THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES Eugene l. Morice ~ OMENTAL * ArR.CAN BooK^rtLC 9 CECIL COURT, <«RING Cros LONDON, THE RISE OF THE BPtlTLSK POWER IN THE EAST UNIFORM WITH THE PRESENT WORK. THE HISTOEY OF INDIA. The Hindu and Mahometan Periods. By the Hon. Mountstuakt Elphinstone. 6th Edition. With Notes and Additions by E. B. CowELL, M.A., late Principal of the Sanskrit College, Calcutta. With Map, 8vo. 18s. THE LIFE OF THE HON. MOUNTSTUAET ELPHINSTONE. With Selections from his Correspond- ence and Papers. By Sir Edward Colebrooke, Bart. With Portrait and Plans, 2 vols. 8vo. 26s. THE EISB OF THE BRITISH POWER IN THE EAST BY THE LATB HON. MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE BEING A CONTINUATION OF HIS 'HISTORY OF INDIA IN THE HINDU AND MAHOMETAN PERIODS' By SIR EDWARD COLEBROOKE, Baet. WITH MAPS LONDON JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET 1887 All righti: resfrrffi riiiNTKn r.v 8."0'ITISW00nK AND CO., M;AV-STl;Kirr SQUARK LONDON- PREFACE. Mr. Elphinstone's ' History of India,' which appeared in 1841, closes with the battle of Paniput, fought in 1765, on which occasion the Marattas, whose power was then at its zenith, suffered a crushmg defeat at the hands of Ahmed Shah Durrani, supported by the Mahometan prmces of Northern India. The conquerors were unable to follow up their victory ; the Afghan prmce returned to his dommions beyond the Indus, and the territory, which was formerly comprised in the Mogul Empire, was broken up mto separate States. Here, therefore, the author observed, the history of the Mogul Empire closes of itself It appears from the author's journals that he had made considerable progress in a third volume prior to the former publication, but his labours had been inter- rupted by attacks of illness, and soon after the resump- tion of his work his health gave "N^ay, and led to its final abandonment. Other causes contributed to inter- fere with its completion. Such was his diffidence that had it not been for the advice of f^ord Jeffrey, whom he 526467 WATUMULL [()] PREFACE. consulted about publishing the first volume, it is pro- bable they would never have appeared. This distrust ass.imed the form of despair when he read the brilliant essays, or rather lives, of Clive and Hastings by Macau- lay, to whose estimate of the character and career of these great men he rendered warm testimony in his journals. At length, after many doubts of being able to throw any new light on the history of Hastings, or of producing a narrative which would supersede the work of Mill, he threw aside his task for ever. The greater part of the manuscript which is now published had been copied by a clerk and received some subsequent corrections at the hand of the author. The tenth chapter, which brings the narrrative down to the grant of the Diwdni in 1765, is in the author's hand- writing. He had commenced some further chapters on the early relations of the British Government with the Marattas, on the affairs of the Rohillas, and on Hastings's treatment of the Rdja of Benares j but they are mere fragments. There are also some careful notes on the characters of Clive and Hastings, some of which are quoted in the published life of the author. Those on Clive were written at intervals, and were evidently mtended for a review of his career at its close. They will, I think, mterest the readers of this volume, but are in too incomplete a shape to form a part of this history. They are prefaced by what seems to have been commenced as an introduc- tion to this period of Indian history : — ' The period treated of in these volumes neither ad- PREFACE. [7] mits of novelty in the facts or originality in the ideas. The documents have been searched out for Parliament by the diligence of parties anxious to support their conflictmg opinions The materials they furnish have been combmed and commented on by the master spirits of the last age. A new picture of these times must be flat in the ablest hands. I have therefore no expecta- tion that the following pages will be attractive. My hope is that they may be useful. The passions which clouded the former period have passed away, and an ordinary writer may profit by the light shed from dif- ferent quarters on the scene which none before looked on but in one aspect. This consideration influences the author in entering on so well occupied a field, and he will think his labours repaid a thousandfold if they contribute to just views of the present and wise resolu- tions for tlie future, and contribute to throw even a greater lustre on the nation by the actions which it suggests than by those which it records. ' MEMOBANDUM. ' The only chance of success in this part of the his- tory lies in stern hnpartiality, mixed with candour and indulgence, towards all the parties concerned. Measures must be discussed, serving no doubt to illustrate the characters of the leading men of the day, but more with a view to utility, and to pointing out what objects are to be attained and what are the sure means of ascertaining and promotmg them. [8] PREFACE. ' This is the key to the treatment of Olive's cha- racter, commanding respect and admiration from its great qualities, which feelings are painfully checked by instances of duplicity and meanness. ' The impression he leaves is that of force and gran- deur ; a masculme understanding ; a fine judgment ; an inflexible will, little moved by real dangers, and by arguments and menaces not at all. He exercised a supreme control over those who shared his counsels or executed his resolves. Men }^eldedto a pressure