted or explained. 
 
 1st. Mir Jdfir, or whoever was nabob, would naturally desire to keep 
 down the power of the English, and prevent its encroaching on his own ; 
 but it does not follow that he had any wish to break the treaty or to 
 shake a connection on whicli his own existence depended. 
 
 2nd. Mir Jdfir was very jealous of the English, and would not look 
 with favour on any of his subjects who devoted themselves to that
 
 360 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 ciiAr. The only real apology for sotting him aside would 
 
 '. have been the absolute impossibility of carrying on the 
 
 established system in conjunction with him ; and such 
 an impossibility is alleged to have arisen from the 
 weakness and unpopularity of his government, and his 
 inability to furnisli the funds indispensably necessary 
 to enable the British to keep their footing in the 
 country. The first of these disqualifications is declared 
 to have been so manifest that withholding the English 
 protection would have put an end to the government if 
 
 interest, but there is no proof of a systematic persecution, or indeed of 
 any persecution carried on against them. 
 
 The instances mentioned (Hoi well. Address, dx. 8, and Vansittart, 
 i. 49) of persons driven from the country are two, Rai Dulab and Omar 
 B^g. The story of Rai Dulab has been given (see ante, p. 335) ; 
 it was more from jealousy of the man himself than of the English that he 
 was attacked. Omar Beg, by Mr. Vansittart's own account, embezzled 
 the nabob's money entrusted to him, and fled the country in consequence 
 (Vansittart's Letter to the Proprietors, 63). Of ten persons said to have 
 been made away with (Vansittart's Narrative, 151), live were women and 
 children of Ali Verdi's family ; some of the remaining five were indi- 
 viduals whom the nabob thought dangerous to his person or government, 
 but none appear to have been connected with the English. It is more 
 than doubtful whether some of these murders were ever committed at 
 all, and those which are certain were all the work of Miran. 
 
 ord. The extent of his intercourse with the Dutch has been stated ; 
 the utmost it indicates is a wish to see them re-established in their factory 
 as a counterpoise to the English. 
 
 4th. There are abundant proofs of inactivity and perhaps of cowar- 
 dice in the repeated neglect of the nabob and Mi'ran to support Caillaud, 
 but no sign and scarcely a possibility of treachery. 
 
 5th. TheTplot with ShAh Alam is founded on a copy of an alleged 
 letter from the nabob to that prince received through a most suspicious 
 channel, and bearing obvious marks of forgery. The supposed combina- 
 tion is absurd in itself ; Shdh Alam had no quarrel with the English but 
 for preventing his taking possession of Bengal, a point on which the 
 nabob and he were not likely to come to an agreement (see Mr. Holwell's 
 correspondence on the subject with Colonel Caillaud and Mr. Hastings, 
 Address to the~ Proprietors, 31-40). 
 
 6th. Of, the negotiations with the Marattas, no proof whatever is 
 offered. . It^is in"""itself .highly improbable. 
 
 7th. His cruelties have been enumerated, and his oppressive govern- 
 ment may be admitted, but our treaty gave us no right to punish either.
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL, 361 
 
 not the life of Mir Jafir.^ But if this statement proves chap. 
 
 IX. 
 
 the evil, it no less points out the remedy. Such a state 
 
 of things must have compelled the niihob to accede to 
 any reasonable proposals, or must have produced his 
 removal without the interference of the Eno-lish. The 
 financial difficulty might have been removed by the 
 same territorial cessions which were made by Casim 
 Ali, and if it were true (as is asserted) that Mir Jafir 
 would never have come to terms without force, it 
 would have been better to have used force for the 
 attainment of moderate concessions than for the total 
 destruction of an ally. The terms oifered ^vere worse 
 than deposal ; Mir Jafir might have accepted a minister 
 named by the British, but the transfer of all his powers 
 to Ciisim Ali would have been the signal for his own 
 execution. 
 
 But the best reply to the alleged impossibility of 
 maintaining their relations with Mir Jafir is that it was 
 to him the Enoiish Government was oblioed to recur 
 after an unsuccessful attempt to support his rival. 
 
 In return for the good service received from them,^ 
 Casim Ali presented the Governor and the members of 
 the select committee with 200,000^. It does not 
 appear that they were influenced by the prospect of this 
 reward, which was not stipulated for, which they de- 
 clined at the moment, and which was paid to them at 
 difl^erent periods after a long interval."" Still it was a 
 disgraceful proceeding. The committee had no pretext 
 of losses suffered or risks run, and the money was to 
 be draAvn from a government tlie impoverished state of 
 which was one of tlie strongest grounds for tlic rcvolu- 
 
 ^ Vansittart's Narrative, i. IGO. 
 
 ^ First Report of tlie Committee of the House of Commons, 1772, 101, 
 163, and 164 ; also Third Report, 310-11, and Appendix, 402 4.
 
 362 KISE OF BKITISII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. tioo. Mr. A^ausittart received 50,000/. ; lie liad at the 
 
 IX 
 
 ' time an allowance from the Company of 18,000/. or 
 19,000/. a year, and carried on trade on his own ac- 
 count besides.^ 
 
 The whole of the transactions connected with the 
 change of government had been conducted by the 
 select committee. When they came before the whole 
 Council, Mr. Verelst, Mr. Smyth, Mr. Amyatt, and 
 Mr. Ellis recorded their disapprobation of the measure, 
 partly as objectionable in itself and partly because it 
 had been concluded without consulting them. This 
 was the commencement of an opposition which led to 
 serious results. The Madras service, civil as well as 
 military, having now been long accustomed to wars and 
 negotiations, seemed more likely to furnish men capable 
 of political duties than the factories and commercial 
 agencies of Bengal. For this reason Lord Clive had 
 exerted his influence to procure the nomination of Mr. 
 Yansittart to succeed him, superseding Mr. Amyatt, the 
 senior civil servant of Bengal. The arrano'ement was 
 regarded as an injury, not by Mr. Amyatt alone, but 
 by the whole of the Bengal service. The opening of 
 Mr. Yansittart's government was therefore looked on 
 with no favourable eyes. His first act, which was so 
 questionable in itself, was the worse received as coming 
 from him, and as the knowledge of this feeling made 
 Casim Ali unite himself more closely with the Governor, 
 they came to be regarded as forming one party, and the 
 Company's servants were equally ill-disposed to Mr. 
 \ ansittart and his nabob. These gentlemen, under the 
 influence of such prejudices, were ill prepared to control 
 them by enlarged notions of their duty. Accustomed 
 to buy and sell according to orders from England, they 
 
 * Vausittart's Letter to the Froprietors, 138-40. See also 82-4.
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 363 
 
 saw nothino^ even of trade bc^vond its details. Their chap. 
 
 . *^ IX. 
 
 views of tlie Company's interests were, therefore, con- ___J_L__ 
 tracted, and the sudden change in their own situation, 
 the acquisition of power, and the examples of rapid 
 fortunes gained among their fellows, sometimes made 
 them lose sight of those interests altogether. The 
 means they took to gratify their impatience to enrich 
 themselves often brought them into collision with the 
 native functionaries, and though now elated with the 
 pride of conquerors, they retained a lively impression 
 of their former dependence, and thought it an act of 
 spirit to repel what they still called the msolence of their 
 fallen rulers. 
 
 Wicked and unprincipled as the new nabob had 
 shown himself, he was in many respects well suited to 
 his situation in reference to the Company. He was fond 
 of business, attentive to order and economy, vigilant, 
 active, and acute. He soon brought about a reform in his 
 finances, and cleared off all the numerous encumbrances 
 that had been left to him by Mir Jatir. He reduced his 
 army from 90,000 men to 10,000, and yet increased 
 its efficiency more than he diminished it in numbers. 
 He made great advances towards bringing his zemindars 
 into obedience, and would have done it effectually if he 
 had remained long enough undisturbed. Such qualities 
 and such accessions to his power, if not balanced by 
 equal defects, might have made him formidable to the 
 English, but his constitutional timidity restrained him 
 from any bold enterprise, and the disaffection produced 
 by the severity of his exactions and his suspicious 
 temper must ever have retained him in dependence on 
 the support of his allies. It is probable that he would 
 have been at all times jealous of his authority, and that, 
 when opportunities offered, he would have endeavoured
 
 864 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, to encroach on the Eiio-Hsh Government ; but he would 
 
 IX 
 
 ' not have pushed his intrigues so far as to endanger his 
 safety, and on the wliole there was every reason to calcu- 
 late on the stability of the alliance. But the feelings 
 which have been described on the part of the English 
 led to a series of provocations which would have driven 
 the most feeble and the most prudent of mankind into 
 resistance. 
 
 On his flight from Patna, Shah Alam had withdrawn 
 to a position about fifty miles south of that city, and 
 not far from the country of the hill zemindars. Here he 
 remained inactive and undisturbed during the troubled 
 period between the death of Miran and the deposition of 
 Mir Jcifir, his troops were reduced to a miserable con- 
 dition, but after the rainy season he rapidly increased 
 his numbers ; ^ and soon after Cdsim All's accession he 
 received an invitation from the zemindars of Bardwan 
 and Birbum, who had revolted, to pass through the 
 mountains as before, and join them in then' own countrj?-. 
 This plan would have brought him into the immediate 
 neiohbourhood of Murshidabdd, but it was frustrated 
 by the promptitude of his antagonists. Cdsim Ali 
 moved in person against the two new insurgents, and, 
 although his own troops were unsuccessful, the rebel- 
 lion Avas almost immediately put down by a British 
 detachment which had accompanied him in his march.*' 
 Orders had previously been despatched from the Govern- 
 ment to the officer commanding at Patna to attack 
 Slidh Alam without delay,^ and they were carried into 
 
 ^ Mr. Amyatt, in a MS, letter dated Patna, November 5, 1760, 
 describes his force as a set of half-starved, water-soaked banditti, grown 
 from neglect into a formidable army. 
 
 ^ Vansittart's Narrative ; Seir ul MntaJcherin. 
 
 ■^ Holwell, Refutation of a Letter (Dc, 22 ; Vansittart's Narrative, 
 i. 142.
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 365 
 
 effect with great spirit by Major Carnac within a fort- chap. 
 niglit after he took the command. The nabob's troops _^_^__ 
 liavinn; demurred as usual, he marched without them, January i, 
 leavino- them to follow as they chose. He found Shah ' ' 
 
 o J January 
 
 Alam posted on a considerable river, which he crossed is, a.d. 
 
 T T ■ r, . . . . 1761. 
 
 luiopposed, drove the enemy irom position to position 
 with his cannon, and at length dispersed his army with- 
 out the loss of a man killed or wounded on his own 
 side, and without one of his men haviii"' occasion to take 
 a musket from his shoulder during the whole action.^ 
 
 M. Law, with thirteen French officers and fifty pri- 
 vates, were taken prisoners, being the only part of the 
 army that did not fly with precipitation. Owing to the 
 slackness of the nabob's cavalry, who had joined him 
 to little purpose, Major Carnac could not prevent the 
 enemy from partially reassembling, but he allowed them 
 no time to recover their courage, and, after refusing to February 
 negotiate for some days. Shah Alam gave himself up iVei. ' 
 to the English, and the zemindars retired to their for- 
 tresses.^ 
 
 Major Carnac received the Emperor with tlie utmost 
 ceremony and escorted him to Patna, where an allow- 
 ance of 100/. a day (afterwards increased to 130/.), was 
 fixed for him at the nabob's expense.^ The news of these 
 
 ^ Colonel Ironside's Narrative, Asiatic Annual Register fur 1800, 
 24, 25. 
 
 ^ Colonel Ironside's narrative ; Seir id Mnfal:]icrin. The Indian historian 
 is struck with the spirit shown by Law in his resistance, the generosity 
 and courtesy of Carnac in his treatment of him, and the cordiality 
 between him and his captors from the moment of his surrender. Major 
 Carnac's report of his victory to the Government is characteristic of the 
 writer and of the times. It commences thus: 'Gentlemen, — The mea- 
 sure of my svishes is filled, and I have had the good fortune to answer 
 the expectations of some of you and to disappoint the diflidence of 
 others.' The allusion is to the Governor, with whom he was oiiendcd 
 (MS. letter dated January 15, 1701). 
 
 ' Colonel Ironside ; Seir ul Mutakherin, ii. 109.
 
 o6G lUSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAr. events soon hronoht Casim Ali to Patna ; he was dis- 
 IX. . . .... 
 
 ___!__ satisfied with the expense thrown on him for maintaining 
 
 the Emperor, and was distrustful of the use the English 
 might make of that prince's name in case of any dis- 
 aOTeement with himself. These feeling's were not alle- 
 viated by the channel of his intercourse witli the Emj^eror 
 and the British Government. Major Carnac was a 
 devoted adherent of Clive (whose private secretary he 
 had been, and with whom he was a favourite). He was 
 naturally opposed to the reversal of his patron's mea- 
 sures in the case of Mir Jaiir, and was strongly pre- 
 judiced against the present nabob. He had been hurt 
 by some disparaging expression of Yansittart's which 
 came to his knowledge, and was now elated by his suc- 
 cess against the Emperor, to whom he determined to show 
 himself a generous conqueror. From these motives he 
 treated the nabob with marked slight, while he behaved 
 with the utmost deference and humility towards Shah 
 Alam. The nabob's resentment as well as his policy 
 led him to do his best to disgust this favoured guest 
 with his present residence. He refused to meet him 
 except at the Company's factory, which might be re- 
 ijarded as neutral around, and he is accused of having' 
 excited a serious mutiny among the troops tliat still 
 adhered to Shah Alam.^ 
 
 Things were on this footing when Major Carnac was 
 removed from Patna. That officer on his assumino' the 
 command had informed the Government, in reply to an 
 order to support the nabob in a particular case, that he 
 should do so in that instance, but that the British troops, 
 while he commanded them, should never be made the 
 
 ^ Colonel Ironside's Narrative, 27 ; Seir ul MutaJcerin ; letter from 
 certain Gentlemen of the Council (including Major Carnac), Appendix to 
 First Report, 265.
 
 KEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. " 367 
 
 inRtrninonts of violence or oppression ; anrl by an equally chap. 
 uncalled for declaration in public darbar at their first ^_1J__ 
 meeting, he gave great offence to the nabob, who felt the March 6. 
 insinuation conveyed no less than the open disrespect, and 
 perceived the effect which such an announcement must 
 have on all who were inclined to resist his authority. 
 Other disputes arising with Major Carnac, the Govern- 
 ment took the first opportunity of superseding him in his 
 command.^ It was afforded by the aiTival of Colonel 
 (afterwards Sir Eyre) Coote from j\Iadras as com- 
 mander-in-chief in Bengal. This distinguished officer 
 disapproved of the removal of Mir Jc4fir, but came to 
 Bengal determined to avoid political discussions and to 
 endeavour to reconcile his colleagues, with all of whom 
 he was on terms of friendship.^ But his employment at 
 Patna forced him to take a decided line. He found the 
 nabob highly irritated, jealous of the British commander, 
 and alarmed at the intrigues which he supposed to be 
 carrying on between that officer and Shtih Alam. His 
 distrust was so apparent in his neglect or rejection of 
 Cootc's advice, and in other matters, that Coote, natu- 
 rally of a fretful temper, became provoked in his turn, 
 and being surrounded by malcontents and in some sort 
 at the head of a formed opposition, he was led to put 
 the worst construction on all the nabob's actions, and 
 to allow things to run into a state of greater exaspera- 
 tion than that left by Carnac.^ 
 
 They began, however, with mutual civilit}^ The 
 first point they had to settle was that about IMm 
 Narain. This man, it may be recollected, was governor 
 
 ^ Major Carnac's letters in Vansittart's Narrative, i. 182 and 18G. See 
 also the same volume, 180-91 and 1!)8. 
 
 ' His evidence, First Report, 165. 
 
 ■'' Vansittart's Narrative and letters from Colonel Coote and the 
 Nabob, i. 195-250.
 
 A.J). 1761. 
 
 o()8 ]{ISE OF B1UTI8H POWP:il IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, of Beluir at the time of Siiraj-n-Doiila's fall, and only 
 '_i__ acknowledo'ed the new nabob on condition of beino- 
 guaranteed by Clive against any change for the worse 
 in his condition under his former master.^ He had 
 been steadily protected by Clive, and was so at first by 
 the present Government,'' but the question how far pro- 
 tection should be carried was not without difficulties. 
 On the one hand Rc4,m Nardin asserted that he was 
 persecuted merely on account of his attachment to the 
 English, and on the other the nabob declared that 
 he withheld the whole revenue of his province, and made 
 use of the British protection to render himself in essen- 
 tials an independent prince.^ 
 April 21, These complaints were at their height whan Coote 
 
 went to Patna, and the Government requested him to 
 investigate and report on the real state of claims, and in 
 the meantime to prevent any oppression of Ram Ndrain 
 and to maintain him in his government.^ Mr. McGwire, 
 the chief civil officer at Patna, was associated in the 
 inquiry. Though disposed to put the best construction 
 on the conduct of Ram Narain, Coote began the inves- 
 tigation with every intention to do justice, but between 
 the affected delays of Ram Narain and the impatience 
 of the nabob, he was not able to make much progress.^ 
 The Government wouhl now have been justified in 
 dictating some terras of compromise to both parties, but 
 
 ^ See mite, p. 333. 
 
 ' Letter to Major Caniac of February 9 ; Vansittart's Narrative, 
 i. 180. 
 
 ^ Major Carnac's letter, Appendix to First Report, 257 ; letter from 
 certain Gentlemen of the Council, Appendix to the same Report, 256. 
 The Nabob's in vol. i. of Vansittart's Narrative ; Mr. McGwire's letter, 
 Appendix to First R-port, 328. 
 
 ' Letter to Colonel Coote ; Vansittart's Narrative, i. 191-2. 
 
 ^ Letter from Colonel Coote, Appendix to the First Report, 259 ; 
 Nabob's letters in Vansittart's Narrative.
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 369 
 
 instead of doing .so they gave way to the clamonrs of chap 
 the nabob, directed Coote to remove Ram Narain from __^J__ 
 
 his government, and afterwards left him to settle with June is, 
 his own superior, only stipulating for his exemption 
 from personal ill-usage. Before these orders arrived 
 Mr. ]\IcGwire had been dismissed and Eam Narain 
 entertained hopes of greater support from his temporary 
 successor Mr. Hay ; but the orders from Calcutta were 
 peremptory, a guard of sepoys which had been detained 
 at his house was witlidrawn, and he was left at the 
 mercy of the nabob only for the stipulation above 
 mentioned. He had before offered 50,000/. in lieu of 
 his arrears as the utmost sum he could possibly raise, 
 but finding himself deserted and threatened by the 
 nabob he agreed to pay 500,000/., on which he was 
 released and received a dress of honour from the nabob 
 as a mark of his being restored to favour.^ Up to this 
 time no violence was used towards him,"^ but how the 
 engagement broke off or what subsequently became of 
 Ram Narain does not appear until two years afterwards, 
 when he perished in the general massacre of the prisoners 
 during Casim Ali's flight.^ 
 
 If Carnac and Coote favoured the alleged defaulter 
 they did so from no sordid motives. Coote refused a 
 
 - Correspondence in Ajipenclix No. 1 to the Third Report, 327- 
 331. 
 
 ^ Letter froni Mr. Hay, dated September 7, 176J, in the same 
 Api^endix, 330. 
 
 ' Major Grant's evidence, Third Report, 305 ; Seir ill MidakheHn, 
 i. 267. Several persons who had lield em[)hiynient under Ram Nardin's 
 government, especially those employed in revenue departments, were 
 imprisoned and had their property seized ; some wei'e flogged to force 
 them to disclose where their money was deposited. R;im Narain pro- 
 bably escaped similar treatment in consequence of tlie sti]Hi]ation witli 
 the British Government. Casim Ali was cajjable of any injustice or 
 cruelty, but in this instance his offences could not have i-cmaincd con- 
 cealed. 
 
 B B
 
 370 
 
 lilSP: OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. 
 IX. 
 
 January 
 21, A.D. 
 1761. 
 
 bribe of 55,000/. to give up R/im Naniin, and Carnac, 
 besides indefinite offers from tlie nabob, rejected 5,000/. 
 from Ram Ndrain's intended successor ; ^ but Mr. 
 McGwire, ^vbo was still more zealous on tlie side of tbe 
 nabob, was not so fortunate in the evidence of bis dis- 
 interestedness. He had received 20,000/. (as a member 
 of the select committee) on the nabob's accession, and 
 he now accepted of 7,000/. or 8,000/. on pretext of some 
 public occasion.'' It would not be just to pronounce 
 that these presents, or those of a similar nature made to 
 others, were given as bribes or immediately influenced 
 the resolutions of the receivers, but they hung like a 
 millstone round their necks ever after, and if they did 
 not impede the freedom of their action, always led to a 
 suspicion that the weight w^as not unfelt ; Clive alone 
 felt no embarrassment from benefits conferred on him, 
 which his services entitled him to regard as rewards 
 for the past, not retainers for the future. 
 
 Another source of contention arose from the con- 
 tinuance of the nabob's suspicions of Shah Alam. 
 That prince had at last agreed to remove to Oude, and 
 Casim Ali had engaged to pay to him 260,000/. a year 
 on account of the revenue of Beno-al ; one half of the 
 first year's payment was to be issued on his quitting 
 the province, at which time also he was to be formally 
 acknowledged as Emperor. He set out accordingly for 
 Shuja-u-Doula's country, where he was received with 
 every show of respect and then consigned to neglect 
 and insignificance. But the credit afforded by the 
 English to his pretensions gave him an importance in 
 tlie places under tlieir influence which he did not 
 
 ■' Coote's letter, Appendix to the First Report, 259. 
 dence, Third Report, SdO. 
 
 '^ Mr. McGwire's evidence, Third Report, 300. 
 
 Cs 
 
 arnac s evi-
 
 llEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 371 
 
 possess elsewhere, and for tliis reason he continued to chap. 
 be an object of jealousy and apprehension to Casmi Ali. __1I__ 
 Major Carnac had accompanied him to the frontier, and 
 on taking leave begged as a personal favour a con- 
 firmation of all the Company's privileges throughout 
 the Empire. Shah Alam promised compliance on con- 
 dition of a pecuniary consideration, and (perhaps 
 insidiously) offered of his own accord to add the 
 Diwani of Bengal on similar terms. This office in 
 strictness conferred only the superintendence of the 
 revenue, but in hands so strong as the Company's it 
 involved the control of the administration in all its 
 branches. The offer was therefore likely to alarm the 
 nabob, and was on that ground rejected by the Govern- 
 ment of Calcutta, and the whole application was 
 censured as unauthorised and officious.'' But other 
 measures of the Government itself did away the effect 
 of this moderation. They had again taken up the 
 scheme of restoring Shah Alam to his throne ; Coote 
 was ordered to be ready to march to his support, and 
 some correspondence to which this led came to the 
 nabob's knowledge. Casim Ali probably thought that 
 the project of the British Government was only a cloak 
 for some more rational negotiation, and he ascribed the 
 communications which took place in connection with it 
 to a plot for the transfer of Iiis office of viceroy from 
 himself to a descendant of one of the former nabobs, 
 and in this he supposed Coote to be a principal actor,^ 
 Shah Alam having passed the frontier, the nabob 
 agreed to proclaim him king as had been promised, and 
 tlie principal people about Patna liad been assembled 
 
 '' See the correspondence in Vansittart's Narrative, i. 255-()4. 
 ^ First Report, Appendix, 258 ; see also paragraphs o2 and 33 of the 
 letter in p. 256. 
 
 B li 2
 
 372 EISE OF BRITISH rOWEK IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAr. for that i)iirpose, but when tlie day drew near the 
 __^__ nabob, either from timidity or some secret motive, 
 refused to enter the town unless the British guards 
 were removed from the gates. This seeming caprice 
 provoked the English commander, some angry messages 
 were exchano;ed, and at nic^ht information was brouo-ht 
 to Coote that the nabob was about to attack the town. 
 Jannaiy Cootc kept his Small force on the alert during the 
 1761. i^iglit, and about daybreak he rode to the nabob's camp, 
 attended by his usual escort of a company of sepoys 
 and some European dragoons. He alighted at the 
 head- quarters, and as the nabob had not yet left the 
 tents approjDriated to his women, people were sent to 
 call him, and Coote entered the reception tent with his 
 pistols in his hand, after surrounding it with his troops 
 to guard against treachery. As the nabob did not 
 appear Coote mounted his horse, and after riding round 
 the camp, where he found all quiet, he returned to the 
 town.^ This act of haste and indiscretion made it 
 impossible to keep Coote with the nabob. He was 
 recalled to Calcutta along with Carnac, who would 
 otherwise have succeeded him, and the command 
 devolved on a captain subordinate to the civil chief. 
 
 The roni>-h treatment which the nabob received 
 from the military commanders was respect and courtesy 
 compared to what he subsequently met with from the 
 civil servants. 
 
 One of the last acts of Clive's o'overnment had been 
 to sign a letter to the Court of Directors, pointing out 
 the bad consequences of the harsh language in which 
 they were accustomed to address their servants, and of 
 the influence of private favour and enmity which ap- 
 
 ■' Coote's letters in Vansittart's Xarrativc, i. 238 and 243, and his 
 evidence, First Report, 106. Nabob's letter, Narrative, i. 210.
 
 EEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 
 
 373 
 
 peared in their dispensations of censures and rewards. ^5^^- 
 
 This remonstrance was not itself a model of the urbanity 
 
 which it inculcated, and it gave such displeasure to 
 the Court of Directors that they dismissed all the 
 members of the councU who still remained in India, 
 and positively ordered them to be sent home by the 
 first ships. 
 
 This measure, together with the previous retirement 
 of some of the councillors, threw out those who had 
 concurred with Mr. Yansittart, and introduced others 
 vehemently opposed to him. Mr. Hastings, who was 
 one of the new councillors, alone supported the Governor 
 in the subsequent transactions. Above all, the removal 
 of Mr. McGwire necessarily conferred the chiefship of 
 Patna on Mr. Ellis, a man of strong prejudices and 
 ungovernable temper. 
 
 He had scarcely taken charge of his office when he Novem- 
 gave signs of his disposition towards the nabob, but itgi. 
 his first act of open violence was about two months 
 later. An Armenian named Antoon, who held the January, 
 
 A.D. 1762. 
 
 office of collector of a district, either purchased or took 
 by force a small quantity of saltpetre, for the use of the 
 nabob, from one of the people whose business it was to 
 make it. This was seized on as an infringement of the 
 Company's monopoly, and Antoon was apprehended 
 and sent down to Calcutta in irons. He was cousin to 
 Gregore, another Armenian, who was in high favour with 
 the nabob, and was supposed to be hostile to the English. 
 His offence was therefore treated at Calcutta as a most 
 serious aftront to the nation. Some of the council 
 thought he should be publicly whipped, and one (Mr. 
 Johnstone) strongly urged cutting ofi' liis ears ; ^ but 
 common sense at last in some degree prevailed ; he 
 
 ' Vansittart's Narrative, ii. 11.
 
 374 
 
 RISE OF BRITISH ROWER IN INDIA. 
 
 1762. 
 
 CHAP, was sent back to the nabob to be pnnisbed, and was 
 IX. . . . . . 
 
 ____^ made over to him and dismissed from liis service, after 
 
 a confinement of three months and a journey of 900 
 miles. ^ About the same time, Mr. Ellis having received 
 information (which proved to be unfounded) that two 
 European deserters had taken refuge in Monghir, the 
 nabob's principal fortress and the place he had fixed 
 February on for his usual residence, sent a company of sepoys to 
 demand the deserters and to search the fort if they were 
 not given up. The commandant refusing to admit an 
 armed body into his fort, Mr. Ellis exclaimed against 
 his insolence and declared that he would not withdraw 
 the sepoys until a search had been allowed. The 
 nabob remonstrated in terms of the highest indigna- 
 tion, but the British Government took no step for about 
 three months, when it interposed a sort of mediation 
 between its own servant and the nabob, and the dis- 
 pute was with difficulty compromised.^ Mr. Ellis 
 withdrew his sepoys, but from this time the nabob 
 refused to have any farther communication with him. 
 It is obvious that Mr. Ellis ought now to have been 
 removed to some other station, but he was supported 
 by the majority of the council, and the representative 
 of the British Government remained in open hostility 
 with the ruler of the country. Alarm was added to 
 the nabob's disgust by the unguarded language of Mr. 
 Ellis and other members of council, who foretold his 
 early deposition as a consequence of orders from England. 
 Their threats were in some measure supported by the 
 vacillating despatches of the Court of Directors, which 
 
 April 27, 
 A.D. 1762 
 
 ^ Correspondence in Vansittart's Narrative, i. 300-305 and 323. 
 ^ Vansittart's Narrative, and correspondence inserted, i. 305-14 ; also 
 32G to the end, and ii. 1-11.
 
 T^EVOLUTIOXS IN P.EXGAL. 37a 
 
 were privately circulated among the natives and neces- chap. 
 sarily reached the nabob * ' 
 
 These altercations made an impression throughout 
 the country. A conspiracy against the nabob was dis- 
 covered, the 2^1'incipal actors in which were put to 
 death ; and among the .letters intercepted on. that 
 occasion was one encouraging a powerful zemindar to 
 engage in it, on the ground of the ap]3roaching hosti- 
 lities with the English, in which the nabob was sure 
 to be driven out of the country.^ All these evils were 
 magnified by the nabob's fears, and perceiving, as he 
 thought, an intention to force a quarrel on him, he 
 became apprehensive of an open and immediate attack. 
 
 Aware of the dangerous consequences of a continu- 
 ance of such divisions, Mr. Yansittart prevailed on the 
 board to depute Mr, Hastings to Patna, for tlie purpose 
 of attempting a reconciliation between Mr. Ellis and 
 the nabob. He failed, as might have been expected, but 
 his mission brought to a crisis a question which had 
 long been rising, which affected the interest as well as 
 the pride of the parties, and which soon ran to a height 
 that almost precluded reconciliation. 
 
 The Mogul's grant to the Company exempting 
 their goods from customs was couched in general terms 
 and accompanied by no limitation, but its obvious 
 meaning was to confine the exemption to exports and 
 imports. It was given, like Queen Elizabeth's grant to 
 the same effect, for the purpose of encouragmg foreign 
 commerce, and not for that of conferring on an alien 
 Company a monopoly of all the internal trade of the 
 
 ■' Correspondence in Yansittart's Narrative, ii. Gl-70, with liis own 
 remarks. 
 
 * Vansittart's Narratirc, ii. 13-lG.
 
 Oib RISE OF BRITISH POAVER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Empire. In this sense it had been understood by both 
 
 '. j^'^^'ti^s, and had been acted on up to the deposition of 
 
 Surdj-u-Doula.*" i^fter the ascendancy of the British 
 was estabhshed, Lord Chve used to obtain from the 
 nabob exemptions from internal duties in favour of 
 particular persons, but those were always conferred by 
 special passes from the nabob, and were never (unless 
 secretly) assumed as a matter of right, or claimed under 
 the Company's passport. In the weaker Government 
 which succeeded, the Compan3'"'s servants and other 
 Europeans began to claim exemption without the 
 nabob's passes ; their agents did not always produce 
 even the Company's pass, but hoisted a British flag 
 which, from the awe inspired by it, was a sufficient pro- 
 tection to any cargo, even when used without authority, 
 and by natives unconnected with the English. This 
 abuse was often complained of by Mir Jafir, but it had 
 now risen to such a pitch as to eat up all that part of 
 the nabob's revenue that was derived from customs and 
 transit duties, and to throw out of employment all of 
 his subjects who had been accustomed to live by the 
 internal commerce. The privilege had only existed 
 (even under the nabob's passes) smce 1756, and in 
 1762 every attempt to question it was received with as 
 much surprise and indignation by the council as if it 
 had grown venerable under the sanction of ages." 
 
 ^ An attempt was made almost at the outset to apply it to internal 
 trade, but this pretension was at once put down by the viceroy of the 
 day, and was never after renewed. (Orme, ii. 25.) 
 
 '' For tlie recent origin of the trade, see Orme, ii. 25 and 26 ; Mr. 
 Hastings' correspondence in Lord Olive's time, and other papers in the 
 first section of Vansittart's Narrative ; Scrafton's observations on Van- 
 sittart's Narrative, the minutes of Vansittart and Hastings, and the 
 nabob's letters in the above Narrative. On the other side I know nothing 
 but the minutes of the councillors given in Vansittart's Narrative and in 
 the Appendix to the Third Report. Their argument generally is that the
 
 EEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 377 
 
 A still worse consequence of tlie interference of ^5^^- 
 
 Europeans with the internal trade was that it tilled the 
 
 country with commercial agents (gomashtas) of private 
 persons. Each of these was as proud and as rapacious 
 as his master ; he sold custom-free passes to people 
 unconnected with the Company, he took the goods of 
 the manufacturers and other dealers at his own price, 
 and beat or imprisoned anyone who attempted to resist 
 him ; he interfered in all atfairs in the village where he 
 was stationed, and, being sure of support from the 
 British authorities, he set the greatest of the nabob's 
 officers at defiance. If any of those functionaries had 
 spirit enough to maintain his authority, a detach- 
 men of sepoys from the nearest factory soon put a stop 
 to his interference and often carried him off as a prisoner 
 to answer for his insolence. In addition to these 
 licensed harpies, another swarm carried on the same 
 oppressions under their name. They pretended to be 
 gomashtas of English gentlemen, and dressed up people 
 like the sepoys and the badged messengers of the Com- 
 pany to enforce their orders. The consequence was that 
 the whole country became a scene of confusion and alarm, 
 as if it had been suffering from the occupation of a hostile 
 army.^ Mr. Yansittart had before this received many 
 complaints of these disorders and had entered on a plan 
 for restraining them, but he does not seem to have laid 
 
 king's grant gave the Company the privilege of tlie inhmd trade custont 
 free ; and that they were wrongfully kept from the enjoyment of it by 
 the nabobs until they became strong enough to do themselves justice. 
 
 * For the proceedings of the gomashtas and of the European agents, 
 see the statements of the nabob and his officers in Vansittart's NarraUve ; 
 the letters of Serjeant Brego, ibid. ii. Ill, and those of Mr. Gray and 
 Mr. Senior, iii. 412-13 ; Lord Clive's letter to the Court of Directors, 
 par. 12, Third Report, 394 ; Scrafton's Observations on Vansittart, 38 ; and 
 n»any other authorities. On the opposite side the accusations are only 
 met by a flat denial.
 
 37iS inSE OF BRITISH rOWKR IN INDIA. 
 
 ciiAF. anything' before council. Mr. Hastings had warmly 
 
 L_ o})posed them from the very beginning in the time of 
 
 Mir Jj'ifir and Lord Clive, and had ahvays maintained 
 that the Company's passport should only be given to 
 exports and imports, and that the nabob should be 
 allowed to do himself justice in all cases where goods 
 were not protected by that passport, and where agents 
 in the country belonged to anyone except the Company.^ 
 On his present journey, or rather voyage to Patna, he 
 was surprised to see British flags in many villages and 
 on almost all the boats that he met on the Gano'es. 
 He considted Mr. Yansittart on the subject, and by 
 the time he had to encounter the nabob's complaints, 
 he was prepared to lay a paper before him in which were 
 specified the points on which he might direct his own 
 officers to check abuses without interfering with the 
 rights of the Company, The nabob approved of the 
 terms, but said it would be impossible to carry them 
 into effect as long as every chief of a factory had the 
 powder to employ force to resist his authority. He 
 therefore required that articles should be drawn up in a 
 proper form luider the seal of the Company and the 
 Governor, and if necessary those of the council.^ 
 
 A long and dangerous illness of Mr, Yansittart pre- 
 vented the preparation of such a document, and as the 
 decree of control which he had hitherto been able to 
 keep up over the abuses it w^as to remedy was removed 
 by his absence from council, they multiplied wdth aston- 
 ishing rapidity, and complaints poured in from every 
 part of the country. The number of agents and of 
 private European adventurers increased ; they extorted 
 presents, decided causes, interfered in public business ; 
 
 ^ See his letters written in 1758-9 in Vansittart's Narrative, i. 2G-30. 
 ' Mr. Hastings' letters, Vansittart's Narrative, ii. 78-96.
 
 DEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 379 
 
 in short were going on to usurp the whole administra- chap. 
 tion of the province. Some of them also, who held U 
 
 offices or farms from the nabob, refused to obey orders, 
 or to pay what was due from them to tlie treasury. 
 At the same time as loud complaints came in from the 
 chiefs of the Company's factories. They said the in- 
 solence and outrages of the nabob's officers had in- 
 creased to such a degree as to put a total stop to their 
 business ; Mr. Ellis threatened to oppose force to force, 
 and others applied for reinforcements and called for 
 supplies of ammimition, as if they were on the very 
 brink of a war.^ 
 
 These indications of a rupture alarmed even the 
 council at Calcutta. They sent orders on all sides to 
 forbid the use of force ; they agreed that Mr. Vansittart, 
 accompanied by Mr. Hastings, should repair to the 
 nabob and endeavour to bring about an adjustment; 
 and even after those gentlemen were gone they con- 
 tinued for a time to conduct themselves with a laudable 
 moderation. In fact the council was as yet composed 
 of comparatively reasonable members ; four only were 
 })resent, the rest being employed, according to the 
 custom of the day, as chiefs of the different factories, 
 
 Mr. Vansittart therefore set out with strong hopes October 
 of effecting an arrangement, and with an impression on 1%^^' 
 his mind that he had full powers to enter on the re- 
 quisite engagements with the nabob. 
 
 The meeting took place at Monghi'r, when the nabob 
 renewed all his complaints and produced some letters 
 from Company's servants expressed in disrespectful and 
 menacing language towards his- government. To give 
 weight to his demand for redress, he announced that if 
 it was not speedily granted he would abolish all internal 
 
 2 Vansittavt's i^arm^ir^ ii. 100 101
 
 80 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. cListonis throngliout bis dominions, since at present 
 ^__ they scarcely yielded any revenue and only served as 
 protecting duties in favour of the English monopoly. 
 It appeared also, by reports received by Mr. Vansittart, 
 that the nabob's officers and the people of the country 
 showed a marked spirit of resistance and hostility to 
 the Europeans and their agents, and that three or four 
 sepoys had been killed in one place and a gomdshta in 
 another. 
 
 The times seemed therefore to admit of no delay, 
 and after frequent consultations with the nabob, Mr. 
 Yansittart agreed to terms which were comprised m 
 nine articles, and which he forthwith reported to the 
 council. 
 
 The substance was that the Company's passport 
 should only be granted to goods imported or mtended 
 for exportation ; that all other goods should take pass- 
 ports from the nabob's custom-houses, paying the duty 
 beforehand, and being liable to no detention afterwards ; 
 that boats furnished with the Company's passport 
 should in no case be detained, but if it was suspected 
 that the goods on board exceeded the amount specified 
 in the passport, a complaint should be made to the 
 nearest English officer ; that all boats without passports 
 should be confiscated, even if sailing along with those 
 provided with the Company's passports, and that the 
 same rule should apply to boats carrying articles of in- 
 ternal traffic under the Company's passport clandestinely 
 procured ; that the gomashtas should trade like other 
 merchants, and should be fully protected by the native 
 government, but that all acts of oppression or other 
 off*ences which they might commit should be punish- 
 able by the nabob's magistrates. Regulations were 
 also included for the protection of the gom^ishtas from
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 381 
 
 023prcssion, and severe punisliment was promised chap. 
 aofainst any of the nabob's officers who should offend ' 
 
 in that respect. 
 
 The duties to be paid were fixed at nine per cent., 
 which was that nominally paid by the Mussulmans ; 
 but as these last paid at a variety of different places and 
 were liable to detention, imposition, and exaction, it was 
 reckoned that their real payments did not fall short of 
 fifteen per cent, at least. 
 
 A letter containing the above terms was written 
 by Mr. Yansittart to the nabob, and everything being 
 settled to the mutual satisfaction of the parties, Mr, 
 Yansittart set out for Patna. 
 
 At Patna he met Mr. Ellis and inquired into some 
 differences between him and the nabol)'s p'overnor of 
 Behar. They were unimportant, and Mr. Yansittart 
 passed a decision on them which he thought had been 
 acquiesced in by both parties. 
 
 As he passed Monghir on his return he stopped one 
 day to see the nabob, who was just setting out on an 
 expedition against Nepal, the mountainous principality 
 which has since stood so stubborn a contest with the 
 British.^ 
 
 On January 2(S he arrived at Calcutta. Januaiy 
 
 . . 2X, A.D. 
 
 Plis report on the agreement (including the sub- lib. 
 stance of the terms but not the letter to the nabob) had 
 some time before reached the board, which determined 
 to defer the discussion of it until the Governor should 
 arrive. But this reasonable intention was rendered 
 fruitless by tlie folly of the nabob. 
 
 It had been settled between Mr. Yansittart and liim, 
 that no use was to be made of tlie agreement until 
 the Governor should liave reached Calcutta. It was 
 
 ^ Vansittart's Narrative (including the correspondence), ii. 141-194.
 
 382 inSE OF BKITISII POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, then to be laid before couneii and instructions framed 
 
 IX 
 
 ' on it were to be sent to the different factories ; at the 
 same moment the Governor was to forward circular 
 letters from the nabob to his chief officers, with which 
 he was provided for the purpose. Yet no sooner was 
 Mr. Vansittart gone, than the nabob, either from im- 
 patience to assert his own independence or from a wish 
 to tix the terms on the British Government before there 
 was time for the council to object, sent copies of Mr. Yan- 
 sittart's letter in all directions, together with injunctions 
 to his officers to carry it into immediate effect. This 
 precipitancy defeated the whole arrangement. Not only 
 did it set aside the authoritj' of the council, but it sanc- 
 tioned the confiscation of the property of those persons 
 who had embarked their fortunes in the internal trade 
 before they knew that it w^as to be forbidden. As if to 
 complete the ruin of his own cause, the nabob in one of 
 liis letters directed that the present instructions should 
 not be enforced against any trade carried on by Mr. 
 Yansittart or Mr. Hastings. The first intelligence the 
 board received of Mr. A^ansittart's letter was through 
 a Persian copy sent by the nabob to one of his own 
 officers at Dacca, who triumphantly communicated it to 
 the chief. The council, naturally indignant at the slight 
 put on them, determined to take every means of revers- 
 ing Mr. Yansittart's proceedings. They called in Major 
 Carnac, though he was not entitled to a seat at their 
 board except when military affairs were under discus- 
 sion, but who was one of the most active, though not 
 always the most prominent, of the opponents to the 
 Govcimor's measures.^ Plis admission to the council 
 
 ' It is alleged by Mr. Vansittart that Major Carnac wrote all the 
 minutes recorded by Mr. Amyatt, the ostensible head of the opposition 
 in council {Narrative, ii. 272) ; and that he and Mr. Ellis were the
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 383 
 
 had a material effect at this crisis. He concurred in a chap. 
 
 resolution that the regulations made by the Governor __!_!_ 
 were dishonourable to the council as Englishmen, and 
 
 o 
 
 ruinous to their trade and the Company's ; that the 
 issue of them by the Governor Avas a breacli of their 
 privileges, and that instructions should be sent to all 
 the factories to suspend acting on them. A still more 
 decisive stroke was suggested by Major Carnac himself; 
 it was to call in all the absent councillors, except Mr. 
 Ellis and the chief at Chittagong, who were at too great 
 a distance, and by this means the persons against whose 
 proceedings Mr. Yansittart's measures had been directed, 
 and who each regarded him as a personal enemy, were 
 brought together to judge of his conduct. A council 
 was thus formed which Clive himself might have proved 
 unable to control, and to which Mr. Yansittart could 
 scarcely offer aii};^ resistance. He was ill fitted by 
 nature to bear up agamst the reckless counsels and 
 vehement language of his opponents, and he was ren- 
 dered feebler than usual by the consciousness of his 
 pecuniary obligations to the nabob, and by his being 
 himself eno-awd in the inland trade, though without 
 partaking in the abuses.^ tlis colleagues pressed liini 
 
 leaders of a party whose object it was to force a rupture with Casim Ali 
 (ibid. 233). It is true that Major Carnac corresponded witli Mr. Ellis 
 in cipher, and was the centre of all the correspondence of tlie mal- 
 contents throughout the civil service, but it does not apjjear that he and 
 Mr. Ellis had any plan for bringing on a rupture, though like all the rest 
 of their party they looked to it with pleasure. 
 
 ^ He had in fact just received the 50,000L promised to himself, and 
 the 20,000L for Colonel Caillaud. The money was paid to him at Monghir, 
 though the circumstance was not then known to the Board. See Third 
 Report of the House of Commons (1773), 310, and the appendices referred 
 to. See also Caillaud's evidence. First Report, IGl, and the extract from 
 Yansittart's letter there quoted. It must, however, be remembered that 
 Mr. Vansittart had long before taken his line on the question of the 
 inland trade.
 
 384 
 
 RISE 01' BRITISH POWER IX INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. 
 IX. 
 
 February 
 15. 
 
 February 
 11), A.D. 
 17G3. 
 
 February 
 22 to 
 ^[arch 1, 
 A.D. 1763. 
 
 liard on those points, treating him as the hired advocate 
 of Casiui Ali, and accusing him of oppressing their 
 trade to promote his own. 
 
 When the full council met, Major Adams, whose 
 claim to a seat rested on the same ground as IMajor 
 Carnac's, was admitted to the board, which tlien 
 consisted of twelve members. 
 
 At the first meeting of the full board, Mr. Amyatt 
 brought forward an appeal from Mr. Ellis against the 
 Governor's decision on the disputes at Patna. 
 
 On the same occasion Major Carnac presented a 
 letter representing the hardship of his removal from 
 the command at Patna, and requesting to be re- 
 appointed. 
 
 The first subject of consideration was Mr. Ellis's 
 appeal from Patna. There were three points in 
 dispute. The first related to a privileged bazar set 
 up some time before by' the English, and this the 
 council ordered to be done away. The other two arose 
 from a plan for completing the fortifications of the 
 town. It included shutting a small gate in one ]:)lace 
 and carrying the wall down to the river at another where 
 there was a large space entirely open. Both of these 
 alterations were inconvenient to the English residents, 
 and tlie second of them woidd have protected the town 
 against the factory no less than against other assailants. 
 It was decided that the nabob should be requested to 
 open the gate and throw down the new part of the 
 wall, and that if he did not comply, Mr. Ellis should 
 be instructed to do it by force. 
 
 The discussion of the customs on inland trade next 
 came on. As this was the great question on which the 
 existence of the nabob's government was to depend, it 
 is worthy of observation that it was one in which the
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 385 
 
 Company had no interest whatever ; their deahngs chap. 
 
 were in exports and imports, and the internal trade was ! 
 
 entirely in the hands of private individuals. 
 
 The board first came to a resolution, that in his 
 letter to the nabob the Governor had exceeded his 
 powers ; a decision which if it had not been accom- 
 panied with violence and invective, would have been 
 justified by the fact. 
 
 They next resolved, the Governor and Mr. Hastings 
 alone dissenting, that the King's grant entitled them 
 to trade in all articles customs-free. Seven out of the 
 twelve, however, were of opinion that a small duty on 
 salt (two and a half per cent.) should be allowed to the 
 nabob, it being carefully explained to liim that it was 
 granted of favour and not of right." 
 
 With regard to native agents (gomashtas) it was 
 resolved that they should not be under the control of 
 the nabob's government ; that, with respect to 
 weavers, petty traders, and all others who received 
 advances of money for goods to be provided, or were 
 indebted for goods bought, the agents should retain 
 their power to call such persons to account ; but that, 
 in the event of their having complaints against the 
 officers of government or their dependents, they should 
 first apply to the local officer, and if they did not 
 receive immediate satisfaction, they should forward 
 their case to the chief at the factory, wlio should take 
 cognizance of it and demand, or exact if necessary, the 
 satisfaction the case required. Complaints against 
 agents, from whatever quarter, were to be made to the 
 chief, whose decision was to l)e final. In sliort, tlie 
 agents were to be the only judges in all their disputes 
 
 ^ The minutes on this ([uestitin will bo found in Vansittart's JN^arra- 
 tive, ii. 309 429. 
 
 C C
 
 386 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CJiAP. with private persons, and the chief of the factory in 
 ' those with the nabob's dependents. 
 
 This resolution was opposed by Mr. Hastings alone, 
 even the Governor admitting the necessity of it. The 
 great argument was the known injustice and corruption 
 of the native officers, which would make it impossible 
 to carry on trade under their authority. To this Mr. 
 Hastings replied that we had carried it on formerly, 
 Avhen we had much less chance of redress than at 
 present, and added the following striking testimony. 
 'As I have formerly lived among the country people 
 in a very inferior station, and at a time when we were 
 subject to the most slavish dependence on the govern- 
 ment, and have met with the greatest indulgence, and 
 even respect, from zemindars and officers of govern- 
 ment, I can with the greater confidence deny the 
 justice of this opinion ; and add further, ; from repeated 
 experience, that if our people, instead of erecting them- 
 selves into lords and oppressors of the country, 
 confine themselves to an honest and fair trade, they will 
 be everywhere courted and respected.' ' 
 February Whcu tlic iiabob heard of the rejection by the 
 
 mvs. ' council of Mr. Vansittart's agreement, he did not 
 attempt to conceal his indignation. In answering 
 some remonstrances which he received at the same 
 time, he retaliates by setting forth his own wrongs ; 
 he complains that his affairs are transferred from the 
 Governor with whom he used to negotiate, to a body 
 of gentlemen many of whom he understands are 
 inclined to seat another person on his masnad ; he 
 says that he had ceded territory to pay the English 
 troops to tight for him, and now he was told they were 
 
 '' For tlie debate see the minutes just quoted, and for the resolutions 
 Vansittart's Narrative, iii. 1-5.
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGxVL. .387 
 
 to be employed against liim ; that he was to bear the chap. 
 
 IX. 
 
 expenses of the province, and the English agents were 
 to eat lip the revenue ; that every complaint against 
 his officers was believed, but that no attention was paid 
 to his complaints against the agents. ' I must cut off 
 my officers' heads,' says he to the Governor, ' but you 
 have no power to punish any person that creates 
 mischief under your administration. Your order is 
 absolute with respect to my people, but you have not 
 the least command over your own.' 
 
 He concludes by saying that, for as many boats as 
 there are at Patna, he cannot get one to cross the 
 Ganges ; the very boats he had provided for himself 
 had been seized by the factory. In the course of his 
 letters he more than once declares his readiness to give 
 up the government, which he says it is impossible to 
 carry on on such terms. 
 
 The council answered the nabob's remonstrance March 7, 
 through the Governor (whom they compelled to ex- 
 plain that he was only their organ) by announcing the 
 resolutions they had come to regarding the customs, 
 and at the same time renewing the statement of their 
 grievances, demanding the punishment of the offending 
 officers and reparation for their own losses, and stating 
 that they have referred the nabob's complaints to the 
 gentlemen of the factories, and whatever injustice they 
 may have conunitted the board will take care to see 
 they make amends for.^ 
 
 Things were now so obviously tending to a crisis, 
 that the board resolved to try what could be done by 
 a personal commmiication with the nabob, and they 
 determined on sending Mr. Amyatt and "Slv. Hay to 
 Monghir for that purpose. 
 
 ® Correspondence in Vansittart's Narratice, iii. 30. 
 
 cc 2 
 
 A.D. 1703.
 
 .')88 lirSE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. But before the mission set out, the peaceable settle- 
 
 ' merit of disputes had become more improbable than 
 ever. The effect of the nabob's orders to his officers 
 to act on Mr. Yansittart's letter, and of those of the 
 l)oard to resist them by force, began to be felt. In 
 many places the goods of Europeans were stopped by 
 the local authorities, in some the nabob's officers were 
 made prisoners by the English, and at a few, affrays 
 and bloodshed occurred between the parties. But the 
 most serious contest was in the neighbourhood of 
 Patna, where the nabob in person was opposed to 
 Mr. Ellis. He was at this time on his return from his 
 expedition to Nepal, where he had been defeated, and 
 had just passed Patna on his way to Monghir. Obstruc- 
 tions such as were generally complained of having 
 taken place in his neiglibourhood, Mr. Ellis detached 
 March 6, three companies of sepoys ' to clear the Company's 
 business ' — •' and seize all who have interrupted it.' ^ 
 Their first acts were to apprehend a collector of the 
 nabob's, to send him off to Patna under a guard, and 
 to place a party of twelve sepoys in the village where 
 he resided. The nabob, incensed at such an outrage, 
 almost under his own eyes, sent 500 horse to release 
 his officer. They missed the escort, but attacked the 
 village ; the sepoys defended it gallantly and lost four 
 men, but were at last overpowered. The Company's 
 native agent there was taken prisoner and sent to the 
 nabob, who released him.^ The nabob complained to 
 the council, and (on March 24) they answered him 
 through the Governor, highly approving of Mr. Ellis's 
 conduct, declaring that they should insist on a com- 
 pliance in every point with their resolutions and de- 
 
 ^ Mr. Ellis's letter, Vaiisittart's Narrative, iii. 36. 
 ^ Vaiisittart's Narrative, iii. 44 and 51.
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 389 
 
 mands, and that if the nabob opposed their people in chap. 
 the execution of their orders, they would look on it as .^_ll__ 
 a declaration of war.'"^ 
 
 Before this letter was despatched iutellio-ence arrived March 22, 
 that the nabob had fulfilled liis former threat, and had 
 abolished all internal duties for two years, thus throw- 
 ing open the trade of the country to his own subjects 
 on the same footing with that usurped by the British. 
 
 This intelligence transported the ruling part of the 
 council beyond all bounds of reason. All declared it 
 a violation of the Company's rights ; some pronounced, 
 it an act of usurpation to remit the Emperor's customs 
 without his leave, though they had themselves accepted 
 both exemjitions and territories as little sanctioned by 
 the Emperor ; others denied the right of a nabob whom 
 they had raised to the subahdarship and supported 
 by force of arms against the King, to employ the power 
 ' with which they had been pleased to invest him ' to 
 undermine their royal privileges and ruin their trade ; and 
 one member derided the notion of the nabob's possessing 
 any independence in his own territory, and treated the 
 assertion of such a right as more worthy of his hired 
 agents than of members of that board. All agreed 
 that he should be required to recall his remission and 
 collect the duties as before.^ 
 
 This was the tone adopted by men who seven 
 years before had lived in slavish dependence on the 
 nabob's government, and who by their subsequent 
 treaties had acquired no right or jiretence for interfering 
 in his internal administration. The motives they af- 
 fected were proportioned to the greatness of their pre- 
 tensions. No one hinted at the danger to their illicit 
 
 2 Ibid. 58 GO. 
 
 ^ Minutes in Vansittart's Narrative, iii. 02-77.
 
 390 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, gains 5 it was the honour of the factory, the dignity of 
 
 the dustuck,^ above all the glory of the nation, which 
 
 were to suffer by the suppression of smuggling'. Soon 
 after this angry council, accounts were received of 
 another engagement between one of Mr. Ellis's detach- 
 ments and the nabob's troops ; ^ and about the same 
 time the result of a former dispute led to still more 
 irritating proceedings. The nabob's deputy in charge of 
 the division of Dacca had put a stop to all the Company's 
 trade in that district, and had been guilty of outrage 
 and oppression towards some of their dependents. The 
 council ordered three of his subordinate officers, who 
 had been the instruments of his violence, to be sent 
 prisoners to Calcutta. On their examination at that 
 place such proofs came out of the deputy's active and 
 inveterate enmity to the English as would have 
 justified a war with Casim Ali if he failed to punish 
 the offender ; but instead of insisting on this atonement, 
 the council adopted their usual practice, and ordered 
 the deputy to be sent a prisoner to Calcutta, and this 
 treatment of one of the most considerable persons in 
 his dominions was deeply resented by the nabob.*' 
 
 In the midst of these transactions, the nabob's 
 ansAver to the Governor's letter annoimcing the resolu- 
 tions relating to customs and gomashtas was received. 
 Though written in the usual style of compliment, it was 
 filled with cutting reproaches to the council for their 
 rapacity and breach of faith, and pointed out the inutility 
 of a mission relating to the customs, as those imposts 
 no longer existed. This letter was pronounced by the 
 majority of the council to be insolent, improper, and 
 
 ' Pass or permit. 
 
 ■"' Correspondence in Vansittart's Narratifc, in. 88. 
 
 '' Vansittart's Narrative, iii. 136-140.
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 391 
 
 indecent, and it was debated whether the deputation *^^^^- 
 
 shoidd proceed or A\diether preparations for war should 
 
 be made without dehiy. The lirst course was adopted, 
 and Mr. Amyatt and Mr. Hay set out on their mission.'' 
 The choice of Mr. Amyatt for this duty was un- 
 fortunate. He appears to have been an amiable man in 
 private life, but the nabob knew that he was the first to 
 protest against his elevation and had headed the oppo- 
 sition ever since ; he could not therefore expect much 
 favour or candour from such an envoy. The best selected 
 embassy could scarcely have had a better prospect, for 
 the instructions authorised no negotiation or concession, 
 and confined the functions of the deputies to enforcing 
 and insisting on the demands already made, with the 
 addition of some very unacceptable articles.^ The nabob 
 also had by this time, in all probability, made up his. 
 mind to go to war ; his letters, as remarked by Mr. 
 A^ansittart, are ' those of a despairing man,' and show 
 throughout his conviction of a design to force him into: 
 a" quarrel so as to afi'ord a pretext for deposing him. 
 Hostile intentions had been imputed to him from the 
 moment of his accession ; his exertions to improve his 
 army, his attempts to call in the dues of his treasury, 
 everything that had a tendency to increase his own 
 efficiency, was supposed to be designed against the 
 English. Yet his conduct in other respects wns irre- 
 concilable to such a notion. He carried on no intrigues 
 with European powers, made no overtures to the Ma- 
 rattas, and was less conciliating towards Shab Alam and 
 Shuja-u-Doula than the British themselves desired. He 
 made enemies of all his zemindars, and, at the crisis of 
 his dispute with the English, he undertook the distant 
 
 ' Vansittart's Narrative, iii. 80 124. 
 « Ibid. iii. 128 135.
 
 392 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, uiid dangerous exj^edition to Xepal. Except in pre- 
 ' maturely acting on the agreement regarding customs, 
 lie conducted himself under innumerable provocations 
 with temper and forbearance, only showing as much 
 firmness as seemed likely to repress encroachment, and 
 it was not till the disappointment of all hope of support 
 from England and the unqualified submission of Mr. 
 Vansittart to his enemies, that he showed the least in- 
 clination to resort to the desperate expedient of taking 
 up arms in his defence. The state of his inmd is shown 
 by two letters which he wrote to the Governor some 
 days after the departure of the mission. In the first, 
 dated April 11, he expresses his uneasiness at Mr. 
 Amyatt's visit, and requests that his escort may not 
 exceed one or two companies, and in the other (April 15) 
 he exclaims against the duplicity of the Government, 
 which, while professing peace and friendship, have sent 
 their troops in several divisions through hills and forests 
 towards his capital. At this time not a soldier had 
 moved, but he was prepossessed with the idea that Mr. 
 Amyatt's mission was like Mr. Vansittart's to Mir 
 Jafir, and that the scene which led to his own elevation 
 was about to be repeated at his downfall. 
 
 Had he known the resolutions taken by the board 
 the day before that of his last letter (April 14), he 
 would have had some ground for his apprehensions. 
 On that day a force was ordered to be prepared for 
 service, and Mr. Ellis was warned that he might expect 
 orders to take possession of the city of Patna.^ 
 April 21, Before the embassy reached him the nabob addressed 
 
 a letter to the Company which he sent for transmission 
 to the Government of Calcutta. It stated his grievances 
 in very moderate language, and appealed to the Com- 
 
 ® Vansittart's Narrative, iii. 157.
 
 EEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 
 
 pany for protection. But although its professed object chap. 
 was to procure their orders for the preservation of quiet, 
 
 it is probable, from the state of the times, that it was 
 really intended to justify himself in the event of war. 
 
 About the same time he ordered the two Sets to be 
 brought by force to Monghir. These were the great 
 bankers who tigured in the first revolution, and were 
 under the guarantee of the Ens^lish. Their seizure led to 
 remonstrance and to an angry retort on the part of 
 Casim Ali. 
 
 The interview with Mr. Amyatt and Mr. Play at May 15. 
 length took place at Monghir ; and, although the nabob 
 at first declared that he conceived himself to be already 
 at war and was making preparations for his defence, yet 
 he was so much soothed by finding that no immediate 
 step was about to be taken against him, that a faint 
 hope was entertained that a reconciliation might yet be 
 eflPected. But this hope disappeared when the deputies May 25, 
 presented their demands in writing. They were eleven ^'^' ' 
 in number, and included a w^ritten recognition of the 
 council's decision about customs and agents, a reimpo- 
 sition of the duties on the nabob's subjects, com- 
 pensation to all who had suffered by the interference 
 with the English trade, punishment of the nabob's 
 officers, and many other unpalatable articles, all couched 
 in the most peremptory language. The nabob replied 
 to each article, but all in a contemptuous and sarcastic 
 tone, and it became evident tliat an accommodation was 
 more distant than ever. 
 
 On the day after this correspondence, an accidental May 2(i. 
 circumstance cut short the discussion. Some boats 
 with a supply of arms fortlie troops at Patna arrived at 
 Mongliir and revived all the nabob's alarms. He ordered 
 the boats to be detained ; said he had certain informa-
 
 394 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, tion tliat Mr. Ellis intended to suri^rise Patna, and 
 
 IX. 
 
 ' declared that he would not release the arms unless the 
 
 troops were withdrawn from that city, or unless Mr. 
 Ellis were removed, and Mr. Amyatt himself, Mr. 
 ]\IcGwire, or Mr. Hastings, appointed in his room. 
 
 The question of peace or war now turned on the de- 
 tention of the boats, and at a meeting of the council at 
 
 June 0, Calcutta on June 9, it was resolved that if the nabob 
 did not immediately release them, Mr. Amyatt and Mr. 
 Hay should quit his court, either formally announcing 
 a rupture or in such other manner as was most con- 
 sistent with their safety. 
 
 The subsequent letters of these gentlemen show that 
 the nabob, when war was inevitable, began to look with 
 more confidence to the result. His language became 
 more haughty and imperious, and the envoys found 
 themselves neglected, and the gentlemen w^ho attended 
 them insulted in the streets. Casim Ali had by this 
 time commenced negotiations, which, if he had 
 meditated war, would have been long since matured. 
 He had as early as March despatched an emissary to 
 sound Shuja-u-Doula on the subject of an alliance ; ^ 
 early in June he received a formal apj)ointment and 
 investiture as subahdar from Shah Alain ; and not 
 long after he withdrew his troops from the country of 
 the zemindars of Behar, and moved them all towards 
 
 June 14. Patna. When the alternative resolved on by the 
 council on June 9 was made known to him, he at once 
 replied that ' it was war.' He said that he should dis- 
 miss Mr. Amyatt as was desired, but that he would 
 keep Mr. Hay as a hostage for the safety of his officers 
 who had at different times been made prisoners, and 
 were now in the hands of the English. Four or five 
 
 1 Seir ul MvtalheHn, ii. 218.
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 395 
 
 days later lie seemed to have suddenly altered liis views, chap. 
 for lie announced to Mr. Amyatt that he had released 
 
 the boats and that he was prepared to give up his de- June 19. 
 mand for the evacuation of Patna. But these appear- 
 ances were probably assumed to delay the breaking out 
 of hostilities at that city, for which he nearly at the 
 same time despatched a strong reinforcement of regular 
 troops under an Armenian officer named Marcar. His 
 ])roceedings on the following days seem to have 
 varied according to the reports lie received from Patna. 
 On the 20t]i lie complained to Mr. Yansittart that Mr. 
 Ellis was constructing scaling-ladders and preparing to 
 attack the town. On the same night he ordered Mr. 
 Amyatt's boats to be closely surrounded by guards, but 
 a day or two later he removed his guards and allowed 
 that gentleman to depart, furnishing him with passports 
 and a person of his own as a safeguard, and assuring 
 him of the security of his life and honour.'-^ He was June 22. 
 perhaps sincere at the time, but things almost immedi- 
 ately took a turn which may have led him to forget his 
 promise. As early as the beginning of June the 
 governor of Patna had begun to tamper with the sepoys 
 there, and had induced as many as 200 to desert.^ This 
 was the most dangerous sort of hostility he could em- 
 [)loy, and, combined with the subsequent direction of 
 the nabob's detachments towards Patna and the state 
 of the negotiations at Monghir, afforded a full justiiica- 
 tion to Mr. Ellis for tlie attack on the city which he had 
 so long and so eagerly desired. 
 
 On the 24th he received intelligence of Mr. Amyatt's jmie 21. 
 dismission, and on the same night he surprised the ^'^' '^'^' 
 
 ^ Mr. Amyatt's transactions, and those which took place elsewhere 
 during his mission, arc from the twelfth section of Vansittart's Narrative 
 and the correspondence contained in it. 
 
 ^ Mr. Ellis's letters in Vansittart's Narrative, pp. 273-5.
 
 396 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 GHAF. city and carried it by escalade.'* The force consisting 
 
 '- of nearly 300 Europeans and 2,300 Sepoys,*^ oiiglit to 
 
 have been sufficient to keep the city in all circum- 
 stances, but they unfortunately dispersed to plunder, 
 and the reinforcement under Marcar arriving while they 
 were thus scattered, drove them out of the city in their 
 turn and forced them to take refuge in the factory. 
 That place was not tenable even if they had not been 
 weakened and dispirited by their recent defeat ; they 
 therefore embarked on boats and got as far as Chapra 
 (upwards of thirty miles west of Patna and not far 
 from Shuja-u-Doula's frontier), but their retreat was 
 retarded by some local officers until Marcar came up 
 with his battalions, when they surrendered at discre- 
 tion. Mr. Ellis and the other Europeans were sent to 
 the nabob at Monohir.^ Casim Ali was as much elated 
 
 o 
 
 with this success as if it had been decisive of the w^ar. 
 He wrote a letter full of taunts and insults to Mr. 
 Yansittart,'' and issued orders for the destruction of all 
 the Europeans throughout his dominions. It is uncer- 
 tain whether any more specific orders were sent for the 
 July 3 or murdcr of Mr. Amyatt, but his boat was stopped as he 
 was passing a body of troops who were encamped near 
 Murshidi'ibiid, and he was murdered by people belonging 
 to Taki Khan, tlie commander-in-chief of tlie nabob's 
 horse, who happened to l^c in the camp in person. It 
 is uncertain whether the murder was premeditated 
 or was the result of his resisting an attempt to make 
 him prisoner.^ Some of the scattered English were 
 killed, but most were kept prisoners by the local 
 
 * Vansittart's Narrative, iii. 390. 
 
 ^ Return in Vansittart's Narrative. 
 
 ^ Seir ul MutaJclierin, ii. 243 et seq. 
 
 "^ His letter, in Vansittart's Narrative, iii. 330. 
 
 ** Third Report, p. 357 ; Seir ul Mutaldierin, ii. 248.
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 397 
 
 officers and released on the victory of their country- chap. 
 
 Intelligence of the murder of Mr. Ainyatt, together 
 with a rumour of the breakino- out of hostilities at Patna, 
 reached the board on July 4. They had determined 
 as early as June 20, that in the event of a rupture Mir 
 Jafir should be replaced on the masnad ; and they now 
 concluded a treaty with him. Although the majority July 7, 
 treated the reinstatement of this prmce as a restoration 
 to his just rights/ they did not scruple to impose new 
 and severe terms upon him. All the concessions made 
 by Casim Ali were retained, the whole of the commer- 
 cial privileges claimed by the Company's servants were 
 insisted on, the force to be kept up by the nabob was 
 limited to 6,000 horse and 12,000 foot, and he was 
 to indemnify the Company and individuals for all the 
 damage occasioned to them by the usurper whom their 
 own Government had set up to supplant him.^ By a 
 separate agreement he was to grant a donation of 
 twenty-five lacs of rupees to the army, and some 
 gratification to the navy, which was not fixed at the 
 time.^ 
 
 The treaty was signed on July 7 ; Mir Jafir was 
 proclaimed on the same day ; and on the lltli he set 
 out to join the army, which had marched on June 26. 
 Mr. Vansittart and Mr. Hastings, though they declined 
 voting on the question of reappointing Mir Jafi.r, signed 
 the proclamation. 
 
 Casim All's force was reckoned by the English to 
 consist of 15,000 horse, ten or twelve battalions of 
 
 ^ Seir %d Mutakhenn, ii. 253. 
 
 ^ For the whole debate see tlie minutes in Yansittart's Narrative, iii. 
 279 et seq. and 321 et seq. 
 
 ' Treaties and Grrants, p. 113. 
 
 ' Yansittart's Letter to the Proprietors, p. 125.
 
 398 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, sepoys, seventeen guns well moinitetl, and 170 Euro- 
 ' peans. The strength of the army lay in the regular 
 infantry, most of Avhicli had l^een formed by Gregore, 
 nnd had Armenian commandants to the battalions ; 
 the rest was under Sombre or Soraroo, afterwards so 
 notorious in Indian history/ 
 
 Greo:ore was an Armenian of Isfahdn. His nation 
 are in general entirely given up to commerce, and 
 destitute of all turn for military affairs ; but Gregore 
 was a man of another stamp. With the aid of some 
 continental Europeans and some native deserters, he 
 brought his sepoys to a state of discipline that sur- 
 prised his English antagonists. He acquired a great 
 ascendancy over the nabob, and was the chief means of 
 encouraging him in all his disputes with the British 
 Government. A portion of the cavalry was also in a 
 liigh state of efficiency ; though irregular, it was well 
 organised, and commanded by Taki Khan, an officer 
 of courao'e and abilities. 
 
 The British took the field with 650 Europeans and 
 1,200 sepoys, and were joined after the taking of Mur- 
 shidabad by 100 Europeans and a battalion of sepoj^s 
 from 800 to 1,000 strong. The relation between their 
 power and the nabob's was the reverse of what it had 
 been. They had lost half their army at Patna, and 
 the result of that contest had dispelled the terror with 
 which they were previously invested ; they were ill 
 provided with carriage, and they marched at the height 
 
 ^ The real name of this adventurer is vmcertain, as is his country. 
 By one account he was a Frenchman, by another a German and a Pro- 
 testant ; a third reconciles the others by making him a native of Alsace. 
 He was originally a cari)enter, and afterwards a sergeant in the French 
 army. After his desertion of Cdsim Ali, he carried his disciplined bat- 
 talions from service to service, and after his own death they were held 
 togetlier by his widow, a Avoman of talent, and finally were received into 
 the pay of the British Government in 1803.
 
 KEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 399 
 
 of the rains, when in Bengal it is generally thought chap. 
 impossible to move at alh Adams's military talents " 
 
 seem to have been adequate to the emergency, and bnt 
 for the shortness of his career, his name mio-ht have 
 stood with those of Lawrence and Coote among the 
 founders of our Indian Empire. 
 
 Mir Jafir joined the army on the 17th ; it marched 
 on the next day, and on the 19tli engaged the enemy's 
 army under Taki Khan at a place opposite Catwa. The 
 battle w^as well contested, but was gained by the 
 English; Taki Khan was killed. The English marched 
 on, stormed an entrenchment erected for the defence 
 of Mnrshidabad, and took fifty guns. Mir Jafir made 
 his entry into his capital ; but in four days the army 
 marched again, and on August 2 they found the whole 
 of the nabob's force drawn up at Gheria, not far from 
 the main stream of the Gano;es. A severe action 
 ensued. Part of the British line was broken, and two 
 of their guns taken. His Majesty's 8Jth regiment was 
 attacked in front and rear at once, and it was not till 
 after a contest of four hours, that victory declared for 
 the British. It was then complete; all the enemy's 
 guns were taken, and 150 boats loaded with provisions. 
 After a halt of several days the army again marched 
 forward, and on August 11 reached the neighbourhood 
 of a brook called Udwa Nalla.^ At this place the 
 southern hills approach the Ganges ; the pass they 
 formed was defended by a fort, and was now entirely 
 closed up by entrenchments thrown up for the occa- 
 sion. July 19, 
 
 Here Casim Ali had determined to make his last 
 and desperate stand, lie had assembled all the troops 
 he could draw from every quarter, until, by the reports 
 
 * Oudanulla in the maps, and Outahiiulla in the Tliird Report.
 
 400 KI8E OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, that reached the Eno-lish tliey anionnted to GO.OOO men. 
 IX • • 
 
 ^^^ Up to this time he had remained in safety at his forti- 
 
 juiy 24. fied town of Monghir, but he now determined to advance 
 towards the scene of action, though he could not bring 
 
 July 28. himself to join the army. He had sent liis family to 
 tlie fort of Rotas, and before he left Monghir he put all 
 his own subjects whom he liad in confinement to death. 
 He saw his power escaping from him, and was deter- 
 mined not to be frustrated in his revenge. Ram Narain 
 and his rival Raj Balab, the Rai Raran, and several 
 other ministers, with some zemindars of consequence, 
 were murdered on this occasion. Bags of sand were 
 fastened I'ound tlieir necks and they were thrown into 
 the Ganges. For some reason, the Sets were passed 
 over at this time, but were afterwards put to death. 
 The Europeans were spared as giving a liold on their 
 Government, and were dragged along with the camp. 
 
 The lines at tJdwa Nail a were protected by a deep 
 wet ditcli fifty or sixty feet broad, extending from the 
 liills to the river, and were defended by upwards of 
 one hundred guns. In front of them was a morass, 
 impassable at all points except for a breadth of one 
 hundred yards close to the river. Of this space Adams 
 feigned to avail himself for his attack ; he began to 
 erect batteries, and though much pressed by the 
 enemy's cavalry, carried on his approaches for several 
 days, until the whole attention of the enemy was 
 drawn to that quarter. He then marched before day- 
 break, and turned the entrenchment by the foot of the 
 hills before the enemy had time to oppose him. They 
 nevertheless offered an obstinate resistance, and lost 
 many killed, besides 1 ,000 horse who were shut in by a 
 morass and taken prisoners. These were immediately 
 released. This was the last stand in the field. The
 
 liEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 401 
 
 nabob fled with precipitation to Mongliir, and after some chap. 
 days continued his retreat to Patna. Signs of ' 
 
 defection had appeared among his troops, and Gregore, 
 whom he always kept near his person, had been killed 
 in a mutiny. He wrote to Major Adams threatening scptem- 
 to put his prisoners to death if the army continued to 1763.' 
 advance, and not long after came a noble letter from 
 Mr. Ellis and Mr. Hay, requesting that no consideration 
 for them might impede the operations of the army. 
 Adams replied to the threat by the most solemn 
 appeals and denunciations of vengeance, but they 
 made no impression on Cdsim Ali, whose hatred and 
 cruelty were rendered fiercer by despair. Before he 
 left Patna, he ordered a massacre of all his prisoners. 
 Several native chiefs are said to have declined the duty,® 
 but it was accepted with alacrity by Somroo, and 
 carried into effect without mercy. After having every October o 
 means of defence removed (even to the knives and forks), -^■^- ^''^'^• 
 he went himself to the outer court of the prison and 
 sent for Mr. Ellis and a few of the principal persons ; 
 they were immediately cut to pieces, and their mangled 
 bodies were thrown into a well. The other prisoners, 
 about one hundred and fitty in number, were assembled 
 in an inner court, Avhere they were fired on and 
 bayonetted by Somroo's sepoys, and were destroyed to 
 a uian. Mr. Fullarton, the surgeon at Patna, who had 
 gained the friendship of many natives of rank, was 
 alone spared from the massacre. Casim Ali sent for 
 him and spoke of an acconunodation with the English, 
 but two or three days afterwards he put to death seven 
 more Europeans who were in a separate place of confine- 
 ment and had been forgotten.^ 
 
 6 Seir ul Mntakhcvin, ii. 282. 
 
 ^ Mr. Fullarton afterwaixls escaped and joined the ann3\ 
 
 1) I)
 
 402 insE OF BRITISH tower in india. 
 
 CHAP. Meanwhile the British army advanced to Mongliir, 
 
 which capitulated after a practicable breach had been 
 
 Beginning made. The army then marched on to Patna. The 
 ber, A.D. garrison made a gallant defence. On one occasion they 
 ^ ' ■ took possession of one of the batteries, and held out till 
 November thc placc was Carried by storm. 
 
 17G3. Cdsim All had retired towards the Caramnasa, which 
 
 forms the limits of his territory. Adams followed him 
 up, and on December 4 he crossed into the dominions 
 of Shuja-u-Doula. His flagitious character and the 
 atrocities with which he closed his career deprive him 
 December of the Sympathy which might otherwise have been 
 1763. ' excited by the tyranny and injustice of which he had 
 been the victim. 
 
 The hardships of this campaign were fatal to Major 
 Deoember Adauis. He left the army as soon as the service was 
 1763^" completed, and died before the expiration of a month. 
 Major Knox, who succeeded him, was likewise obliged 
 End of to retire from illness a few weeks later.^ 
 be^r^TiD. C^sim Ali did not enter Sliuja u-Doula's territory 
 
 until he had received assurances of safety and protec- 
 tion from that prince, accompanied by a Koran as the 
 most solemn pledge of fidelity to those engagements.^ 
 
 ** The whole of the operations of the war are from the evidence of 
 Major Grant, Third Report, p. 303, with additions from the Seir xd 
 Mutakherin. 
 
 ^ Seir ul Mutakherin, ii. 292. 
 
 [The author of the Seir ul Mutakherin, whio accompanied Mir Casim in 
 his flight to Benares, gives the following description of the allied forces 
 in their advance to attack the English. They had been recently joined 
 by the troops of Balvvant Sing, Raja of Benares. ' This addition, 
 great as it was, was hardly perceived in an army which proved so very 
 numerous that, as far as the eye could extend, it covered the country and 
 plains like an inundation, and moved like the billows of the sea. But 
 there was so little order and discipline among these troops, and so little 
 were the men accustomed to command, that, in the middle of the camp, 
 they fought against each other, killed and murdered each other, 
 plundered each other, and went out a plundering and marauding, without 
 
 176
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 40o 
 
 vShiija was at that time on his march towards Allahabad , chap. 
 accompanied by Shah Alam, his object being to put .^^__ 
 down some disturbances on the borders of Bundelcand. 
 Casim Ali followed and was received with great mag- 
 nificence, and a treaty was concluded by which Shuja 
 enofafi^ed to restore Casim to his masnad, and Casim to 
 pay a subsidy of 110,000/ a month during the time that 
 the army was employed. In furtherance of this design, 
 the two nabobs marched to Benares, where they were February, 
 within three or four marches of the British army on ^'^' ^'^^' 
 the Caramnasa. Shuja's wisest counsellors advised 
 him to avoid a general action, to cut off the supplies of 
 the English, to make incursions into the country in 
 their rear, and thus compel them to retreat to Patna if 
 not to Bengal. But Shuja himself was for an imme- 
 diate action. In the midst of their consultations they 
 received the unexpected intelligence that the British 
 army had retreated of itself.^ 
 
 Casim Ali had been tampering with the foreigners in 
 the British service, and before Major Knox left camp 
 three of them had attempted to desert. They were 
 overtaken and seized, but the change of commanders 
 and the want of authority to hold general courts-martial 
 prevented their being punished." Their impunity en- 
 couraged further offences ; two months of inaction gave 
 time for discussing grievances, and the donation pro- 
 
 tlio lea.st scrtiple or the least control. No one would inquire into these 
 matters, and these ungovernable men scrupled not to plunder to the 
 right and left with impunity, and even to strip and kill people of their 
 own army if they chanced to lag behind their main body, or to be found in 
 some lonely spot. They behaved exactly like a troop of highwaymen. 
 It was not an army, butaAvhole city in motion, and you could have fi)und 
 in it whatever could be found in Shahjehanaoad (Delhi) itself whilst 
 that city was the capital and the eye of all Hindustan,' ii. 30G.— Ed.] 
 
 ^ Seir ul Mntahhenn, ii. liOO :10!I. 
 
 "^ Major Grant's evidence, Third Report, p. 304.
 
 40-4 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, iiiiscd by the nabob, but not yet issued, was a groinid 
 ___!__ fur discontent to the other troops as well as to the 
 February foreigners. The result was that one day the whole of 
 iTw^ the luiropeans fell in with the utmost regularity, and 
 marched off with their arms and cannon towards Shnja- 
 u-i)oula's frontier. Captain Jennings, on whom the 
 temporary command devolved, followed the deserters 
 and endeavoured to persuade them to return. The nabob 
 was brought up, and promised to issue 10,000/. immedi- 
 ately, but neither threats nor promises had any great 
 effect until the mutineers reached the Caramnasa. They 
 were there prevailed on to halt and take a dram and a 
 biscuit ; and Captain Jennings and his officers made so 
 good a use of this delay that most of the English agreed 
 to return to their duty ; 300 Europeans, however, held 
 out and dashed across the river, where they were fol- 
 lowed by many sepoys belonging to a detachment pre- 
 viously stationed on the spot. Many of these returned 
 on that day and the next, and the total loss only 
 amounted to 150 European foreigners, mostly French, 
 and 100 sepoys. Three days later the sepoys mutinied 
 in consequence of the very unequal share of the 10.000/ 
 Avhicli had been allotted to them. The Europeans were 
 by this time thoroughly ashamed of their former conduct; 
 they got luider arms of their own accord, and were with 
 difficulty restrained from attacking the mutineers. All 
 was settled by a further issue of money. Captain Jen- 
 nings judiciously employed the troops in marches within 
 the frontier (there being still peace with Shuja-u-Doiila), 
 February and lie was soon able to report the restoration of order 
 mi.^ '"ii^d contentment, notwithstanding the high price of 
 provisions, which began to be felt in camp.^ 
 
 •"' Captain Jennings's despatches, Appendix to Third Report, pp. -304- 
 OGO.
 
 DEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 405 
 
 Tliin2:s were in this state when Mai or Carnac took chap. 
 
 ° . . IX. 
 the command. He had been appointed to succeed 
 
 Major Adams, and now arrived from Calcutta. He March 7 
 reported to the Government that he had reason to 17^4' 
 think the nnitinous spirit of the troops not extin- 
 guished, and that further demands wouhl be made 
 for the donation. Soon after he received intelligence 
 of the advance of Shujd-u-Doula, and marched to tlie 
 frontier to oppose him. On this occasion he made a 
 further issue of money, and, some of the sepoys showing 
 discontent, he punished two or three as an example, and 
 dismissed them from the service. 
 
 At a subsequent period (March 26) a native officer 
 was discovered attempting to induce his company to 
 desert and was blown from a gmi, which was the last 
 symptom of mutmy durmg Major Camac's com- 
 mand.^ 
 
 Shuja's intentions being no longer doubtful, Major March is, 
 Carnac was anxious to advance and meet him within 
 his own territory, where Balwant Sing, Raja of Benares, 
 had promised to come over to his side. But being 
 threatened with a failure of liis provisions, he deter- March 22, 
 mined to meet the enemy on the Ganges, then to receive 
 him at Baxar, and at length fell back on Patna, April ;), 
 where he finally took his stand.^ Shuja-u-Doula, who 
 seems to have entertained no doubt of an easy victory, 
 crossed the Ganges and pursued his march to Patna, 
 spreading the most destructive ravages throughout the 
 country as he passed.*"' He found the British drawn up 
 under the walls and immediately attacked them. Tlie May 3, 
 battle began with a cannonade, after which Shujji made a 
 
 •^ IMajor Camac's letter, Appendix to Third Report, pp. 3G6 3C8. 
 
 = Ibid., pp. 3G7 3G9. 
 
 ^ Seir ul Mutakherin, ii. 309. 
 
 A.I). 17(51.
 
 1()() EISE OF BUITISII POWEli IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, vigorous attack with Ciisini All's regular troops (now 
 __1__ under Somroo) and his own cavalry. When this was 
 repulsed he turned his attention to attempts on the rear. 
 The contest lasted from noon till evening, when Shuja 
 drew off his o;uns and retreated. His loss was thouo;ht 
 to be immense ; that of the English was inconsiderable. 
 The troops behaved admirably, but were kept strictly on 
 the defensive. 
 
 A few days after the action, Shuju-u-Doula withdrew 
 to a distance of four or five miles from the town, but 
 continued in the neighbourhood for about three weeks. 
 During this time Major Carnac remained in his position, 
 from which the most pressing letters of the Government 
 could not induce him to move. Shuja-u-Doula kept up 
 the impression of his being on the point of another 
 attack, but in reality was engaged in attempts to de- 
 bauch the troops and to gain admission into the city by 
 corrupting the nabob's officers. The failure of those 
 attempts and the advanced state of the season at length 
 May 23, iuduced him to retreat. He retired to the Son, about 
 ((, . ^j^jj.j^y miles from Patna, where he remained for about a 
 fortniofht. When the Government of Calcutta heard of 
 his leisurely retreat they became more urgent than ever 
 for the advance of Major Carnac. They had begun 
 whWe the army was still on the frontier by earnest but 
 respectful suggestions ; these were changed during the 
 nabob's halt at Patna into peremptory orders to fight 
 without delay ; and they rose before the end of the 
 campaign to sharp reproaches and repeated directions to 
 submit the question of an immediate attack to the judg- 
 ment of a council of war. Major Carnac defended his 
 delays on the ground of the opinion of his officers, of 
 the failure of supplies, of the mutinous disposition of 
 his troops, of the difficulty of ascertaining Shuja's posi-
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL, 40 7 
 
 tion, and tbe (lansfer of his o-ettino; into the rear and chap. 
 taking Patna or carrying off the nabob. All these 
 
 arguments, except the first (which they wished to have 
 clearly ascertained by a regular council of war), appeared 
 to the Government to have exactl}^ the opposite ten- 
 dency from that ascribed to them by Carnac, and to 
 point out the necessity of bringing things to a speedy 
 decision. Their opinion did not induce Major Carnac 
 to move his main body, but he sent a detachment imder 
 Major Champion to get into Shuja's rear and invade his 
 country. 
 
 The progress of this detachment, which before long june 5, 
 crossed the river Gogra or Sarju, induced Shuja to fall ^'^' ' ' 
 back on Baxar, a town near his own frontier, though 
 still within Mir Jafir's territory. Here he took up liis 
 cantonments for the rainy season, leaving Champion at 
 liberty to pursue his operations beyond lhe Ganges. 
 This success did not satisfy the Government, which kept 
 up a constant pressure on Major Carnac to advance, re- 
 quiring him to explain how it could be safe for a small 
 detachment to act in the enemy's country, and unsafe 
 for him. But Major Carnac had now good reasons for 
 his inactivity : his troops having suffered too much 
 during their last campaign in the rains to undertake 
 another in that season, his decision not to move had 
 the decided concurrence of Major Champion and all the 
 other principal officers to whom, in compliance with the 
 orders of the Government, he submitted the question. 
 Soon after Shuja's retreat, he applied for leave to come 
 to Calcutta, that he might prejDare for going to England, 
 to which the Government readily assented.'' 
 
 " The whole of the proceedings in the war with Shujd-u-Doula are 
 from the correspondence in Appendix G7 to the Third Report, pp. 3G3- 
 383. A few particulars are from the Scir id Mutakherin.
 
 408 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. ^t i\^Q same time with the military operations some 
 
 political transactions were likewise going on. After 
 
 the breaking out of war with Cdsim Ali, and the cala- 
 niities which attended it, a great change took place in 
 the spirit of the conncil ; three new members came in to 
 replace those cut off, several of the old opposition were 
 gone back to their stations, and those who remained 
 gave their zealous assistance to promote the public 
 business. The time having arrived which Mr. Van- 
 sittart had fixed for returning to Europe, the seven 
 members present (including Major Carnac and three 
 others of the old opposition) unanimously requested 
 him to remain till the country was completely settled ; 
 and to this spirit is to be ascribed their consistency and 
 firmness during the subsequent transactions.^ 
 
 Before Casim Ali had crossed the Caramn^sa, Shujd- 
 u-Doula made offers of his friendship to Major Adams^ 
 and proposed that the British should guarantee the 
 payment of the revenues of Bengal to the King, in 
 return for a patent conferring that province on Mir 
 Jafir. The British Government rejected this proposal, 
 but the nabob gave in to it, signed an agreement to 
 pay 280,000^. a year, and took measures for remitting 
 half the money immediately. The Government put a 
 stop to this proceeding, pointing out to the nabob that 
 such an expense was useless in any circumstances, and 
 at present pernicious, as supplying Shuja with funds to 
 employ against the nabob himself. On this Shuja laid 
 aside his pacific views, if they ever were sincere, made 
 his treaty with Cdsim Ali, and marched to invade 
 ]^>ehar.° 
 
 ^ Letter in Vansittart's Narrative, iii. 421. 
 
 ^ Appendix 67 to the Third Report, pp. 363 and 365. Seir ul Mutak- 
 hcrln, ii. 300-304.
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 409 
 
 Mir Jafir's anxiety to propitiate Shuja and to pro- chap. 
 cure an appointment from Shah Alam might in part be _ ' ' _ 
 owing to timidity, but in a greater degree to a wisli to 
 strengthen himself in the event of any future dispute 
 with the English. It was attributed by the Govern- 
 ment of Calcutta to the influence of Nandcomar, of 
 whose intriguing and unprincipled character they had 
 lonoj entertained srreat distrust. At the time of IMir 
 Jafir's restoration, this man was in confinement on 
 account of some correspondence with the French, but 
 the nabob made it a condition of his accepting the 
 government that he should be allowed to employ 
 him in his service. The majority of the council, 
 though with great reluctance, thought it necessaiy to 
 yield this point, and Nandcomar was now the nabob's 
 prime minister. 
 