which they knew could not be turned aside, and either par- took of its impulse or were crushed by its progress. ' When overmatched by his enemies he appears in even greater grandeur. He meets the most formidable accusations with bold avowal and a confident justifica- tion. He makes no attempt to soften his enemies or conciliate the public, but stands on his merits and ser- vices with a pride which in other circimistances would liave been arrogance. . . . ' After acknowledging his errors, history presents few great characters more blameless ( ?) ^ than that of Clive. Though stern and imperious by nature, his temper was proof against a thousand trials, and m a life spent amidst scenes of blood and suffering he has never been accused of a single act of cruelty. He coveted money as an instru- ment of ambition, but lie never acquired it in any manner that he did not openly avow, and he scorned to preserve it by swerving a hair's breadth from his duty. His few political offences he was led into by zeal for the public, ' The mark of interrogation is by the author. PREFACE. [9 J and for the same object lie sacrificed the peace of his last years and risked his accumulations of wealth and glory. He possessed undaunted courage, a strong un- derstanding, sagacity and soundness of judgment, and unrivalled vigour in action. A mind so endowed rises high above ordmary imperfections ; at worst it is a rough-hewn Colossus, where the irregularities of the surface are lost in the grandeur of the whole. ' Though naturally bold, open, and direct, Clive did not despise the use of artifice when his purposes required it, and it is this propensity that casts a shade of mean- ness over his great qualities that prevents that unmixed respect which so powerful a character must otherwise have commanded. 'November 8, 1843. ' Though Clive had a natural sense of honour, his independent and even reckless character made hhn in- different to the opinion of others and regardless of form and propriety. The society in which he lived m India was not likel^ to promote refinement ; the agitated scene in which he was soon engaged, the eagerness for success, the calamities and disgrace attendant on failure, left little time for reflection or hesitation. The practice of the natives, the example of the French, and the maxims cur- rent among his brother officers, led him to rate bolchiess and vigour far above scrupulous correctness, and the result was a high sense of honour with little delicacy of sentiment. He could sacrifice his life to his duty, but not his interest to his moderation ; he was generous to his [10] PllEFACE. friends, but barely just to his enemies. He would have rejected praise he had not earned, but neither forgot nor allowed others to forget the extent of his real deserts. . . . ' Olive's estimate of his own services, great as they were, by no means fell short of their actual value. This does not arise from any indulgence of vanity on his part, but there is no occasion on which they can promote his views or interest when they are not brought forward in an exaggerated form, with a boldness and conscious- ness of worth that command our respect and overcome our dislike to self-praise. Hence arose a marked pecu- liarity of Olive's character. After the enormous extent to which he had profited by his situation he delights to dwell on his integrity and moderation, and speaks of greed and rapacity in others with scorn and indignation. Convinced that the boimty of Mir Jc4fir fell short of his claims on the Oompany, he mveighs against his successors who received presents which they had not earned, and speaks of them with disgust as the most criminal as well as the meanest of mankind. Nor are these sentiments assumed to impose upon the public ; they are most strongly expressed in his most confidential letters, and appear to be drawn forth by the strength of his feelings. In no stage of his life did Olive appear with more dig- nity than during his persecution. His boasts of merit and service now appear as a proud resistance to calumny and oppression ; the spirit with which he avowed and gloried in the acts which excited the most clamour and odium, his independence towards his judges, his defiance PEEFACE. [11] of Ills powerful enemies, excite our interest while they command our respect and admiration. ' Olive's views were clear within the circle of his vision, but they were not extensive. His political plans were founded on the existing relations without much attention to prospective changes. His reforms were temporary expedients, and even his knowledge of the state of India in his time was only accurate wdtliin the scene where he had himself been an actor. ' Olive's Return Home. ' He now paid dear for his disinterestedness. All who had been brought to punishment by his severity ; all w^ho had suffered mdirectly by his reforms ; all who were disappointed in their hopes of wealth and favour, with their numerous connections among the Proprietors, and with the old band of enemies at the India House, combined to raise a clamour against him ; and in this were speedily joined those wdio envied his w^ealth and reputation, and a numerous class whose indignation against Indians had been roused by the very abuses which Olive had put down and which in their ignorance they imputed to him in common with all the Oompany's servants. Against these attacks the Government gave him no protection. ' All his former proceedings, over which many years had passed, and which, when not applauded at the time, had received a general sanction from his appoint- ment to the