 The Government's suspicions of Nandcomar were 
 increased after the breaking out of the war with Shuja. 
 To him they ascribed the sudden emptiness of the 
 nabob's treasury when the year's revenue had just been 
 collected, the failure to provide grain for the army in 
 an unusually abundant season, and the nabob's delay in 
 returning to Calcutta where his presence was much 
 required. The same opinions had occurred to Major 
 Carnac, who had further reason to suspect a correspon- 
 dence with the enemy, and he anticipated the wishes of 
 the Government by earnest ap})lications to the nabob 
 to remove the suspected minister. They were, however, 
 entirely unavailing, and Carnac judiciously withheld a 
 direct demand of the same nature from the Governor 
 himself, which it was obvious could have no good 
 effect.^ 
 
 ' Vansittart's Narratire and the Minutes of the Cinmril, iii. 347-355 ; 
 Ai)peiulix 07 to tlie Third Report, pp. 367- 370.
 
 410 IlISE OF B1UTI8II rOWEU IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. XliG iieii'otiations broken off as above mentioned 
 
 ^_11_ were renewed after Shuja's retreat. At the time of his 
 invasion, he had written a letter to the English Govern- 
 ment in the highest strain of Oriental arrogance, com- 
 manding them, on pain of the severest punishment, to 
 send back their troops to Europe, and to return to their 
 usual obedience to the Emperor. After his repulse at 
 May 12, Patna, he addressed a letter to Mir Jatir in which he 
 proposed that Jaiir should hold his provinces as deputy 
 for his (Shuja's) son, on whom the Emperor had con- 
 ferred them ; the English also, if faithful and obedient, 
 were to be allowed to retain their districts. 
 
 To this insulting proposal the nabob sent a sub- 
 missive answer, saying that he had consulted Major 
 Carnac, and that the English objected to any arrange- 
 ment unless Shujd would either deliver up Casim Ali 
 and Somroo, or imprison them himself; that if this 
 were done he would himself be ready to give every sign 
 of his obedience and attachment, and the English would 
 show equal devotion. 
 
 The first account of these negotiations received by 
 the Government was an indistinct one through a 
 private channel. As soon as it reached them, they 
 wrote to Major Carnac to forbid all negotiations ; they 
 said the only terms they could accept were the sur- 
 render of Cdsim Ali and Somroo ; and that these could 
 not be hoped for but through military operations, which 
 they desired might not be delaj^ed for a single hour. 
 They disapproved of the nabob's solicitude to obtain a 
 commission from Shdh Alam, and positively forbade his 
 carrying on any negotiations without Major Carnac's 
 concurrence so long as the war continued. 
 
 The correspondence was afterwards transmitted to 
 the Governor by the nabob, as were some letters in
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 411 
 
 which it was kept up. These last mentioned were from chap. 
 
 two of Shujd's ministers, who professed to intercede U 
 
 with their master in the nabob's favour. They related 
 his extreme displeasure at the proposal for surrender- 
 ing his guests, but represented him as somewhat paci- 
 fied by their entreaties, and at last induced to declare 
 that if the province of Behar were ceded to him, he 
 would take the demands of the English mto considera- 
 tion, otherwise they must be totally rooted out and 
 destroyed. The cession of Beluir was too much even 
 for the nabob, who rejected the proposal with many 
 complaints of its unreasonableness. 
 
 On the arrival of these letters the Grovernment ex- 
 pressed its surprise at having received no information 
 respecting them from Major Carnac, and appointed Mr. 
 Batson Resident with the nabob, directing Major 
 Carnac to proceed in conjunction with him. 
 
 Major Carnac explained his silence regarding the 
 negotiations by saying that he had given himself no 
 trouble about them, as they were carried on through an 
 irregular channel. He defended the nabob's attempts 
 to procure a commission from the Emperor, and, as he 
 had before retracted his bad opinion of Nandcom 'r, he 
 was now at variance with the Government on all 
 subjects.'*^ 
 
 The negotiations above described took place during 
 Shujas halt at Patna. After his retreat he found it 
 necessary to lower his tone, and (to save his own 
 dignity) he made use of the Emperor as a channel for 
 his overtures. It was now proposed to imprison and 
 punish Cdsim Ali, but it was doubtful whether Behar 
 was not required as tlie price of this concession.^ 
 
 - Appendix 07 to the Third Report, pp. 373-378. 
 
 ^ Mr. Batson's letter of June 10, Third Report p. 379.
 
 412 insE OF BRITISH rowEii ix india. 
 
 IX. 
 
 CHAP. Major Carnac replied that notliing would satisfy tlie 
 English but the actual surrender of Casim Ali and 
 Somroo. The negotiation, however, went on until the 
 ]>ritish Government repeated tliat they Avould not treat 
 unless Casim Ali and Somroo were first delivered up, 
 and that even then they would not agree to any cession 
 or payment, nor to any sacrifice beyond desisting from 
 their invasion of Shuja's territories. They also di- 
 rected that Shujd should be apprised that the bearer 
 of any overtures from his camp made without the sur- 
 render of the two delinquents would be treated as a 
 spy.* By this time ^Ir. Batson had arrived in camp. 
 Though formerly one of the most violent in opposition, 
 he now concurred in the views of Government, and 
 thenceforward there were no further negotiations on the 
 part of the English, though a correspondence with the 
 enemy was still kept up by the nabob.'' 
 
 In the first of Shuja's overtures (May 12) he dis- 
 claimed all connection with Casim Ali. It is probable 
 he never intended to do more than use him as the 
 means of acquiring the whole or a part of the 
 Bengal provinces for himself. After his retreat, he 
 took measures for getting rid of the engagements he 
 had formerly entered into. He called on Casim Ali to 
 pay up the promised subsidy, and on Casim's de- 
 claring his inability, unless he were allowed to go and 
 levy contributions on his former territory, he announced 
 that the Emperor intended to insist on the immediate 
 payment of the arrears of the revenue due to him, and 
 that he should not interfere to prevent his Majesty's 
 enforcing the demand. Casim Ali, who perfectly un- 
 derstood the real meaning of this message, abandoned 
 
 "» Appendix to Third Report, pp. 379-380. 
 
 ^ Mr. Batson's letter of June 14, Third Report.
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 413 
 
 his tents and property and assumed the dress of a fakir, chap. 
 
 To remove this piibUc scandal, Shnja desisted from his 
 
 importunities, and went himself to persuade Casim Ali 
 to return to his natural character. But he only 
 changed his mode of attack, for a few days after 
 Somroo marched with his battalions and surrounded 
 Casim All's tent, demanding his arrears of pay. Casim 
 Ali produced the money from a concealed hoard, but 
 declared himself unable to retain so large a body, and 
 desired Somroo to restore the guns and muskets of 
 the battalions, which were his property ; but Somroo 
 (probably on some pretext of unsatisfied claims) refused 
 to give them up and carried them over to Shuja-u- 
 Doula with whom he had already taken service. 
 Whether the disclosure of concealed resources seemed 
 to Shuja to afi*ord a pretext for renewing his exactions 
 from Cfisim Ali, or from whatever other motive, he 
 now threw off the mask of moderation, placed Casim 
 Ali in confinement, and seized on all his property.*" 
 
 This was the state of things when Major Munro End of 
 arrived in the English camp. He had been on the 1764.' 
 point of embarking for Europe from Bombay, when 
 repeated expresses arrived from Bengal requesting him 
 to come and take the command of the troops of that 
 Presidency. On reaching Calcutta he was immediately 
 ordered up to Patna, and arrived there some time in 
 the month of Jidy. He was accompanied by some 
 reinforcements, native and European, which he had 
 brought from Bombay. The army, no longer occupied 
 by the presence of an enemy, had again shown a mu- 
 tinous disposition. Immediately after Munro's arrival 
 a battalion of sepoys marched off from Cluipra to join 
 the enemy. Munro had arrived at that station tlie day 
 
 ® JScir III Mutakherin, ii, 320 336,
 
 ■114 KISK OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, before, with a detachment of Europeans. He sent them 
 
 IX. 
 
 with a battalion of sepoys who could be depended on 
 to pursue the fugitives. They surprised them in the 
 night and brought them back to Chapra, where Munro 
 had the troops drawn up to receive them. He directed 
 the officers of the battalion to pick out twenty-four of 
 the most active ringleaders, tried them by a drumhead 
 court-martial of native officers, and ordered them to be 
 immediately blown away from guns. While four of the 
 men were fastening to the guns, four others represented 
 that they were grenadiers and entitled to the lead, and 
 claimed their privilege on this occasion. Their demand 
 was acceded to, for pardon was impossible, after which 
 the officers of all the battalions of sepoys reported that 
 their men would not suffer any more executions. If 
 Munro had before thought of sparing any of the 
 prisoners, it was now out of the question. He drew up 
 the Europeans in front of the sepoys, loaded his guns 
 with grape, and ordered the sepoys to ground their 
 arms on pain of being treated as enemies. They 
 grounded their arms, and the remaining prisoners were 
 executed to the last man. 
 
 Munro now prepared for movement, allowing the 
 violence of the rains to pass, but before the end of the 
 bef\T season he was in motion to engage the enemy. After 
 A.D. i76t. some slight opposition at the Son he advanced to Baxar, 
 where he found Shuja-u-Doula entrenched, with his left 
 on the Ganges. While he was considering how to turn 
 these lines, to his surprise he saw the enemy march out 
 to attack him. The English had about 7,000 regular 
 troops, of whom 840 were Europeans and 900 irregular 
 horse. Shuja's army was not less than 40,000, includ- 
 ino^ Somroo's re<julars and 300 or 400 French, and it 
 was well supplied with ordnance. The battle lasted
 
 EE VOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 415 
 
 from nine till noon, when the enemy drew off in good chap. 
 order, breaking the bridge over a miry rivulet in their ^_LL_ 
 rear. They left 2,000 men killed and wounded on the 
 field, and lost an equal number in the rivulet during 
 their retreat. The British lost 847 killed and wounded. 
 Major Munro had not surgeons enough to attend to his 
 own men, but he daily visited every one of the enemy's 
 wounded, and gave rice and water to such as would 
 take it, which was all he could do for them. After 
 burying the dead and arranging the hospitals, Munro 
 marched on towards Benares. 
 
 On the morning after the battle he received a letter 
 from Shah Alam, stating that he had now separated 
 from Shujci-u-Doula, by whom he had been detained 
 as a state prisoner, and begging to be taken under the 
 protection of the British Government. Munro answered 
 that he could take no measures regarding him without 
 orders from Calcutta, but Shah Alam, continuino- in 
 repeated letters to beg that he might be allowed to 
 join the camp, Munro at last consented, on condition 
 that the permission was not to be regarded as implying 
 any promise of protection, and Shah Alam encamped 
 close to the British lines. At his first interview he 
 complained of the many grievances and hardships he 
 had endured from Shuja-u-Doula, and offered to bestow 
 that prince's territory, or anything else they might desire, 
 on the English as the price of their support ; but before 
 long instructions arrived from Calcutta, and the Govern- 
 ment promised its protection without imposing any 
 conditions. At Benares Major Munro had an interview 
 with Beni Bahadur, Shuja's minister, who was sent to 
 him to sue for peace. He oftered on his master's part 
 to make great pecuniary payments to the Company, and 
 to give 80,000/ to Munro himself, but, with a mixture
 
 IX. 
 
 416 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, of honour and depravity not unusual in the East, he 
 positively refused to give up Casim All and Somroo; 
 and yet on finding Munro inflexible, proposed that 
 Casim Ali should be allowed to fly, and that if the 
 major would send some officers to his camp, Somroo 
 should be invited to an entertainment and put to death 
 in their presence. These off*ers being instantly rejected, 
 the treaty was broken off". At the same time Munro, 
 looking on the difficulties of the war as at an end, applied 
 to be relieved, that he might be in time for the last 
 ships sailing for Europe; and Major, now Brigadier- 
 General, Carnac was sent from Calcutta to succeed him. 
 Before his departure Munro was associated with some 
 civil servants in negotiating a treaty with Shc4h Alam, 
 on the conclusion of which he left the camp without any 
 further military operation." It had been his design to 
 remain inactive, in the hope that Shuja's army would 
 disperse from want of funds, but this plan, so inconsistent 
 with the energy just shown by its author, was set aside 
 by Sir R. Fletcher, on whom the temporary command de- 
 volved. It is not certain whether an unsuccessful attack 
 on the hill fort of Chunar, near Benares, was made by 
 IMunro or Fletcher, but it was the second of those officers 
 who advanced into Shuja's country, breached and took 
 the great fortress of Allahabad, while Shuja fled, with 
 such adherents as he could still keep together, to 
 Bareilly, and threw himself on the protection of the 
 Ivohillas. against whom he had formerly carried on so 
 unrelenting a persecution. He was hospitably received, 
 but could have entertained little hopes of assistance from 
 the Ivohillas, as he had recourse to the same Marattas 
 who had been the instruments of his vengeance against 
 
 " JNIajor Munro's operations arc from his evidence, First Report, pp. 
 167, 108.
 
 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 417 
 
 that people.^ Before he was joined by these new allies, chap. 
 he lost the services of Somroo, who marched off with " 
 
 his disciplined sepoys and 300 Europeans to enter into 
 the service of the Jats at Ao-m. 
 
 Shiij a joined the Marattas under Malhar Rc4o Holcar 
 at Cora, and Brigadier- General Carnac, who had taken 
 the command of the English army, marched towards 
 that place to attack him. He had encamped within a 
 few miles of the enemy when he perceived large bodies 
 of horse hovering round him. These were the Marattas 
 under Malhar Eao, who were probably looking out, 
 after their manner, for some opportunity of gaining an 
 advantage. One party approached so near, under cover 
 of a hollow way, as to kill some of the irregular horse, May 3, 
 but they retired on a detachment being sent towards 
 them, and the rest drew off without attempting to come to 
 action, and soon after retired across the Jumna. They 
 afterwards made an attempt to recross, but were met May 22. 
 by Carnac, who crossed the river to attack them, and ^'^' ' ^' 
 speedily forced them to retire. 
 
 Shuja had taken no part in these skirmishes, and 
 had separated from the Marattas at Cora, and being at 
 length convinced of the hopelessness of all further re- 
 sistance, resolved to throw himself on the clemency of 
 the British Government, and came with a few attendants 
 to General Carnac, who received him with every mark 
 of courtesy and respect.^ May 27, 
 
 In the meantime many changes had taken place in 
 Bengal. 
 
 ^ 8eir vl Miduliherin. Elliott's Life of Hofiz Ilahmat Khan, p. 80. 
 
 ^ Report from Brigadier-General Carnac to the President and Council, 
 dated May 3, 1705, Appendices to the Third Rcpoit, p. 408, also pp. 410- 
 420. Keir ul Mnluhhcriv, ii. 358 370. 
 
 E K 
 
 AD. 1765.
 
 418 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Arrangements with Mir Jafir — His death, and accession of Najum-u- 
 Doula — New terms imposed on the Nabob — Presents to members of the 
 Council — Complaints of the Nabob — Lord Clive's reception in England 
 — Enters Parliament —Factions in the India House — Influence of 
 the King's Government in the affairs of the Company — Sullivan's 
 rupture with Clive — Dispute about Clive's Jagi'r — Alarm in England 
 caused by the revolutions in Bengal — Clive is requested to return to 
 India — His arrival — State of the Government and of the army- — Oppres- 
 sion of the people — Clive's powers disputed — His victory over the 
 Council — Investigations about presents and abuses — Civil servants 
 reduced to obedience — Changes in the government of Murshidabad — 
 Clive proceeds to Benares — Restoration of Shuja-u-Doula in Oude — 
 Treaty with Shah Alam and grant of the Diwani — Remarks on this 
 transaction. 
 
 CHAP The settlement of the pecuniary arrangements with Mir 
 ' Jafir owing to the treaty being suspended during the 
 
 nabob's absence with the army, the Government of 
 Calcutta had for some time pressed his return to his 
 capital. 
 
 About July or August 1764 he set out on that 
 journey, and soon after went to Calcutta for the sake of 
 immediate intercourse with the British Government. 
 The terms imposed on him by the treaty were severe, 
 yet fresh demands were added which were not yielded 
 without bitter complaints upon his part. 
 
 It had been settled that all the expenses of the 
 liritish troops were to be defrayed from his territorial 
 cessions ; but on the ground of the inefficient support 
 given by his own troops in the late military operations, 
 lie was required to pay five lacs of rupees (50,000/.) a
 
 olive's reforms — GRANT OF THE Dl'WANI. 419 
 
 montli, as long as the war Avitli Shuja-u-Doula should crap. 
 
 continue. Though this exaction was unjustifiable, it '. — 
 
 gave less disgust than two others which were more 
 palpably extortionate. One was the donation promised 
 in general terms to the navy, which was now fixed at 
 twelve lacs and a half of rupees, although it was im- 
 possible to convince the nabob that the body to whom 
 it was granted had taken any part in his restoration ; 
 the other was the excess in the amount of private losses 
 during the disputes with Casim Ali, which he had been 
 told would not exceed ten lacs, but which amounted 
 to fifty- three lacs.^ 
 
 Considering the circumstances in which these losses 
 were incurred, a demand for compensation froni Casim 
 Ali himself would have been unjust, but to throw the 
 responsibility of his actions on his rival whom the 
 Ensflish themselves had dethroned to make room for 
 him, was so repugnant to reason as to be insulting no 
 less than oppressive. 
 
 These transactions being completed, and the re- 
 quisite payments put in train, Mir Jdfir returned to 
 Murshidabdd, at which city he expired in the beginning 
 of February 1765, at the age of seventy-one. 
 
 Mr. Vansittart had sailed for England before the 
 death of Mir Jafir, and the measures consequent on that 
 event were left to Mr. Spencer, a Bombay civil servant, 
 who had been appointed to succeed him. 
 
 Miran, the eldest son of Mir Jafir, had left a son, an 
 infant, but by the rules of Mahometan law, as inter- 
 preted by the sect established in India, living sons 
 stand nearer in succession than the representatives of 
 
 ' Third Report p. 304, S:c. ; Letter from the Select Committee to the 
 Court of Directors ; Verelst, Appendix, p. 14 ; Third Report, p. 30G ; 
 Observations on Vansittarfs Narrative (Scrafton), p. G8. 
 
 E E 2
 
 420 lilSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAr. tlieir elder brothers deceased. The second of Mir Jdfir's 
 
 . sons was called Najum-ii-Doiila ; he was said to be 
 
 illegitimate, but he had been associated in the govern- 
 ment by his father for some months before his death, 
 and he remained in quiet possession when that event 
 took place. The Government of Calcutta acted right 
 in determining to acknowledge him as nabob, but as 
 the treaty with Mir Jafir did not extend to his heirs, 
 they resolved to withhold their formal recognition until 
 the conclusion of a new ao-reement.''^ 
 
 For the purpose of settling the terms, a deputa- 
 tion was sent to Murshiddbad. Two of the deputies 
 Avere members of the council, one of whom, Mr. John- 
 stone, was at the head of the commission, and they 
 were furnished with a treaty which the nabob was to 
 sign.*^ 
 
 This treaty confirmed the preceding one with Mir 
 Jafir as far as it went, but introduced new clauses 
 which enth'ely changed the relation between the two 
 governments. 
 
 By the first of these the nabob engaged to appoint 
 a naib or deputy for the management of all affairs 
 under him ; to be guided in the selection or removal of 
 that functionary by the advice of the Governor in 
 Council ; and in the first instance to appoint ]\Iohammed 
 Rezza Khdn, an officer who was favourably known to 
 the English in his situation of governor of Dacca. 
 
 By another article the nabob bound himself to make 
 the election and removal of all the principal officers in 
 the revenue departinent subject to the approbation of 
 the Governor in Council. 
 
 He further engaged to continue the payment of 
 the five lacs promised by his father as long as the 
 
 2 Tlxird Report, pp. 305 307. ^ Third Report, Appendix, p. 381.
 
 CLIVE's REFORxMS GIJANT OF THE DIWANI. 421 
 
 necessity for keeping tlie Company's army at so high chap. 
 
 an estabhshnient sliould continue, and he consented to ___H 
 
 maintain no troops himself, except for purposes of state 
 and for the collection of the revenue. 
 
 By an express article he confirmed to the English 
 their exemption from duties in all parts of the country.'' 
 
 The proposal of these terms was very ill received 
 by Najum-u-Doula. He saw the essential part of his 
 government transferred to a person nominated by the 
 Company, and he at first apprehended that the title 
 would not long remain behind. After a fruitless resist- 
 ance to this article, he strongly objected to the person 
 selected for filling the new office, and insisted on the 
 appointment of Nandcomar, in whom alone he said he 
 had confidence. 
 
 On this point also he was overruled, and the treaty, 
 which was brought from Calcutta ready signed by the 
 council, received his signature on the very day of the 
 arrival of the commissioners. 
 
 Not long after, Kandcomar was sent a prisoner to 
 Calcutta, in consequence of the discovery of proofs of 
 his correspondence with Shujii-u-Doula during the war 
 in Behdr.^ 
 
 It was impossible for any settlement to have been 
 less acceptable to the nabob, or for any commissioners 
 to have more rigidly enforced the orders of their own 
 government. Yet no sooner was the treaty concluded 
 than presents were bestowed on all concerned Avith the 
 same liberality which had marked the gratitude of Mir 
 Jiifir and Cdsim Ali, on their elevation to real power 
 and importance. 
 
 ' Treaties and Grants, p. 125. 
 
 ■' Evidence before the Coiniuittee of the House of Commons, Third 
 Report, p. 305 et seq.
 
 422 RISE OF BRITISH POAVER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, Mr, Johnstone received two lacs and 37,000 rupees 
 
 _^_1__ (about 30,000/.), and his brother, a gentleman not in the 
 Company's service, 60,000 rupees. The other commis- 
 sioners received one lac and 12,000 rupees each. All 
 this was in ready money. 
 
 Two lacs of rupees were afterwards promised to 
 the Governor and one lac to each of the three coun- 
 cillors not on the commission, but only half of those 
 sums were ever paid. 
 
 Mohammed Rezza also made presents to the com- 
 missioners on his OAvn part — one lac and 50,000 
 rupees to Mr. Johnstone, a lac to each of the other 
 three commissioners, and 25,000 rupees to Mr. John- 
 stone's brother. These sums were given in bills, and 
 owing to circumstances arismg from the sudden change 
 in the Government of Calcutta, were never realised. 
 
 Smaller sums were also paid by the Sets to the 
 commissioners ^ and to Mr. Johnstone's brother. 
 
 The offence of receiving presents had in this instance 
 some peculiar aggravations. Mr. Johnstone, by whom 
 the whole was conducted, had been a bitter opponent of 
 Mr. Vansittart, and selected as his particular point of 
 attack the acceptance of a pecuniary gratification by 
 that gentleman from Casim Ali. Positive orders from 
 the Court of Directors against receiving presents had 
 been received at Calcutta (on January 24, 1765), about 
 a month before the appointment of the commission, but 
 were not placed on the records of the council, though 
 they seem to have been communicated to the members.^ 
 
 After the arrival of Lord Clive, Najum-u-Doula 
 
 " Resolution of the Select Committee in Bengal, quoted in the Third 
 Report, pp. 315, 316 ; likewise in Appendices to that Report the evidence 
 before the Committee beginning, p. 307 ; and Mr. Johnstone's Letter to the 
 Proprietors, from p. 12. 
 
 ' Third Report, pp. 315, 432 ; Mr. Johnstone's Letter to the Proprietors.
 
 CLIVE's reforms GRANT OF THE DIWANI. 423 
 
 addressed a letter to the new Government^ complaining c^p. 
 
 of the usage he had received from Mr. Johnstone and _ 
 
 the commission, and stating that a large sum of public 
 money had been expended by Mohammed Rezza for the 
 attainment of his own objects. This led to an inquiry 
 in the course of which Mohammed Rezza, the chief Set, 
 and one Muti Ram, an officer of the nabob's who had 
 been employed as a channel of communication about 
 the presents, were examined. 
 
 By their account it appeared that none of the pay- 
 ments were voluntary, and that they had been yielded 
 after much altercation to the demands of Mr. Johnstone, 
 who had at first required much larger sums. Mr. John- 
 stone positively denied the truth of these allegations, 
 and the other commissioners disclaimed all knowledge 
 of them.^ 
 
 Admitting the native evidence to be undeserving of 
 credit, it is obvious that the nabob, who had received 
 no favour from the commissioners, could only have 
 made them presents to avert further injuries, and that 
 the receivers could never have imagined that such contri- 
 butions were the result of his free will. 
 
 The history of these presents in Bengal shows the 
 progress of abuse when once admitted. Mir Jafir, 
 placed on the masnad by the result of a successful war, 
 gave a share of the spoil to the agents of the power to 
 which he owed his elevation ; Casim Ali rewarded the 
 zeal of those who effected a revolution in his favour, 
 though the service was attended with neither difficulty 
 nor danger ; Najum-u-Doula reluctantly gave way to 
 the importunities of men who had just deprived him of 
 his inheritance. 
 
 « Dated from June 1, 1705, Third Report, p. 400. 
 ° Third Ivcport, where above referred to.
 
 424 KISE OF BRITISH TOWKU IX IXDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Xlie uomiiuil o'overnment of Najum-u-Doala had 
 
 . ' hardly been established whea Lord Clive arrived in 
 
 Calcutta. 
 
 This distinguished soldier had been received in 
 England with the admiration due to the splendour of 
 nis success. A severe and painful illness, ac^companied 
 by tits of gloom and dejection, to which he had been 
 subject in India also, entirely disqualified him for 
 attention to business and deprived him of the power of 
 profiting by the first impression in his fiivour. When 
 his health was restored he showed, in the new scene 
 on which he had entered, the same ambition which had 
 urged him on in his previous career. He bought 
 boroughs for his own disposal, stimulated and assisted 
 his Indian friends in other elections, and took all 
 means to obtain weight and influence in the House of 
 Commons. Mr. Piit (Lord Chatham) had welcomed 
 the intellificence of his victories in Beno-al in one of 
 those bursts of eloquence and enthusiasm which none 
 but himself could attain. Lord Clive had improved the 
 connection by a private letter to him containing a pro- 
 posal for bringing India directly under the King's 
 G-uvernment, but soon after Clive became capable of 
 taking part in business, Mr. Pitt retired fi'om the 
 Government (October ]761), and Clive for a time voted 
 with the opposition. He ultimately attached himself 
 to Mr. Grenville, and retained the connection until the 
 death of that minister. 
 
 Although one of his principal objects in leaving 
 India was to acquire the means of introducing his own 
 plans into that country, yet his fear of provoking an 
 attack on his title to his Jao'ir made him cautious in 
 interfering with the affairs of the Company, or doing 
 anything that might excite the jealousy of its leaders.
 
 olive's reforms GRANT OF THE DIWANI. 425 
 
 Bat when lie found his moderation did not prevent chap. 
 
 X 
 
 secret hostility on their part, he entered with vehemence " 
 
 on the opposite course, and threw himself into all the Septem- 
 contests and factions of the India House, October, 
 
 The administration of the Company's affairs was in '^' 
 the hands of twenty-four Directors annually elected by 
 the proprietors. It rested with them to regulate all poli- 
 tical and commercial transactions, and the Governments 
 of India were subject to their orders. But the supreme 
 authority was retained by the proprietors assembled 
 in general court. All permanent, and many occasional, 
 points of importance required the sanction of that 
 court, which had also the power to interfere at its 
 pleasure in the current business of the Company, and 
 which, besides a regular meeting in every year, could 
 at any time be assembled by a call of the Court of 
 Directors, or by a requisition signed by any nine of 
 its own members. 
 
 The Directors were generally persons connected 
 with the Indian trade, or great moneyed men in the City, 
 The proprietors were of the same classes, but the grow- 
 ing prosperity and importance of the Company had 
 induced several peers and other men of station to enrol 
 themselves among its members, and persons who had 
 served in India began also to be anxious to obtain votes. 
 The possession of 500/. in the Company's stock entitled 
 a man to a vote in the Court of Proprietors, but 2,000/". 
 was required as the qualification for a Director. 
 
 Tlie King's Government had no avowed control 
 over the Company, but the necessity for its assistance 
 in naval and military co-operation, the power possessed 
 by those who commanded a majority in Parliament, 
 and the influence of tlie patronage of the Crown on 
 individuals, ii'ave o'rcat weiii^ht to the wishes of the
 
 426 lUSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, iiiinistiy when tliey happened to take an interest in the 
 " Company's transactions. 
 
 The Court of Directors was at this time under the 
 guidance of Mr. Sullivan, who owed his ascendancy to 
 his own abilities, strengthened by connections which 
 he kept up with some of the members of the Kmg's 
 Government. He seems to have been a man of general 
 rectitude of purpose, but full of prejudices, partialities, 
 and jealousies, such as accompany party spirit and love 
 of power. He had a strong impression of the luxury, 
 corruption, and insubordination of the Company's 
 servants in Bengal, and never missed an opportunity of 
 promoting members of the other Presidencies at their 
 expense. While in India Clive had looked on him as a 
 friend, and supported him with all his influence in the 
 Court of Proprietors. After his return to England, 
 they still kept up a great show of civility, but it is 
 probable that Sullivan was alienated by the high tone 
 assumed by Clive in Bengal, and by his want of defer- 
 ence for the Court of Directors. Feelings excited by 
 the superior brilliancy of his position on his return to 
 England, and some fear of the ascendancy he might so 
 easily acquire in the administration of the Company, 
 had probably also their effect. From whatever motive, 
 his proceedings were such as to raise the alarm of Clive 
 and to induce him to use every effort to overturn his 
 authority. The means he took were to strengthen the 
 ])arty of Mr. Rous, the head of the minority in the 
 Court of Directors, and for this purpose he strained 
 every nerve in preparing for the next election, and did 
 not scruple even to come forward himself as a candidate 
 on that occasion. To promote his end he made iictitious 
 transfers of his stock in lots of 500/. each, so as to 
 create an additional number of voters in the Court of
 
 CLIVE's EEFORMS GRANT OF THE DIWANI. 427 
 
 Proprietors ; he expended 100,000/. in purchasing new chap. 
 stock for this purpose, and he urged all his friends to " 
 
 adopt the same course to the extent of their ability. 
 This practice had long been understood and was em- 
 ployed by both parties, each exclaiming against the 
 length to which it Avas carried by their opponents. 
 
 The contest seems to have been decided by the 
 influence of the ministry. In retaliation for Clive's 
 votes in Parliament, they threw their whole weight 
 into the scale of his enemies. Mr. Sullivan and his 
 friends were brought in by a triumphant majority, 
 and Clive had the mortification of being defeated in 
 a struggle in which perhaps it was scarcely consistent 
 with his dignity to have engaged. 
 
 It was not long before he felt the effects of the 
 victory of his opponents. He had now enjoyed his 
 Jagir for more than four years. It consisted (as will 
 be recollected) of the quit-rent due to the nabob from 
 the lands granted to the Company, and consequently 
 had been paid during the whole period by the Com- 
 pany's own officers to Clive's agents. Soon after his 
 return to England he had been officially informed by 
 Mr. Sullivan that the select committee of the Directors 
 desired to confer with him regarding his Jagir. Clive 
 expressed his readiness to meet them, but the message 
 in all probability was only designed to make him 
 cautious in interfering with the views of the leading 
 Directors, and as it seemed to produce that effect, it was 
 not further mentioned for three years. At the end of 
 that time the newly elected Directors, after a vague 
 intimation to Clive of their doubts as to his title, sent 
 orders to the Government of Bengal to withhold all 
 ])ayments, and to transfer the produce of the Jiigir to 
 the Company.
 
 428 lUSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAi'. If they had at first disapproved of the grant, and 
 
 __1J ordered the restoration of the Jagir to the nabob, they 
 
 would perhaps have done no more than their duty ; 
 the appropriation of it to themselves, after so long an 
 acquiescence in Olive's title, was no more supported by 
 law than justified by the motive. The Attorney- 
 General and Solicitor- General, whom they had them- 
 selves consulted, gave their opinion against it. Clive 
 instituted a suit in Chancery to set it aside, and warned 
 the Government in Council that if they acted on the 
 court's orders his agents had instructions to prosecute 
 them in the mayor's court of Calcutta.^ 
 
 Mir Jafir also, then in his second reign, insisted that 
 on the extinction of Clive' s right, the JAgir ought to 
 revert to him ; his claim was admitted by the local 
 government,^ and the proceeds in all probability con- 
 tinued to be remitted to Clive. The pretexts of the 
 Court of Directors were to the last deoree frivolous. 
 
 o 
 
 One was that the nabob could not give away this quit- 
 rent without the consent of the Emperor, when he had 
 already granted to themselves the very lands on which 
 the rent was due, and there could be no doubt that 
 Clive would have substantiated his claim by law if a 
 change in his relation to the Directors had not put a 
 stop to the dispute. 
 
 The revolutions in Bengal, the anarchy in the 
 English council, the war with Casim Ali, the massacre 
 of the Europeans, and the general misgovernment and 
 disorder, had filled all England with amazement. Those 
 interested in India were in consternation, and saw no 
 means of averting the immediate loss of the province 
 but an immediate change of counsels. 
 
 • Malcolm's Life of Clire, and the documents there published. 
 ■^ First Report, pp. 160 et seq.
 
 CLIVe's reforms — GRANT OF THE DIWANI. 429 
 
 In this crisis all eyes were turned upon Clive. It chap. 
 was proposed at a General Court in the face of the Court 
 
 of Directors, that Mr. Spencer's appointment to Bengal Feb. 27, 
 should be reconsidered. This preparatory motion was 
 lost, but after two more courts and some stormy 
 debates, it was resolved that Lord Clive should be re- 
 quested to undertake the offices of Grovernor and Com- 
 mander-in-chief in Bengal. 
 
 Clive in reply be^ffed to be allowed to delay his March 12, 
 
 . . . A.D. 1764. 
 
 final answer till after the approaching election of ' 
 Directors, and on being pressed for a decision he 
 answered he wished to see whether Mr. Sullivan was to 
 be in the chair of the Court of Directors, for he could 
 not, he said, make himself res^jonsible for the affairs 
 of India if he was liable to be thwarted at home by a 
 chairman who was his declared and inveterate enemy. 
 Mr. Sullivan made protestations of a disposition to give 
 hiai the most cordial support, but Clive evaded answer- 
 ing, and a few days after, the election took place. Mr. April, a.d. 
 Sullivan was chosen a Director by a majority of one 
 vote only, and at the subsequent nomination of a chair- 
 man, the choice fell on Mr. Rous. 
 
 There was no longer any hesitation about Clive's May 2, 
 appointment ; an arrangement was made about his 
 Jagir on his own terms. He was to hold it for ten 
 years, or till his death if it happened within that 
 period. 
 
 There was more difficulty in settling his powers, 
 lie himself desired that in case of any difference with 
 his court, he should be allowed to act according to his 
 own judgment and on his own responsibility. This was 
 thought too great a power to be given ostensibly, but a 
 compromise was come to, by which a committee con- 
 sisting of Clive and four other members nominated by
 
 430 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, him, were authorised, if they thought it necessary for 
 _^^_ the restoration of peace and tranquilhty, to assume the 
 whole powers of the Government, independent of tlie 
 remaining eleven members of committee. The com- 
 mittee consisted of Mr. Sumner, Colonel (now made 
 Brigadier-General) Carnac, Mr. Sykes, and Mr. Yerelst. 
 Carnac was Olive's devoted friend ; Sykes had acted 
 with him during the revolution in favour of Mir Jahr ; 
 Verelst, whatever was his connection, was steady in his 
 support ; but Sumner soon hesitated to concur in Olive's 
 measures, and afterwards declared before the House of 
 Oommons that he had changed his mind on some of 
 those in which he had concurred with him. 
 
 There was a difficulty also in the appointment of 
 Olive to be Oommander-in-chief, as interfering with 
 I^awrence, who was now Oommander in all India ; 
 but Olive willingly agreed to be subordinate to his old 
 general, provided he were left unfettered in all that 
 concerned Benjxfib 
 
 The army of Bengal was at his suggestion divided 
 into three brigades, each consisting of one European 
 regiment, seven sepoy battalions, and a company of 
 artillery, with a regular gradation of officers, from 
 brio-adier-jxeneral downwards : and after these arrano:e- 
 ments he set out with a confident hope of accomplish- 
 ing the arduous task which he had undertaken.^ 
 
 He had declared that he should accept of no pecu- 
 niary advantage from his appointment, and as the ques- 
 tion of his Jdorir was settled on terms less favourable 
 than he would probably have obtained in a court of 
 justice, he could have no motive for giving up the 
 enjoyment of his wealth, for sacrificmg his future quiet, 
 
 ^ The regiments and battalions were about 700 strong, and the whole 
 army amounted to more than 17,000 men.
 
 CLIVe's reforms — GRANT OF THE DIWANI. 431 
 
 and risking his health and fame, but the desire of pre- chap. 
 
 serving a country which he had so much contributed to 
 
 acquire, and that innate wish to encounter difficulties 
 and dangers which often gives the impulse to the 
 greatest actions. He knew the opposition he was to 
 meet with and the resentments he must provoke, and he 
 could scarcely have failed to foresee the obloquy and 
 misrepresentation which would be joined in the clamour 
 ao^ainst him ; but he was animated with feelinijs of 
 confidence in hmiself and duty towards the public, 
 and was content to bear general odium and unpopu- 
 larity for a time as the price of solid and permanent 
 reputation. 
 
 His voyage was unusually tedious. He sailed in 
 June 1765, and did not reach Madras until April 1766. 
 Hearmg on his arrival of the prosperous state of the 
 Company's affairs, he wrote secretly to England to 
 purchase a large amount of the Company's stock ; 
 a traffic unworthy of his station, but which has been 
 unjustly represented as an abuse of his official intel- 
 lio-ence. 
 
 o 
 
 To judge of Clive's conduct during his second 
 administration, it is necessary to know the state in which 
 he found his Government. The power of the Governor 
 was entirely annihilated ; even in his intercourse with 
 native princes he only appeared as the organ of the 
 council. The oligarchy who had assumed his functions 
 were swayed by party politics more than by any enlarged 
 views of the general welfare ; they thought the interests 
 of the service at least as important as those of the state, 
 and each member was further influenced by regard for 
 his personal concerns. All traded, and many of them 
 were chiefs of subordinate factories, where each exercised 
 the whole powers of the government witliout control. 
 
 \
 
 432 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Few ventured to complain against a councillor, when it 
 " was from his colleagues alone that they could solicit 
 redress.* 
 
 The vacancies made by men retiring with fortunes, 
 and by the massacre of so many of the upper ranks, 
 had raised the junior servants to high stations, and 
 those younger still, who traded with borrowed money 
 or shared the profits of wealthy natives to whom they 
 lent their names and privileges, looked forward to speedy 
 retirement, and were indifferent to their rise or estima- 
 tion in their profession. They lived in habits of per- 
 fect equality with their seniors, and any censure or 
 interference from an official superior would have been 
 looked on as a proceeding improper among gentlemen. 
 Young and old vied with each other in luxury and 
 profusion, and these importunate vices increased their 
 ravenous appetite for gain. 
 
 The insubordinate behaviour of some of the prin- 
 cipal commanders in the army has been noticed in the 
 preceding narrative ; their example, and the weakness 
 produced by dissensions among the ruling authorities, 
 relaxed the discipline of the officers, and encouraged 
 the mutinous spirit which had so often broken into 
 violence among the troops. 
 
 A system of waste and spoliation ran through all 
 departments ; no man executed a public work or other 
 service for the Company without adding largely to his 
 own fortune ; the assessment and collection of the re- 
 venue, the appointment of native functionaries, and the 
 protection of men already in power, afforded also abun- 
 dant sources of emolument.® 
 
 ' Third Report, p. 442. 
 
 ■' Olive's letter to the Court of Directors, Third Report, p. 391 ; 
 Letters of the Select Committee, Third Report ; and Appendices to 
 Verelst.
 
 clive's kp:forms — gkant of the diwani. 43^ 
 
 The condition of the peoj)le nnder such a govern- chap. 
 ment requires no description, but of all their e^dls, those ' 
 
 brought on them by private trade were the most general 
 and most msupportal)le. The gomashtas still kept up 
 their oppressions, and a number of Europeans not m the 
 service everywhere exercised nearly the same authority 
 as the Company's servants. Their nation was a suf- 
 ficient ground for assuming authority, and many were 
 besides employed as agents to members of council and 
 others who protected them against every complaint.*^ ^ 
 
 There were doubtless m all classes in India honour- 
 able exceptions to the general corruption, but they were 
 too few to stem tlie current of abuse, and nothing less 
 than the strong mmd and firm hand of Clive, supported 
 as it was by so great a reputation, could have prevented 
 the ruin which must have followed such a dissolution of 
 society. Lord Clive, accompanied by Mr. Sunnier and May 3, ^ 
 Mr. Sykes, reached Calcutta on May 3, 1765. Mr. ^'^' 
 Verelst did not arrive from his former station at Dacca 
 until the end of the month, and General Carnac remained 
 with the army in the field. As soon as Clive had as- 
 sumed the oovernment lie brouoht forward the new ar- 
 rangement for the army, which was passed in general 
 council. Two days after, the select committee being of i^iay 5, 
 opinion that it was necessary tor them to exercise the 
 powers conditionally conferred on them, produced their 
 commission to the council, and desired that it might be 
 communicated to all the [)ublic ofiicers. To this Mr, 
 Leycester objected, on the ground that, as peace and 
 tranquillity were already restored, the extraordinary 
 powers granted for the restoration of them were virtu- 
 ally annulled. Tord Clive answered that any member 
 of the board was at liberty to record his objection, but 
 
 ' Third Report, p. 439. 
 
 F F
 
 434 lilSE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, tliat tlie committee alone could inclo-e re<»:ardiD<r the 
 
 -y tf CD <D C^ 
 
 ^_1.L^ exercise of the discretion extended to it. Mr. Jolni- 
 stone, generally bold enough m opposition, made further 
 attempts to obstruct the proceedings of the select com- 
 mittee, but when asked by Clive whether he dared to 
 dispute theu' authority, he protested that he had no such 
 mtention ; and the dead silence which followed, with the 
 pale faces of the councillors, showed that all open re- 
 sistance was at an end." The committee was opened by 
 a letter from Clive, to which they replied by an address 
 promising unanimity and support. At a subsequent 
 period they resolved that all intercourse with the native 
 authorities should be conducted by Clive, who should 
 from time to tune communicate his correspondence to 
 the committee. 
 
 The first official act of the committee was to enforce 
 the order i-egarding presents. Covenants engaging to 
 accept of none without the permission of the Court of 
 Directors were signed by the councillors, and afterwards 
 by all the other members of the Company's ser^^.ce.^ At 
 
 ' Clive's letter in Malcolm's Life of Clive, ii. 321-334. 
 
 ^ General Carnac did not himself sign the covenant, though he 
 enforced the signature on his officers. He afterwards gave as his reason 
 that the covenants were dated so far back as to give them a retrospective 
 effect, and he adroitted that before he knew of them he had received 
 8,000?. from Balwant Sing on restoring him to his forfeited zemindary 
 of Benares. After he knew of the covenants he received an ofi'er of 
 20,000/. from Shah Alam, but this he reported previous to acceptance, 
 according to the covenant. From the many marks of attention the King 
 had received from Carnac, there can be little doubt the present was given 
 with good will, and, as Clive was always disposed to favour him, he 
 strongly recommended to the Court of Directors to confirm the donation. 
 It must be allowed in extenuation of the laxity of the Europeans in 
 their acceptance of jiresents, that, as far as appears by the published cases, 
 they never received money except from persons whom they were disposed 
 to suppoi't on other grounds, and that, excei^t in the case of Mr. John- 
 stone's commission, there was no appearance of compulsion in the liberality 
 of the natives.
 
 CLIVE's reforms — GRANT OF THE DIWANI. 435 
 
 the same meeting tlie committee ordered all Europeans chap. 
 not in the Company's service to be sent to Calcutta, but ' 
 
 on application they allowed some to remain for a limited 
 period to enable them to wmd up their affairs. 
 
 Towards the end of May the nabob came to Cal- 
 cutta, and on June 1 presented his complaint which 
 led to the mvestigation about presents. This inquiry 
 was prosecuted with strictness and commented on with 
 asperity, but the decision was left to the Court of 
 Directors. Other inqumes were set on foot mto al- 
 leged abuses and embezzlements carried on by two of 
 the councillors (Mr. Johnstone and Mr. Gray), at their 
 respective factories. The accused gentlemen m minutes 
 in council denied some of the charofes and endeavoured 
 to explam away others, but they laid most stress on 
 the arbitrary and irregular method in which the inquiry 
 had been conducted. Clive had placed some of the ac- 
 complices of the accused parties under a military guard, 
 and against this proceedmg the same men who but a 
 year before had sent detachments to bring the nabob's 
 officers m chams to Calcutta now exclaimed, and e^dnced 
 a jealousy of military power and a zeal for the liberty of 
 the subject, not exceeded by that shown during the pro- 
 ceedmgs against Mr. Wilkes by their contemporaries in 
 Enijland. Their mmutes were written m the least 
 guarded terms, and were full of reproaches to Clive 
 for the inordinate vrealth he had amassed through some 
 of the very channels against which he now expressed 
 such indignation. 
 
 The discussions of the council were at least as 
 intemperate as those in tlie time of Mr. Yansittart, but 
 the result was different. Mr. Johnstone and Mr. Gray 
 resio'ned the service while their conduct was under 
 
 o 
 
 consideration, protestmg against the partiality of the 
 
 F F 2
 
 436 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, tribunal. Mr. Burdett, another conncillor, was sus- 
 
 U — ponded for disrespect to the Governor in the course of 
 
 his individual duty, and ultimately resigned the service ; 
 and Mr. Leycester, who headed the opposition, and con- 
 tinued to resist to the utmost the select committee, was 
 expelled on the ground of his having misrepresented 
 in public a conversation at the council board, which, 
 accordino; to his oath, he oua:ht never to have divulo-ed 
 at all. 
 
 The civil servants were thus reduced to obedience, 
 but they retained a deep resentment for the loss of 
 their profits and consequence, and this was increased 
 some months later by dive's bringing four civil 
 servants from Madras to fill the council of Calcutta, 
 allegmg as his reason the youth of the oldest Bengal 
 servants and the school of corruption m which they 
 had been brought up. His censures lost nothing by 
 the language m which they w^ere conveyed. His 
 minutes and letters are written with uncommon force 
 and a good deal of exaggeration. Offences are always 
 described m the harshest terms, and the offences never 
 mentioned but with scorn and indignation. With all 
 this are mixed applauses of his own conduct and asser- 
 tions of his own disinterestedness, which made his 
 reflections on others more invidious at that moment, 
 and which offend the reader even at this distance of 
 tune.^ 
 
 During these reforms in the Company's service, 
 Clive made an important change m the form of the 
 nabob's government.^ The great powers vested in 
 
 •' Tliis species of egotism is not to be imputed as a peculiarity to 
 Clive. Eminent men of that age indulged in protestations of honour and 
 integrity which the most questionable adventurer of the present day 
 would be ashamed to eujploy. 
 
 ' Third Report, pp. 440 and 421.
 
 olive's REFOKMS — GEANT OF THE DIWANI. 437 
 
 IMcjhamined Rezza were now as suspicions to the Eng- chap. 
 
 lisli as they had always been to the nabob ; and the ' 
 
 remedy they liad recourse to was to associate three 
 persons in the exercise of them. Rai Diilab and the 
 two heads of the bankinsf firm of Jao-o-at Set were the 
 new members of the commission, which was to act en- 
 tirely under tlie direction of the Governor and Council, 
 without any mterference on the part of the nabob. 
 
 Having brought the affairs of the province to this 
 point, Clive turned his attention to those connected 
 witli Shuja-u-Doula and Shah Alam. Both princes 
 had thrown themselves unconditionally on the gene- 
 rosity of the British Government, and were now await- 
 in"^ its decision on their fate. 
 
 The settlement of the depending questions was 
 thought sufficiently important to require the presence 
 of Clive, and the committee invested him, in conjunc- 
 tion with General Carnac, with full powers to examine 
 them in such manner as he might thiiik expedient ; at 
 the same time tliey stated to him in a letter, which he 
 probably drew up himself, the points to which they 
 wished to direct his attention. ^ He left Calcutta on 
 June 25, reached Benares about the beo;innino- of 
 August, and immediately entered on liis regotiations. 
 
 The adjustment with Shnja-u-Doiila was easy. On 
 a payment of 500,000?., he was restored to all his 
 dominions except the districts of C6ra and Allahabad, 
 wliich were ceded to the Kinix. No restraint was 
 imposed on his independence, and a defensive alliance 
 was agreed on l)etween him and tlie Company, he pay- 
 ing the ex])onses of the Company's troops whenever he 
 should require tliem.'^ 
 
 '♦' Letter dated June 21, 17C5, Third Report, Appendix, p. 422. 
 ' Treaty, dated August IG, 17C5, Third ReiJort, Appendix, p. 44G.
 
 438 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. The agreement entered into with the King was by 
 
 " no means so simple a matter. Shdh Alam had pre- 
 viously, on the nabob's own application, granted the 
 usual patent, appomting Nujam-u-Doula Subahdar or 
 Nazim of Beno:al, Beliar, and Orissa.'* He now fixed 
 the amount of revenue for which he was required to 
 account at twenty-six lacs, or 260,000/., and, on con- 
 dition of their becoming responsible for the payment 
 of this sum, he appointed the Company to be perpetual 
 Diwan of the same provinces. He likewise confirmed 
 the Company's title to its possessions in diff*erent parts 
 of India. In addition to their guarantee of the tribute 
 of Bengal, the Company transferred the districts of 
 C6ra and Allaliabad, yielding 28,000/. a year, to the 
 King,^ 
 ^ There are few transactions in our Indian history 
 more difiicult to explain than this treaty. On the one 
 hand the practical good sense of Clive, not apt to be 
 influenced by theories, or alarmed by imagmary dangers, 
 makes us hesitate to suppose that so great a sacrifice 
 could be made without an adequate motive, while on 
 the other, the state of opinion m India at the time, the 
 course of previous events, and the result of subsequent 
 experience, leaves us without any ground for conjectur- 
 ing what that motive may have been. The nullity of 
 the King's influence as well as power has repeatedly ap- 
 peared in the precedmg narrative, and nowhere more 
 conspicuously than in the w^ar wdiich led to the agree- 
 ment in which a viceroy bearing the royal commission 
 w^as expelled by the British, and the Vizir of the Empire, 
 together with tlie Emperor in person, were defeated in 
 
 ■' Tliird Report, p. 305. 
 
 ■'' The firmans and other papers, Third Report, p. 447, &.C. The 
 value of the cessions is stated by Clive, Third Report, p. 445.
 
 CLIVe's reforms — GRANT OF THE DIWANI. 439 
 
 attempting to restore him, without its exciting the chap. 
 smallest feeling in any part of India. Though the __ll__ 
 native princes generally provided themselves with com- 
 missions from the King, it was at a moderate price ; and 
 it is possible that all the money he ever received on this 
 account from every part of India did not amount to one 
 year's produce of this tribute, the only tribute ever paid 
 to him during a nominal reign of half a. century. 
 
 If the Kmg's grant had been of any value, the office 
 granted was of none. The duty of the Diwan, according 
 to Olive's own definition," was ' to collect all the revenues, 
 and after defraying the expenses of the army and allow- 
 mg a sufficient fund for the support of the Nizamat,'^ to 
 remit the remainder to Delhi ; ' he had no right to in- 
 terfere with the other departments of the government, or 
 even to limit the Governor's expenses in the military or 
 other branches of his administration. In practice he 
 was completely overshadowed by the power of the Ntizim, 
 and among so many revolutions, I cannot find another 
 instance where his office was made a pretext for usurpa- 
 tion. It is true the Company were themselves in pos- 
 session of the Nizamat ; but so they were of this Diwani 
 which was held under their authority by Eai Diilal). 
 What was to be gained by the present grant was a legal 
 title ; and that was not conferred. The treaties with 
 the nabob, from which the Company held their po^ver, 
 were nowhere confirmed, nor was the riglit of such an 
 officer to make treaties anywhere recognised. / 
 
 In tlie King's firmans tlie lands assigned by tlie 
 nabob for the payment of the Company's troops are 
 
 '^ Letter of the Select Committee to the Court of Directors dated 
 September 30, 1705, in the Appendix to VerehV.s View of the EiKjlish 
 Government of Bengal, p. 8. 
 
 ^ Viceroyalty in the official documents of this and the preceding 
 period. Subahdars are called Ndzims, and their government Ni?amat.
 
 440 RISE OF BHITISU TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, granted as a free gift from liiiiiself, without any reference 
 
 " to the former condition which that grant supersedes ; ^ 
 
 the employment of the troops is mentioned, but only 
 
 incidentally, and without any notice of the footing on 
 
 which they stand or of the duration of their service.^ 
 
 The grant indeed, if it had any efficiency, would have 
 been highly dangerous to the Company. If the King 
 could appoint the Diwdn, he could also appoint the 
 Ntizim ; and the officer so appointed would be under no 
 obligation to attend to the unconfirmed engagements of 
 his predecessors. He could dismiss the English troops, 
 increase or dimmish the expenses of the Nizamat, and 
 leave a surplus or a deficit in the revenue as suited his 
 views. 
 
 Nor was the danger lunited to the admission of theo- 
 retical prmciples. The possession of an mdependent terri- 
 tory and of Allahabdd, one of the best fortified towns in 
 India and the capital of one of the former Subahs, gave 
 additional weight to any influence which Alani might ' 
 possess over the provinces under the protection of the 
 Company, and put it in his power, when it suited his own 
 ^iews, to introduce mto the heart of those provmces the 
 most dangerous rival that could be raised up agamst 
 the Engiisli. This m fact he afterwards did by cedmg 
 ihe territory to the Marattas. It was owmg to his m- 
 evitable insignificance alone, which ought to have pre- 
 vented these sacrifices, that he failed to become through 
 their operation a formidable neighbour to the power from 
 ■which he received them. 
 
 A sufficient motive for this arrano-ement mio;ht have 
 been to obtain a release from a former one entered on by 
 Mr. Spencer's government, by which the English were 
 
 ^ Firman No. 93, Appendix to tlie Third "Report, p. 449. 
 " Firman No. 91, Appendix to the Third Report, p. 447.
 
 olive's reforms GRANT OF THE DIWANI. 441 
 
 bound to put Shall Alain in possession of all Sliuja- chap. 
 u-Doula's dominions,^ but tins engagement is not ad- " 
 
 verted to by any of the parties in the present negotia- 
 tion, and Clive rests all his concessions on the return he 
 obtamed in the Diwani and the Kino-'s confirmation of 
 the Company's possessions.^ 
 
 Neither the former engagement nor the present con- 
 cessions are noticed in the instructions from the select 
 committee, who seem to have been fully aware of the 
 King's real situation.^ 
 
 ^ Treaties and Grants, p. 122, Appendix to Verelst's View, p. 163. 
 
 - The following is an extract from the letter of the Select Committee 
 above quoted from the Appendix to Verelst, p. 9. ' By establishing the 
 power of the Great Mogul, we have likewise established his rights, and 
 his Majesty, from principles of gratitude, of equity, and of iDolicy, has 
 thought proper to bestow this important employment on the Company, 
 the nature of which is the collecting all the revenues, and after defraying 
 the expenses of the army and allowing a sufficient fund for the support 
 of the Nizamat, to remit the remainder to Delhi, or wherever the King 
 shall reside or direct. But as the King has been graciously pleased to 
 bestow on the Company for ever such surplus as shall arise from the 
 revenue, upon certain stipulations and agreements expressed in the 
 Sunnud, we have settled with the nabob, with his own free will and con- 
 sent, that the sum of fifty-three lacs (530,000?.) shall be annually paid to 
 him, for the support of his dignity and all contingent expenses, ex- 
 clusive of the charge of maintaining the army, which is to be defrayed 
 out of the revenues ceded to the Company by this royal grant of the 
 Dewonny.' Every word of which settlement with the nabob is rendered 
 invalid by the recognition of his subordination to the King. 
 
 ^ After adverting to the grant of the Diwani as of the utmost impor- 
 tance, though formerly rejected when offered at too high a price, 
 they say : ' Times are since altered. His whole hopes of protection and 
 subsistence rest on us. It cannot, therefore, be supposed he will prove 
 obstinate in denying a request of little consequence to him in the present 
 circumstances, but advantageous to us, his greatest benefactors, and, we 
 may say, his only friends.' Clive often changed his opinion about Slulh 
 Alam, of whose real conditicm he knew very little. In his evidence 
 before Parliament in 1773, he gives a vague notion of his wealtli and 
 power, but fails entirely when cross-examined as to particulars. (Third 
 Heport, p. 324.) General Carnac, on the same occasion, pronounces 
 ' that Shah Alam was really to all intents and purposes the Great Mogul, 
 as much as any of his predecessors. Colonel Dow, who made the history 
 of India his study, Avho was long stationed with ShiUi Alam, was his
 
 442 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Clive had no doubt approved of those instructions, 
 
 ' if he did not liimself draw them up, and it was not long- 
 before he recommended the same opinions. In a letter 
 from him to General Carnac and the select committee, 
 dated within less than a year from this time, he says of 
 the Emperor, ' provided he withdraw himself frdm our 
 protection, it is no great matter wdiat refuge he seeks.' ^ 
 Soon after the settlement with Shah Alam,^ a new 
 agreement was entered into with the Nabob of Bengal, 
 by which he relinquished all interference with his pro- 
 vinces on condition of an annual payment by the Com- 
 pany of 5,386,131 rupees, upwards of 54,000^. 
 
 On the Grant of the Diwdni. 
 
 [Mr. Elphinstone's history closes with tlie account of 
 
 a transaction that has been regarded as an epoch in the 
 
 history of British India. Up to this thne the territorial 
 
 possessions of the Company were limited to the lands 
 
 in the immediate vicinity of Calcutta, ceded by Jafir 
 
 Ali in 1757, and the provinces of Bard wan, Midnapore, 
 
 and Chittagong, ceded by Casini Ali to meet the 
 
 charges of the troops maintained by the Company for 
 
 tlie support of the authority of the Niizim. These 
 
 cessions were confirmed by the new engagement, and 
 
 ^T^^ an additional proviso was introduced as follows: — 
 
 '^'^•'^'y. ' Til at as our troops will be more to be depended 
 
 i- ^ , upon than any the nabob can have, and less expensive 
 
 ^ to him, he need therefore entertain none but such as 
 
 personal friend and an enthusiast for his cause, represents his whole life 
 as one of poverty and neglect, and expressly says that the money and 
 territory he received from the British was all he possessed to support the 
 dignity of the Imperial house of Teimur.' {History of Hindustan, ii. 
 35G.) 
 
 ** Letter dated July 14, 17CG, quoted in Bott's Considerations, ii. 445. 
 
 * (September 30, 1765 J Treaties and Grants, p. 149.
 
 ON THE GRANT OF THE Dl'WANI. 443 
 
 are requisite for tlie support of the civil officers of his chap. 
 
 government, and the business of the collections of the U 
 
 different districts.' 
 
 From this time the whole authority in these pro- 
 vinces passed into the hands of the servants of the 
 Company, and the Nazim became a dependent and 
 pensioner of the British Government in Calcutta. 
 The revolution was complete without calling in the 
 authority of the titular sovereign of Delhi, or binding 
 ourselves to the payment of a subsidy to a sovereign 
 who might at any time revoke the grant under the 
 pressure of other powers. This is a question which 
 is forcibly put at the close of the preceding narrative, 
 and the dangers to which we exposed ourselves received 
 illustration from subsequent events. '''^ 
 
 When Lord Clive was afterwards questioned about 
 this transaction by the Committee of Secrecy of the 
 House of Commons, his replies were evasive. It was 
 put to him pointedly, ' whether in his opinion the grant 
 of the Dewanee was really a grant from a prince, or 
 whether it was an instrument executed as a piece of 
 form which he thought it expedient to take from 
 political motives.' Clive referred the Committee in 
 reply to the public records for his reports at the time, 
 and when further pressed as to the position of Shah 
 Alam, he said he had a few thousands of troops under 
 his command, and was in occupation of Allahabad, 
 and many princes of the country made him large pre- 
 sents.^ Clive might have avowed openly that the grant 
 conveyed no real authority, for the claimant of the throne 
 of Delhi was a wanderer, but that he was regarded with 
 superstitious respect by the people of Hmdostan, and 
 that the transaction was justifiable on the grounds of 
 
 ^ Third Report of the Couimitteo of Secrecy, p. 324. 
 
 ^L.,
 
 444 ELSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, expediency in the then state of India ; but lie had 
 
 committed himself by his despatches, in which the 
 
 announcement was conye3'ed in pompous language as 
 to the importance of the grant. In a despatch from the 
 Council at Fort William dated September 30, 1765, 
 which appears in the third report of the Committee of 
 Secrecy, and which is usually quoted as an exposition 
 of his views, there is much confusion between the effect 
 of the grant by Sluili Alam and the treaty with the 
 nabob. 
 
 'By the acquisition of the Diwani,' he said, 'your 
 possessions and influence are rendered permanent and 
 secure, since no future nawab will have power or riches 
 sufficient to attempt your overthrow, by means either 
 of force or corruption. All revolutions must henceforth 
 be at an end, as there will be no fund for secret services, 
 for donations or for restitutions. . . . 
 
 ' The experience of years has convinced us that a 
 division of power is impossible without generatmg 
 discontent and hazarding the whole. All must belong 
 either to the Company or to the Nabob, and we leave 
 you to judge which alternative is the most desirable 
 and tlie most expedient in the present circumstances of 
 affairs. As to ourselves, we know of no system we 
 could adopt that could less affect the Nabob's dignity 
 and at the same time secure the Company against 
 the fatal effects of future revolution than this of the 
 Dewany.' 
 
 The subject is pursued in a despatch of the following 
 January: — ' The more we reflect on the situation of your 
 affairs, the stronger appear the reasons for accepting the 
 Dewany of these provinces, by which alone we could 
 establish a power sufficient to perpetuate the possessions 
 we hold and the influence we enjoy. While the Nawab
 
 ON THE GRANT OF THE DIWANI. 445 
 
 acted in quality of collector for the Mogul, the means chap. 
 of supporthig our military establishment depended upon _J_^___ 
 his pleasure. In the most critical situation, while we 
 stood balancing on the extreme border of destruction, his 
 stipulated payments were slow and deficient, his revenues 
 withheld by disaffected rajahs and turbulent zemindars, 
 who despised the weakness of his government, or they 
 were squandered in profusion and dissipated in cor- 
 ruption.' 
 
 It must be obvious that all these advantages arose 
 from the new engagements with the Nabob, and have 
 little l)earing on the cession from the Mogul. The 
 expediency of fortifying our position by such a grant 
 had, however, been long before Olive's mind, and formed 
 an essential part of the plan he laid before the elder 
 Pitt for acquiring the sovereignty of Bengal. In his 
 letter to that statesman he proposed to obtain the 
 Mogul's sunnud (or grant) in confirmation of their 
 possession of the province under an agreement to pay 
 the amount of tribute demandable, which he estimated 
 at fifty lacs annually, or one-fifth of the revenues. 
 This was double the amount which was afterwards 
 agreed upon, and half that whicli was payable when the 
 power of the Mogul was at its height.'' 
 
 This letter was addressed to Pitt during Olive's first 
 government of the settlement in Bengal. When he 
 returned to India in 1766, he was met by tidings of our 
 military success, and daring views of conquest passed 
 before his eyes. These were unfolded in a pri\'ate letter 
 to tlie Ohairman of tlie Oourt of Directors on ]jis arrixal 
 at Madras. ' We have at last arrived at that actual 
 period w^liich I have long foreseen, I mean tliat period 
 whicli renders it necessary for us to determine whether 
 
 ' Life of Clive, ii. 119.
 
 -1.16 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, ^xe can or shall take the whole to ourselves. Jaffier Aly 
 ' Khan is dead, and his natural son is a minor, but I 
 knoAv not whether he is yet declared successor. Suja- 
 addowla is beat from his dominion, we are in possession 
 of it, and it is scarcely hyperbole to say, to-morrow the 
 whole Mogul Empire is in our power.' 
 
 The times were favourable for the rise of a new con- 
 queror. By the battle of Paniput, fought in January 
 1761, the power of the Marattas was shattered, but such 
 was the jealousy among the Mahometan princes that 
 Ahmed Shah, the Diinini prince, was unable to follow 
 up his victory, and retreated to his own dominions 
 beyond the Indus. Three years later the Mogul 
 princes of Hindostan were defeated at the battle of 
 Baxar, and the English became the first power in 
 Northern India, and the whole Empire seemed within 
 our grasp. 
 
 A march to Delhi had already found much favour 
 in the army, and was recommended to the Coiut of 
 Directors in a letter of March 11, 1762, signed by Eyre 
 Coote, Carnac, and three members of the Council who 
 had dissented from the policy which had placed Casim 
 Ali on the throne of Murshidabad. Referring to an 
 application they had received from the King for aid, they 
 contended that the British force was equal to the enter- 
 prise, and as there was no European army to fear, and 
 they might be expected to be joined by the Tizir of 
 Oude and other powers, they Avould probably advance to 
 the gates of Delhi, and the letter winds up by sub- 
 mitting ' whether so glorious an opportunity of aggran- 
 dising the Company in Hindostan should not be em- 
 braced.' ^ 
 
 From these views Clive very strongly dissented, and 
 
 ' First Report of the Comuuttoe of Secrecy, 1772, p. 257.
 
 ON THE GRANT OF THE DIWANI. 447 
 
 his prudent resolutions were confirmed by the reports chap. 
 which met him on his arrival in Calcutta as to the ' 
 
 state of the public service, and especially of the army. 
 These are painted in his early letters in strong colours. 
 In a letter of September 30, 1765, he describes the 
 general corruption as extending to the writers, ensigns, 
 and free merchants, the bands of discipline completely 
 shattered and daily promoting the ruin of the army, 
 the soldiers in the late campaign ' seizing without con- 
 trol the whole booty money and plunder on the capture 
 of a city.' This, he added, took place at Benares. Re- 
 ferring to- the recent mutiny, he observes that ' had it 
 not been for the vigour of Munro your possessions in 
 India might have been destitute of a man to support 
 them.' 
 
 Commenting on the recent peace he observes, ' This 
 event has disappointed the expectation of many who 
 thouo'ht of nothino; but a march with tlie Kino; to Delhi. 
 My resolution, however, was and will always be to con- 
 fine our assistance, our conquests, our possessions, to 
 Bengal, Behar, and Orissa ; to go further is in my 
 opinion so extravagantly absurd no Governor-General, 
 no Council, in these times can ever adopt it unless the 
 whole system of the Company's interest be first entirely 
 remodelled.' 
 
 He defends the recent arrangement with Shuja-u- 
 Doula on the policy of not extending the Company's 
 possessions rather than on any sanguine hope of attach- 
 ing the prince to our interests. ' The policy of 
 aggression would,' he adds, ' require an addition to their 
 force, and they must be prepared for the risk of losing 
 the control over them,' while tlie attempt to administer 
 the government at such a distance from the Presidency 
 must lead to new abuses, laying tlie foundation of new
 
 448 EISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, wars, ill which the natives must have finally triumphed 
 
 ^^ from our inability to sustain the weight of our own 
 
 ambition." 
 
 Olive's letters of this date, both public and private, 
 are full of allusions to the luxur}^ and debauchery which 
 pervaded all branches of the service, civil and military.^ 
 It would be difficult otherwise to understand why the 
 cession of the Diwani was not followed up by the 
 assumption of the direct administration of the civil 
 government, as it already existed in the province of 
 Bardwan. 
 
 Other considerations passed through his mind, of 
 which it is not easy to recognise the force at the present 
 day. In a letter addressed to the Court of Directors 
 shortly before his departure, he lays stress on the 
 jealousy which would be shown by foreign states if we 
 ' threw off the mask ' and did ' any act, by an exertion 
 of the English power, which could equall}^ be done 
 by the Nawab at our instance.' ' Foreign nations,' he 
 added, ' would immediately take umbrage, and com- 
 plaints preferred to the British Court might be attended 
 with very embarrassing circumstances;' and he adds in 
 illustration the difficulties that might arise with regard 
 to duties long paid by French, Dutch, or Danes under 
 grants from former nawabs. Whatever weight may 
 attach to these arguments, they fall far short of those 
 which are founded on the state of the army and the 
 public service generally. 
 
 In these latter views the Directors evidently con- 
 curred. They, too, distrusted their own servants, and 
 this distrust was founded not only on the abuses of 
 private trade and the corruption arising from their 
 
 ° Third Report of the Committee of Secrecy, 1773, p. 391. 
 ' Life of Clive, ii. 331, 335, 373, 379.
 
 ON THI": GRANT OF THE DIWANI. 449 
 
 political relations with the Nawab, but on the expe- chap, 
 rience of the administration of the provinces already ' 
 
 under British rule. In signifying their approval of the 
 plans adopted for the execution of the office of Diwan, 
 they "wrote : ' The experience we have already had in 
 the province of Bardwan convinces us how unfit an 
 Englishman is to conduct the collection of the revenues 
 and to follow the subtle native throuo;h all his arts to 
 conceal the real value of his country and to perplex 
 and elude the payments. We therefore entirely approve 
 of your preserving the ancient form of government in 
 the upholding the dignity of the Subah.' ^ 
 
 This subject is pursued at greater length in the same 
 letter, an extract from which is given in the ' Life of 
 Clive,' ii. 357, in which some of the acts of peculation 
 by their servants are referred to. 
 
 I have quoted these passages from Olive's letters 
 and despatches because his moderation on this impor- 
 tant occasion has been a theme of reproach from some 
 writers on Indian history who hold that it was only 
 necessary for him to have stretched forth his hand and 
 grasped the dominion of Hindostan. The pacific views 
 which have prevailed at intervals between periods of 
 war and conquest have, according to such politicians, 
 only served as foils to the energy and successes of their 
 warlike successors. The policy of Clive in maintaining 
 a double government in Bengal was, in this view, a 
 sham, and doomed to be reversed in a very few years, 
 and his forbearance in not pressing on after the vic- 
 tories in Behar was weakness. 
 
 It may be contended on the other hand that our 
 Empire has grown to its i)resent heigl)t because its 
 progress was slow. lireathing times of peace were 
 
 - Earhj liecurds of Britisli India, p. 338. 
 
 G G
 
 450 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, required to consolidate our acquisitions, and train the 
 
 __LL__ civil service to the government of races differing in 
 
 language, religion, and blood from their conquerors, and 
 
 to bring our arniy to the standard of our ever-increasing 
 
 territory. 
 
 The moderation with which we have acted after 
 great successes has also had a great moral effect, and 
 prepared the way for extensions which have gone 
 beyond the dreams of the most zealous advocates of 
 what is called a strong and forw^ard policy. That of 
 Clive may be vindicated by its success. The weakest 
 point was the engagement with Shah Alam, but in 
 justice to Clive it should be considered that this 
 prince had some inconvenient claims on the revenues of 
 Bengal, which had never been repudiated by the Ndzim, 
 and had been paid m recent times, and that there was 
 a prospect of his cause being taken up by any military 
 power that might arise in the confusion of the times. 
 
 There w^as nothing extravagant in the supposition 
 that wdth such assistance as he received from the 
 Enoiish he mio-ht to some extent restore the fortunes 
 of his house, and oppose the power of the Marattas, 
 which was the only formidable one at the time. Shah 
 Alam was a feeble prince, and within a very few years 
 after his treaty with the English he succumbed to the 
 reviving power of the Marattas, and ceded to them the 
 provinces we had assigned to him, and this transaction 
 w^as made the ground for the refusal of the tribute we 
 had engaged to pay. 
 
 Thouo:h the attempt to prop up the fallen power of 
 the ]\Iogul dynasty at Delhi [)roved a failure, the engage- 
 ment with the Nawab Yizir w^as the most durable of the 
 alliances the British Government formed in India, with 
 the exception of that with the Nizam of Heiderabad, and
 
 X. 
 
 ON THE GRANT OF THE DIWANI. 451 
 
 it stood lis in o'ood stead in all the contests in Avhicli chap. 
 
 o 
 
 we were engaged till the close of the century. During 
 that period Hindostan was occasionally threatened by 
 the Afghans, and a struggle of some importance took 
 place in 1772, in which the Marattas, the Rohillas, 
 and the ruler of Oude took a part, and during which 
 the English acted as auxiliaries to the latter. The affairs 
 in the north of India gave us so little occasion for 
 anxiety that Hastings was enabled to send Coote to 
 Madras to meet the crisis occasioned by the invasion 
 of Heider Ali, and send Goddard with a Bengal detach- 
 ment to traverse central India and support the Presidency 
 of Bombay. In fact, from the time of Clive to that 
 of Wellesley, all our great wars were in the Deckan, 
 and Hindostan enjoyed comparative tranquillity, and 
 this was mainly due to the settlement of Clive. 
 
 The arrangements made for the civil government of 
 Bengal were not of the same durable character. The 
 change which was introduced m the actual administration 
 was slight. The mstitution of the double government is 
 described by Clive in a letter of April 20 of the follow- 
 ing year. ' Yesterday we held a Puneah,^ agreeable to 
 the custom of the country and to those ideas which we 
 entertain of the Company's honour and interest. His 
 Excellency the Nabob sat m quality of Nazim, and the 
 Right Honourable the President took his place as col- 
 lector of revenues for his Majesty.' From this time the 
 functions of Nazim as well as Diwan were ostensibly ex- 
 ercised ])y the British Government ; the latter by virtue 
 
 ^ This term is still in use in the Bengal provinces for the day on which 
 the income for the ensuing year is settled. It is applied to an annual 
 meeting of the direct revenue payers at the office of the chief collector, 
 or of the cultivating tenants at the court of the zemindar, to determine 
 the amount of the assessment. (See H. Wilson's Glossary of Judicial and 
 Revemte Terms.)
 
 452 RISE OF BRITISH POWEU IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAr. of the grant from the Emperor, the former through the 
 ' influence it commanded over the naib or deputy of the 
 Nazim. The Nawdb himself ha\dng become virtually 
 a pensioner of the state, the native administration 
 was controlled by the Resident at the Nawab's court 
 at Murshidabad and by the chief British authority at 
 Patna, the active management in the latter case bemg 
 placed in a former servant of the Nazim, 
 
 The condition of the country under the civil and 
 criminal administration of the native government, and 
 the modification it underwent under English influence 
 during the confused period which preceded the direct 
 administration of the country, is clearly described in 
 the seventh report of the Secret Committee of the House 
 of Commons of 1773. The great rdjas or zemmdars 
 held courts of crmiinal jurisdiction, entitled Eouj daree, a 
 term that has come down to later times. The Fouj- 
 dar, as the name implies, held a military command, and 
 the term exemplifies the union of military authority and 
 repression of crime. In capital cases the sentence was 
 not carried out until it Avas reported to Murshiddbad.* 
 The most frequent penalty was a fine, and this was the 
 perquisite of the zemindar, a system that led to great 
 abuses. The zemindar also held a court of civil juris- 
 diction, from which he also drew a perquisite, under the 
 name of cliout,^ or fourth part of the value of the subject 
 of litio-ation. It is said that this court was not much 
 
 o 
 
 resorted to, and disputes were largely settled by arbitra- 
 
 •* Third Report on the Condition of the E. I. C. 1773. 
 
 ■^ Tliis term (lit. one-fourth) with which we are familiar as connected 
 with Maratta exactions, appears to have been applied in Hindustan to 
 other cases than that mentioned in the text, such as the fourth part of 
 the pay of hired servants, or of fees levied by the head officer of a 
 court as his perquisite, (^qg Wilson's Glotisarij of Jtidicial and Bevemie 
 Terms.)
 
 ON THE GRAXT OF THE DfWAXI. 45,S 
 
 tioii. The jurisdiction was summary, as there was no chap. 
 judicial register or record, and tlie proceedings are said __ll__ 
 to have been marked by abuse and oppression. 
 
 At the seat of government the Nazim presided in all 
 capital cases, and the Diwdn had cognisance of all cases 
 relating to titles to land, a jurisdiction that grew out of 
 liis revenue administration ; and his naibs, or deputies, 
 throughout the country exercised a similar authority 
 over the property of the country. This system, it is 
 added, afforded no security to property or person ; the 
 despotic principles of the government rendered them 
 instruments of power rather than of justice. Accord- 
 ingly, the English Company or their servants, when 
 they had a demand against a person dependent or 
 connected with them in the course of commerce, took 
 the law into their own hands, the general practice being 
 to lay hold of his person by their own authority, and 
 this right sometimes was exercised even when the debtor 
 did not fall under that description; but this was an 
 abuse, though generally overlooked by the government. 
 The French and Dutch exercised the same privilege of 
 seizing the debtor, and when the President and Council 
 of Calcutta stepped forward to put an end to this abuse 
 and prohibited the practice, the French in very strong 
 temis remonstrated against the order as a violation of 
 rights they had always exercised, and this dispute re- 
 mained unsettled at the time of the House of Conunons' 
 report.** 
 
 This rude and rough system of adiiiiiiistration pre- 
 vailed during Mir Jafir's government, and English 
 influence gradually extended during that of his suc- 
 cessor, Casim Ali, in proportion as they spread over the 
 country for purposes of trade. Under the third revolu- 
 
 •"' Seventli Koport, p. 325.
 
 451 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, tion, which restored Mir Jdfir, the administration of 
 
 X 
 
 " justice was openly controlled by servants of the Com- 
 pany whose situation gave them an opportunity of 
 interference. To such an extent was this cari'ied, that 
 it is stated on the evidence of Mr. Keir, one of the 
 witnesses exammed by the Committee of 1773, that 
 after the complete establishment of British power, the 
 Banians, or agents of the English, wherever they resided, 
 entirely governed the tribunals of judicature, and even 
 sat as judges in the courts. 
 
 After the grant of the Diwani some feeble attempts 
 were made to establish a more regular admmistration, 
 and new courts were established under native judges, 
 both at Murshidabad and in the provinces. Their 
 jurisdiction was limited, and we are not informed what 
 results followed the experiment. The abuses became 
 so rife that the Government in Calcutta were before long 
 compelled to take a step towards the direct administra- 
 tion of the civil government by the appointment of 
 English officers under the title of supervisors. They 
 exercised an authority over the natives employed in the 
 collection of the revenues, and they were instructed to 
 report fully on the condition of the country, the nature 
 and amount of the revenues, and the administration of 
 justice.^ 
 
 The reports which they gave in furnished the first in- 
 formation we possess regarding the internal administra- 
 tion of the provmce, and led to further inquiries before 
 Parliament. But it was not until seven years after the 
 cession of the Diwani that the Government felt equal to 
 undertake the reform of these abuses, when mstructions 
 were conveyed to the President and Council at Fort 
 William ' to stand forth as Diwan, and by the agency 
 
 ^ Colebrooke's Sv,pplemen.t to the Bengal Begnlations, p. 174.
 
 ON THE GRANT OF THE DIWANI. 455 
 
 of the Company's servants to take upon themseh'es the chap. 
 entire care and management of the revenoe.' 1^_ 
 
 It is characteristic of the times, that while the 
 authorities at home were so careful of securing a control 
 over the finances, the criminal jurisdiction remained in 
 native hands. A board of revenue was created, consist- 
 ing of the president and members of the council, and 
 the treasury was removed from Murshiddbdd to Cal- 
 cutta. The supervisors became collectors, and with them 
 were associated native officers styled Diwans. Courts 
 were established in each collectorship, one by the name 
 of the Diwani, a civil court, and the other the Fouj- 
 daree, a cruninal court. Over the former the collector 
 presided in his quality of Kmg's Diwan. In the crimmal 
 court the cauzy and mooftee of the district sat to 
 expound the Mahometan law. Superior courts were 
 established at the chief seat of government, called the 
 Dewanee Sudder Adawlut, and Nizamut Sudder Adawlut, 
 names which long survived when the reason of their 
 institution passed away.^ Courts under sunilar titles 
 were extended to the ceded and conquered provinces in 
 the North- West in 1803, where the authority of the 
 Nazims and Diwans of the Emperor had long ceased. 
 
 From the date of this regulation the control of the 
 public servants of the Company over the revenues was 
 complete, l)ut the admmistration of the criminal law 
 remamed for the most part in native hands. The col- 
 lectors were directed to superintend the proceedmgs, and 
 to see that in trials the necessary witnesses were sum- 
 moned and examined, and that due weight was allowed 
 to their testimony, and that the decrees passed were fair 
 and impartial.^ 
 
 * Colebrooke's Supplement, p. 1. 
 
 ^ This is the description of their duties in the preamble of the
 
 456 EISE OF BRITISH POWER IX INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. These mstructions remained a dead letter, for the 
 
 X. . 
 
 ' revenue duties were too absorbing to enable the collectors 
 
 to superintend the administration of justice in great 
 popidous districts. The magistrates were natives, under 
 the title of Foujdars, and their jurisdiction was con- 
 tinued till 1781, when it was transferred to the English 
 civil judges of each district. 
 
 The crying evil of the time amis dacoity, or gang 
 robbery, wdiich assumed more gigantic proportions m 
 Bengal than m other provmces to which British rule 
 extended, and attracted a large share of the attention of 
 the Parliamentary Committee on Indian affairs which 
 sat in 1812. There is an mterestmg paper on the 
 subject by Warren Hastings, written hi 1773, and re- 
 corded in the minutes of council m August of that year. 
 The offenders against whom his remarks were directed 
 were a race of outlaws, chiefly on the frontier, livmg 
 from father to son m a state of warfare agamst society, 
 plunderino; and burnino- A'illao-es and murdermo' the m- 
 habitants. The first judicial regulations of 1772 directed 
 against them the severest penalties — capital punish- 
 ment, fines on the \allages to which they belonged, and 
 further provided that the family of a crunmal should 
 become the slaves of the state, and be disposed of for the 
 general benefit and convenience of the people according 
 to the discretion of the Government. This provision 
 Hastings strongly recommended to be strictly enforced, 
 anticipating a considerable fund from the sale of those 
 slaves to meet the current expenses of the crimmal juris- 
 diction of the state. ^ 
 
 The principal object of the memorandum is to meet 
 
 Regulations of 1700, which gives a history of the changes in the ci'iniinal 
 jurisdiction up to that date. See also Colebrooke's Supplement, p. 1. 
 ' Colebrooke's Supphment, p. 114.
 
 ON THE GRANT OF THE DIWANI. 457 
 
 the defects in the crimmal law of the Mahometans chap. 
 which continued to guide the practice of the courts of " 
 
 cruninal jurisdiction.^ So cautious were the Govern- 
 ment m introduchig innovations, that its terms and 
 technicalities continued long to prevail, and in the 
 times to which I refer were strictly applied. Under 
 this law crimes were regarded as private rather tlian 
 public wrongs. The nearest relative was mvested with 
 rio'hts which belono;ed to the Arabs in the time of 
 ]\hihomet. No capital punishment could be enforced 
 without the consent of the nearest relation. Disthictions 
 were draw^n between murders perpetrated with an instru- 
 ment formed for shedding blood, or by other means, and 
 other frivolous distinctions were made which operated 
 in favour of the criminal. Hastings, while pressing for 
 a modification of these rules, admitted that popular 
 opinion was averse to change, and that it would ' be 
 dangerous, both to our characters and fortunes, to move 
 a step beyond the plain and beaten path.' 
 
 In the followmg year, 1774, the subject of dacoity 
 afjain eno-Ro-ed the attention of the Government, and a 
 plan for the establishment of Foujdars was proposed by 
 Warren Hastings, in which new and extraordinary 
 powers were conferred on these officers. The abroga- 
 
 ^ Its principles were recognised, subject to certain modifications, in 
 the Bengal Regulations of 1790, under which magisterial duties were 
 transferred from the Foujdar or native magistrate to the English civil 
 judge, and which form a code of criminal procedure. It is there 
 enacted ' that the doctrine of Yusef and Mohamed in respect of trials 
 of murder be the general rule for the officers of the court to write the 
 futwas or law opinions applicable to the cii'cumstanccs, and that the 
 distinctions made by Abu Huneefah as to the mode of connnission of 
 murder be no longer attended t(j ' (Colobrooke's Supijlemott, p. 154). 
 Rules of Mahometan criminal law became latterly matters of mere 
 technicality, but so long did the forms prevail that instruction in its 
 principles formed at one time p.art of the course of lectures delivered at 
 the East India College of Haileybuiy.
 
 458 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IX INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, tion of the authority of the zemindars, owmg to the 
 ^_11__ introduction of the farmuig of the revenues, had thrown 
 the country mto confusion, and the new courts of justice 
 were unequal to cope with the disorders that pre- 
 vailed. ' I am sorry,' Hastings wrote, ' to enumerate 
 amongst the causes of the increase of robbers, the regu- 
 larity and precision which have been introduced in our 
 courts of justice.' The dread of the dacoits, he added, 
 deterred the common people from coming forward, and 
 the rule which required two witnesses in every capital 
 case afforded an assurance of impunity of crime. 
 
 Hence, he adds, ' among those who have been con- 
 victed of robbery I do not recollect an instance in the 
 proceedings on their trial in which their guilt has been 
 proved by evidence, but by their own confession only.' 
 As the chiefs of these banditti were well-known public 
 characters, the authorised practice of the former Govern- 
 ment had been to ascertain the identity of the men, and 
 to condemn them without any further process. To this 
 summary process the Governor- General proposed to 
 revert as the only mode of restoring the country to 
 security and order, adding, ' A rigid observation of the 
 letter of the law is a blessing in a well-regulated state, 
 but in a government loose as that of Bengal is, and must 
 be for years to come, an extraordinary and exemplary 
 coercion must be employed to eradicate those evils 
 which the law cannot reach.' '^ 
 
 Such were some of the difficulties that beset the path 
 of British administrators in applying European prin- 
 ciples and European agency to the government of the 
 first great pro\'ince that came under British rule. The 
 cession of the Diwdni was originally only a scheme of 
 fiscal administration. It became one of civil govern- 
 
 ^ Colebooke's Snpplemod, p. 121, 122.
 
 ON THE GRANT OF THE DIWANI. 459 
 
 ment. The chano-es were g-radual and cautions, and left CHAr. 
 
 .X 
 
 behind, in the forms of the administration, traces of their ' 
 
 origin . 
 
 Their history belongs to that of the government of 
 Warren Hastings and his successors — Ed,]
 
 460 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN I.\DIx\. 
 
 CHAPTER XT. 
 
 Renewal of the war between France and England — Expedition sent to 
 
 the East under the Comte de Lally — Previous career of the general — 
 
 It is preceded by part of the force under M. de Souj^ire — Its inaction 
 
 — Lally's pi-ecipitate march to Fort St. David — The siege and capture 
 
 of that place — Lally complains of want of support from the council of 
 
 Pondicherry — Expedition of plunder against Tanjore^Its failure — ■ 
 
 Naval engagement^Struggles of Bussy at Aurungabad — He is recalled 
 
 by Lally — Forde's expedition to the Northern Circars — Defeats Conflans 
 
 — Preparation for the siege of Madras — Advance of the French and 
 
 occupation of the Black Town — Siege of Fort St. George — Its relief by 
 
 the fleet and the retreat of the French — Colonel Forde's operations in 
 
 the north — Siege and assault of Masulipatam — English alliance with 
 
 the Nizam— First mutiny in the French army — Return of the French 
 
 fleet to the coast and its departure — Second mutiny — French overtures 
 
 to Salabat Jang — English reinforcements — Siege of Vandewash — Its 
 
 capture by the English — Battle of Vandewash — Lally reti'eats to 
 
 Pondicherry — Fall of the French forts — Alliance with Heider Ali 
 
 — The Mysoreans assist in throwing supplies into Pondicherry — 
 
 Major Smith's invasion of Mysore and attack on Caroor — Defection of 
 
 Heider Ali — English reinforcements— Siege of Pondicherry — Contests 
 
 at the bound hedge — Blockade of Pondicherry — Expulsion of the 
 
 native inhabitants of the fort — The storm and loss of English ships — 
 
 The surrender — Violent proceedings against Lally — Demolition of the 
 
 works — Fall of the other French garrisons and close of the war — 
 
 Charges against Lally in France — His long imprisonment and trial — 
 
 Iniquitous sentence and execution — Remarks on the history of the 
 
 French settlements in the East — Renewal of the struggle between the 
 
 French and English in the Deckan in 1780 — Its final close. 
 
 CHAP. While British arms were advancing to dominion in 
 Bengal, events took place in the Deckan which led the 
 way to a corresponding extension of British authority in 
 the south, to which it is necessary now to advert before 
 this history is brought to a close. 
 
 When the expedition under the command of CHve
 
 FIXAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FKENCH. 4(31 
 
 was despatched for the recovery of Calcutta, the British chap. 
 force in the Carnatic was reduced so low that it was " ' 
 scarcely equal to the task of maintaining the authority 
 of their ally Mohammed Ali, The French, on the other 
 hand, weakened their force in that quarter by sending 
 troops to the assistance of Bussy, and the operations on 
 either side were limited to inconsiderable enterprises. 
 The lidl was not of lung duration. War between the 
 two powers broke out in Europe in May 1756, and the 
 French Government came early to a decision to strike a 
 decisive blow at the English possessions in the East. 
 Orders were despatched to Pondicherry to refrain from 
 any operation of importance in anticipation of the 
 arrival of the armament. 
 
 The Count de Tally, who was selected for the com- 
 mand of the expedition, was the son of an Irish refugee. 
 Sir Gerard Tally, a native of Galway, A^ho settled in 
 France after the Revolution of 1688, and commanded the 
 Irish regiment of Dillon. The young Tally received 
 his commission when he was only eight years of age, 
 and did duty in the trenches at Barcelona while still 
 only twelve. Destined from early years for a military 
 career, he pursued his studies with ardour, and rose 
 rapidly to distinction as an accomplished soldier and an 
 ardent adherent of the house of Stewart. In this double 
 capacity he visited the United Kingdom in 1739 to 
 report on the facilities which its coasts afforded for a 
 descent. His talents and enterprise hastened his ad- 
 vancement, and he was sent by Cardinal Fleury on a 
 diplomatic mission to St. Petersburg, and prepared two 
 reports on the statistics of the Empire, and its former 
 relations with France. In 1742 he took a part in the 
 Avar in Flanders with his regiment, of which he was 
 now major. Here he acquired such reputation that an
 
 462 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Irish re<'imeiit wiis formed whicli bore his name, and of 
 XI ^ -1 • • 
 
 " which he took the command. This newly raised corps, 
 
 with its gallant commander, bore a conspicuous part in 
 the battle of Fontenoy, where he received from the King 
 on the field of battle the promotion to the rank of briga- 
 dier. In the following month Prince Charles Edward 
 landed in Scotland, and the impetuous Lally was in- 
 stantly at hand with a plan for a descent in support of 
 the enterprise. The project was taken up by the French 
 Government, and an army was gathered on the coast of 
 Picardy of which Lolly was appointed marechal-general 
 des logis (quartermaster-general). Lally, remarks 
 A'^oltaire, was the soul of the enterprise, but when it was 
 postponed he joined the prince with a small detachment 
 of Irish, and was present at the battle of Falkirk, after 
 which he went through some romantic adventures in his 
 escape from the United Kingdom. He then served with 
 the army in Flanders till the peace of 1748, but when 
 war wdtli England broke out anew in 1755 he was sent for 
 to Versailles, and was ready again with plans for a descent 
 on England, and an attack on the British possessions in 
 India or in America. D'Argenson, the Minister of War, 
 at first destined him for the first of these enterprises, and 
 he took the command of a force in Picardy, and opened 
 a correspondence with the Jacobites, but wiien the plan 
 was dropped he w^as appointed to the command of the 
 expedition to India at the urgent solicitation of the 
 secret committee of the East India Company. With 
 l)rilliant talents were joined great failings that were well 
 known to his friends. D'Argenson is reported to have 
 warned the deputation that w^aited on him, that with his 
 fiery activity were joined qualities that would render 
 him an impracticable colleague and cause dissension 
 and even civil war in their walls Avhile Avar was at their
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 463 
 
 gates. The deputation replied that they required a chap. 
 man of that stamp to cope with the abuses that pre- " 
 
 vailed in their settlements, and so Lally was appointed 
 to the command, and invested with full powers as 
 Lieutenant-General, commissary of the King, syndic of 
 the Company, and with a general commission extend- 
 ing to all the French settlements in the East Indies. 
 A brilliant staff, comprising some of the most illustrious 
 names in France, was appointed to accompany him.^ 
 
 A fatality attached to the expedition from the begin- 
 ning. The fleet, on leaving Brest, encountered such 
 bad weather that some of the vessels were obliged to 
 return to refit. In the meantime sinister accounts 
 reached the French Government of the state of things 
 in Canada, and some of the ships and two battalions 
 were withdrawn for the defence of the French posses- 
 sions in America. When at length the fleet sailed, it 
 carried with it a malignant fever that carried off several 
 hundreds of the seamen and troops, and after delays at 
 Rio de Janeiro and again at the Isle of France, it reached 
 the coast of Coromandel in April 1758, nearly a twelve- 
 month from its departure, and nineteen months from the 
 time when the expedition was resolved upon. French 
 ascendancy in the Carnatic had been already secured by 
 the arrival of part of the intended armament, comprising septem- 
 the regiment of Lorraine under M. de Soupire, and 
 some artillery. This accession of force consisted of up- 
 wards of 1,000 men, and the occasion seemed favourable 
 for striking an immediate blow at the English possessions, 
 weakened by the absence of a large portion of their troops 
 and of their whole fleet in Bengal. Lally, in his defence 
 
 ' The chief authcn-ity for these details is an article iu tlie Bioifvaphie 
 UniverseUe, said by Sismondi {Histoire clcsi Fran^xiis, xxix., 304) to be 
 written by Lally Tollendal, the son of the general. 
 
 bar, 
 
 A.D. 1757.
 
 464 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, of liis conduct during this campaign, bitterly complains 
 ' of the inaction of his countrymen at this juncture ; but 
 the charge does not rest heavily on De Soupire. When 
 that officer took the command of the troops on the 
 coast he seems to have been impressed with the duty of 
 acting- with vio-our, and summoned a mixed council of 
 the civil, naval, and military authorities, to which he 
 submitted a proposal to invest Fort St. David.^ He 
 was cautioned in his instructions not to engage in any 
 distant enterprise. But the English settlement, from its 
 proximity to Pondicherry, presented itself as the first of 
 the English possessions for attack. The commander of 
 the French fleet, however, refused his co-operation, and 
 the project was dropped. Throughout this campaign the 
 naval commanders of the French were cautious to excess, 
 and on the present occasion the admiral was daunted by 
 the information that reached him that the English fleet 
 Avas soon to return to the coast. It seems that when 
 the French squadron with the force under De Soupire 
 first made its appearance, it was mistaken for the English 
 fleet whose arrival was expected, with reinforcements, 
 and the council of Fort St. David sent off a boat with a 
 letter to the English admiral, urging him to cruise off 
 Cevlon to mterceptthe French until he should be joined 
 ])y tlie Bengal ships, which he was informed were 
 expected in September, and on their junction it w^as 
 suggested a heavy blow^ might be struck at the French 
 possessions. When the agent who had charge of the 
 message discovered his error, he endeavoured to conceal 
 the letter l^etween two planks, but in vain. The boat 
 was seized and the letter was discovered. Had the act 
 of the council of Fort St. David been a rune de guerre it 
 could not have been more successful. M. Bouvet, the 
 
 - Orme, ii. 235.
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE ERENCn. 465 
 
 French admiral, after landing the troops at Pondicheny, chap. 
 announced his intention of returning: to the Isle of Bonr- \ 
 
 bon, without even landing the hea-\y guns and ammuni- 
 tion intended for the settlement, and left the coast 
 
 Deprived of the co-operation of the navy, it remained 
 only for M. de Soupire to engage in some enterprises of 
 smaller importance. Eight forts in the heart of the 
 Carnatic were reduced, and their possessions added to 
 the revenues of the French. Only one of these, Chit- 
 tapet, offered any protracted defence, and the French 
 troops, after these successes, retired to Pondicherry to 
 await the arrival of the armament under Lally. 
 
 Great alarm was now felt at Madras, and this was 
 not removed by the tidings of the battle of Plassy 
 which reached the Presidency on October 16 of the a.d. 1757, 
 same year, for though they received some treasure, and 
 their credit was established by the acquisition of the rich 
 province and wealth of Bengal, there was no promise of 
 the return of the troops to meet the coming danger. 
 
 So much was the authority of the British shaken by 
 the events of the past year and the prospect of the 
 approaching superiority of the French, that even the 
 most insignificant chief who held under the nal)ob or 
 the Company, began to question or insult their power."' 
 The only effort that was made to meet the coming- 
 danger was by the navy. Admiral Pococke returned 
 from Bengal at the close of 1757 with a squadron, after 
 an absence of seventeen months, and was joined by four 
 ships of the line from Bombay. They were in number 
 inferior to the French fleet, but were prepared for tlieir 
 reception on their arrival in the following Aj^ril. AVhen a.d. 175s. 
 the expeditionary force under Lally reached the coast an 
 indecisive engagement followed, in whicli the French 
 
 s Orme, ii. 290. 
 
 11 U
 
 4G6 RISE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, suffered a severe loss in men, l)ut the English were so 
 XI . ■ 
 
 ' crippled in their hulls and rigging that they could offer 
 
 no impediment to the landing of the troops, which was 
 
 hurried on with the impetuosity of Lally's character. 
 
 Before the engagement he had proceeded to Pondicherry 
 
 to proclaim his commission, and on the same day, by 
 
 his order, 1,000 men and as many sepoys were on their 
 
 march for Fort St, David, commanded by the Count 
 
 d'Estaing, who landed with him. 
 
 They advanced without provisions, were led astray 
 by their giiides, and the following morning they found 
 themselves in the neighbourhood of the English fort, 
 and so pressed with hunger that they broke into 
 adjacent houses to obtain food. Though the garrison 
 was aware of their presence no advantage was taken of 
 the confusion, and by the following day De Soupire 
 arrived with more troops, some battering guns, and a 
 seasonable supply of provisions. 
 
 The works of Fort St. David had been planned with 
 great care. They consisted of a parallelogram with four 
 bastions, each mounting twelve guns. The outworks 
 consisted of a hornwork to the north mounting thirty- 
 four guns, and two large ravelms to the west and east. 
 The body of the place measured only 390 feet by 140, 
 and within this confined space was crowded a garrison 
 of 1,600 natives, 619 Europeans [of whom 286 were 
 effective] , and 250 seamen. This fortress had long been 
 a thorn in the side of the settlement at Pondicherry, from 
 which it was only fifteen miles distant, and Lally was in- 
 structed, when he left France, to make it the first object 
 of his attack. 
 
 To the south of Fort St. David, and across the river 
 Tripopalore, lay the town of Cuddalore, enclosed by a 
 rampart and small bastions, but open to the sea. It
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 467 
 
 had a slender garrison of three companies of sepoys, ^^|^- 
 
 thirty Europeans, and some lascars. This was the first 
 
 object of M. Lally's attack. The commandant was 
 embarrassed by the charge of 150 French prisoners, and 
 agreed to capitulate on terms if the breaching batteries 
 were ready to open within three days. Lally now 
 turned to the more important fortress. The French 
 fleet, which had been driven to the north during the en- 
 gagement, took six days to work its way to Pondicherry, 
 where they landed their troops. These were hurried on 
 to Fort St. David, and the heavy guns were landed at 
 the mouth of the river Panar, to the north, only a mile 
 from the fort. The reduction of the fortress could not be 
 effected without a regular siege and many materials of 
 war. To collect the requisite number of coolies, who 
 are alone accustomed to carry burdens, required time. 
 Lally, impatient of any delay, msisted on the indis- 
 criminate pressure of the native inhabitants of Pondi- 
 cherry without distinction of age or caste, a step that 
 caused the utmost alarm, and the flight of many of the 
 inhabitants. This led to strong remonstrances from 
 M. de Leyrit, the governor of Pondicherry, and his coun- 
 cil, who still retained their functions, and this was fol- 
 lowed by an angry retort and charges of want of zeal for 
 the public service.'* Such was the commencement of this 
 great undertaking. The personal altercation among the 
 authorities was only the prelude to more violent charges 
 and recriminations, which, more than any other cause, 
 contributed to the ruin of their affairs in the Deckan. 
 
 The siege of Fort St. David lasted from May 14, 
 when the eng'ineers began to erect their first battery, till 
 June 1, when the garrison capitulated. The defence 
 was not vigorous. Batteries were erected against the 
 
 * Orme, ii. 305. Recucil dcs lettres par Messrs, de Leyrit et-de Lally, p. 9. 
 
 U II 2
 
 4(18 RISE OF BRITISH rOWER IN INDIA, 
 
 CHAP, principal Ixistioiis without any interruption, unchecked 
 " bv the fire of the place, and another battery was raised 
 
 to the west which enfiladed the north front. The 
 garrison were from the first daunted by the impetuosity 
 of the enemy's attack, and when, by rFune 1, the works 
 were advanced to the foot of the glacis opposite the 
 north-east bastion, the batteries of the fort whicli 
 defended this front were either dismounted or with- 
 drawn. Their ammunition was now nearly exhausted, 
 and despairing of relief from the British squadron, 
 which they looked for very anxiously, the com- 
 mandant, Major Poller, and the governor, Mr. Wynch, 
 held a council of war, and yielded up the fortress, the 
 garrison becoming prisoners of war. 
 
 The surrender was severely commented upon. Clive, 
 who was keenly watching the progress of the great 
 expedition, broke out in his letters to the Governor 
 of Madras in strons: denunciation ao;ainst all who had 
 signed the capitulation of a strong fortress till a breach 
 was made and the garrison had sustained an assault.^ 
 
 ^ See Lifii of Clirc, ii. 33, 3G. ' I cannot express to you my indigna- 
 tion and concern at the infamous surrender of St. David. Had there 
 been no powder left but for the musketry, there was no excuse for giving 
 up the place till a breach was made, the covered way stormed, and the 
 ditch filled. ... I wish for the honour and welfare of our nation that 
 a court-martial would make the severest examples of the guilty in these 
 cases.' To Orme he wrote in similar terms. Since this was in type I 
 have read a notice of the siege of Fort St. David in one of the series of 
 papers which have lately appeared entitled Some of the India Office 
 Records, in which it is said that after the surrender ' a court of inquiry 
 was appointed, and it was established that the fortifications were not in 
 a state capable of withstanding the French force.' There is no mention 
 of these proceedings in Orme's narrative, which I have followed in the 
 text, and it is certain that his opinion as to the feebleness of the defence 
 pointed in the opposite direction, for he supports his views by the opinion 
 of the assailants. 'The French officers,' he says, 'on contemplating the 
 works, were surprised at the facility of their conquest, not having lost 
 twenty men by the fire of the place, though more by sickness and by 
 strokes of the sun in the trenches.' (ii. 313.)
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE EKENCH. 469 
 
 Lally liacl certainly good reason to congratulate liimsell chap. 
 on his first success. On the fall of Fort St. David he ' 
 
 despatched a force to Devi-Cotah, which lay some miles 
 to the south, at the mouth of the Coleroon, and the 
 governor evacuated the place on their approach. The 
 army then returned to Pondicherry, where they made a 
 triumphal entry, and a grand Te Deiini was chanted in 
 celebration of the victory. 
 
 Lally now turned to Madras, Much anxiety was 
 felt in the English settlement at the progress of the 
 French, and it was fully expected that Fort St. George 
 would be besieged as soon as the English squadron 
 was obliged by the monsoon to leave the coast. In 
 their alarm they turned to Calcutta, but Clive, whose 
 mind was fully occupied with the politics of Mur- 
 shiddbad, hesitated to weaken his force in Bengal 
 by detaching any considerable force to the coast of 
 Coromandel. Troops were known to be on the way 
 from England, and it was assumed that the authorities 
 at Madras would detain them for their own relief. 
 Clive, however, decided on an expedition which might 
 act as a diversion to the great enterprise on which 
 the French were bent. Overtures had been received 
 from the Raja Anunderaz, in the Northern Circars, for 
 assistance in resisting the French power on the coast, and 
 a small force was sent under Colonel Forde, whose opera- 
 tions acquired importance as tlie cam])aign proceeded.'' 
 
 The field seemed now open for the attack on Madras. 
 The English in their alarm had Avithdrawn some of 
 the garrisons from the outlying forts to protect the 
 Presidency, and the defences of the place were still im- 
 perfect. But an insuperable obstacle was placed to any 
 considerable movement on the part of tlie Freuch by the 
 
 " See ante, 337 ; see also Orme, ii. 303.
 
 470 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, announcement of M. de Leyrit that Pondicherry was 
 
 ' nnjible to furnish either money or means of transport, 
 
 and the Count d'Ache, wdio commanded the French 
 
 squadron, declared it was impossible for him to support 
 
 the march of the French troops. 
 
 It is certain that the French were crippled through- 
 out the campaign by the want of funds. The country 
 from which they drew their resources had been wasted by 
 the continuous struggle of the past seven years. Their 
 possessions in the Deckan originally consisted of a terri- 
 tory of a limited amomit in the neighbourhood of Pon- 
 dicherry, Carical, and Masulipatam, ceded to them by the 
 Subahdar ; but the same grant conferred on M. Dupleix 
 a superiority over the nabob and a virtual command 
 over all the country occupied by the French forces. 
 Their authority had been rudely shaken by the war 
 which closed in 1754, and they would not have retained 
 their hold over the country had it not been for the pos- 
 session of the numerous forts wdiich rise abruptly from 
 the plain. This part of the Carnatic consists of some 
 rich districts, mixed with sandy tracts of several miles 
 in extent covered with stubborn thickets, and occupied 
 by poligars or chiefs. In such a country no revenue 
 could be gathered except in presence of an army ; the 
 most important of these forts were in French hands, 
 but the garrisons had been largely withdrawn to pre- 
 pare for the struggle on the coast. The means of 
 supportmg this force were wanting. Tally, how- 
 ever, was strongly prepossessed with the belief that 
 all liis difficulties had their origin in the corruption 
 that prevailed among the authorities of Pondicherry. 
 He was specially enjomed by the Council of India 
 before he left France to reform the numberless abuses 
 which prevailed in the settlement, and to check the
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 471 
 
 prodigality and disorder which had wasted the re- chap. 
 venues. Lally had talents and enterprise for any under- " 
 
 taking of which the plan and means were provided 
 by the Government he served, but he had neither the 
 capacity nor the patience to unravel the accounts of the 
 local government, nor, indeed, did the French Govern- 
 ment oifer him any aid in conductmg such an mquiry. 
 The armament with its brilliant staff was expected to 
 carry all before it, and the country itself to supply the 
 means of carrying on the war. The temper in which 
 he met the difficulties he encountered on his arrival is 
 illustrated by a letter which he addressed to De Leyrit, 
 the governor of Pondicherry, from the trenches before 
 Fort St. David. After complaints of the lethargy and 
 indifference he had experienced on his arrival, he 
 proceeds : ' This letter will be a secret between you 
 and me if you furnish me with the means of con- 
 ducting my enterprise. I left you 100,000 livres of 
 my own money to assist in providmg the funds which 
 it requires. I did not find on my arrival a hundred 
 sous in your chest and in that of your council. You 
 have all refused me the support of your credit. I hold 
 you, however, more indebted to the Company than I 
 am ... If you persist in leaving me in want of every- 
 thing, and obliged to contend with the general discontent, 
 not only will I inform the King and the Company of 
 the zeal which their servants display for tlicir service, but 
 1 will take effective measures not to depend during 
 the short stay I desire to make in the country on the 
 party spirit and personal motives with which I see that 
 every member appears occupied, to tlie risk of the total 
 ruin of the Company.' ^ 
 
 "^ Meinoire jjour Ic Comte de Lally. Piecoi justijicatioes, No. 9. The cor- 
 respondence which passed between Lally and his contemporaries, and
 
 472 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Voltaire might well say in quoting this letter that it 
 
 ^ w^as not calculated to bring hitn friends nor money. It 
 
 vvas a declaration of war against those with whom he had 
 
 every motive to act in harmony, and was very feebly 
 
 followed up, for on his return to Pondicherry he took 
 
 which is appended to the Mernoires subsequently prepared in his vindi- 
 cation, are a valuable commentary on the narrative of Orme ; but neither 
 the letters nor the documents prepared for publication would of them- 
 selves atiord the materials for a narrative of the war, as the moi'e im- 
 portant events are obscured by angry comments on incidents of secondary 
 importance. The letters of Bussy, though sometimes bitter in tone, 
 are generally dignified, and show an intimate knowledge of the politics 
 of Southern India, and of the motives by which the different states were 
 actuated. Those of Lally seem to explain ' the true causes of the loss of 
 the Indies,' and confirm the accounts of the man conveyed to us by con- 
 temporaries. That by D'Argenson, which has been referred to above, is by 
 a fi-iendly hand, but it points to the one great defect which made him an 
 impracticable colleague. ' C'est du feu que son activite. II ne transige 
 pas sur la discipline, a en horreur tout ce qui ne marche pas droit, se depite 
 contre tout ce qui ne va pas vite, ne tait rien de ce qu'il sent et I'exprime 
 en termes qui no s'oublient pas.' The following is the picture which was 
 presented to Bussy soon after his arrival in India, and before they were 
 estranged. It is said to be by the pen of one of the principal officers of 
 the army. ' Vous allez voir, Monsieur, I'homme le plus extraordinaire 
 qui soit jamais venu aux Indes. Vous etes trop bon patriote pour ne pas 
 lui passer ses fougues, ses ecarts et ses disparates ; il vous en fera a chaque 
 instant. Vous eprouverez aussi ses emportements, surtout lorsqu'il s'agira 
 de redresser ses idees, souvent de travers. Je vous conjure au nom 
 de la nation et pour le bien public de ne point vous decourager. Je vous 
 jDreviens de son grand foible, c'est que, ne S9achant rien faire par lui- 
 meme, 11 veut avoir I'air de tout faire et de ne recevoir d'avis de jjersonne. 
 Vous aurez aussi beaucoup de peine ii le fixer ; car en traitant les affaires 
 les plus serieuses et les plus pressees, il s'amuse d'une bagatelle, d'une 
 historiette et rien ne se finit. 11 faut encore vous prevenir qu'il croit etre 
 impenetrable et qu'il s§ait trfes-mauvais gre a ceux qvii le devinent. Je 
 finis ce tableau par vous dire que c'est I'horame le plus avaricieux de 
 I'Europe, et qu'il s'imagine etre assez fin pour en imposer a toute la terre 
 sur ce point.' {Mcnioire pour le Sieiir de Bussy, Lettres, p. 21.) 
 
 1 subjoin another picture by an English officer after the fall of Pondi- 
 cherry. ' Monsieur Lally is arrived amongst us. Notwithstanding his 
 fallen condition he is now as proud and haughty as ever. A great share 
 of wit, sense, and martial abilities, obscured by a savage ferocity and an 
 undistinguished contempt for every person that moves in a sphere below 
 that of a general, characterises this odd compound of a man.' {Memoirs 
 of Count Lally, p. 354.)
 
 riNAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 473 
 
 counsel with the authorities against whom he launched chap. 
 
 XI 
 
 this attack, and at their instance embarked on an . 
 
 expedition of plunder against Tanjore. 
 
 The Maratta prince of that state, when besieged by 
 Chanda Saheb, aided by the French, in 1751, had given 
 a bond of 5,600,000 rupees to that prince in compo- 
 sition for his arrears of tribute, and this bond came 
 into the possession of the Government of Pondicherry. 
 To quicken the apprehension of the nija, threats were 
 held out of supporting the pretensions of another 
 member of the family, who had fallen mto their hands 
 when they took Fort St. David. On the invasion of the 
 country by the English in 1 749 they took up the cause 
 of a claimant to the throne, and the reigning raja on sur- 
 rendering Devi-Cotah, stipulated that they should prevent 
 this pretender from ofFermg him further molestation. 
 The Eno;lish could not enforce this article ao'ainst the 
 claimant who retired from the scene, but they detained 
 his uncle who was in their camp and was the leader of 
 the party. Hun they confined at Fort St. David, and 
 when the place fell, Gatica, which was the name of this 
 prince, was brought forward and treated with great 
 ceremony at Pondicherry, in order to excite the fears of 
 the raja. 
 
 On the arrival of the army within six miles of 
 Tanjore, some fruitless negotiations ensued. The raja 
 volunteered some payments of limited amount, which a.dAtss. 
 lie afterwards offered to increase, but the tone of menace 
 that Lally assumed rendered negotiation useless, and 
 decided the former to defend hunself to extremity. The 
 siege, therefore, was commenced in form. After five 
 days' firing the batteries had produced a breach of only 
 six feet wide, but the anununition was almost wholly 
 exhausted, and there remained only provisions for two
 
 474: RISE OF Burnsii tower in india. 
 
 CHAP, clays ill the camp. The anxieties of the French were 
 ' increased by the want of mtelligence from the fleet. 
 Advices were received that another engagement between 
 the squadrons had taken place, after which Cdrical, on 
 which the French army depended for their supplies, 
 ^^'as threatened by the English fleet. A council of war 
 was now held, and two only of the ten officers present 
 advised an assault. Ketreat was now resolved on, the 
 guns were spiked, and the French force commenced a 
 harassing march, followed by the enemy, and returned 
 discredited to Pondicherry. 
 
 August The naval engagement referred to above took place 
 
 ' off" the mouth of the Coleroon. In this, as on the 
 former occasion, the French suffered heavily in men, 
 while the English ships were crippled in their rigging. 
 There was no disparity between the forces, but the 
 French admiral was cautious to excess, and the flag-ship 
 experienced a series of disasters ; the rudder w^as twice 
 disabled, a gun burst and the powder-room took fire. 
 This caused confusion in the line, and the whole fleet 
 bore away to Pondicherry, while the English ships were 
 too disabled to follow up their success. 
 
 The result of this enor-ao^ement efave a first blow to 
 the fortunes of the French, for D'Ache, disheartened by 
 this second encounter, encumbered by sick and wounded, 
 and with damaged ships, decided to quit the coast for the 
 Mauritius, against the joint remonstrance of Lally and 
 the council of Pondicherry. From this time the English 
 liad the command of the sea, with all the advantage it 
 gave them in their operations ofl'ensive and defensive. 
 D'Ache returned to the coast of Coromandel in the 
 following year, with some small supply of money and 
 men, but his stay was short, and after another feeble 
 attempt to cope with his adversaries ofl" the coast.
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 475 
 
 he acfain bore awav from the Indian seas, and never chap, 
 
 "^ T . -^ ' XL 
 appeared agam. 
 
 As the attack on Madras seemed for the time hope- 
 less, Lally resolved to engage in some smaller enter- 
 prises with a view to establish his authority in the 
 Carnatic and give employment to his troops, and m the 
 meantime sent instructions to Bussy and Moracin to 
 join him without delay, and confer on the means of 
 conducting his great enterprise. After attackmg in 
 succession three forts, only one of which offered a stout 
 resistance, he threatened Arcot, which surrendered with- 
 out a blow. But these acquisitions yielded no fruit 
 beyond some seasonable supplies to his army, and the 
 reputation which the French gained by the success. New 
 difficulties pressed on him on all sides. When Bussy 
 received mtelligence of Lally 's arrival he had just 
 passed victoriously through one of those conflicts 
 which form the staple of Indian history during the 
 Mahometan period. Recent events, described in a 
 preceding chapter,^ had rendered French influence pre- 
 dominant in Heiderabad, and Bussy took advantage of 
 this by despatching a force to the province on the coast 
 ceded to the French m 1754, and the whole of the year 
 1757 was employed by him in reducing some refractory 
 hill chiefs, and in occupying the English settlements in 
 that quarter. Vizagapatam was the only English posses- 
 sion on the coast that was defended by troops, but the fort 
 was pronounced untenable, and it was surrendered by the 
 garrison on fxvourable terms. Durmg his absence in the 
 eastern provinces a revolution occurred in the government 
 of Heiderdbad ; Salabat Jang, the titular Nizam, under 
 the advice of the Diwan Shah Nawaz, advanced his two 
 brothers to high commands, against the counsel of Bussy. 
 
 « Chapter VIT.
 
 476 RISE OF BRITISH rOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. The eldest, Nizam Ali, used his power to such effect 
 ' that he compelled his brother to surrender the seal of 
 state and reduced him to complete insignificance. Bussy 
 acted with great promptitude ; a forced march of 400 
 miles in twenty- one days brought him to Aurungjibdd 
 where these events had occurred. He brought with him 
 a force of 500 European infantry and 200 cavalry, 
 besides 5,000 sepoys, and at his approach all intrigues 
 were suspended. He visited Salabat Jang with great 
 ceremony, and the intriguing Diwan and a Maratta 
 chief who had taken some part in the i^receding events 
 acknowledged his authority. 
 
 The kiladar of the powerful fortress of Dowluttibiid, 
 in the immediate neighbourhood, a dependent of Shah 
 Nawdz Khdn, admitted Bussy's troops into the citadel, 
 and after a confused struggle, in which one of Bussy's 
 generals was assassinated by Nizam Ali, Shah Nawtiz 
 Khdn lost his life during a conflict in the camp, the 
 authority of Salabat Jang was restored, and Bussy 
 returned in triumph to Heidenibad. 
 
 On the day of his arrival he received a letter from 
 Lally, written on June 25, ordering him to repair to 
 Pondicherry without delay, with all the troops that 
 could be spared from the defence of the northern pro- 
 vinces, and to join M. Moracin, who was in command 
 in that quarter, and had received similar instructions. 
 Salalmt Jan"' was in desnair, and remonstrated in vain 
 against the withdrawal of the force which was the 
 main support of his power. The instructions Bussy 
 received were peremptory, and left him no discretion. 
 The French garrison was withdrawn from Dovvlutabad, 
 the whole French army moved away from Heiderdbdd, 
 and after effecting a junction with Moracin on the 
 Kishna, he delivered over his command of the ceded
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FEENCII. 477 
 
 province to M. Conflans, and hastened on to join Lally chap. 
 in the Carnatic. The junction of the forces was effected ^ 
 on October 12. 
 
 The accession of force he brought was more appa- 
 rent than real, for Bossy, strongly imjDressed with the 
 danger of withdrawing any portion of his army from 
 the territory?- of Heidenibad, remonstrated against this 
 step, and asked to be allowed to return with a reinforce- 
 ment. Lally refused peremptorily, and received no 
 cordial support from his lieutenant during the sub- 
 sequent operations. The views of these commanders 
 were indeed too discordant to admit of any compromise. 
 Bussy, like his great predecessor Dupleix, regarded an 
 alliance with a great native state as the basis of the 
 military power which would establish the ascendancy of 
 his countrymen in the Deckan, and ultimately oust the 
 English from India. Lally regarded these schemes as 
 visionary ; the power raised on such foundations was in 
 his view unstable, and the only object on which he ^^--as 
 bent was to bring the whole military force at his disposal 
 to bear on the British possessions.^ The rashness with 
 which he pursued this policy received an early illustra- 
 tion. 
 
 Li recalling Bussy and Moracin from the Deckan 
 Lally was completely borne out by his instructions, whicli 
 suggested, though they did not enjoin, their employment 
 
 " ' Le roi et la Compagnie ni'ont envoys? dans I'Inde pour en chasser les 
 Anglois ; c'est avec eux que nous avons la guciTe, tout autre inte'ret m'est 
 Stranger : il m'importe pen qu'un cadet dispute le Decan avec son ain^, 
 ou que tels et tels Rajas se disputent telle on telle Nabobie. Quand j'aurai 
 extermine les Anglois de toute cette cote, je serai en etat de faii'e, sans 
 sortir de mon cabinet, et a peu de frais, des operations beaucoup plus 
 sures que celles qui ont coi\te' jusqu'ici tant de sujets au roi et tant 
 de roupies a la compagnie.' (Mcmoire, &c., No. 30, a M. de Ekshii, le 
 13 Juin, 1758.) Further on in the same letter he explains his policy in 
 these terms : ' Je me borne seulement a vous rctracor toute la miennc dans 
 ces cinq mots, ils sont sacramcntaux : Plus d'Anglois dans la Peninsule.'
 
 478 
 
 EISE OF BKITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. 
 XI. 
 
 Decem- 
 ber 3, 
 A.D. 1758. 
 
 in the Carnatic. Before leaving the province, Bnssy made 
 over the command of the ceded district to M. de Conflans, 
 lea vino* a force under his command which, mider an able 
 commander, should have been equal to its defence. 
 Within a week from the day on which Bussy joined 
 Lally's camp, a force from Bengal landed in the province ; 
 a few weeks later Conflans was defeated m the field, his 
 troops shut up in Masulipatam, where they finally suc- 
 cumbed to the attack, and the province was lost to the 
 French. 
 
 The expedition from Bengal was the act of Clive. 
 When intelligence reached him of the critical state of 
 things in the Deckan, it was thought dangerous to 
 detach a considerable portion of the force to the assist- 
 ance of Madras, where they would be beyond recall in 
 case of any troubles arising with the nabob. Confused 
 accounts arrived of Bussy's struggle at Aurungabad, 
 and overtures were made by Anunderaz, one of the 
 rajas of the northern territory, for English help. Clive 
 was sanguine in the belief that the British force in the 
 Deckan, supported by their fleet, which was now superior 
 to that of the enemy, would hold its ground with the 
 assistance that was expected from Europe. He decided 
 therefore to employ all that could be spared in an attack 
 on the French in this provmce, and thus destroy the 
 resources on which their army largely relied. 
 
 The conduct of the expedition was entrusted to Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel Forde, and consisted of 500 Europeans, 
 including artillerymen, and 2,000 sepoys. They arrived 
 ofl" the coast at the end of October, and formed a junction 
 with the Raja Anunderaz at Cossimcotah, in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Vizagapatam. From this place they ad- 
 vanced to meet Conflans, whose force was superior to that 
 of Forde in native troops and artillery. The engage- 
 ment which followed was fought in an open country, and
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 479 
 
 afforded no opportunity of manoenvring. The small chap, 
 
 armies advanced in line. A field of Indian corn inter- '■ — 
 
 posed, wliich prevented either of the contending- parties 
 having a full view of their adversaries. The French 
 battalion, which inclined to the right, and beyond the 
 field, came in conflict with the sepoys, whom, from their 
 red coats, they mistook for the English battalion. The 
 French fire at a distance of 200 yards was steady and 
 effective, and the sepoy battalion, threatened by the 
 enemy's men and horse on its flank, broke and fled. 
 The French victory was now apparently assured, and 
 their battalions pressed on in pursuit, when they sud- 
 denly observed a new line of men marching fast and 
 firm from behind the field of corn to occupy the ground 
 which the sepoys had abandoned. The French line 
 was in confusion, and, before they could form, such a 
 deadly fire was poured in upon them, that they fled to 
 rejoin their guns, which they had left half a mile in their 
 rear. Colonel Forde allowed them no time to rally; 
 they were driven from the guns, and after a halt to allow 
 the sepoys to rejoin him. Colonel Forde advanced to 
 attack the enemy's camp. The victory was complete ; 
 the enemy fled in disorder, leaving thirty guns and 
 seven mortars, with their ammunition, besides tents and 
 equipage, as the prizes of the victors. M. de Conflans 
 himself fled to Rajamundri, forty miles distant, 
 without drawing bridle, but finding himself insecure 
 in his position, and pressed b}' his adversary, who reached 
 Rajamundri on the following day, he fell back with 
 the wreck of his force on Masulipatam.^ 
 
 This action was the first heavy l)low struck at the 
 ascendancy of the French in the Deckan, and although 
 Forde was unable to follow up his success by an imme- 
 diate attack on Masulipatam, owing to the absence of 
 
 ' Ornic, ii. 375.
 
 480 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, support of the raja and the want of funds, it had the 
 ' effect of Hmiting the resources of the French, and raismg 
 the reputation of the English among the native powers. 
 A.D. 1758. The battle was fought on December 3, by which 
 
 time the long pending conflict before Madras had begun. 
 More than six months had elapsed from the arrival of 
 the force that was to sweep the English into the sea ere 
 the means were collected of transportmg even half the 
 heavy artillery and stores required for the siege. Some 
 assistance was rendered by two frigates that were in the 
 roads of Pondicherry in transporting another store of 
 artillery that was deposited at Alamparva. The oppor- 
 tune arrival of a vessel from the Mauritius with treasure 
 on October 18 and a supply of 100,000 rupees which 
 M. Moracin brought with him. enabled him to put 
 his troops into motion. With great effort Lally had 
 also scraped together a small fund to which he con- 
 tributed from his own means, and by his example he 
 obtamed some cash from De Leyrit and some other 
 members of the council. 
 
 During the months of September and October the 
 head-quarters of the French had been at Vandewash, and 
 from this place detachments had been sent against Arcot 
 and other forts that fell into their hands, and here he was 
 joined by l^ussy. Early in November they crossed the 
 J'aliar and took post at Conjeveram. 
 
 The force with which Lally advanced consisted 
 of 2,700 EurojDean infantry, besides cavalry, artillery, 
 and sepoys.^ With this small army he attacked a 
 
 ■ These are the numbers as given by Lally in his defence. Those of 
 the garrison were, according to Orme, 1,758 Europeans, including officers, 
 and some topasses, that is, men of mixed descent, and 2,200 sepoys. 
 Lally's force of sepoys amounted to 5,000, but he says they were all em- 
 ployed in covering the attack against the attempts at relief. (Orme, ii. 
 388; Mcmoire pour le Comte de Lally, 107.)
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE ERENCH. 481 
 
 fortress which had, m anticipation of his attack, been chap. 
 
 strengthened and rendered impregnable, except against '. — 
 
 a regular siege, well supplied with stores, open to the 
 sea, and with a garrison not one-third mferior in num- 
 ber to that of the enemy. So rash a proceeding raised 
 miso'ivino-s in the mind of Clive, who was watching; 
 the comino- struji'^i'le with the utmost eao^erness, that he 
 would not have embarked in it with a force less than 
 double that of the English, unless he were m expectation 
 of the arrival of reinforcements.^ 
 
 Lally's situation was very critical. He had a 
 superiority m men, but an almost barren exchequer and 
 no credit, and no native ally on whom he could rely, for 
 the Nizam was alienated by the withdrawal of Bussy, 
 and was now making overtures to the English. The 
 news from Europe was discouraging. In the years 
 1757-8 the French had been driven from their posses- 
 sions in Africa and the West Indies, and they were 
 attacked in Canada. They experienced disasters at sea, 
 
 ^ When repoits reached Bengal of the arrival at the Mauritius of a 
 new armament and the expectation of a fourth, Clive instantly wrote to 
 Pitt as follows : ' I presume it must have been in consequence of this in- 
 telligence that M. Lally took part before Madras, as I cannot think he 
 would have been so imjirudent as to come there with a force not double 
 that of the garrison, were he not in expectation of a reinfoi-cemcnt. 
 Should that arrive upon the coast before our squadron from liombay, or 
 should the enemy's fleet, by the addition of this third division, prove un- 
 fortunately superior to ours, the event is to be feared. Much, very much 
 indeed — perhaps the fate of India — now depends upon our squadron.' In 
 a letter to the Chairman of the Court of Directors of the same date, he 
 Avrote in sanguine terms of the result. ' To give you my opinion, I think 
 Lally will fail in his attempt, so great is my confidence in the strength of 
 the garrison and the experience and valour of the officers. The arrival 
 of Captain Cailland with the sepoy and Tanjorine horse will distress our 
 enemies greatly, if not oblige them to raise the siege ; and if they continue 
 till the arrival of our reinforcements from Bombay they run the risk of 
 a total defeat. I can no otherwise account for this undertaking of the 
 French general than from his distressed situation for want of money. 
 He is really risking the whole for the whole.' {Life of Clive, ii. 52, 55.)
 
 482 RISE OF BKITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, and their armies were fully engaged in a continental 
 ' struggle. Slender hopes could be entertained of rein- 
 forcements or supplies from France. 
 
 Colonel Lawrence, who commanded the army in the 
 field, watching the movements of the French from the 
 left bank of the Paliar, retired slowly before the enemy, 
 maintaining a steady front till he entered Fort St. 
 
 Dec. 12, George. On his arrival the council of the Presidency 
 assembled, and by a unanimous vote committed the 
 defence to the Governor, Mr. Pigott, recommending 
 him to consult Colonel Lawrence on all occasions, and 
 on extraordinary emergencies to assemble a council of 
 superior officers of the garrison."* It affords a remark- 
 able testimony to the harmony which prevailed betw^een 
 the services, that this singular arrangement proved emi- 
 nently successful. The Governor set an example to all 
 of activity and resolution. He visited the works every 
 day, encouraging the garrison by his presence, and re- 
 warding those exposed to severe services wdth money. 
 
 It is nowdiere hinted that he interfered unduly with 
 the authority of the commanders. Every effort was 
 made by the civil authorities to prepare for the coming 
 struggle. Provisions of all kinds, and of the best con- 
 dition, had been laid up, and these as well as all the 
 military stores were distributed from the different maga- 
 zines under the direction of the members of the council, 
 assisted by the inferior servants of the Company, whose 
 habits of business enabled them to manage these details 
 free from all confusion. 
 
 Such were the conditions under which a struggle 
 commenced which the English historian characterises 
 as ' without doubt the most strenuous and regular that 
 had ever been carried on in India ; ' adding, ' we have 
 
 ' Orine, ii. 088.
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FEENCH. 483 
 
 detailed it in hopes that it may remain an example and chap. 
 incitement.' -^^• 
 
 The settlement of Madras had been for about a cen- 
 tury the principal establishment on the Coromandel 
 coast, and was built on a narrow territory, only five 
 miles in length, ceded by the Mogul. The town con- 
 sisted of three divisions. That to the south was in- 
 habited by Europeans only, and was known by the name 
 of the White Town or Fort St. George. At the time of 
 its surrender to Labourdonnais it was surrounded by a 
 weak wall with bastions, and the houses of the native 
 quarter, or Black Town, as it was called, almost touched 
 the wall to the north. These two quarters were now 
 separated by a wide esplanade. Beyond them to the 
 north lay another suburb inhabited by natives of a 
 poorer class. The Black Town was also protected by a 
 wall, but it had fallen into decay and the suburb was 
 quite open to the north. 
 
 Fort St. George is protected on the east by the sea, 
 and lies within twenty yards of the surf, with a frontage 
 of upwards of 500 yards. On the south and west it is 
 guarded by the North river, which passes at one point 
 along the foot of the glacis. The ground is more 
 favourable to the besieo^er on the north, and the works on 
 this side became the object of attack ; they had how- 
 ever been much strenijthened in 1756 when a renewal 
 of the war was expected. The French advanced from 
 the south-west across the Choultry plain, Avhich com- 
 mences about 2,000 yards from the fort. Thence 
 passing the Tripopalore, which joins the North river 
 at the sea, they moved to the north towards the Black 
 Town, which lies at a distance of a quarter of a mile 
 from the fort. At the same time part of the force passed 
 the St. Thome river several miles to the south, and a 
 
 I 1 2
 
 484 RISE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, slender guurd of sepoys wliicli occupied a redoubt witli- 
 
 XI 
 
 drew at their approach. The English who were m the 
 Black Town made a show of defence and then withdrew, 
 while the French entered on the north side and pushed 
 on to the sea, where they commenced to prepare their 
 batteries, the regiment of Lally being nearest to the 
 beach, that of Lorraine on some rising ground to the 
 west. The occupation of the town was followed by a 
 scene of pillage and drunkenness that demoralised the 
 troops, and to which the French historians attribute 
 the failure of the enterprise. The English garrison 
 took advantage of the confusion, and 500 of the 
 best troops were told off to attack the enemy in the 
 town. The attack was at first successful, and they 
 entered the streets unperceived, drove back the regiment 
 of Lorraine, and penetrated to the heart of the town, 
 Avlien the French rallied and a scene of street fighting 
 ensued, with much confusion, and the English force was 
 driven back with some loss of men and prisoners. The 
 affair had no important bearing on the operations of the 
 siesfe, althouo-h the Eno-lish could ill afford the loss of 
 200 of their best troops.' 
 
 ^ When the controversy grew hot between Lally and his adversaries, it 
 was made a charge against Bussy that he had not taken advantage of the 
 confusion of the retreat of the English and led the regiment of Lally to 
 a bridge that lay between the fort and the town, by which the troops en- 
 gaged in the sally had to retreat. The Chevalier de Crillon is said to have 
 urged him to take this step, and it was contended that had he done so the 
 whole of the force would have been cut ofl' to a man, and, as Lally exj^resses 
 himself, the siege would not have lasted a fortnight. (Memoire, &c., 105.) 
 To this Bussy replied that he had no command, that he served on this oc- 
 casion as a volunteer, that he received the thanks of the governor of Pon- 
 dicherry for his conduct during the sortie, and that Lally himself, on the 
 field of battle, gave him the command of the brigade of Lorraine, vacant 
 by the capture of the Comte d'Estaing on the occasion. (Memoire pour 
 le Sieur de Bussy, 24.) This should dispose of the personal part of the 
 question. It is of historical interest to determine whether the failure of 
 the campaign was due to the conduct of some particular officer on one
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FEENCII. 485 
 
 The sieo-e which was now commenced was carried chap. 
 on by regular approaches to the crest of the glacis, where ' 
 
 the breaching batteries were erected. Though the garri- 
 son made no new sortie in force, the works of the besiegers 
 were attacked almost nightly by small parties, and the 
 progress of the works was delayed. 
 
 The possession of Chinglepet, about forty miles 
 south-west of Madras, the garrison of which had l^een 
 reinforced m anticipation of the coming struggle, now 
 stood the English in good stead. Captain Preston, 
 who commanded there, with the aid of some native 
 auxiliaries, interrupted the communications and com- 
 pelled Lally to mamtain a considerable force at St. 
 Thome, to the south of Madras, in order to cover the 
 siege. A desultory warfare was carried on in which he 
 was generally successful, but it proved harassing to the 
 besiegers ^ and encouraged the garrison, who kept up 
 
 occasion, a line of argument to which Lally returns over and over again ; 
 and here we have the advantage of having a witness at hand who can 
 speak with impartiality. Orme says that the men of Lally's regiment, 
 many of whom were reeling drunk, advanced under the cover of the 
 houses till they were within 300 yards of the street where the English 
 were retreating, and the interval between them was exposed to the fire of 
 the fort, the fear of which and the mistrust of these intoxicated men 
 deterred the French officer from making the attack. (Orme, ii. 393.) 
 This is confirmed by the map of the fortress which is appended to the 
 work, and by the aid of which one traces every incident in the action. 
 And it appears that the bridge in question, where the English party should 
 have been cut off, is on the esplanade, within 300 yards of the fort, and 
 under the fire of its guns. Enemies that advanced to it must have been 
 exposed to destruction. 
 
 " When Lally first heard that the English at Chinglepet had formed 
 a junction with the troops under a native commander, he made a savage 
 attack on M. de Latour, who commanded in the field, and wrote to the 
 governor of Pondicheriy in the following terms : ' L'enfer m'a vomi dans 
 ce Jjays d'iniquites, ct j 'attends comme Jonas la baleine qui me recevra 
 dans son ventre.' Yoltairo quotes this to show that he at this time de- 
 spaired of his enterprise. This was his usual style of correspondence. 
 On another occasion he expressed himself to the same correspondent with a 
 similar illustration from the Bible. ' J'irais plutot commander les Cafrea
 
 486 EISE OF BRITISH POWEK IX IXDIA. 
 
 CHAP, their communications with the English army in the fiehi, 
 ' to whom they remitted money, of which they received a 
 
 seasonable supply from Bengal. The French began to 
 prepare their batteries on December 15, the day after 
 the sharp conflict in the Black Town, but it was not 
 until the 7th of the following month that they opened 
 fire, and this was so hotly returned that within an 
 hour one of the batteries was silenced, and the attack 
 was not renewed for four days, and then they had no 
 such superiority in their fire as to give them a prospect 
 of success. However, 3,000 shells of all sorts were 
 thrown into the fort, to the destruction of all the build- 
 ings in the place. A breach was at length efi"ected in a 
 A.D. 1750. north-east bastion, but not till February 7, being fifty- 
 four days from the commeucement of the batteries. 
 Lally, whose ammunition was running short, was eager 
 for an assault, but he was dissuaded by his own officers, 
 who pronounced the attempt to be desperate, as the 
 troops in their descent into and passage of the ditch, 
 and on the breach itself, would be exposed to a formid- 
 able fire from the adjoining bastion whose fire had 
 never been silenced. 
 
 From this time the siege may be said to have been 
 at an end. The enemy's mortar fire was exhausted, but 
 tliey kept up an active fire from their batteries, and this 
 was contmued for nine days more in the hope, it may 
 be supposed, of receiving reinforcements. On the 16th 
 intelligence reached the fort that a British fleet was ap- 
 proaching from Bombay, escorted by two frigates and 
 bearing 600 men. The same afternoon they were dis- 
 covered standing towards the road, and at ten at night the 
 
 que de rester dans cette Sodome, qu'il n'est pas possible que le feu des 
 Anglais ne detruise tot ou tard au defaut de celui de del.' Another time, 
 according to Voltaire, he threatened to put in harness the governor and 
 all the council if certain munitions that he expected did not arrive.
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 48' 
 
 ships, guided by the hghts held out in the fort, anchored chap. 
 in the road. When day broke the beleaguered garrison " 
 discovered the whole French force in full retreat crossing 
 the Choultry plain, 
 
 ' Joy and curiosity,' adds Orme, ' carried out every 
 one to view and contemplate the works from which they 
 had received so much molestation, for the enemy's fire 
 liad continued forty-two days. Thirty-three pieces of 
 cannon, eighteen- or twenty -four pounders, were found in 
 their forts and works, of which twenty-six were disabled.' 
 
 They evacuated St. Thome, and all guards betw^een 
 tliat place and the fort were withdrawn at the same 
 time that the enemy left the Black Town. The 
 garrison on their departure sent out parties who collected 
 nmeteen guns more, chiefly iron three-pounders ; 150 
 barrels of good powder were found at St. Thome. But 
 the strongest proof of the hurry and confusion with 
 which they raised the siege w^as the neglect of their 
 sick and wounded. They left forty-four Europeans 
 in their hospital in the Black Town, with a letter from 
 ]\I. Lally recommending them to the care of the English 
 Governor.' 
 
 Thus ended this important siege, and with it closed 
 the hope of driving the English from the peninsula; for 
 though the struggle w^as prolonged for two years, and 
 the French were enabled to cope with the English in 
 the field, and sustain a general engagement before they 
 w^ere shut in within the walls of Pondicherry, they 
 fought at a continually increasmg disadv^antage, as 
 Avill be shown by tlie brief narrative of the succeeding 
 events. 
 
 Tlie Englisli liistorian dwells with great pride on 
 the zeal and constancy displayed by the Governor of 
 Madras. ' Scarce a murmur had been uttered,' says
 
 488 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Orme ; ' all was emulation.' ^ Lally, on the otlier hand, 
 
 " Orme, ii. 459. Mr. Vaiisittart, a member of the Counci] of Madras, 
 
 who succeeded Olive in the government of Calcutta, wrote to Clive the 
 following soldierly account of the operations. 'I am very glad,' he ob- 
 serves, ' to begin with acquainting you that the siege of Madras is raised. 
 Certainly it was an undertaking too great for M. Lally's force, and it was 
 undoubtedly a want of men that obliged him to confine his approaches to 
 so narrow a front. I will send you a plan of them as soon as I can find 
 one of our engineers at leisure. The trenches are the weakest that ever 
 were seen, and yet they pushed them uj) close under our nose. Three or 
 four times small detachments sallied and took possession of the head of 
 their sap almost without resistance. Our people retired after destroying 
 a little of the work, and then the enemy returned and worked on. Their 
 grand battery, the first that they opened, tore our works a good deal, but 
 our men were active, and got them repaired in the night. This continued 
 for a few daj's, but our fire was not decreased. The enemy then lost all 
 patience, and advanced with all our defences in good order. When they 
 got to the foot of the glacis, they erected a battery against the east 
 face of the north ravelin, but they could never stand there for an hour 
 together, as we had a heavy fire both on their flank and front. In 
 three or four days they abandoned that, but they still kept pushing on 
 their sap, and presently got up to the crest of the glacis, where they 
 erected another battery close to the north-east angle of the covered way. 
 This cost them very dear, and they well deserved to sufier, for all our 
 defences were yet perfect, nay, we had more guns than we had at first. 
 For six mornings running they opened this battery at daybreak and were 
 obliged in an hour or two to shut up their embrasures. Their loss there 
 must have been very great, for it was raked from one end to the other 
 by the flank of the royal bastion, had a front fire from the north-east 
 bastion, and was overlooked by the demi-bastion so with musketry, that 
 it was absolutely impossible for a man to live. At the end of six days 
 they gave it up, and at the same time, I believe, gave up all hopes 
 of success. It is true that they had opened a narrow passage through 
 the counterscarp of the ditch by a mine, and had beat down so much clay 
 from the face of the demi-bastion that there was a slope which a nimble 
 man might run up, and that is what M. Lally calls a breach. But his 
 people were wiser than he, if he proposed to assault it, and they refused. 
 That letter of M. Lally's is a most curious piece. I am glad it was inter- 
 cepted, that he may not say the arrival of the ships obliged him to raise 
 the siege, and that the officers and men of the garrison may have the 
 honour they deserve. Their duty was really severe, and, what was yet 
 worse, they had not a safe place to rest in when off duty, for there is not 
 a bombproof lodgment in garrison, except the grand magazine and the 
 casemate under the nabob's bastion, where the sick and wounded lay. 
 Nevertheless there was a universal cheerfulness from the beginning to 
 the end, and (what M. Lally so much expected) a capitulation never en- 
 tered, I believe, into the head of any one man in the garrison.' {Life of 
 aire, ii. 48.)
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 489 
 
 dealt out invectives ao'ainst all from wliom he looked chap. 
 
 XI 
 
 for co-operation, and when the conflict was over the L_ 
 
 true causes of the extinction of the French power were 
 lost sio'ht of m mutual recrimmation. It has been 
 pointed out that the naval superiority of the English, 
 and their resources m Bengal, enabled them to hold the 
 balance for near a twelvemonth agamst the superior 
 armament of France. From this time it mclined in 
 their favour. Lally, in his invectives against De Leyrit, 
 Bussy, and D'Ache, on whom he attempted to fasten 
 the odium of these disasters, makes only a casual allusion 
 to the scantiness of the reinforcements he received from 
 home. The great enterprise seems to have been 
 abandoned by the French Government almost from the 
 commencement, and the unfortunate commander had 
 to struggle on for two more years wdth a force that 
 was gradually diminishing in strength, and that force 
 impau^ed and discontented by severe reverses. The 
 energy with which he fought against these odds would 
 deserve all honour, were not his soldierl)^ qualities 
 marred by a suspicious nature and ungovernable temper. 
 The failure before Madras was followed b}^ a new 
 disaster in the north. Colonel Forde, after his victoiy 
 on December 3, advanced on Masulipatam in the hope 
 of attacking the place before the French could recover 
 from the blow of their late defeat; but liis action was 
 paralysed by the hesitation of his only ally, the Kaja 
 Anunderaz, who returned to the hills that skirt the 
 province, and seemed to await the issue of events in 
 the south.. The credit of the English was shaken by 
 the struggle that was going on at Madras, and in the 
 meantime Salabat Jang, after his abandonment by 
 Bussy, feeling himself unable to coerce his brothers 
 without the assistance of the French, determined to cast
 
 490 RISE OF BPvITISII rOWER IX INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, in his lot with the force under Conflans, and moved 
 XI . • . 
 L_ to tlie Krishna. Here he was joined by his brother 
 
 Basdlat Jang. The subahdar now summoned Annn- 
 
 deraz and the zemindars who had joined the English 
 
 to repair to his standard ; this excited the liveliest 
 
 alarm in the mind of the raja, but at length the prince, 
 
 feeling himself compelled to take a line, decided to join 
 
 the English, and, after a delay of fifty days, terms were 
 
 arranged, by the intervention of Mr. Andrews, the 
 
 representative of the Company at Vizagapatam, and 
 
 Colonel Forde was enabled to make his long-dela^^ed 
 
 attack on Masulipatam. 
 
 The position of Forde was now critical. The power 
 under Conflans exceeded his owai, and his movements 
 were threatened by a small force of 200 French and 
 2,000 sepoys, detached to maintain the communication 
 with the south, and by the army of the subahdar. 
 To retreat w^as impossible, so he decided to press the 
 A.D. 1759. attack wdth ^dgour. On March 6, when the English 
 force appeared before the place, it was cheered by the 
 intelligence that reached them that Lally had raised the 
 siege of Madras. 
 
 The fort of Masulipatam stands on a morass at a 
 distance of more than a mile from the town, wdth which 
 it is connected by a causeway. The defences were 
 modernised by the French and consisted of irregular 
 bastions with a wet ditch, but no glacis nor outworks. 
 The English force took up its position on some sand 
 hills, from which they were separated from the works 
 by the morass, and here they planted their batteries. 
 They received support from the ' Harwich,' a Company's 
 ship, which lent them guns and men, and were able, 
 owning to the absence of any glacis or outworks, to 
 commence a fire at some distance from the wall. This
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 491 
 
 was the only advantage they possessed, for the garrison chap. 
 
 was superior in the number of the Europeans and V 
 
 strong m artillery, and two armies were movmg to its 
 succour. 
 
 So desperate did the undertakmg appear, that the 
 whole Ime of Europeans turned out on March 19, and 
 threatened to march away unless they received the prize 
 money already due to them, and were assured of the 
 whole booty in case of the fall of the place. Forde had 
 no money, but satisfied them with promises to pay them 
 their prize money out of the first he should receive, and to 
 solicit the Company, in consideration of their services, to 
 give up the whole of what might be taken m Masuli- 
 patam. Upon this they returned to their duty. For 
 ten days a hot fire was maintamed from their batteries 
 aof"amst the eastern front, and the breaches were declared 
 to be practicable, but the ammunition was now nearly 
 exhausted and the relieving forces were at hand. Tlie 
 raja again faltered, and threatened to abandon his ally. 
 But Forde was a man of resolution, and in these 
 desperate straits he took a resolve the apparent rashness 
 of which contributed to his success. 
 
 The little force was divided into four parties, three 
 of which assaulted the breaches on the east, while a 
 false attack was made on the south-west, where the wall 
 was protected by a quagmire which had been tried by 
 two British officers on the previous night, and found 
 to be passable. Another false attack was made by the 
 raja's troops along the causeway that connected the fort 
 with the town. The attack was made at midnight ; the 
 Sfarrison irathered on the breaches, but made a feeble 
 defence, and every bastion was carried in succession. 
 Conflans, confused at the suddenness and boldness of 
 the attack, sui*rendered at discretion. Tlio jirisoners
 
 492 KISE OF BRITISH rOWEIl IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, consisted of 500 Europeans and 2,537 coolies, topasses, 
 " and sej^oys. A hundred and twenty pieces of cannon, and 
 
 abundance of stores, were the prize of the conquerors. 
 
 The assault took place on the night of April 7. On 
 tlie 15th two French vessels appeared before the place 
 with 300 troops, whom Lally had despatched on receipt 
 of the tidings of the siege, but findmg the fort in 
 possession of the enemy they sailed away. Greater 
 events followed this double success. Salabat Jang 
 was within fifteen miles of the coast, and made some 
 demonstration with his Maratta auxiliaries up to the 
 walls of the fort, but Forde, embarrassed as he was 
 with the number of prisoners, held a bold countenance, 
 and the Mogul prince, findmg his old allies crushed, 
 offered to come to terms with the power that was now 
 in the ascendant. 
 
 The intelligence from Heidenibdd quickened his 
 resolve. His brother, Nizam Ali, was approaching the 
 capital with a large force, and as he felt it impossible to 
 hold his ground without European auxiliaries, and the 
 French having disappeared from the northern province, 
 what was more natural than that he should ally himself 
 with the victor? Colonel Forde was received in his 
 camp with honour, and a treaty was now arranged by 
 which he assigned territory amomiting to four lacs, 
 and bound himself to aid in drivino; the remainino- 
 French troops across the Krishna. Such was the com- 
 mencement of the long alliance of the British with the 
 Nizam of the Deckan. 
 
 While these unportant events took place in the 
 north, the war dragged on languidly in the Carnatic. 
 After a campaign of 100 days which followed the siege 
 of Madras, during which 8,000 or 10,000 men were in 
 arms, not five were killed. The princij^al object of
 
 FINAL STKUGGLE WITH THE ERENCII. 4\)6 
 
 both sides, as Orme observes, was to protect their re- chap. 
 spective territories, and not to risk an engagement ^ 
 without a prospect of positive advantage. To such 
 straits were the French driven that Lally had recourse 
 to private contributions to meet some miportunate 
 demands of his troops, an expedient to which he had 
 recourse ao'ain and ao;am. He claims credit at this 
 time for raising no less than 312,000 livres by lines 
 on the agents of members of council, who were accused 
 of malversation in dealino- with the rents of the Com- 
 
 o 
 
 pany.« 
 
 Now for the hrst tune signs were manifest of clis- August, 
 affection in the French forces, which later on assumed 
 the most malimant form. Overtures reached the 
 English from the garrison of Arcot, which consisted of 
 sixty Europeans and six companies of sepoys, offering 
 to deliver up the fort for money. This was followed 
 by similar offers from the Killadars of Covrepack and 
 Timery. In each of these cases the proposal came from 
 the native portion of the force ; but in August Lally' s 
 own regunent, with the exception of the sergeants, 
 corporals, and fifty of the soldiers, mutinied and 
 marched out of the fort of Chittapet, declaring that they 
 would not return to their colours until they received 
 their pay, now many months in arrear. Their officers, 
 by advancing their own money and pledging their 
 honour for more, brought them back, with the exception 
 of thirty, wlio dispersed about the country ; but this 
 defection, which it was impossible to ^dsit with serious 
 punishment, shook the discipline of the whole army, 
 and the result was soon to be displayed.^ 
 
 The long-expected fleet which was to bring rcin- 
 
 *' Tableau Ilistorique dc VExpedition de flndc, p. 21. 
 '-* Orme, ii. 501, 507.
 
 194 lUSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, forceiiieiits in men and supplies, and to restore the 
 
 XI 
 
 " broken fortunes of the French, was now at hand. Comte 
 
 septem- D'Ache, wlio had left the coast in September of the 
 a.d'. 1751). previous year, returned with eleven sail of the line, 
 numerically superior to the English fleet under Pococke. 
 It appears from D' Ache's narrative, that the French 
 fleet, on arriving at the Isle of France in September 
 1759, found in the port a reinforcement of three men- 
 of-war under M. d'Eguille, besides several of the French 
 Company's ships. The force under his command, 
 amounting to more than 5,000 men, now proved an 
 embarrassment, and, as they could not be supplied m 
 the isle, more than half the force was detached to the 
 Isle of Bourbon and the Cape of Good Hope to make 
 purchases. This was effected at a great cost, and in the 
 meantime some of the Company's ships were equipped 
 and fully armed. At length the fleet, formidable in 
 numbers and superior to the English in artillery, made 
 sail for India, and was not lono* in encounterino- the 
 Enorlish under Pococke. The eno:ao:ement which fol- 
 lowed was one of those indecisive affairs which charac- 
 terised the naval history of this period. The English 
 fleet had the advantao:e of the wind and commenced the 
 nttack, and the engagement became general along the line, 
 but as vessels on either side sufl'ered in their rigging or 
 took fire, they dropped out of the line. After two hours 
 of cautious warfire, D'Ache was wounded, his captain 
 killed, and the oflicer in command wore his ship to join 
 those which had fallen astern. The remaining ships 
 accepted this movement as a signal of retreat, left the 
 line of battle, and were soon all out of gunshot. None 
 of the English ships after the action could set half their 
 sails, and the French fleet, two days after the engagement, 
 anchored in the roads of Pondicherry.
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 495 
 
 The reinforcements that this o-reat armament broui>'ht chap. 
 
 XI 
 
 with them amomitecl to only 180 men, and the treasure ^ 
 
 to somethmo- more than 400,000 livres m dollars. Some Septem- 
 
 . . . berl6, 
 
 diamonds, which had been taken from an English ship, a.d. itoo. 
 valued at 400,000 livres, were added to this supply.^ 
 
 The disappointment was great in the colony, and it 
 broke mto consternation when they found the fleet pre- 
 paring for immediate departure. A public meeting was 
 held, and attended by the officials and inhabitants of 
 Pondicherry. They remonstrated m the strongest terms 
 against the proposed desertion, mvolving, as they be- 
 lieved, the rum of the French settlement. In the pro- 
 test which was drawn up, D'Ache was held responsible 
 for its loss, and a threat was held out of addressmg 
 an immediate complaint to the King and the mmistry. 
 Alarmed at this resolution, D'Ache consented to land 
 some of the force, consistuig of 400 CafFres and 500 
 Europeans, but adhered to his resolution of leaving the 
 coast. 
 
 Whether more could have been eff"ected seems doubt- 
 ful. The English fleet confronted their opponents while 
 they lay off Pondicherry, and although the latter got 
 under way, no engagement ensued. Orme says the 
 English fleet was driven by the current to the north ; 
 the French admiral says he was becalmed. Neither of 
 them was eager for an encounter, and in the state of 
 their vessels this is not surprising. So straitened were 
 the French at Pondicherry that they could neither supply 
 provisions for the fleet nor the means of refit ; and their 
 cordage and timber had been largely used up by the 
 artillery ; and so D'Ache bore away to the distant isles 
 iu tlic ludian Ocean." 
 
 ' Lally, Memuire, etc., p. 128. 
 
 - This is D'Ache's statement {Meniuiir, p. 2()). His defence of his
 
 496 KISE OF BIUTISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. If Lally ever entertained an}- hopes of bringing his 
 
 ^ enterprise to a successful issue, they were now dashed 
 
 for ever ; and he not unreasonably refers, in his subse- 
 quent defence, to the act of D'Ache as giving a final 
 blow to his policy. From this time the coast was 
 occupied by the fleet of the English, and the prospect 
 of any material relief from France was cut off. 
 
 The moral effect of the departure of the fleet now 
 manifested itself in a most alarming form. Complamts 
 were openly made by the troops, whose pay was more 
 than a year in arrear, and the officers could not venture 
 to check them, because they were incontestable. At 
 length the attempts to punish some acts of insubordina- 
 tion brouo'ht matters to a crisis. Withm an hour the 
 Oct. 17, drums of the Lorraine regiment beat to arms, and in an 
 instant every man was on the parade.^ The commis- 
 sioned officers, and every sergeant except two, were 
 excluded, and the regiment marched to a neighbourmg 
 mountain, lately occupied by the English force. The 
 two other regiments, on hearing the drums of the 
 Lorraine, also beat to arms as if expecting an attack. 
 A party from the Lorraine was sent to confer with 
 them, and invited them to join m redressing their 
 wrongs. These words ran like fire ; a cry was raised 
 to march, and in spite of the exhortations of their 
 officers, who were desired to retire, they marched off 
 with seventeen pieces of cannon, their bazar and 
 market, to which they appointed the usual guard. On 
 
 conduct during the campaign shows him to have been very irresolute ; 
 but he may be credited in what he says of the want of jjreparation for a 
 naval campaign, and the straits to which he was driven to relit his ships, 
 for they had no port or magazines in the Eastern seas, except at the Isle 
 of France. 
 
 * Lally's biographer says that this was the tenth mutiny, but that the 
 others Avere partial.
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 497 
 
 reaching tlie mountam of Yanclewasli, tliey appointed chap. 
 tlie sergeant-major of the grenadiers of Lorraine their ' 
 
 commander-m- chief, and he in turn appomted another 
 sergeant his major-general, and others of the rank and 
 file to the command of companies, with the usual titles 
 of commissioned officers. The most perfect order was 
 mamtamed. The camp was pitched, and every detail 
 of duty and discipline strictly observed. Some of their 
 officers were allowed to enter the camp, but they were 
 forbidden to attempt to exercise any authority, and on 
 fears bemg expressed that they intended to go over 
 to the enemy, they pointed to their guns, which were 
 ranged in front of the camp in the direction from \\'liich 
 the English army might be expected. 
 
 When the news of the revolt reached Pondicherry, 
 a council was held, and Lally advanced 10,000 pagodas 
 from his own chest, and his example was followed by 
 members of the council, who sent their own plate to 
 the mint. The alarm was so great that many of the 
 inhaljitants came forward with similar offers. Viscount 
 Fumel was sent with full powers to treat with the 
 mutineers, and after considerable negotiation, which was 
 at one time broken off by the violence of some of their 
 number, they were mduced to accept half the pay due 
 at once, with the promise of the rest in a month, and a 
 free pardon for the past. The army then marched back 
 to Yandewash under their old officers, where the even- 
 ing was passed m dances and merriment as after some 
 signal success.^ 
 
 So complete a triumph confirmed the nnitineers in 
 their belief that Lally had purposely withheld the money 
 he had received by the fleet, and he had henceforth to 
 experience the alienation of the army m addition to that 
 
 " Orme, ii. 528. 
 
 K K
 
 408 mSE OF BRITISH POWEK IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, of tlie civil and military authorities of Pondicherry. 
 ^ His differences with the latter now broke out afresh, 
 
 owinsf to the unfortunate action of the home ""overn- 
 
 o 
 
 mcnt. His early successes had made them sanguine 
 of future triumphs, and the despatches which reached 
 Pondicherry from the Company and ministers, compli- 
 mented him on the fall of Cuddalore, Fort St. David, 
 and Devi-Cottah, which, they added, ' T^dll render for 
 ever memorable your arrival at Pondicherry.' They 
 added some instructions to carry on his inquiries into 
 the state of the Company's affairs, to which they had 
 attached so much importance on his appointment to 
 the command. 
 
 The confusion which reigned in the finances of these 
 settlements had already led to the appointment of a 
 special commission charged with the control over the 
 territorial revenues and the disbursement of funds 
 required for the war. Monsieur Clouet, who was 
 charged with this duty, after passing several months 
 at Pondicherry, gave up the attempt in despair and 
 quitted tlie settlement. The Company m their despatch 
 charo-ed the council with refusmo; to eive the informa- 
 tion M. Clouet required, and evading the inquiry. 
 They now ordered him to return, and charged Lally 
 with the task of mquirmg into the whole administration 
 of the Company, and tracing the origin of what they pro- 
 nounced to be abuses without number. Reference was 
 specially made to the collection of the revenues of ceded 
 districts and the system of rentmg, regardmg which 
 little information, and that of an unsatisfactory kind, 
 had reached France.^ 
 
 A more unfortunate appointment could not have 
 been made to carry out such an inquiry, even if Lally 
 
 ^ Memoire pour le Comic de Lally, Pikces Justificatives, pp. 21, 28.
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCPL 499 
 
 had been supported by colleao-ues familiar with details chap. 
 of Indian administration. Charged as he was with the ' 
 
 conduct of a war, and l^roken in health and worn 
 w4th anxiety, it remained a dead letter, and only served 
 to point the sarcasms he addressed to those with whom 
 he was henceforth in constant collision. 
 
 Well miglit Voltaire say, referring to these instruc- 
 tions, that had Lally been the mildest of men he must 
 have been hated. This unfortunate step on the part of 
 the authorities at home rendered co-operation next to 
 impossible, and contributed to the downward course of 
 subsequent events. 
 
 The same despatches invested Bussy with the rank 
 of second in command, and for a time brought these two 
 generals into some accord. Lally made advances to his 
 colleague, but their views were discordant, and in the 
 conferences which followed, Bussy reverted to his old 
 views of reviving the alliance with the Viceroy of 
 Heiderabad. 
 
 After the fall of Masulipatam Saldbat Jang hastened 
 back to the capital, and came to terms with his brother 
 Nizam Ali, who was reinstated in his high office. The 
 younger brother, Basalut Jang, alarmed at this combi- 
 nation, made open advances to the French, and marched 
 southward accompanied by the small French force of 200 
 Europeans and 2,000 sepoys, that had been dignified wdth 
 the name of the army of observation. Bussy urged Lally 
 to enter into alliance with the Viceroy, and in the 
 straitened state of the French fortunes Lally made no 
 objection. A meeting took place between Bussy and 
 Basalut Jang in the neighbourhood of Cuddapa, about 
 100 miles distant in a direct line north of Arcot. 
 But so low was the reputation of the French that the 
 Mogul prmce made it a condition of his alliance that the 
 
 K 2
 
 500 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. French should surrender to him Arcot and other 
 ' possessions in the Carnatic, subject to the payment 
 of one-third of the revenues, assist him in his war 
 with liis brother, and that after the peace he should be 
 placed in possession of the whole Carnatic. As a climax, 
 Bussy was to advance four lacs of rupees for the payment 
 of the troops.^ These proposals rendered all negotiation 
 impossible, and Hussy returned to the Carnatic to meet 
 the taunts of his commanding officer, and their estrange- 
 ment was greater than ever. 
 
 While these difficulties gathered round the French 
 colony, the affairs of their rivals continued to improve 
 monthly. In the month of March the resources of the 
 Eno;lish had been so much straitened that the Presi- 
 dency, when pressed by Colonel Forde to send rein- 
 forcements of men and money, inclined to bring their 
 troops into cantonments and send 200 men to the force 
 before Masulipatam. From this they were dissuaded 
 by Lawrence, who, while satisfied of the imprudence of 
 attacking the French in the threatening position they 
 occupied at Conjeveram, was equally persuaded of the 
 danger of retreating before them. The army was kept 
 in the field. Having given this counsel, Lawrence, 
 whose health was much impaired, resigned the connnand 
 of the army and returned to England.^ In the latter 
 
 ® Memoire pour le Sieur de Bussi/. Lettrcs, p. 144. 
 
 "^ Since these pages were in type I have found among Mr. Elphinstone's 
 papers the following fragment on the close of the career of Lawrence : — 
 ' Lawrence now went home, worn out by ill-health and long and severe 
 service. In addition to his many honours he went home poor ; there 
 was then no provision for retired ofhcers, and the Court of Directors, who 
 but for him would have seen the Company end its career at Trichinopoly, 
 voted him a pension of 5001. Clive, in gratitude to his old commander, 
 had previously begged his acceptance of an annuity of the same amount 
 from his private fortune. The Court of Directors would have been liberal 
 in rewarding a captain who had saved one of their merchant ships, but 
 they were incapable of appreciating the merits of soldiers or statesmen.'
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. OOi 
 
 part of June three vessels reached Madras from Enghmd chap. 
 
 with 200 recruits for the Company's re<i;iment, and L_ 
 
 brino-ini>- the welcome intellio;ence that the 84th re";!- 
 ment in the King's service, consistmg of 1,000 men, 
 would arrive shortly on the coast. Colonel Coote, in 
 command of the regiment, was appointed to tlie command 
 in Bengal, but with permission to stop and serve on the 
 coast of Coromandel if his services were required. The 
 satisfaction arismg from this intelligence was damped 
 by the mformation that accompanied it, that no more 
 treasure would be sent till the following year. The 
 wealth of Bengal, it was assumed, w^ould supply the 
 wants of the other Presidencies. 
 
 The expected reinforcements did not reach Madras 
 till the following October, wdien 200 men were detached 
 to Bengal, and Coote took the command of the force on 
 the coast. This distinguished commander, who had 
 served under Clive in his campaign against Suraj-u- 
 Doula, was an able and wary warrior, and soon earned 
 the confidence of the troops who served under him. 
 His first act was to call a council of war at Conjeveram, 
 where the largest portion of the troops were in canton- 
 ments. The utmost harmony prevailed, and it was 
 determined to strike a blow at Vandewash. 
 
 The fort of Vandewash, on which turned the chief 
 interest of the campaign, was about equidistant from 
 Madras and Pondicherry, and commanded a rich extent 
 of country on the Paliar. and was, with the exception 
 of Arcot, the most im})ortant place in the occupation of 
 the French in the Carnatic. 
 
 It had been attacked by the Englisli in 1757, but 
 wdien the French concentrated their force rapidly fjr its 
 relief the sieixe was abandoned. A more determined 
 attack was made in September of the year 1759. The
 
 502 RTSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, enterprise had l^een meditated for some time by the 
 ' authorities of Madras, who collected a force for the pur- 
 pose. It was suspended when they heard of the arrival 
 of the French reinforcements. Major Brereton, however, 
 who was in command, on hearing of the expected arrival 
 of Coote, would brook no delay and insisted on carrying 
 out the enterprise, from which he expected to win 
 laurels before he could be superseded ; and the Presi- 
 dency gave way. 
 
 The assault was made at night by two columns, which 
 advanced from the south and west. The pettahs were 
 entered and traversed, and an irregular conflict ensued, 
 but as the French rallied rapidly and were well sup- 
 ported by artillery, the advance was checked and the 
 column which made the attack on the west parted from 
 their commander and became confused ; and as the day 
 broke that fi-om the south bore the brunt of the fight. 
 The French advanced their artillery into the streets 
 and took the English in flank, and a retreat was then 
 ordered. Upon this a grenadier company in passing 
 through the gateway quickened their pace and began 
 to run. Major Calliaud, who was at hand, instead of 
 calling to them, rapidly ran past and stopped short 
 before them, crying halt. The instinct of discipline 
 prevailed, and they formed again and followed him into 
 the pettah. It was too late, however, to rally the troops 
 for a new attack. They w^ere drawn off* in good order, 
 and no attempt was made by the enemy to pursue them. 
 
 This gallant attack, and the skill with which the 
 force was drawn off" in the face of a powerful artillery, is 
 said by Orme to have increased rather than diminished 
 the confidence of the army, but the victory remained 
 with the French, and when the news reached Pondi- 
 cherry Lally was so elated that he ordered a salute to
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE IRENCH. 503 
 
 be fired in celebration of the victory. It was his last chap. 
 
 XI 
 
 success, and was follow^ed by new disasters. " 
 
 Vandewash W'as now to be attacked again, and at 
 last with success. The urgent w^ants of the French 
 compelled them to scatter their forces with a view to 
 mamtenance and for the collection of their revenues. 
 An expedition w^as organised to the neighbourhood of 
 Trichinopoly for the protection of some territory from 
 which they derived a considerable revenue. This led 
 to a strong remonstrance from the council of Pondi- 
 cherry, and formed one of the most severe charges 
 brought against Lally at the close of the w^ar. He jus- 
 tified himself in his defence on the plea of necessity, and 
 added that one of his objects was to remove to a distance 
 the battalion of India, which he accused of taking a 
 leading part in the recent mutinies.^ Such were the 
 difficulties of his position. He relied at the time on 
 being joined by the army of Basalut Jang, but we have 
 seen that this resource failed him, and the garrisons 
 of several forts w^ere weakened to maintam a show 
 of force in the field, and Vandewash was defended 
 only by a small force of less than 100 Europeans and 
 about the same number of sepoys, besides the native 
 garrison under the killadar. Coote moved agamst 
 Arcot wdiile Brereton proceeded with a strong detach- a.d. 1759. 
 ment against Vandew^ash, and the following day, No- 
 vember 27, assaulted the pettah,^ which fell after a slight 
 resistance. On the 29th a Ijattery wdth two eighteen- 
 pounders opened against the fort, and a breach was 
 effected on the same day. Coote arrived with the 
 remainder of the army, and the killadar offered to 
 
 ^ MSmoire, &c., p. 472. 
 
 ^ Pettah, from the Tamfl word Pettdi, the suburb of a fortress. It is 
 often separately fortified. — Yule's Glossary of Indian Terms.
 
 504 EISE OF BRITISH POAVER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. suiTender, stipulating for terms apart from the French. 
 
 ' This getting wind, the French soldiers appeared on the 
 
 walls and offered to surrender the fort. Coote, who was 
 
 in the battery, ordered a company of sepoys to enter the 
 
 breach, and the place was won. 
 
 This success, m which not a man was killed on the 
 side of the English and only five wounded, was followed 
 by the capture of the fort of Carangoli, which lay thirty- 
 five miles to the south-west of Vandewash. The pettah 
 was attacked on December 4, the battery opened fire 
 and breached the walls on the 6th. Colonel O'Kennedy, 
 an officer of reputation m Lally's regiment, refused all 
 terms, and a hot fire was continued for two more days, 
 when there remained shot for only two more hours in 
 the besiegers' battery. A flag of truce appeared un- 
 expectedly on the walls, and Coote, to whom time was 
 of the highest importance, granted nearly all that was 
 asked. The garrison, which consisted of one hundred 
 Europeans besides sepoys, marched out with their arms, 
 colours flying and drums beating. 
 
 These successes raised the reputation of the English 
 army m the southern provinces, and the King of Tan] ore 
 sent horse and foot to the nabob at Trichinopoly. Lally 
 became sensible of his error m detaching so large a force 
 to the southward, which nothing but the sternest neces- 
 sity could have justified. He therefore sent orders to 
 recall them all with the exception of 300 Europeans 
 who were left in the pagoda of Seringham. 
 January, J^e French force was at this time concentrated in 
 
 A.D. 1760. 
 
 the neighbourhood of Arcot, and the two armies re- 
 mained facing each other for several weeks without 
 either of the commanders venturmg to strike a decisive 
 blow. Coote's hesitation was justified by the superiority 
 of the enemy's cavalry. Lally had better reasons for
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FIIENCIL 505 
 
 avoiding an action in his distrust of his own troops, and chap. 
 
 he was moreover in expectation of an early return of 
 
 the force under Moracin from the northern provmce. 
 
 Both leaders were during the interval in treaty for 
 aid from Maratta soldiers of fortune who were ready 
 to sell their services to the highest bidder. Lally oiFered 
 terms which brought to his side a detachment of more 
 than 1,000 horse, and his superiority in the field was so 
 established that Bussy, who ^vas advancing rapidly to 
 join him, ventured to offer hmi a piece of counsel which 
 might have averted the disaster that followed. He urged 
 him to engage m no more enterprises which would divide 
 his forces, but keep them concentrated on the Paliar, 
 detaching the Marattas to lay waste the English districts, 
 when they would be reduced to the necessity of either 
 givuig battle under disadvantages, or retiring for sub- 
 sistence on Conjeveram, where they would be hemmed 
 in, and leave the French m command of the neighbour- 
 ing districts.^ 
 
 The wisdom of this advice is confirmed l)y what we 
 are told by Orme of the shifts to which tlie English 
 were now driven by the clouds of native horsemen that 
 surrounded their camp and cut ofi" their supplies, while 
 plenty poured into the enemy's camp. It was enough 
 for Lally that this proposal came from Bussy, against 
 whom his feelings were so embittered, and it was set 
 aside. 
 
 Lally decided on the step which proved his ruin — 
 the attempt to recover Vandewash. Here again the 
 warning voice of l)nssy was raised, lodging him to 
 return to the policy he adopted on his first arrival in 
 India, and to concentrate his forces and occupy a position 
 
 * Lettres de Messieurs de Bussy, de Lallij, et autres ; Letter of October 6, 
 1759.
 
 506 
 
 RISP] OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 Jan. 16, 
 A.D. 1760 
 
 ^xi^" 'between the enemy and Madras, which would force tliem 
 
 . to fi<>-ht at a disadvantage, but the advice was proffered 
 
 in vain. The facility with which Coote had gained 
 possession of the place encouraged Lally in the belief 
 that he would carry it before Coote could bring relief. 
 The first dash was attended wdth success. Some hesi- 
 tation was shown by the French troops when they 
 approached the wall of the pettah, whereupon Lally rode 
 up, and, calling for volunteers, ran forward to the ditch 
 and mounted the wall, followed by the troops. The 
 English were driven out and batteries erected against 
 the fort. Coote, who had long expected this movement, 
 now prepared for action. His measures were soon taken. 
 A breach had been made on the 20tli, and on the follow- 
 ing day Coote was at hand with his cavalry to recon- 
 noitre the position. Receiving a message from Shirlock, 
 who w^as in command of the garrison, that a breach had 
 been effected, he ordered the main body of the army to 
 advance from Outramalore, a distance of about fourteen 
 miles. 
 
 The mountain of Yandewash extends for about a 
 league from the north-east to the south-west, the fort 
 lying at a distance of about two miles from the western 
 extremity. The French attack was made on the south 
 front by a portion of the army, and was covered by the 
 remainder, which lay at three miles from the eastern end 
 of the mountain, and at about two from the fort ; the 
 left of its camp was protected by some tanks and en- 
 closures. The plain was hard and dry, and admitted 
 Jan. 22, of the advaiicc of the troops in order of battle. After 
 reconnoitring the position, Coote rode back to his troops 
 and announced his intention of leading the army to a 
 general action ; this was received with acclamation, and 
 the troops formed in line of battle. As this was followed 
 
 A.D. 1760.
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 507 
 
 by no corresponding movement in the Frencli camp, chap. 
 Coote decided on an operation which seems hazardous in ^ 
 tlie face of so active an adversary. He drew his army off, 
 coasting tlie mountain along some stony ground at its 
 foot where tlie enemy's cavalry could not act, with the 
 object of forming afresh when he arrived opposite the 
 fort, whence he could either throw new troops mto 
 the fort or engage the enemy, supported on his flank 
 by the fire of the fort. 
 
 This skilful manoeuvre determined the action of the 
 French general. The camp immediately beat to arms, 
 and soon after the troops were seen issuing from the 
 lines to take up their position on the field chosen by the 
 British general for the decisive conflict. The accounts 
 which are presented to us of the relative strength of 
 the two armies differ materially. Accordmg to Orme, 
 the French force, mdependent of those in the trenches, 
 consisted of 2,250 Europeans and 1,300 sepoys. The 
 English army consisted of 1,000 Europeans and 2,100 
 sepoys, besides native cavalry. Lally says {Memoire, 
 c^c, p. 476) that he had only 1,100 Europeans agamst 
 2,600 English. It is admitted by Orme that the English 
 had a superiority m field artillery. 
 
 While the two lines were approaching, and before 
 they were within cannon shot, the French European 
 cavalry, taking a large sweep on the plain, came down 
 on the left wing of the English army. The British 
 native cavalry attempted to wheel to meet this attack, 
 fell into confusion, and left the British horse, only 
 eighty in number, to bear the brunt of the attack. 
 The division of sepoys on the left being ordered to fall 
 back in an angle, also got into confusion, but Captain 
 Barker brought two guns to bear upon the approaching 
 horsemen when they were within point blank range ;
 
 508 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, the (|iiick tirinfr of the ^juns broimht down ten or fifteen 
 
 men and horses, and threw them into such confusion 
 
 that they went off in a gallop. 
 
 This is the account of the aiFair as described by 
 Orme, from, it may be presumed, eye-witnesses of what 
 occurred. It appears from Lally's account that he 
 headed the charge, and throws the blame of the failure 
 on the regimental officers who refused to follow him, 
 one of whom he suspended on the spot. The troopers 
 whom he harangued then advanced, but only for 150 
 yards, when they were dispersed by the fire of one of 
 the enemy's guns, leavmg their general alone on the 
 field.'-^ The result of the battle, he says, would not 
 have been doubtful if his European cavalry had not 
 refused to follow hun m the charge of the enemy's left 
 ArtTiig, which began to give way. In the same spirit he 
 taunted Bussy with bemg the only prisoner made by the 
 Eni>iish. 
 
 The English army halted while this attack was 
 repulsed, but now advanced to close mth the enemy. 
 Their artillery fire was better directed than that of 
 their adversaries, and the Lorraine regiment on tlie 
 French right was much galled by it. Tally, who had 
 joined them, ordered them, with his usual impetuosity, 
 to close with their enemy. They advanced in column, and 
 broke through the opposing British line ; but the rest 
 fell on their flanks, a hand-to-hand encounter ensued, and 
 the Lorraine regiment was scattered and ran in disorder 
 to regam the camp. This was followed by a scene of 
 confusion on the left. The explosion of a tumbril in 
 the entrenched tank blew up eighty men and drove the 
 
 ^ Memoire pour le Comte de Lally, p. 163. Lally says in a previous 
 page that none of the Maratta auxiliary horse left their camp with the 
 exception of 40, and this is confirmed by Orme. This may explain the 
 hesitation of the French cavalry.
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 509 
 
 survivors from the tank, who were followed by 400 chap, 
 sepoys, who were m its rear. Coote instantly sent an " 
 
 aide-de-camp to order Draper's regiment to take pos- 
 session of the entrenched camp before the enemy could 
 recover from the confusion. Bussy was m command 
 on the left. After attemptmg in vain to rally the 
 fuo-itives, he endeavoured to check the British advance 
 with L ally's regiment. Both French and English 
 accomits agree that Bussy was ill- supported, and as 
 two pieces attached to Draper's were brought to bear 
 on the flank of Lally's regiment, the men began to waver, 
 and Bussy found himself with only twenty men, his horse 
 was shot under him, and before he could extricate 
 himself he was a prisoner. 
 
 This decided the battle. The wino-s beino; broken, 
 the centre fell back, but not m disorder, followed by 
 the English regiments, which re-formed and entered the 
 enemy's camp without meetuig any opposition. The 
 French cavalry, 300 in number, alone prevented the 
 victory being converted into a rout. When they saw 
 the confusion, they formed in the rear of the camp and 
 checked the English horse, who were too few in number 
 to venture an attack. The field-pieces in the rear of 
 the camp assisted in covering the retreat, and the 
 whole army moved off, passing the pettah of Vandewash, 
 where they were joined by the besieging troops from 
 the trenches, leaving twenty-four pieces of cannon in the 
 hands of the English, besides eleven tumbrils of am- 
 munition, tents, stores, and baggage. The loss of the 
 French, including prisoners, was estimated by Orme at 
 600 Europeans. 
 
 In Lally's own account of the engagement the loss 
 of European troops is said to ha^'e been equal on both 
 sides. This is denied by Orme, who gives the English
 
 510 lUSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, loss in killed and wounded at 1 90, while the French 
 ^ left 200 dead on the field besides 160 prisoners, chiefly 
 
 wounded, who fell into the hands of the victors. The 
 moral effect of the victory was incalculable, and the un- 
 fortunate French general, with a demoralised army and at 
 war with all around him, and deserted by his own Govern- 
 ment, was unable henceforth to attempt any operations 
 in the field, and confined himself to taking up a defen- 
 sive position at Valdore, within a mile of Pondicherry, 
 from which he could keep open his communications 
 with the southern districts. 
 
 It is contended by Lally that the French resources 
 were now so low that if Coote had followed up his 
 success by movmg on Pondicherry he would have 
 become master of the place in eight days, inasmuch as 
 it did not contain a single magazme.^ One receives 
 with some distrust statements intended to convey a 
 charge that the council of Pondicherry, and not the 
 general, was answerable for the fall of the place and the 
 extinction of French power in the Deckan ; but there 
 seems every reason to believe that no provision had 
 been made for a siege, for the eftorts of the French were 
 directed durmg the several months which followed to 
 collect supplies and prepare for a struggle which was 
 inevitable. 
 
 The field was now open to Coote to strike successive 
 blows at the French fortresses throughout the Carnatic. 
 In tlie course of three months Chittapet, Arcot, Tri- 
 nomali, Permacoil, Alamparvah, and Cdrical. Valdore, 
 and Cuddalore fell into British hands. Of these Carical 
 
 ^ Tableau hisiorique de Vexpedition de VInde, p. 32. The general says 
 that he had for two years addressed orders and menaces to De Leyrit to 
 form magazines. The same charge is retorted on Lally by the council, 
 and forms one of the seven capital indictments they framed against him.
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH . 511 
 
 alone, an important port on the coast, offered any spirited chap. 
 resistance. ' 
 
 The sacrifice of these small garrisons, including 
 several hmidreds of European troops, increased, if pos- 
 sible the odium with which Lally was regarded, though 
 most unjustly, for had not the progress of the English 
 army been delayed by these operations, Pondicherry 
 w^ould have been at once hemmed m and cut off from 
 all supplies. In these desperate circumstances an un- 
 expected ally appeared in the field, and checked the 
 progress of the English for a tune. 
 
 Hei'der Ali had in the preceding year acquired the 
 whole power of the government of Mysore. Mahomed 
 Beloly, his great-grandfather, was a native of the Pun- 
 jaub, and settled m the Deckan as a fakir. He acquired 
 some reputation for sanctity, and with it some property. 
 His descendants became successful soldiers, some of 
 them takmg service with the Raja of Mysore. Heider's 
 rise was rapid. He showed such ability and resources 
 that he eclipsed or destroyed his rivals, acquired posses- 
 sion of the powerful fortress of Dindigul, and aspired to 
 a lead m the politics of the country. The occasion was 
 afforded by a mutiny of the troops of the Dalwai or 
 regent, the raja's uncle. Heider used the authority of 
 the raja to reduce that of the regent, and compelled 
 him to retire to a Jagir. The raja was now brouglit 
 forward, l)ut, being young and unequal to the burden 
 of the government, the whole power fell into the hands 
 of Heider Ali, who readily entertained the overtures 
 made to him l>y Lally. Negotiations were opened 
 through a Portuguese monk of the name of Noronha, 
 titular Bishop of Halicarnassus, who had resided for 
 many years in the south, and ac(|uired some knowledge 
 of the politics of tlie country. A treaty was arranged,
 
 512 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, by wliich Heider was to supply a force of 2,000 horse 
 ^^' and 4,000 sepoys with artillery, to be subsidised by the 
 French, and to have the important fortress of Thiagar 
 made over to him. Terms were also arranged for the 
 division of future acquisitions by the allies. By this 
 treaty Heider found employment for a large force, and 
 ^A'hat was at the time more important, the possession of 
 a fort beyond the territory of Mysore, where he could 
 store his treasure and find a refuge in case of any turn 
 of fortune. He therefore engaged in the enterprise with 
 great alacrity. 
 
 A force of 1,000 horse and 200 sepoys arrived at 
 Thiagar early in June, and began to press on Kisnarao, 
 the Maratta auxiliary of the English. They were joined 
 after an interval by a French detachment, and as they 
 increased in number they began to sweep the territory 
 of the Nawab, and collected a large herd of cattle. 
 
 Their first attempt to throw supplies into the French 
 camp was successful. The negotiation had been con- 
 ducted with such secrecy that Coote received no mtelli- 
 gence of the alliance till the army was in motion, and 
 he had no force at hand to check their advance. A 
 mixed force under Major Moore of less than 3,000 men, 
 230 of whom were English, encountered the Mysore army 
 near Trivadi, which lies south-west of Pondicherry, and 
 were repulsed with severe loss, and the convoy reached 
 Pondicherry in safety. Another convoy was collected 
 at Jinji, but the English were now on the alert, and 
 the French force at Pondicherry experienced great diffi- 
 culty in keeping open the communication with their 
 new allies. The marauding portion of the Mysore 
 army was very active, and the revenues of the Nawab 
 were lost wherever these parties appeared. The French 
 took up a position several miles from Pondicherry, to
 
 XI. 
 
 FINAL STEUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 513 
 
 cover the action of their allies, but avoided an encounter chap. 
 with the enemy. 
 
 These plundering enterprises were attended with 
 very moderate success, and the provisions collected were 
 largely consumed by the Mysore force who had joined the 
 French camp. Several months were consumed in this 
 irregular warfare, in the course of which an incident oc- 
 curred which serves to illustrate the disorder which pre- 
 vailed at the head-quarters of the French. The ill-feeling 
 which had long prevailed was heightened, if possible, by 
 the successive losses of the detached garrisons, and gave 
 rise to charges of incompetence or treason, to which Lally 
 retaliated, complaining to the council of the cabals and 
 intrigues against which he found it impossible to contend.^ 
 
 In this state of feeling an English squadron suddenly 
 appeared in the roads. There were only 600 European 
 soldiers, invalids, in the town ; but there were, in addi- 
 tion, 500 European residents, a large number of whom 
 were the covenanted servants of the East India Com- 
 pany. Orders were given to parade the whole number 
 on the strand in view of the squadron, but a short time 
 before the hour, the servants of the Company proceeded 
 in a body to the court of the Government House and 
 flatly refused to move, unless ordered to do so by the 
 Governor and council. De Leyrit, to his credit, offered 
 to place himself at their head, but the other coun- 
 cillors declared that none were obliged to bear arjns 
 out of the walls of the town. Lally confined himself 
 to arresting the two spokesmen of the council and two 
 of the most forward of the iiuitineers, and after dis- 
 arming and dismissing the rest, he Avent on with the 
 review. Such- was the temper in which the French 
 
 ^ Letter of February 9, 1700. liecucU des Icttves par Mcsars. de Leyrit 
 et de Lally, p. 423. 
 
 L L
 
 511 KISE OF BKITISH POWER IX IXUIA. 
 
 CHAr.. colony were prepared to enter on their final struggle 
 ' for existence.'' 
 
 The town of Pondi cherry — the prize for which the 
 English were contending — lies about seventy yards 
 from the sea, and was defended by several low bastions 
 which commanded the road. On the three sides to the 
 land it was fortified by a wall and rampart, flanked by 
 eleven bastions, and surrounded by a ditch and imperfect 
 glacis. At a distance of a mile from the walls ran a 
 hedge of large aloes and other thorny plants, intermixed 
 Avith palm trees, forming a defence impenetrable to 
 cavalry, and of very difficult passage to infantry. This 
 enclosure began at the north near the sea, and ran for 
 five miles and a half, till it joined the river Ariocopang 
 at a point a mile and a half from the sea. The river, 
 which has two arms enclosing an island, completed the 
 barrier to the south. Five roads led from the town, and 
 at each of the openings in the hedge was built a re- 
 doubt mounted with cannon. Beyond the river was a 
 fort of the same name, capable of holding a garrison of 
 300 men. The area enclosed by the hedge comprised 
 nearly seven square miles, and afforded pasture for a 
 number of cattle.^ 
 
 The strength of the works had been tested by the 
 English attack in 1748,^ and Lally was confident 
 that with the aid of the Mysore troops he might keep 
 the English at bay and secure the arrival of occasional 
 convoys till relieved by the French fleet. Five hundred 
 Europeans were detached to secure the fortresses of 
 Jinji and Thiagar, and keep open their communica- 
 ti(ms. 
 
 Their plans were frustrated by the defection of the 
 
 ' Orme ; Memoire pour le Covite de Lally, p. 140. 
 
 ^ Orme, i. 104 ; ii. 655. '' See ante, p. 113.
 
 FINAL STEUGGLE WITH THE ^EENCII. 515 
 
 Mysore general. The alliance was not very cordial frum chap. 
 the be2:inninor. On the arrival of his brother Mnkdiim _^11_ 
 Sahib at Pondicherry he became aware of the disunion 
 that prevailed. Lally says that De Leyrit disapproved of 
 the convention, and warned Heider Ali of the disfavour 
 with which it was regarded, Jidding that Lally might soon 
 expect his recall ; whereupon the Mysore chief refused 
 to take any part in the struggle until the signature of 
 the Governor and council was added to the treat}'. 
 De Leyrit bemg thus obliged either to dismiss the auxi- 
 liaries or support the measures of Lally, reluctantly 
 consented to the latter alternative, and the measures for 
 provisionmg the town proceeded. 
 
 Difficulties, however, arose in Mysore which brought 
 that alliance to a close. When Major Smith, who 
 commanded at Trichmopoly, heard of the arrival of 
 the iNIysore force in the Carnatic, he proposed to the 
 Government of Madras to create a diversion by invading 
 Mysore. This met with its approval, and he now pre- 
 pared to carry this out with a force consisting of 50 
 Europeans, witli two guns and four cohorns, 700 
 sepoys, 600 horse, and 1,000 peons armed with match- 
 locks, drawn from the territory of the Nabob of Tanjorc. 
 Besides these were 3,000 coleris from the neighbour- 
 ing Poligiirs, who joined in the hope of plunder. 
 With this motley force he advanced boldly to attack 
 the fort at Cariir, within the territory of Mysore, only 
 fifty miles from Trichino2)oly, and occupied by a strong 
 garrison equal in number to the attacking force, exclu- 
 sive of the coleris. Under cover of their field -j)iece.s 
 they crossed the i-iver on which the pettah is placed, 
 occupied it, and from this approached to within forty 
 yards of the fort, and thence proceeded by doidjle sa[), 
 with eartli and gabions on each side, to the edge of the 
 
 L L 2
 
 516 RISE or BRITISH power in INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, ditch and blew in tlic counterscarp. The hitter 0])era- 
 ' tion, owing to the small number of Europeans, was 
 tedious, and seven days were employed in carrying the 
 sap ; but the success Avhich attended the advance 
 alarmed the garrison, who saw their enemy approaching 
 under cover to the foot of their walls, and fearinii; the 
 fort might be entered by the same means, they proposed 
 terms. The Governor disavowed any participation of 
 the King of Mysore with Heider Ali, whom he styled a 
 rebel, and offered to surrender the bastion attacked, the 
 rest of the English force remaining in the pettah, until 
 orders arrived from Madras, with whom would rest the 
 decision whether the fort should be surrendered. As 
 one eighteen-pounder of the besiegers burst during the 
 negotiation. Captain Smith accepted the terms which 
 placed British troops in a coumianding position in the 
 fortress, and his conduct received the approval of the 
 Presidency, who were now satisfied that Heider Ali 
 and the King of Mysore were at variance, ordered 
 Smith to hold possession, disavowing at the same time 
 any hostility to the King. 
 
 While this little campaign was in progress events 
 occurred in Mysore which determined the alliance of 
 Heider Ali with the French. Balaji Rao, the general 
 and regent of the Marattas, crossed the Kishna early 
 in the year to levy chout in the Deckan, and in the 
 month of June appeared on the confines of Mysore. 
 At this critical movement Heider Ali, as if by disgust, 
 resigned his post of general and mmister, in the full 
 expectation that the approach of the Marattas would 
 lead to his reinstatement in increased power. The 
 artifice nearly proved fatal to him. He discovered that 
 the ]\Iarattas had engaged to seize his person, on which 
 he mounted in the dead of night and lied witli a hand-
 
 FINAL STEUGGLE WITH THE rEP:KCIT. 517 
 
 ful of liorseinen from the neiglibourliood of Seringapatam, chap. 
 where he was residing with his family in fancied seen- ' 
 
 rity, and reached Bangalore the next day, and having 
 secured the garrison, he sent orders to his brother to 
 quit the Carnatic without delay and join liim at Banga- 
 lore. Mukdiim Sahib hesitated to sacrifice the prospects 
 of plunder and of cessions of territory from the French 
 alliance, and remained in the Carnatic till he received 
 more peremptory orders from his brother at the begin- 
 ning of September, when he retired from the Carnatic 
 with all his troops, restoring to his allies the fort of 
 Thiagar. Such were the ups and downs of public life 
 in India in those days. 
 
 Lally now experienced a more serious defection than a.d. izgo. 
 that of the usui*per of Mysore. The French squadron 
 at the Isle of France encountered at the end of January 
 a hurricane which mflicted serious damage on the fleet, 
 swept the island, and destroyed the magazines of grain. 
 Months were employed in repairing the damages to 
 ships, and in their crippled condition very little could 
 be done to supply the fleet with the provisions they 
 usually procured at the Cape or at Madagascar. On 
 June 8 a vessel arrived from France with intellioence 
 
 o 
 
 that an expedition was being fitted out in England to 
 attack these possessions, and that a regiment would be 
 sent from France for their defence. The squadron was 
 ordered to remain there. 
 
 The news of the storm reached Pondicherry in July, 
 with dubious assurances of the return of the squadron 
 to the coast of Coromandel. Lally put little faith in 
 these promises, and when he received intelligence 
 concerning the supposed attack on the Mauritius, 
 he abandoned all hope of relief, though he concealed 
 his opinion, and gave out that the ships which had
 
 518 EISE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, left for Madagascar might shortly be expected on 
 ' the coast. 
 
 Many months had elapsed ere the French had re- 
 ceived any reinforcements. They were abandoned by 
 their own Government and unable to form any alliance 
 with any native power. Under such disadvantages, 
 and at war with those around him, Lally maintained a 
 determmed front to the attack of his besiegers, and com- 
 pelled them to resort to the slow process of a blockade, 
 protracting his resistance for nearly a twelvemonth 
 from the battle of Vandewash. 
 A.D. 1760. The last day of August brought to the English 
 
 camp the welcome intelligence of the arrival on the coast 
 of six Company's ships, with 800 men drafted to replace 
 the deficiencies m Draper's and Coote's regiments. The 
 British general now made preparations for an attack on 
 Pondicherry. In this he received the hearty co-opera- 
 tion of Mr. Pigott, Governor of Madras, who represented 
 m a memorial to Admiral Stevens the necessity of getting 
 possession of the bound hedge* audits redoubts without 
 delay, and with a view to the completion of the mvest- 
 ment of the place, he urged the attack on the fort of 
 Ariocopang which lies to the soutli.'' He therefore 
 pressed the admiral to land all the marines of the fleet 
 to support the attack, and to remain on the coast through 
 the approachmg stormy season to complete the blockade. 
 The admiral was loth to deprive himself of the marmes m 
 case of the approach of the enemy's squadron, but readily 
 acquiesced in the unportance and benefit of the service 
 
 *^ I use the name which is applied to the fence by Orme and other 
 English writers. It is properly the hedge of the bounds or limits of the 
 French possessions, when they first established a factory on the coast. 
 ' Ce n'etait d'abord qu'un comptoir entourj d'une forte haie d'acacias, de 
 palmiers, de cocotiers, d'alofes ; et on appelait cette place la haie des 
 limites.' (Voltaire, Fragment snr VInde.) ' See ante, p. 113.
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 519 
 
 they might render ashore, and landed the whole force at chap. 
 Ciiddalore, amoimtmo' Avith then' officers to 423 men. ^ 
 
 Five days later there arrived at Cuddalore three 
 King's ships with a convoy of several Company's ships, 
 and an addition to the land forces of part of a Highland 
 regmient. The fleet before Pondicherry now amounted 
 to seventeen sail of the Ime. 
 
 Some difference of opuiion existed between the two 
 English commanders as to the pomt to which the first 
 attack should be directed. Coote attached the first im- 
 portance to the possession of the fort of Ariocopang 
 which guarded the approach on the south, while 
 Monson urged an immediate attack on the bound hedge, 
 which mth its redoubts covered the east and north 
 fronts. 
 
 The pertmacity with which the latter pressed his 
 views caused some delay, and Lally hearuig of move- 
 ments m the besiegmg camp, and suspecting that they 
 intended to take the mitiative, determmed to be 
 beforehand with them, and marched boldly out to 
 attack the enemy's camp. The enterprise was well 
 planned, and the surprise was complete. 
 
 The French were divided mto three columns, which a.d. lieo. 
 advanced along two avenues that led from the west of 
 the town. One of the attacks, delivered against a 
 redoubt on some elevated ground to the left of the 
 English position, was repulsed. Another division 
 passed to the left, and carried a redoubt on a hillock in 
 front of the English camp. A sharp encounter occurred 
 at a retrenchment m the avenue to the left, but the 
 promptitude with wliicli Coote brought down troops to 
 defend the position checked the enemy, and the French 
 officers, hearing nothing of the main attack on the left 
 and rear of the Englisli camp, which had been repulsed,
 
 520 RISE OF BKITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHA.P. drew off, and the enterprise collapsed. The failure 
 ' was attributable to a mistake made by the column on 
 the right, which did not arrive at its appointed place 
 till the otlier attempt had either been repulsed or ceased 
 — not an uncommon event m midnight enterprises con- 
 ducted by different forces under a common design — but 
 it furnished Lally with the means of makmg a sharp 
 attack on the commander of the Company's troops who 
 led the column. 
 
 At this critical period a change took place in the 
 command of the English troops which is imperfectly 
 explained. The ships which last arrived brought com- 
 missions from the War Office promoting Majors Brere- 
 ton and Monson to the rank of lieutenant-colonels, with 
 dates prior to that of Colonel Coote ; but they were 
 ordered not to assert their commission while he re- 
 mained on the coast. The latter officer, however, 
 rightly assumed that it was mtended to remove him to 
 his orio;inal command in Beno-al, and decided on de- 
 livering over the command at once to Monson, notif}dng 
 his intention to proceed with his whole regiment to 
 Bengal. The President remonstrated against this, and 
 Monson declared that if this part of the force were with- 
 drawn, he must abandon the siege. Coote, thus appealed 
 to, consented to their remaining, and himself left for 
 Madras. 
 
 Coote's supersession did not last long. Monson, on 
 taking the command, seized on the opportunity to de- 
 liver the attack on the bound hedge which he had lately 
 pressed ineffectually on his superior in command. The 
 redoubts which covered the Ime of defence guarded the 
 avenues which led to the town from the west, and were 
 held by the prmcipal part of the French force, some of 
 which was advanced to the villao-e of Oulgarry which
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 521 
 
 lay between tlie hedge and the English camp, but the chap. 
 
 numbers \v^ere unequal to the defence of such a position, '. . 
 
 and it was not conducted with vio;our. 
 
 The English force was divided into two brigades ; 
 that to the left, which was commanded by Monson, had 
 to take a laro-e circuit throuoh some rismo; orround, and 
 fall on the extreme right of the French position. The 
 right attack, which was commanded by Major Joseph 
 Smith, the senior officer of the Company's troops, ad- 
 vanced direct from the English camp on the village of 
 Oulgarry, A sharp encounter took place at this post, 
 which was defended by an entrenchment. This work 
 was stormed by two companies of the attack, and the 
 main body passmg to the left through some gardens 
 came on the force in the village which now opened fire 
 from the field-guns. The English guns were drawn 
 out to reply, but Major Smith, who enjoyed the confi- 
 dence of his men, ordered an instant attack, and the 
 enemy who were dispirited by the loss of the entrench- 
 ment, offered only a slender resistance and were driven . 
 out of the village. 
 
 A scene of confusion now arose similar to that 
 Avhich had marred the French attack and nearly proved 
 fatal to the enterprise. The left attack wandered 
 among the sand-hills, and the officer who led to the 
 right also lost his way and sent back to Monson for 
 instructions. When day broke Monson found his 
 troops in disorder, but pushing boldly on through 
 ground broken by enclosures, he came suddenly on the 
 redoubt and received the fire from a twenty-foiu* [)ounder 
 which killed eleven of the assailants and ^rounded 
 twenty-six, among whom was Monson himself, whose 
 leg was broken in two places. This did not check the 
 advance of the grenadiers, who made their way through
 
 522 lUSE OF BRITISH rOWlOK IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, the embrasures, and the o-arrisoii ran out at the fforo-e, 
 " and those who defended the hedge, which was attacked 
 
 at the same time, abandoned their posts also, and hurried 
 in disorder to gain the glacis. 
 
 Meanwhile Monson's rearguard, which had lost its 
 way, advanced between the two attacks, and its sudden 
 appearance equally startled both friend and foe. 
 
 Major Smith, who commanded the left attack, sent 
 messenger after messenger to discover who they were, 
 but the French who were in advance of the hedge 
 lost heart and returned to the redoubt, into which they 
 were followed by Major Smith with such vigour that 
 the English passed the hedge and the garrison of the 
 redoubts returned to the town. 
 
 On the ensuiug night the enemy made a vigorous 
 attack on the iorts which they had abandoned, the 
 gorges of which were open to the town, but they were 
 defended with resolution, and the attacking party was 
 too small to make an impression. 
 Sept. 3. The judgment with which the enterprise was 
 
 planned was confirmed by the abandonment of the 
 Ariocopang fort. Two days after the fall of the 
 western redoubts, the French retreated from the south 
 side, and as they were leaving it they sprang a mine 
 which blew in the bastions to the west, and laid the 
 whole place open. 
 
 When the news of these successes reached Madras, 
 Coote was still on the coast, and as Monson was 
 disabled by his wound, Coote was urged by the Presi- 
 dent to assume the command. lie accordingly returned 
 to the camp before Pondicherry on September 20, and 
 followed up the attack which Monson had initiated 
 with such vigour that in the course of ten days the 
 enemy were driven out of the two redoubts that
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FREXCH. 523 
 
 remained in tlieir possession, and the bound hedge was chap. 
 converted from a line of defence to one of investment, '. . 
 
 which eftectually closed the approach on the land side, 
 except where a small island in the Ariocopang river 
 kept open the communication with the south. 
 
 The lasi redoubt was carried on September 27. a.d. itgo. 
 The rainy season was drawing to a close, and tlie 
 besiegers, distrusting the results of a blockade, which 
 might at any time be terminated by the return of the 
 fleet, decided on takins; advanta2:e of the chanc-e of 
 season to press the siege with vigour. Battering guns 
 and ammunition were brought from Madras ; a battery 
 was formed on the north-east angle of the works, and 
 opened fire on November 10. Some more batteries 
 were completed at the beginning of December, but the 
 work of landing stores was slow, and the fire was 
 ineffective. Frequent attempts were made by the French 
 to keep open the communication mth Thiagarand Jinji, 
 where the garrisons were active in collecting provisions, 
 and frecj[uently skirmishmg with the English force in 
 the field. 
 
 Their efforts were supported by three French ships, 
 which lay under the command of the guns of Pondi- 
 cherry. Two of them, however, were cut out by the boats 
 of the English fleet ; a spirited enterprise in which 2G 
 boats with 400 men were eno-aoed, and carried off tlie 
 ships in spite of a heavy fire from the French batteries. 
 
 As the resources of the garrison became more limited 
 sio:ns of the straits to which the "-arrison were reduced 
 became frequent. At the begmning of November an 
 attempt was made to force the English lines by a 
 detachment which was sent to reinforce the troops in 
 the field, but they were intercepted and driven back. 
 Later in the month, about fifty horse, the remains of the
 
 (24 RISE OF BIUTISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, cavalry, for whom no forage could be found, were sup- 
 ' plied with picked riders, and thrown across the river, 
 and the men were ordered to make their way to Thiagar. 
 They were accompanied by 200 grenadiers who, passing 
 the river on rafts, advanced and delivered their fire, and 
 under the confusion which arose, this small band dashed 
 off across the plain. 
 
 In October, when the want of provisions began to 
 press hard, Lally assembled a general council and pro- 
 posed the immediate expulsion of the black inhabitants. 
 The proposal was resented by the Europeans as depriv- 
 ing them of their domestics, and the assembly broke up 
 Avithout coming to any decision. But on November 27 
 the garrison was reduced to such straits, that this act 
 of authority was put m force by Lally without remon- 
 strance, and a motley crowd of 1,400, of both sexes and 
 of every age, w^ere expelled from the gates. On reach- 
 ing the English lines they were stopped by the advanced 
 sepoys, and compelled to retire ; they returned to the 
 foot of the glacis, and some of them who attempted to 
 pass over to the covered way were fired upon and killed. 
 For six days these wretched people wandered in bands 
 over the plain, till at length Colonel Coote, finding the 
 French general mflexible, allowed the whole multitude 
 to pass. 
 
 The French troops were now put on an allowance 
 of a pound of bread a day, with occasionally a little 
 meat ; but as the provisions^ became scanty, strict 
 search was made in every house, and wdiatever could be 
 found was brouo-ht to the common store. At the close 
 of December the public store did not exceed the con- 
 sumption of three days. 
 
 At this conjuncture an event occurred which pro- 
 mised for a tune a prospect of deliverance. There were
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 525 
 
 at this time eii'-lit sail of tlie line besides frio-ates Ivino- chap. 
 
 XI 
 
 in the road. On December 30 a lars^e swell came in " 
 
 from the south-east, giving warning of an approaching 
 storm. During the following day the wind blew in 
 squalls, every one stronger than the last. At ten at 
 night Admiral Stevens' ship cut her cable, and fired 
 a signal for the other ships to do the same, but the 
 signal guns were not heard, and the ships rode till 
 theu- cables parted with the strain, and with some 
 difficulty got before the wind. About midnight the a.d. irei 
 wind veered from the north-west, w^here it beo^an to 
 blow, to tlie north-east, and fell dead calm, and then flew 
 round to the south-west, and blew with such fury that 
 one line- of- battle ship was thrown on its beam ends, and 
 only righted after cutting away her mizen and main- 
 masts. Three others rode it out, one after cutting away 
 all its masts. Three other vessels drove towards the shore. 
 The roaring of the surf was not to be distinguished in 
 the tumult of the elements ; they ^vere driven ashore two 
 miles to the south of Pondicherry. Two other line-of- 
 battle ships and a store ship survived the shock and pre- 
 served their masts ; but this constituted a new danger, 
 for m bringmg them up for the purpose of anchoring, 
 they were overset and went to the bottom, and 1,100 
 7uiropeans perished with them. 
 
 The ravage on land was scarcely less severe, though 
 not accompanied by so great loss of life. All the tents 
 and temporary casernes in the camp to the north and 
 at the outposts were blown to pieces. The ammunition 
 served out for service was destroyed ; nothing remained 
 uninjured that was not under the shelter of masonry. 
 The soldiers left their muskets on the ground, and 
 sought shelter where it could be found, and many of 
 the natives perished in the inclemency of the liour.
 
 526 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. The foUowiiiir mornini>- the sun rose hrii>'ht, and 
 
 XI o <^ . 
 
 " showed the havoc spread around. When the garrison 
 
 looked out on the scene of destruction, it was proposed 
 to march out to attack the English army ; but the sea 
 had everywhere broken over the beach, and overflowed 
 the country as far as the bound hedge, destroying the 
 batteries wherever raised. No artillery could move 
 through the inundation, nor could the troops carry their 
 ammunition dry, and the attempt to move from the 
 walls was pronounced impracticable. Otherwise, it is 
 said, for three hours after daylight scarcely a hundred 
 men of the attack ino- force could have been collected 
 together in a condition to resist them,^ The opposing 
 armies now looked earnestly to the sea ; the garrison in 
 the expectation that the Madagascar fleet might at last 
 make its appearance, the besiegers in their anxiety for 
 tlie missing ships of the squadron. All that Lally 
 could now do was to send messages to Tranquebar and 
 Negapatam to send supplies at every risk and on any 
 vessel that could be found. Even this resource failed. 
 Within seven days the English ships which had put to 
 sea returned in a shattered state, and the four dismasted 
 A^essels were rigged in a condition to keep at sea, and 
 thus the garrison, whose minds had been elevated l)y 
 
 * A recent historian of these events, who takes the most favourable 
 view of Lally's conduct throughout, contends with confidence that the 
 sortie ought to have been made, and assumes that it would have been 
 made had not Lally been prostrated by illness. Orme, who was a fair 
 if not a good judge of military matters, affirms that any such attempt 
 was ' impracticable ; ' and this was the opinion of Lally himself, against 
 whom the charge was afterwards preferred that he had not seized on 
 the occasion to attack the enemy. In reply he confirms what Orme 
 says of the extent of the inundation, and says that the garrison was 
 too reduced by famine to make the attempt, and refers to the evidence 
 of Landivissau, who was in command of the garrison, and said it would 
 have resulted in a useles-s sacrifice of troops. (Memolre pour le Comte de 
 Lally, pp. 34, 35.)
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 527 
 
 the hope of deliverance, found the road agam blockaded chap. 
 l^y eleven sail of the line, though three were only of ^ 
 fifty guns, but strengthened by the crews of the 
 stranded vessels, and their boats swept the coast and 
 drove away all the coasting vessels that came with 
 provisions. Durmg the confusion which followed the 
 storm some boats escaped from the town, one of them 
 carrying the son of the unfortunate Chanda Saheb, who 
 since the defeat of Yandewash had resided at Pondi- 
 cherry. 
 
 It was known to the English general that the French 
 to the last were carrying on negotiations with the 
 ^larattas. Lally's sanguine spirit clung to the hope of 
 aid from this quarter when all other resources failed. 
 The Marattas made overtures to both sides, and at one 
 time threatened to join the French. It became there- 
 fore of importance to push on the Avorks, and not trust 
 to the slow process of the blockade. The breaching 
 batteries when repaired were advanced mthin 500 yards 
 of the north-west angle, and opened a fire which was 
 returned hotly from the town. Still the attack was 
 carried on, and preparations were made to ad\'ance the 
 batteries nearer to the walls when this protracted contest 
 was brouo:ht to a close. 
 
 On the evenmg of January 15, Coote, while making '^•^- ^"^'^' 
 his way to the batteries, observed a flag approachmg 
 which preceded a deputation that came on foot, as the 
 town had neither horses nor palanqums. They con- 
 sisted of Colonel Durre, the commander of the artillery, 
 Father Favour, superior of the Jesuits, wdio played a 
 prominent part in the politics of the community, and 
 two members of the council. The messai^e Avhich was 
 delivered by Colonel Durre, and wliich bore Fally's 
 signature, was liaughty and uncompromising. It
 
 528 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, chai'ii'ecl the Enii'lislj witli liaviii'X taken Chanderiiairur 
 
 ■yrj O O O O 
 
 ' against the faith of the treaties of neutrality which had 
 always prevailed among the European nations in Bengal, 
 thouoh the French settlement had rendered the English 
 the most signal service in succouring the inhabitants of 
 Calcutta when surprised by Suraj-u-Dowla. It de- 
 noioiced the Government of Madras for refusing to 
 fulfil the conditions of the cartel concluded between the 
 two crowns. This conduct, the message proceeds, ' puts 
 it out of his power to propose a capitulation for the city 
 of Pondicherry. The troops of the King and Company 
 surrender themselves, for A\'ant of provisions, prisoners 
 of w^ar to his Britannic Majesty, conformably to the 
 terms of the cartel which Mr. Lally claims for the in- 
 habitants, as also for the exercise of the Roman Catholic 
 religion, the religious houses, &c., referring to the two 
 courts to decide a proportional reparation for the viola- 
 tions of treaties so solemnly estal^lished.' A special 
 demand was made m fa^'our of the family of Chanda 
 Saheb, which was as follows : — 
 
 ' From a principle of justice and humanity alone, I 
 demand that the mother and sisters of liajahsaheb be 
 permitted to seek an asylum where they please, or that 
 they remain prisoners of the English and be not de- 
 livered into the hands of Mehemetalikan, which are still 
 stained with the blood of the husband and father that 
 he has spilt, to the shame indeed of those who gave him 
 up to him, but not less to the connnander of the Eng- 
 lish army who should not have allowed such barbarity 
 to have been committed in his camp.' A separate mes- 
 sage was delivered from the Governor and council of 
 Pondicherry, with a series of requisitions claiming pro- 
 tection for the inhabitants for themselves and property, 
 and for the exercise of their religion ; no buildings to be
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 529 
 
 demolished until the decision of their respective sove- chap. 
 reigns should be taken. ' 
 
 These impossible demands from the military and 
 civil authorities were smiply set aside by the English 
 general, who, m his reply to Lally's message passed 
 over the reference to Chandernagor and the dispute re- 
 gardmg the cartel as havmg no bearing on the surren- 
 der of Pondicherry, but insisted that the garrison should 
 surrender as prisoners of war, to be treated at his dis- 
 cretion, which should not be deficient in humanity. 
 Assurances, however, were conveyed that proper care 
 should be taken of the family of Raja Salieb, and that 
 they should not be delivered mto the hands of Mahomed 
 All. 
 
 On the following day the citadel was delivered up, 
 and the garrison drew up on the parade facing the 
 English troops, and 1,100 men, exclusive of commissioned 
 officers and invalids, whose faces showed marks of the 
 privation they had undergone, took a part in this sur- 
 render. It was found that not two days' provisions, 
 at the scanty rate to which they had been reduced, were 
 found in the stores. 
 
 The dissolution of authority in the town was fol- a.d. itgi. 
 lowed by a scene of violence and outrage. Whatever 
 were the faults and shortcomings of the unfortunate 
 general, it could not be denied that he had kept the 
 English at bay for nearly twelve months from the battle 
 of Vandewash, and for four months from the commence- 
 ment of the blockade, and that the place only surrendered 
 under the extremity of famine ; but so strong was the 
 feeling in the settlement that he was the author of their 
 calamities, that he was assailed l^y the most violent 
 menaces. A party of officers, chiefly of the French 
 Company's battalion, endeavoured to force their way to 
 
 M M
 
 530 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. Lis apartment, and were kept back only by the guard, 
 ' and when he prepared to leave the place a still larger 
 number assembled "v^dth demonstrations of violence. 
 After the menace of the morning, he had applied to the 
 English general for an escort. It consisted of fifteen 
 English hussars, and they conveyed him in safety be- 
 yond the walls. An hour afterwards, M. Dubois, the 
 King's commissioner, made his appearance, but on foot. 
 The same assembly was at hand, and assailed him with 
 similar menaces. Dubois put his hand on his sword, 
 and was instantly assailed by one of the number, who 
 on the second pass ran him through the body. Such 
 was the temper of the community that his body lay for 
 four hours on the door step, and the cur6 of the parish 
 refused to assist in his interment, which was performed 
 in the garden by his servants. The unfortunate inten- 
 dant was the depository of all the complaints that had 
 been addressed to Lally against the officers and em- 
 ployes of the Company, and of all documents comiected 
 with the admmistration of Masulipatam. Immediately 
 after his death a seal was placed on his papers by the 
 procureur du roi, but none of the documents were 
 afterwards produced. 
 
 On the fourth day after the surrender, the harmony 
 which prevailed between the English civil and military 
 authorities was broken by a dispute which, under 
 other circumstances, mi^ht have been attended with 
 serious consequences. Mr. Pigott demanded of Colonel 
 Coote that Pondicherry should be delivered over to 
 the Presidency of Madras under the King's patent 
 of January 14, 1758, which regulates the Company's 
 share and title to captures. Colonel Coote summoned 
 a council of war, composed of the chief naval and mili- 
 tary officers, ^vho disputed the pretension ; whereupon
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FEENCII. 531 
 
 Pig'ott boldly declared that unless Pondicheny were de- chap. 
 livered up to liiiii lie would not furnisli the money for ' 
 
 the subsistence of the King's troops or for the prisoners. 
 Neither the admiral nor the commander of the Kino-'s 
 troops were authorised to draw bills on the government 
 at home, and acquiesced in the demand, declaring the 
 Presidency answerable for the consequences. 
 
 The first use that the council of Madras made of this 
 authority was to demolish the fortifications of Pondi- 
 cherry. It was part of Lally's instructions to destroy the 
 maritune possessions of the English which might fall into 
 his hands. The instructions were intercepted, and the 
 Directors of the East India Company gave instructions 
 to deal out the same measure to the settlements of the 
 French should they fall into their power. 
 
 The demolition was carried out without delay, as 
 the English fleet had to repair to Bombay to refit, and 
 apprehension was felt that the French might arrive on 
 the coast during their absence. 
 
 The fall of Pondicherry virtually brought the war 
 to a close. There remained only on the coast of Co- 
 romandel two fortresses in possession of the French, 
 Thiagar and Jinji. They occupied the crests of elevated 
 mountains, the latter being of great extent, the walls of 
 the works measurmg more than 12,000 yards, and the 
 forts being supposed to be unapproachable. The garrison 
 of Jinji consisted of only 150 Europeans and 600 sepoys, 
 Ijcsides irregulars, and that of Thiagar was but little 
 more. After some show of resistance they capitulated 
 on terms. The fort of Mahe and its dependencies, on the 
 coast of Malabar, was also reduced, and on April 5, 
 1761, the day of the surrender of Jinji, there remained 
 not a fortified post in the possession of the French, thus 
 terminating a contest which had lasted with scarce an 
 
 M M 2
 
 532 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, intermission of a year for fifteen years, from the date of 
 '^^' La Boiirdonnais' attack on Madras in 1746. 
 
 For more than five years after these events was the 
 struggle between Lally and his enemies carried on, till 
 it was closed by the sword of the executioner. Two 
 months after the fall of Fondicherry, he sailed for Eng- 
 land, a prisoner of war, and arrived in London in Sep- 
 tember of the same year. He there heard that a storm 
 was gathering in Paris, and that the complaints of the 
 council of Pondicherry had already reached the capital. 
 He instantly asked and obtained permission to return to 
 France on his parole, to meet the charges on the spot. 
 
 He was soon followed by his enemies, and a series 
 of printed volumes were launched on either side, and 
 circulated freely in the city. 
 
 It would not appear from the statement of Lally' s 
 biographer that the ministers were disposed to make 
 him answerable for the loss of the Lidian possessions.^ 
 His reception was not discouraging. The Duke de 
 Choiseul sought to reconcile him with Bussy ; D'Ache 
 made open advances to him in the full court ; the 
 Minister of Finances stood by him, and pressed Lally 
 to submit himself to the decision of the Kmg, a proposal 
 tending to crush the whole dispute. In the temper in 
 which Lally returned to France, conciliation was impos- 
 sible, nor were his adversaries more inclmed to moderate 
 counsels. Lally had enemies in the ministry who were 
 ready to take advantage of the storm that broke on his 
 liead, and screen themselves under the cover of those 
 attacks. A war had now ended, in the course of which 
 the armies and navies of France had been worsted, 
 and it had been stripped of important possessions in all 
 parts of the world. On November 3, 1762, terms of 
 
 ® LiugrapJile Utdcevselle, xxiii., article 'Lally.'
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 533 
 
 peace were signed under which these cessions were chap. 
 acknowledged. On the 1st of the same month the " 
 
 Minister of War signed the lettre de cachet, by which 
 Lally was to be consigned to the Bastile. Intimation 
 was conveyed to him by the friends of the Mmister, in 
 the hope that he would quit the scene. He was too 
 proud and too conscious of his innocence to act on the 
 suggestion. On the contrary he hastened to Fontain- 
 bleau, and wrote to the Duke de Choiseul, bringing, as 
 he said, his head and his innocence, and he surrendered 
 himself to the prison which he was not to quit till he 
 was dragged to the scaffold. 
 
 In the petition which the Governor and council of 
 Pondicherry presented to the King m reply to the 
 attacks of Lally, they urged him to name the tribunal to 
 which they should be referred. A difficulty now pre- 
 sented itself to the Government as to the court T^dlich 
 should take coofnisance of these mixed charo-es of mill- 
 tary and civil crimes and misdemeanours. They were 
 ulstituted in the first instance in the Chatelet or criminal 
 court, but tlie letters patent of the King removed them 
 to the grand chamber of the Parliament, and the charges 
 were drawn up m general terms which involved inquiry 
 into the conduct of all parties. They were there re- 
 quired to i]ivestigate all criminal acts in India both 
 before and after the arrival of Lally in the settlement.^ 
 This show of impartiality was set at naught in tlie sub- 
 sequent proceeduigs. The Procureur-General directed 
 the proceedings agamst Lally alone, and as the terms 
 
 ' These are the terms of the reference as (jiiotcd l>y the autlior of tlie 
 article in the Bloiirap}tie. The court was instructed to take cognisance ' de 
 tons les delits conimis dans I'Inde, tmtt avant que (kpuia VeAivoi du Comte 
 (h Lally.'' The words italicised do not appear in the terms as (juoted by 
 Voltaire, but he adds words which make them equally general: 'Four 
 etre le procos fait et parfait aux auteurs desdits delits, selon la rigueur 
 des ordonnancfcs.'
 
 534 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 ciiAr. high treason and Icse-tnajeste had been introduced into 
 ■ the act of accusation, he was deprived of the aid of 
 
 counseL The accused now became accusers and wit- 
 nesses in their owai cause, and the disgraceful spectacle 
 was produced of a general officer being confronted with 
 officers of the lowest rank before a civil tribunal of the 
 highest instance, to meet the accusations of a monk and 
 a party of merchants regarding the operations of a 
 campaign. The scandal of the procedure did not rest 
 there For nineteen months he remained m prison 
 before he was subjected to the usual interrogations. 
 Through the wdiole of the proceedings he was deprived 
 of counsel, though on three several occasions he made 
 the demand to be allowed the assistance afforded to the 
 meanest crimmal. For two more years did this dis- 
 graceful process drag on, durmg wdiich he w^as con- 
 fronted with a troop of witnesses, against thirty-four of 
 whom he entered charges of incompetence. With his 
 usual mdiscretion he had brought charges agamst Bussy 
 and D'Ache — against the latter with some reason, as 
 havmg by his abandonment of the coast been the chief 
 cause of the fall of Pondicherry ; though the charge 
 really bears more against the Government at home for 
 their long neglect of the settlement. 
 
 These officers published volumes in vindication of 
 their conduct, and contributed to sw^ell the proceedings 
 and confuse the case. During the w^hole process the 
 general maintamed the same haughty and m temperate 
 bearing, retorting charges against one and all of his 
 accusers, and even attacking his judges. This last con- 
 duct was calculated to provoke an adverse decision, but 
 neither the violence of the attack nor of the defence 
 serve to clear the conduct of the court m their sentence. 
 
 The Parliament of Paris when in full court consisted
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 535 
 
 of upwards of 100 persons, and by its constitution was chap. 
 independent of the crown. It had been on some ' 
 
 memorable occasions in conflict with its authority. It 
 had sympathies with the people and had partaken of 
 the passions of the multitude. Two French historians, 
 Voltaire and Sismondi, referring to these transactions, 
 attribute their conduct on this occasion to their hostility 
 to all officers in military command, and reference is 
 made by the latter historian to various instances where 
 this spirit was shown. 
 
 The charges agamst Lally resolve themselves into 
 three heads ; abuses of his authority in his treatment of 
 public servants in the East, pecuniary corruption, and 
 military misconduct. The council of Pondicherry, in 
 framing this indictment, did not pretend to specify 
 any acts of malversation, but held him accountable for 
 the receipt of revenues and contributions, leaving the 
 pecuniary question to the investigation of the Govern- 
 ment, and nothing but vague suspicions were alleged 
 against him on that score. It was on the last charge 
 that they laid the principal stress, and they were em- 
 bodied in nine articles, which in their words proved 
 ' something more than mere want of capacity.'^ 
 
 They cover the whole campaign, which was marked 
 by many blunders, but none of them warrantmg the 
 malignant accusations agamst him, and embraced such 
 questions as the conduct of the siege of Madras, the 
 division of the French army before Vandcwash and its 
 dispersion after that event, the imprudence of keeping 
 the Mysore forces inactive on the glacis of Pondicherry, 
 to the exhaustion of the stores of the place ; and 
 finally the rejection of every expedient and counsel that 
 was incessantly offered to him lor the relief of the place 
 
 ^ Lally, Mcmoirc, Pieces Justijicalivcs, No. 98.
 
 536 I^ISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. These were questions for a military tribunal, which 
 " Lally in vain demanded. The Parliament of Paris, after 
 
 admitting every frivolous accusation, specimens of wdiich 
 may be found in Voltaire's narrative,^ gave a deliver- 
 ance which stands as a monument of judicial folly. No 
 specific acts of misdemeanour are alleged, the military 
 misconduct is entirely passed over, but he is declared 
 attainted and convicted of having betrayed the interestn 
 of the King, the State, and of the East India Company ; 
 of abuse of authority, and exactions and vexations agamst 
 the subjects of King and foreigners, inhabitants of 
 Pondicherry ; in expiation of wdiich he w^as condemned 
 to be deprived of his honours and dignities, and to be 
 beheaded by the public executioner. 
 
 Voltaire, in recordmg this sentence, takes pams to 
 inform his readers that the expression ' betray interests ' 
 signifies m French no more than to neglect or mjure 
 interests, and not fraud, and that it has no analogy to 
 the high treason of England, the corresponding words 
 in French law being lese-majeste. The terms m the 
 sentence were employed deliberately to give colour to 
 the malignant cry that w-as raised m France that he 
 had sold Pondicherry to the English, and they w^ere so 
 understood by Lally himself, who, wdien the sentence 
 was read, mterrupted the officer of the court when he 
 came to the words betrayed the interests of the King, 
 and exclaimed ' It is false ; never, never ! ' He then broke 
 out mto violent language against his judges and the 
 mmisters, whom he accused of being the authors of his 
 fate ; then recovering himself he suddenly seized a 
 compass that w^as lying on tlie table and plunged it into 
 his bosom. The blow' did not penetrate the heart, and 
 he submitted with fortitude to the sentence, which w\is 
 
 ^ Fragmens aur VTnde, article xix.
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FEENCH. 537 
 
 attended with circumstances of unusual ignominy. The chap. 
 execution was hastened by six hours, in order to antici- ' 
 
 pate, so it was supposed, any appeal to the crown ; a 
 common cart was prepared, and a large gag was placed 
 in his mouth, and m this state he was dragged to the 
 place of execution. 
 
 So perished, in the sixty-seventh year of his age, a 
 man whose faults of temper and want of judgment are 
 conspicuous in the narrative of the struggle m which he 
 took a part. The national historians of these events 
 take pams to pomt out the extravagance of the charo-e 
 against him of having sold Pondicherry. They do not 
 deserve a serious refutation ; and yet it was to the belief 
 in his guilt m this respect tliat he owed his fate, and 
 this sentence was pronounced by a tribunal composed of 
 public functionaries of the highest dignity, not m the 
 first burst of passion which followed the announcement 
 of the national dishonour, but upwards of five years 
 after the events to which they refer, and nearly four 
 years after the signature of the treaty of peace. 
 
 Orme closes his narrative of the career of Lally with 
 a brief review of the military questions which would 
 have been submitted to a board of general officers had 
 his request been complied vdth, and points out that, of 
 the many errors attributed to hun, some were venial, 
 and others capable of justification in the difficult circum- 
 stances in which he was placed, and all would have l^een 
 viewed with discernment and judged with unpartiality. 
 His narrative closes with a well-merited encomium on 
 the sagacity and enterprise displayed by Coote through- 
 out the campaign, in which he won the confidence of 
 his troops, and was seconded by the civil authorities. 
 
 It is to be remembered throughout that Lally was 
 confronted by public servants of the highest abilities
 
 538 RISE OF BRITISH rOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. (Clive, Coote, and Pigott) wlio acted together with the 
 
 utmost harmony, in marked contrast to the wretched 
 
 bickerinfi:s of the French. 
 
 Ten years later this iniquitous judgment was 
 annulled by an act as formal as that which had pro- 
 nomiced the sentence. 
 
 Lally left a son to whom he gave a parting charge 
 to vmdicate the memory of his father. On his coming 
 of age he presented a petition to the Council of the King 
 to annul the judgment. So complete was the change m 
 public opmion that the petition received the unanimous 
 assent of eighty magistrates, and after thirty-two sit- 
 tings of the court the unanimous decree of seventy-two 
 magistrates was declared, not merely on the injustice 
 but the illegality of the former sentence. The violati n 
 of legal forms which had preceded and accompanied this 
 judgment was so glarmg that the reporter, Lambert, in 
 drawing up the decree of cassation pronounced emphati- 
 cally that there were no witnesses and no crune. 
 
 The memory of Lally was now vindicated, not 
 merely in public opinion, but in the technical language 
 of the court. The young Lally, to make his victory 
 complete, resorted to another process, not unusual in 
 French history, by which the attaint which attaches to 
 those who have suffered for the crime of U'se-majesie 
 has been removed by subsequent judicial proceedings. 
 He demanded his honourable acquittal of the crime of 
 lese-majeste. This appeal w^as also accepted, and the 
 procedure was closed by a royal edict in which a high 
 eulogium was passed on the conduct and services of the 
 unfortunate Governor.^ 
 
 The death of Lally did not restore life to the French 
 East India Company. On the termination of the war, 
 
 * Biographie Universclle, article 'Lally.'
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 539 
 
 wlien tlie settlements were restored to France, it became chap 
 
 XI 
 
 a question with the Government whether the exchisive " 
 
 privilege of trade should be renewed. A review of the 
 disastrous career of the Company was drawn up by the 
 Abbe Morellet, who spoke on this occasion, according 
 to Voltaire, as the mouthpiece of the ministry, and in 
 opposition to the renewal of those privileges which it 
 was contended had been the cause of their ruin, and 
 which ought never to have been confirmed. 
 
 It would be harsh to pronounce with this writer 
 that there was something in the genius of the French 
 character, if not its Government, which rendered them 
 incapable of association for such commercial enterprises. 
 
 The failure of the French, as contrasted with the 
 success of the English, the Dutch, and even the Danes, is 
 pointedly referred to by the Abbe Morellet, with the 
 apparent approval of Voltaire ; but this failure is rather 
 attributable to the acts of the Government than to the 
 servants of the Company. The Company of France had 
 been pampered from the time of Richelieu, and between 
 the years 1727 and 1769 they had been supplied with 
 funds from the State amounting to the enormous sum 
 of o76 millions of livres,^ while the treatment of men 
 
 ^ Voltaire, Fragmens sur VInde. He contends that were it not for 
 the monojioly they possessed of the sale of tobacco, their bankruptcy was 
 inevitable. The Abbe' Raynal (Hiduire rhilosophique, ii. 479) concludes 
 his history of the French settlements in the East with a review of their 
 finances, and concurs with Voltaire in attributing their failure in a great 
 degree to their dependence, or, as that author expresses it, to their servi- 
 tude to the Government, more particularly after the year 172.3, when the 
 Directors were ajipointcd by the Court, but overshadowed by the King's 
 commissioner. But Raynal attributes far more to the corruption that 
 pervaded every branch of the administration. The local government was 
 tainted by the irregular gains which the wars of Dupleix and the alliances 
 with native princes gave rise to, and the peculation was unbounded. Men 
 of quality with ruined fortunes flocked to the East, and the Directors who 
 profited by the patronage were obliged to shut their eyes to the disorders 
 that prevailed. Many of the charges detailed by Raynal are a repetition
 
 540 KfSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP, like La Bourdonnais, Dupleix, and Lally, would have 
 ' destroyed any State however prosperous. 
 
 The French settlements never recovered from the 
 ruin of their affairs in the war which closed in 1762. 
 Pondicherry was restored at the peace a heap of 
 ruins. The council of Madras, in their dread of the 
 revival of French influence, had destroyed not merely 
 tlie fortifications but the interior buildings. It was 
 again occupied by French forces, and when the war 
 broke out ui 1778 it was defended for forty days, 
 when it again succumbed, with other French settlements, 
 to the now well-established power of the English. In the 
 course of the war which proved so disastrous to England 
 in America, a \dgorous effort was made to re-establish 
 French influence in the Deckan. When Heider Ali 
 invaded the Carnatic in 1780, and reduced the British 
 power m the Deckan to the lowest ebb, overtures were 
 made to France to join in the attack on their common 
 enemy. A fleet was despatched to the Eastern seas in 
 March 1781, conveying a considerable land force under 
 Bussy. In a campaign which lasted about eighteen 
 months the French fleet under Sufl'ren, one of the 
 most able and enterprising sailors tliat ever served in the 
 French navy, encountered the English on four several 
 occasions in 1782, though the latter were superior in 
 numbers of vessels and guns, and wrested from them 
 Trincomalee. 
 
 of those that had been advanced by Lally in his Memoires, and which the 
 Directors, in their zeal for reform, had commissioned him to redress. 
 Similar charges, we know, were brought against the early English admin s- 
 trators of their Indian possessions, who were exposed to and succumbed 
 to the same temptations. The contrast between the treatment by England 
 and France of their Indian rulers has been often remarked upon. Voltaire 
 was the first to institute the comparison. The parallel which he draws 
 between the career and lot of Lally and Clive is forcibly drawn, and in no 
 respects more marked than in his concluding remarks : ' The one was a. 
 conqueror, the other conquered. The one was beloved, the other hated.
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 541 
 
 A final encounter took place off Cuddalore, wliich chap. 
 was occupied by the French under Bussy. The English ' 
 
 had commenced the siege of the place with an inferior 
 land force, but with the support of their fleet. Suffren, 
 by a skilful manoeuvre, interposed between the English 
 fleet and the fort, and as harmony now reigned between 
 the naval and military commanders, he borrowed 1,000 
 men fi'om Bussy, and attacked the English fleet, now 
 seriously reduced in numbers by the scurvy. In the 
 encounter wliich followed both suff^erecl severely. The 
 English found themselves so seriously weakened that 
 they bore away for Madras, and Sufiren returned to the 
 forces ashore the men he had borrowed, and added a 
 corps of sailors from the fleet, which established their 
 superiority over their opponents, whose numbers were so 
 wasted by casualties and sickness that their position 
 became very critical. 
 
 In these circumstances intelligence reached the ^•^- ^''^^• 
 belligerents of the signature of the terms of peace at 
 Versailles, and terminated a war which had assumed 
 proportions dangerous to the stability of British power 
 in the south of India. 
 
 In this struggle the relative position of the French 
 and English was completely reversed. Unseemly 
 struggles broke out among the English authorities both 
 in Calcutta and at Madras, which was carried so far 
 that Pigott, who had been honoured with a peerage, 
 and was sent out to India to reverse the decision of the 
 Madras council regardmg the Raja of Tanjore, was, in 
 a dispute arising out of the claims of the notorious 
 Paul Benfield, arrested and confined in a prison, where 
 he languished and died. General Stuart, who was the 
 instrument of the civil government, was in his turn 
 arrested by the order of Lord Macartney, Governor of
 
 542 RISE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. 
 
 CHAP. IMadras, and sent home. When the war broke out with 
 • IJ eider, the Governor of Madras was suspended, by the 
 
 orders of Warren Hastmgs, and Coote employed the 
 extensive powers conferred on him with effect and 
 di<>-nity ; but on his retirement to Bengal, on account 
 of his health, the want of harmony between the civil 
 and military authorities agam proved disastrous to our 
 affairs. 
 
 This was summarily terminated by the arrest of 
 General Stuart, who had been the instrument of the 
 Council on a former occasion m the arrest of Pigott, 
 and was sent home. Though no imputation rests on 
 Sir Edward Hughes, who commanded the fleet in the 
 Eastern seas, for any want of zeal m co-operating with 
 the land forces, and he fought five actions wdth his 
 adversaries ; yet on one occasion, when he left for the 
 coast of Malabar to refit his shattered vessels, he experi- 
 enced the same reproaches which assailed D' Ach^ in the 
 former war, when he left the coast in possession of 
 the enemy. Two duels arose out of these contentions ; 
 Hastmgs challenged and shot Francis, and Lord 
 Macartney was challenged and wounded by General 
 Stuart when he returned to England. 
 
 So closed the last effort of France to contend with 
 its rivals for empire in India. Dreams of Eastern con- 
 quest, we know, passed through the mind of Napoleon, 
 and excited a temporary alarm in the councils of Eng- 
 land, but they had little influence on the politics of 
 India itself; and from 1783 until the British armies 
 passed the Indus in 1839, all the wars of the English 
 arose from their relations with the native states only, 
 and with no reference to the affairs of Europe. From 
 the close of the struggle with France we enter on a 
 period distinguished by a new class of events. England
 
 FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 543 
 
 became tlie first military power on tliat continent, and chap. 
 
 its government took a firmer tone in its dealings mtli iJ 
 
 the native powers ; but its history is not that of wars 
 and brilliant conquests only, but of the admmistration 
 of a great empire, embracing the conduct of its gover- 
 nors and the well-bemg of the people, and mvohdng 
 questions which for more than a hundred years have 
 profoundly mterested the people and parliament of 
 England. Here, therefore, naturally closes the first 
 chapter in the history of the rise of British power m 
 the East.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ALB 
 
 Albuquerque, Alphonso d', his 
 attack on Calicut, 17 ; con- 
 quest of Goa, 18 ; attempts 
 on Aden, 19 ; expedition to 
 Oniiuz, death, 20 
 
 Ali Gohar, Prince, arrives on 
 the frontier, 338 ; overtures 
 to Olive, 339 ; retreat, 341 ; 
 reappears on the north-wes- 
 tern frontier, 345 ; assumes 
 the name of Shdh Alam, 346. 
 See Shah Alam 
 
 Ali Verdi Khan succeeds to the 
 viceroyalty, 262 ; cedes the 
 province of Cattac to Ragoji, 
 264 ; his pure life, 264 
 
 AllahaMd, capture of, 416 
 
 Almeyda, Francisco d', esta- 
 blishes the Portuguese autho- 
 rity on the west coast of luflia, 
 13 ; his son Lorenzo attacked 
 by the Turkish fleet at Choul, 
 15 ; barbarous reprisals to 
 avenge his loss, 16 ; death, 
 17 
 
 Amyatt, Mr., sent to negotiate 
 with the Nabob, 391 ; dis- 
 missed, 394 ; murdered, 396 
 
 Antoon, the Armenian, accused 
 of infringing the Company's 
 monopoly of saltpetre, 373 
 
 Anwar-u-din, Governor of the 
 Camatic, 90 ; defeat and 
 death, 130 
 
 Arcot occupied by Clive, 160 ; 
 siege of, 161-164 
 
 Ariocopang, Major Lawrence 
 taken prisoner at, 113 
 
 Asof Jdh imprisons his son Ndsir 
 Jang, 89 ; settles the future 
 
 BRA. 
 
 administration of the Carnatic, 
 90 ; extent of his territories, 
 92 
 Aurangzib, Emperor, expels the 
 English from his dominions, 
 64 ; Sir J. Child sues for 
 peace, 65 
 
 B.VLAjf Rao, his league with 
 Ghd,zi-u-din, 185 
 
 Balasor, factories established at, 
 39 ; attacked by Capt. Heath, 
 64 
 
 Basd.lut Jang makes terms with 
 Bussy, 499 
 
 Baxar, battle of, 414 
 
 Bengal, invasion of, 58 ; its 
 failure, 60 
 
 Best, Capt., his expedition to 
 Surat, 34 ; stationary factors 
 there, 35 
 
 'Black Hole,' the, at Calcutta, 
 273 ; sufferings of the priso- 
 ners, 274, 275 
 
 Bombay ceded by the Portu- 
 guese to England, 42 ; given 
 up to the Company, 43 ; Pre- 
 sidency transferred to, 46 
 
 Boscawen, Admiral, at Foit St, 
 David, 112 ; at Pondicherry, 
 114 
 
 Bourdonnais, M. de la, sent to 
 India, 97 ; siege and capture 
 of Madras, 98 ; treaty of ran- 
 som, 99 ; dispersion of the 
 Fi'ench fleet, 100 ; imprisoned 
 in the Bastille on liis return 
 to France, 101 ; death, 102 
 
 Brazil, discovery of, 7 
 
 N N
 
 5^6 
 
 RISE OF BRITTSII TOWER IX IXDTA. 
 
 BUS 
 
 Bussy, M. , accompanies Mozaf- 
 fer Jang to Heidercibdd, 181 ; 
 places Salabat Jang on the 
 throne, 183 ; connnands the 
 Viceroy's army, 187 ; makes 
 over Condavir to the French 
 nation, 212 ; his difficult posi- 
 tion, illness, 213 ; marches 
 for Avu-angabad, 21G; removes 
 Seiad Lashkar and appoints 
 Shah Ndwaz Khan, 217 ; re- 
 commends Dupleix to make 
 peace with the English, 218 ; 
 joins Salabat Jang in an ex- 
 pedition against Mysore, 238 ; 
 marches against tlie Nabob of 
 Savanore, 240 ; dictates the 
 conditions of peace, 241 ; 
 compelled to depart, 243 ; 
 encamps at Heiderabad, 244 ; 
 attacked by Jafir Ali, 245 ; 
 conflicts and difiiculties, 247, 
 249 ; happy termination, 249 ; 
 Oriental splendour, 255 note ; 
 at Aurangabad, 470 ; ordered 
 to Pondicherry, 476 ; taken 
 prisoner at Vandewash, 509 
 
 Cabral, Alvarez, his expe- 
 dition to Calicut, 7 ; bar- 
 barous act of reprisal, 8 
 
 Caillaud, ^Colonel, attacked by 
 Shah Alam, 347 ; accusations 
 against, 351 )iote 
 
 Calcutta attacked by Suraj-u- 
 Doula, 2G9 ; surrendered to 
 him, 272 ; retaken liy the 
 English, 283 
 
 Calicut discovered by Vasco da 
 Gama, 4 
 
 Canoji, Angria, his piratical de- 
 predations, 233 ; failure of the 
 confederates to take his 
 strongholds, 234 
 
 Cape of Good Hope, the, dis- 
 covered by Bartholomew 
 Diaz, 3 
 
 Carnac, Major, attacks Sh'ih 
 Alam and escorts him to 
 Patna, 365 ; superseded, 367 ; 
 
 . succeeds Major Ad..ms, 405 ; 
 defeats Shuja-u-Doula, 406 ; 
 
 reasons for not advancing, 
 406 ; explains his silence re- 
 garding the negotiation with 
 Shujii, 410 ; succeeds Munro ; 
 416 
 
 Carnul stormed, 184 
 
 Casim, Ali, cause of his popu- 
 larity, 3")6 ; installed and pro- 
 claimed Nabob, 359 ; reforms 
 in the finances, 363 ; threatens 
 to abolish tlie inland duties, 
 382 ; indignation with the 
 Council, 386 ; abolishes the 
 inland duties for two years, 
 389 ; complaints of the Coun- 
 cil's rapacity and breach of 
 faith, 390 ; his temper and 
 forbearance, 392 ; interview 
 with Mr. Amyatt and Mr. 
 Hay, 393 ; detains the boats 
 with arms, 393 ; declares war, 
 394 ; defeat at Udwa Nalla, 
 400 ; puts all his prisoners to 
 death, 401 ; assurances of pro- 
 tection from Shuja-u-Doula, 
 402 ; tampers with the fo- 
 reigners in the British service, 
 403 
 
 Castro, Don John de, his 
 triumph after the siege of 
 Guzerat, 22 
 
 Chanda Sahe'b, 85 ; besieged at 
 Trich'nopoly, 87 ; confined at 
 Sattara, 88 ; liberated, 124 ; 
 unites with Mozaffer Jang, 
 127 ; enters Arcot and is made 
 Governor of the Carnatic, 
 131 ; negotiations with the 
 Raja of Tanjore, 133 ; at- 
 tacked by the Marattas, 134 ; 
 adheres to the French, 138 ; 
 receives the government of 
 Arcot, 150 ; his struggles at 
 Volconda, 154 ; deserted by 
 his chiefs and men, 175 ; be- 
 trayed by Manikjf, 177 ; im- 
 prisoned and beheaded, 178 
 
 Chandernagor, fall of, 295 
 
 Child, Sir John, Governor-Gene- 
 ral of India, 52 ; charged with 
 cruelty to the interlopers, 53 ; 
 temporises with the IMogul 
 governor, 61 ; terms of agree- 
 ment with the Governor of
 
 INDKX. 
 
 547 
 
 cm 
 
 Surat, 62 ; sues for peace, 05 ; 
 death, 66 
 
 Child, Sir Jusiah, 52 
 
 Cliout, the perquisite of the 
 zemindars, 452 
 
 Chuta Natti, the site of Calcutta, 
 59 
 
 Civil servants, regular system 
 for, 47 ; inadequate remunera- 
 tion, 49 and note 
 
 Clive, Lord, his early career, 159; 
 character described by Law- 
 rence, 159 ; occupies Arcot, 
 160 ; besieged by Rezza Saheb, 
 161 ; gallant defence, 162, 164; 
 pursues and defeats him, 164; 
 occupies the great pagoda of 
 Conjeveram, 165 ; victory at 
 Coverip;lk, 168 ; at Saniia- 
 veram, 170 ; night attack, 171; 
 wounded, 173 ; returns to 
 England, 193 ; back in India, 
 232 ; his share of the prize 
 money, 236 ; sent to Calcutta, 
 
 279 ; his full military powers, 
 
 280 ; recaptures Calcutta, 283 ; 
 proposes peace, 286 ; the Na- 
 bob's treachery to the deputies, 
 287 ; attacks the Nabob's c;vmp, 
 288 ; terms of peace, 289 ; re- 
 newed negotiations for a local 
 peace with the French, 292 ; 
 enters Murshidabad, 322 ; re- 
 fuses large presents, 324, 325 
 note ; set aside by the Court 
 of Directors, 334 ; accepts the 
 government, 335 ; expedition 
 to the French possessions, 338; 
 his jagir, 341 ; returns to Eng- 
 land, 344 ; reception, 424 ; 
 contestwith Mr. Sullivan, 426; 
 payment of his jagfr wihhcld, 
 427 ; imderta,kes the ofticcs of 
 Governor and Commander-in- 
 Cliief in Bengal, 429 ; is subor- 
 dinate to Lawrence, 430 ; state 
 of the Government on his 
 arrival, 431 ; investigation re- 
 garding presents, 434; restores 
 Sliuja-u-Doula to all his do- 
 minions, 437 ; treaty with 
 Sli;lh Alam and grant of the 
 Dfwclni, 438 ; remarks on it, 
 444 ; defends his arrangements 
 
 cou 
 
 with Shujd-u-Doula, 447 ; his 
 policy vindicated by its success, 
 450 ; indignaticm at the sur- 
 render of Fort St. David, 468 
 note 
 
 Cochin attacked by the Zamorin, 
 12 
 
 Coleris, the, 230 ; attack on 
 Heron's army, 231 
 
 Coleroon, naval engagement at, 
 474 
 
 Company, the East India, 
 formed, 30 ; first three voy- 
 ages, 31 ; increased import- 
 ance, 36 ; jealousy of the 
 Portuguese, 37 ; their profits, 
 39 ; get possession of Bombay, 
 43 ; mutiny of the troojjs, 51 ; 
 the interlopers, 54 ; invasion 
 of Bengal, 58 ; loss of their 
 factories, GG ; renewal of their 
 charter, 67 ; foraiation of a 
 new company, 70 ; struggles 
 with the old, 72 ; union and 
 incoi'poration of the two, 73 ; 
 concessions obtained from the 
 Emperor Ferokhsi'r, 74 
 
 Company, the French East India, 
 rise of, 92 ; thuir settlement 
 at Pondicherry, 93 ; rela- 
 tions with the Gcjvernment of 
 France, 93 ; success and ex- 
 penditure, 95 
 
 Condavir ceded to the French, 
 212 
 
 Confians, M. de, defeated in 
 Masulipatam, 478 
 
 Ccjnvicts, respited, sent to the 
 East Indies, 253 
 
 Cooke, Mr., succeeds Sir A. 
 Shii)man, 42 ; takes refuge 
 with the Jesuits at Goa, 43 
 
 Coote, Sir Eyre, at Patna, 367 ; 
 investigates Rilm Naraim's 
 claims, 368 
 
 Cope, Capt., advances to the 
 Coleroon, 119 
 
 Coromandel, affairs on the coast 
 of, 337 
 
 Correa, Caspar de, his Lawlaa da 
 India, 1 note 
 
 Council, the, violent resolutions 
 about the inland duties, 384- 
 386 ; Mr. Amyatt and Mr.
 
 548 
 
 RISE OF BRITISH ROWER IN INDIA. 
 
 COU 
 
 Haj- sent to Monghir, 387 ; 
 treatment of the Nabob's de- 
 puty at Dacca, 390 
 
 Courten, Sir W., new company 
 formed by him, 38 ; average 
 of profits, 40 
 
 Covelong and Chinglipvit garri- 
 sons defeated bj' Olive, 193 
 
 Criminal jurisdiction in native 
 hands, 455 
 
 D'AcHK, Count, encounter with 
 the English fleet under Po- 
 cocke, 494 ; departure of the 
 fleet from Pondicherry, 495 
 
 Dacoity, or gang robbery, 456 
 
 Dalton, Capt., left in charge 
 at Trichinopoly, 192 ; dis- 
 covers the Dalwai's conspira- 
 cies, 198 ; his diminished 
 troops, 198 ; scarcity of pro- 
 visions, 200 ; arrival of Law- 
 rence, 200 ; return to Europe, 
 208 
 
 Dalwirli, the, affords assistance to 
 Mohammed Ali, 166 ; claims 
 the fulfilment of the condi- 
 tions, 190 ; attempts to gain 
 possession of Trichinopoly, 
 15J6 ; his intrigues detected, 
 197 ; returns to his own coun- 
 try, 229 
 
 Deckan, the, important events 
 in, 211 ; difliculties in, 237 ; 
 attempts to re-establish French 
 power in, 540 
 
 Devi Cota, capture of, 122 
 
 Diaz, Bartholomew, discovers 
 t he Cape of Good Hope, 3 
 
 Diu attacked by the Portuguese, 
 21 
 
 Divvani, the grant of the, 438 ; 
 remarks on the transaction, 
 442 
 
 Dost All's succession to the go- 
 vernment of the Carnatic, 83 ; 
 h's death, 86 
 
 Drake, Mr., his answer to 
 Siu-fij-u-Doula, 266 ; abandons 
 Calcutta, 271 
 
 Duboia, M., killed at Pondi- 
 cherry, 530 
 
 Dupleix, M., the governor of 
 
 FEE 
 
 Pondicherry, 90 ; disputes 
 with La Boui'donnais, 98- 
 lOO ; violates the treaty of 
 ransom with the English, 
 104 ; organises an expedition 
 against Fort St. David, 106 ; 
 friendship with the Nabob, 
 108 ; attack on Cuddalore, 
 111 ; ambitious schemes, 123 ; 
 gains the Maratta chiefs and 
 the Patan nabobs, 145 ; made 
 governor of the Carnatic, 187 ; 
 exertions to restore his mili- 
 tary force, 189 ; negotiates 
 with Mr, Saunders, 218 ; 
 created marquis, 223 ; super- 
 seded, 226 ; his character, 226 ; 
 death, 227 
 
 Dutch, the, their activity and 
 energy in the East, 29 
 
 Dutch expedition, the, from Ba- 
 tavia, 342 
 
 Eastern Islands, the voyages 
 to, 31 
 
 Ellis, Mr., Chief of Patna, 373 ; 
 disputes with the Nabob, 374 ; 
 takes Patna, 395 ; sent pri- 
 soner to Monghir, 396 ; mur- 
 dered by Casim Ali, 401 
 
 FiREBRASS, Sir Basil, represen- 
 tative of the interlopers, 68 
 
 Forde, Lieut. -Col. , expedition to 
 the Northern Circars, 478 ; 
 defeats the French under 
 Couflans, 479 ; siege and as- 
 sault of Musalipatam, 490 ; 
 makes terms Avith Salabat 
 Jans, 492 
 
 Fort St. David built, 67 ; M. 
 Pai'adis' expedition against, 
 106 ; attacked by Lally, 466 ; 
 surrendered, 468 
 
 Fort St. George erected at 
 Madras, 32; attacked by the 
 French, 483 
 
 Foudjaree, the, or Court of Cri- 
 minal Jurisdiction, 452, 455 
 
 French, the, ascendancy of, 151 
 
 French and English, the, com-
 
 INDEX 
 
 549 
 
 FRY 
 
 mencement of struggle be- 
 tween, 8L 
 Fryer, Dr., on the salaries of 
 the Company's servant;*, 49 
 note 
 
 Gama, Vasco da, his voyage of 
 discovery, 3 ; at Calicut, 4 ; 
 jealousy of the Arab traders, 
 5 ; detention and pursuit, G ; 
 return to Portugal, 7 ; second 
 expedition, 9 ; cruel acts, 10, 
 11 ; insists on the expulsion 
 of the Moors, 11 
 
 Ghazi-u-din claims his inherit- 
 ance, 194 ; receives his com- 
 mission, 195 ; appoints Mo- 
 hammed Ali Nabob of the 
 Camatic, 195 ; death, 19G 
 
 Goa taken by Albuquerque, 18 
 
 Godeheu, M., succeeds M. Du- 
 pleix, 224 ; releases the Swiss 
 prisoners, 225 ; concludes a 
 treaty with the English, 228 ; 
 leaves India, 229 
 
 Gomashtas, or commercial a- 
 gents, thtir abuses and rapa- 
 city, 377 
 
 Guzerat, siege of, 22 
 
 Hamilton, Capt , his charges 
 against Sir John Child, 53 
 note 
 
 Harrison, Lieut., his gallant de- 
 fence of Trichinopoly, 210 
 
 Hastings, Warren, 373 ; sent to 
 Patna, 375 : endeavours to 
 adjust the inland duties, 379 ; 
 memorandum on dacoity, 457, 
 458 
 
 Hawkins, Capt., at Surat, 32 
 
 Hay, Mr., his mission to the 
 Nabob at Monghi'r, 393 ; 
 murdered, 401 
 
 Heath, Capt., sent to Bengal, 
 63 ; burns Balasor and 
 destroys forty Mogul vessels, 
 64 
 
 Hei'der All's alliance with the 
 French, 511 ; defection, 529 
 
 Heron, Lieut.-Col., sent against 
 Madura and Tinivelly, 230 ; 
 
 attacked by the Coleris, 231 ; 
 dismissed the service, 232 
 
 Hijeli, its climate, GO 
 
 Hindostan, its comparative tran- 
 quillity due to Clive's policy, 
 451 
 
 Holwell, Mr, commands the 
 garrison at Calcutta, 271 ; capi- 
 tulates, 272 ; sufferings in the 
 'Black Hole,' 274; loaded 
 with fetters and sent to Mur- 
 shidibad; 276 ; released, 277 ; 
 act'ng governor of Bengal, 
 352 ; proposes to depose the 
 Nabob, 353 ; attempts to re- 
 vive the M)gul Government, 
 354 
 
 Hvigli, capture of, 59 
 
 Inland duties and tlicir abuses, 
 37G ; agreement on the terms, 
 380, 381 ; abolished by the 
 Nal'ob, 382 
 
 Interlopers, or illicit traders, 40; 
 reappearance of, 50 ; their 
 treatment by Sir John Child, 
 53 ; criminally prosecuted, 
 54 
 
 J.vFiR Ali Kha'n head of a 
 party against the French, 242 
 
 Jinji in the possession of the 
 French, 144 
 
 Keigwin, Capt. , proclaimed 
 
 governor of Bombay, 51 
 Khoja H'di accused of a plot 
 
 to murder the Nabob, 33G ; 
 
 assassinated, 337 
 Kidd, Caiit.,his system of piracy, 
 
 69 
 Kil Patrick, Capt , left in 
 
 coMimand at Trichinopoly^ 
 
 227 
 
 Lally, Count dr, his early ca- 
 reer, 4GI ; sent to India, 4G3 ; 
 siege and capture of Fort St. 
 David, 465 168 ; com])lains of 
 the want of support from the
 
 550 
 
 r.ISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 LAN 
 
 council of Ponclicherry, 471 ; 
 his peculiar character, 472 
 vote ; expedition to plunder 
 Tanjore, 473 ; failure and re- 
 turn to Pondicherry, 474 ; 
 recalls Bussy and Moracin 
 from the Deckan, 477 ; be- 
 sieges Madras, 481 ; failure 
 and retreat, 487 ; alienates 
 the army, 497 ; appointed to 
 enquire into the finances of 
 the Company, 498 ; defeated 
 at Vandewash, 508 ; violent 
 treatment on the fall of Pondi- 
 cherry, 529 ; charges against 
 him in Paris, 532 ; imprisoned 
 in the Bastille, 533; execution, 
 537 ; his memory vindicated, 
 538 
 
 Lancaster. Sir James, his treaty 
 with the King of Achi'n, in 
 Sumatra, 31 
 
 Law, M., capitulates to Mo- 
 hammed Ali. 179 ; taken pri- 
 soner by Major Carnac, 365 
 
 Lawrence, Major, sent from 
 England, 109 ; his stratagem 
 to save Cuddalore, 111 ; taken 
 prisoner at Ariocopang, 113 ; 
 storms Devi Cota, 121 ; joins 
 Dalton at Trichinopoly, 200 ; 
 gallant attack on the French, 
 204 ; saves the town, 205 ; 
 second attack and retreat of 
 the French, 207 ; g(^es into 
 winter quarters at Coilndi, 
 208 ; operations before Trichi- 
 nopoly, 220 ; returns to Eng- 
 land, 500 note 
 
 Legal condition of Europeans in 
 India, 70 80 
 
 Madras, siege and capture by 
 the French, 98 ; Mahfiiz Kh;in 
 sent to disposse.'-s them, 102 ; 
 prepaiations for the siege, 
 481 ; the Black Town occu- 
 pied by the French, 484 ; 
 arrival of the British fleet, 
 486 ; retreat of the French, 
 487 
 
 Mahfiiz Khan invesis Madras, 
 102 ; attacked by the French, 
 
 MOR 
 
 103 ; retreats to Arcot, 104 ; 
 sent with Heron to reduce 
 Madura and Tinivelly, 230 ; 
 remains in possession, 232 
 
 Mangoes cultivated by the Por- 
 tuguese in India, 23 
 
 Manik Chaiid appointed gover- 
 nor of Calcutta, 282 
 
 Marattas, the, war with, 87 ; 
 assist Nasir Jang, 134 ; peace 
 concluded, 211 
 
 Marlborough, Lord, sent to 
 Bombay, 42 
 
 Middleton, Sir H., detained 
 prisoner at Mocha, 33 
 
 Militia organised at Bombay and 
 Madras, 47 
 
 Mir Jafir, his secret overtures 
 to Mr. Watts, 299 ; goes to 
 Plassy, 302 ; removed from 
 his command, 311 ; terms of 
 the treaty, 312 ; pretended 
 reconciliation with the Nabob, 
 317 ; joins the English, 322 ; 
 proclaimed Viceroy of Bengal, 
 322 ; his weakness and irre- 
 solution, 331 ; accuses Rai 
 Dvilab, 332 ; insurrections and 
 plots, 333 ; deposed, 361 ; pro- 
 claimed Nabob in Casim All's 
 place, 397 ; joins the army, 
 399 ; endeavours to propitiate 
 Shuja, 409 ; severe terms im- 
 posed on him, 418 ; death, 
 419 
 
 Miran orders the death of Suraj- 
 u-Doula, 326, and that of the 
 Nabob's infant nephew, 332 ; 
 killed by lightning, 350 
 
 Mogul Empire, the, anarchy 
 and confusion in, 219 
 
 Mohammed Ali, 133 ; escapes to 
 Trichinopoly, 147 ; gets assist- 
 ance from the English, 153 ; 
 alliance with Mysore, 107 ; his 
 engagements with, 190 ; suc- 
 cess at Trinomali, 208 
 Mohammed Kiili put to death by 
 
 Shujci-u-Doula, 340 
 Mohammed Said, 89 ; assassi- 
 nated, 91 
 Moor, origin of the name, 7 note 
 Mortezza Ali poisons Safder Ali, 
 88 ; acknowledged as Nabob
 
 ISDEX. 
 
 551 
 
 MOZ 
 
 of Arcot, 89 ; accused of the 
 murder of Mohamined Said, 
 91 ; succeeds Rezza Siiheb and 
 takes Arcot, 202 
 
 Mozaffer Jang unites with 
 Chanda Saheb, 127 ; his com- 
 mand of the army, 129 ; enters 
 Arcot, 131 ; deserted by his 
 friends and followers, 137 ; 
 imprisoned, 138 ; released, 
 147 ; rejoicings at Pondicherry, 
 148 ; marches towards Heider- 
 abad, 181 ; death, 183 
 
 Munro, Major, at Calcutta, 413; 
 quells a mutiny, 414 ; battle 
 of Baxar, 414 ; of Allahabad, 
 410 
 
 Mutiny of the troops at Bombay, 
 51 
 
 Mutiny of the French officers, 
 137 ; and of the army, 493 
 
 Mysore attacked by the French, 
 238 ; amount of arrears 
 claimed, 239 ; invaded by 
 Major Smith, 515 
 
 Najum-u-Doula succeeds Mi'r 
 Jafir, 420 ,' objects to the 
 treaty, 421 
 
 Nandcomar, suspicions of his 
 fidelity, 409 ; sent prisoner to 
 Calcutta, 421 
 
 Nasir Jang's rebellion and im- 
 prisonment, 89 ; succeeds Asof 
 Jah, 120 ; advance on Pondi- 
 cherry, 135 ; joined by Major 
 Lawrence and (iOO Europeans, 
 13G ; Dui)leix's negotiations, 
 139 ; character, 141 ; inactivity, 
 143 ; assassinated, 140 ; divi- 
 sion of his treasures, 149 
 
 Niizim, the, authority of, 453 
 
 Norris, Sir H., ambassador for 
 the new Company, 71 
 
 Nueva, John dc, sent to rein- 
 force Cabral, 9 
 
 Omi Chand, 200 ; suspected by 
 the Government of Calcutta, 
 208; gains the couhdcncc of 
 Suraj-u-Doula, 285 ; cousulted 
 about the treaty with the 
 
 REZ 
 
 Nabob, 303; his exorbitant 
 demands 304; the Red Treaty, 
 300 ; goes to Calcutta, 309 ; 
 death, 324 
 Ormuz, capture of, 37 
 
 Paradis, M., sent to Madras, 
 103 ; annuls the treaty, 104 ; 
 expedition to Fort St. David, 
 100 ; at Sadras, 100 ; second 
 expedition to Fort St. David, 
 109 ; death, 115 
 
 Patan nabobs, the, Dupleix in- 
 trigues with them, 135 ; their 
 defection, 140 ; murder of 
 Nasir Jang, 140 ; share of his 
 treasures, 149 
 
 Patans, the, of Carniil, 184 
 
 Patna, massacre of the English 
 at, 401 
 
 Persia, trade with, 37 
 
 Pirates, increased number of, 
 08 ; suppression of, 75 
 
 Pischard, Ensign, his gallant 
 defence of Calcutta, 209 
 
 Pitchanda, surrender of, 175 
 
 Plantain, the last pirate of note, 
 75 
 
 Plassy, battle of, 319-322 
 
 Pondicherry, French settlement 
 at, 93 ; sieges of, 115, 110, 
 514-529 
 
 Portuguese, the, amicable rela- 
 tions with, 39 
 
 Portuguese dominion, character 
 and extent of, 24 ; policy, 25 ; 
 forts and factories, 25 note ; 
 internal government, 20 ; de- 
 cline of power, 20, 27 
 
 Ragonat Das assassinated, 187 
 
 Rai Dulab accused of conspiracy 
 against Mi'r Jatir, 332 
 
 Rdm Ntirain suspected of dis- 
 atiection, 330 ; submits to 
 Clive's projjosals, 333 ; be- 
 sieged at Rehar, 340; defeated 
 by Shall Alam at Patna, 340 ; 
 his claims investigated, 308 
 
 ' Regencies,' the Company's 
 scheme of, 55 
 
 Rezza Saheb before Arcot, 100 ;
 
 0.)2 
 
 EISK OF r.KITISri POWER IN INDIA. 
 
 retreats and takes refuge in 
 Jinji, 1G4 ; surprise and de- 
 feat near Coveripilk, 1(18 
 Roe, Sir T. , ambassador to the 
 Great Mogul, 3(3 
 
 Safder Ali, 85 ; invests Trichi- 
 nopoly, 87 ; poisoned, 88 
 
 Saliibat Jang chosen Viceroy, 
 183 ; storms Carniil, 184 ; 
 enters Heiderabcld, 185 ; 
 forces a patent from the Great 
 Mogul apjjointing him Vice- 
 roy of the Deckan, 18G ; ac- 
 knowledges M. Dupleix as his 
 protector, 187 ; alliance witli 
 the English, 490 ; reinstates 
 his brother, Nizam Ali, 490 
 
 Saunders, Mr., Governor of 
 Fort St. David, 152 ; negotia- 
 tions with M. Dupleix, 218 ; 
 completes the terms of peace 
 with M. Godeheu, 227 ; leaves 
 India, 229 
 
 Scrafton, Mr., his mission to 
 Mir Jafir, 310 
 
 Seiad Lashkar Khdn made mi- 
 nister to Salabat Jang, 189 
 
 Seiaji applies to the English for 
 assistance, 119 ; failure of his 
 cause, 120 
 
 Sepoy force, rise of the, 251 ; 
 their dress, 252 
 
 Seringham, the great pagoda of, 
 157 
 
 Severndriig taken by Commo- 
 dore^ James, 234-236 
 
 Shah Alauj, 346 ; defeats Bam 
 Niirain near Patna, 347 ; 
 routed by Col. Caillaud and 
 Mi'ran, 348 ; besieges Patna, 
 349 ; withdraws, 350 ; taken 
 prisoner by MajorCarnac, 365 ; 
 removes to Oude, 370 ; joins 
 the British camp, 415 ; grant 
 of the Diwani to the English, 
 438 
 
 Shah Nawaz Khan, his flight on 
 the death of Nasir Jang, 147 ; 
 a))pointed minister to Salabat 
 Jang by Bussy, 217 ; co-ope- 
 rates with Jafir Ali Khan 
 against the French, 242 
 
 TOU 
 
 Shipman, Sir A., sent as go- 
 vernor to Bombay, his death, 
 42 
 
 Shujd-u-Doula shelters Casim 
 Ali, 402 ; marches to Patna, 
 405 ; defeated, 406 ; negotia- 
 tions, 411 ; battle of Baxar, 
 414 ; sues for peace, 415 ; 
 joins the Marattas under 
 Holcar, 417 ; surrenders to 
 Major Carnac, 417 
 
 Sircars, tlie Northern, ceded to 
 the French, 217 
 
 Sombre, or Somroo, in the 
 Nabob's service, 398 note 
 
 Souoire, M. de, arrives in India, 
 463 ; retires to Pondicherry, 
 4!)5 
 
 Sullivan, IMr., his rupture with 
 Clive, 426 
 
 Sur4j-u-Doula, his weak and 
 licentious character, 264 ; 
 takes the factory of Casim- 
 bazar, 267 ; proceeds to Cal- 
 cutta, 267 ; commences the 
 attack, 269 ; enters the fort, 
 273 ; cruelty to the prisoners, 
 274-277 ; treachery to the 
 deputies, 287 ; attacked by 
 Clive, 288 ; peace concluded, 
 289 ; consents to the attack 
 on Chandernagor, 293 ; his 
 prohibition, 294 ; applications 
 to Bussy, 295 ; insolence and 
 cruelty, 298 ; disaffection of 
 the chiefs, 299 ; orders and 
 counterorders, 300 ; atPlassy, 
 319 ; flight to Murshidabad, 
 321 ; taken captive and killed, 
 326 
 
 Surat, stationary factors at, 35 
 
 Tan.toue, English expedition to, 
 119 ; siege of, 473 
 
 Territorial possessions, expedi- 
 ency of, in India, 43, 44 
 
 Thome, St., seized by the Eng- 
 lish, 131 
 
 Titles of Native princes, note 
 on, 256-259 
 
 Topasses, the, 253 
 
 Touche, M. de la, takes Jinji, 
 145
 
 INDEX. 
 
 553 
 
 TEA 
 
 Trading Company, the English, 
 established, 29, 30 ; formation 
 of a new Company, 38 
 
 Treaty, terms of, between the 
 French and English, 228; 
 with Mir Jatir, 312 
 
 Trichinopoly, projected attack, 
 132 ; operations before, 157 ; 
 French attack on, 165 ; se- 
 cond attack and defeat, 209 
 
 Trivada taken by the French, 
 202 
 
 Vandewash, French mutineers 
 at, 497 ; siege of, 502 ; se- 
 cond assault, 503 ; battle of, 
 607 
 
 Vansittart, Mr., Governor of 
 Bengal, 351; at Calcutta, 355 ; 
 interviews the Nabob, 357 ; 
 deposes him and appoints 
 Casira Ali his successor, 359 ; 
 
 at Patna to adjust the inland 
 duties, 381 ; letter to Clive 
 on the siege of Madras, 488 
 Oiute 
 Venice, its trade with India, 2 
 Yolconda, struggles before, 155 
 
 Watson, Admiral, reaches Ma- 
 dras, 223 ; sails u}) the Ganges, 
 281 ; death, 327 
 
 Watts, Mr., taken prisoner, 267 ; 
 secret overtures from the 
 chiefs, 298 ; consults with 
 Oaii Chand, 303 ; terms of 
 agreement with Mir Jatir, 
 306, 312; leaves Murshidabad, 
 316 
 
 Winter, Sir E., imprisons Mr. 
 Foxcroft, 46 
 
 Zemindars, their perquisites, 
 452 
 
 rniN'TED BY 
 
 epoTTiBwoonis and co., nuw-stkeet sqpark 
 
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