government of India at a time when honesty [12] PREFACE. and public spirit were regarded as much as talent, all were scrutinised as if they were now mentioned for the first time. ' But all these investio-ations brouo;ht forth no fresh chafge against the accused. Whatever faults Clive might have committed, the facts had never been denied, and his acquisitions, if immoderate, were on too great a scale to be concealed. There were no petty peculations, no lurking corruption to be detected. A committee, with a hostile president, with Mr. Johnston Mmself for a meml)er, produced after two sessions a report, the effect of which may be judged of by the result. A motion strongly inculpatory was made by the chairman, Clive replying by avowing everything of which he was accused, and declaring that in similar circumstances he would do the same aj^ain. ' The decision of the House was worthy the best days of the Roman Senate. Without approving of actions of mixed merit or demerit, or sanctioning questionable principles, they voted Robert Lord Clive had rendered great and meritorious services to his country. ' But this honourable testimony could not remove the effect of two years of persecution ; and it is doubtful whether the sense of injury and ingratitude did not concur with suffermgs from disease to cut short the career of this proud and aspiring genius.' As Mr. Elphinstone's narrative leaves the account of the struggle between the English and French incom- plete, I have added a chapter which brings the story PREFACE. [l;^] to a close, French historians of these events treat them very briefly, and were it not that the disastrous close of the war was followed by a long trial, at the end of which the unfortunate French General perished by the hand of the executioner, it is probable that very little light would have been thrown on this chapter of history from French sources. But the charges against the Comte de Lally led to the publication of a mass of documents, which, with the correspondence attached to them, fill many volumes. Lally himself produced three, which are referred to in the chapter in this volume which describes his career. The most elaborate is entitled, ' Memoire pour le Comte de Lally contre Monsieur le Procureur General,' and consists of a de- tailed reply to all the attacks made on his conduct. Next we have a summary of his case, m itself a volume, entitled ' Tableau historique de I'expedition de I'Lide,' and lastly, a tract directed against the Commander of the French fleet durmg the war entitled ' Vraies causes de la perte de I'Tnde.' On the other side we have memoires of the Sieur de Bussy, the Comte d'Ache, the admiral, others from the representatives of M. de Leyrit, the Governor of Pondicherry, and from M. de Soupire and others. Li this controversy the true causes of the loss of the Indies are lost sight of m elaborate attacks on individuals on especial occasions, and it is fortunate that we possess 60 full an account of the war by so impartial a writer as Onne. He was a member of the council of Madras, and had access to the best sources of information, and his [14] PREFACE. volumes combine the value of a history with a personal narrative. The difFuseness which is often complained of is due to the nature of the war, which partook of the character of a war of posts. No one complains of the excess of details when he describes Olive's defence of Arcot, the campaign of Trichinopoly, or the battle of Vandewash, but when the same difFuseness is applied to smaller encounters or the sieges of hill forts, the details become wearisome. I have followed the gui- dance of this excellent writer in tracing the history of the campaign, and, Tsdthout following it servilely, I have endeavoured to make this sketch an abridgment of his narrative, in this respect following the precept and exam- ple of Mr. Elphinstone (see page 82 of this volume) in trying, whenever it was possible, to give the very words of the historian. The references at the foot of the pages, where the author is not named, are to the first edition of Mr. Elphinstone' s ' History of India.' I have added the book and chapter referred to, for the convenience of those who have only access to the later editions. E. C. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. I Progress of maritime adventure at the close of the fifteenth century — Voyage of Vasco da Gania — His proceedings at Calicut — Jealousy of the Arab traders — His detention — Attacked by the forces of the Zamorin — Return to Europe — Voyage of Cabral — Barbarous acts of reprisal by the Portuguese under Cabral and Vasco da Gama— Establishment of Portuguese authority on the West Coast of India under Albuquerque — War with the Mamluk sovereigns of Egypt and with the rulers of Bijapur — Barbarous warfare — Conquest of Goa — Decline of the power of the Portuguese — Causes of decline — War in Guzerat — Character and extent of Portuguese dominion — Their policy towards the natives CHAPTER II. Progress of maritime enterprise — Incorporation of an English Trading Company in 1599 — Voyages to the Eastern Islands and to Surat — Mission to the Emperor Jehangir — Middleton's voyage — Collision with the Portuguese at Surat — Sir T. Roe's mission — Formation of a rival Company, and its piratical proceedings — Formation of a new Company — Controversy on free trade or a regulated Company — Cession of Bombay by Portugal — Considerations on the ex- pediency of territorial possessions — Sir E. Winter and occurrences at Madras — Civil and military servants of the Company — Mutiny of troops — Interlopers— Sir Joshua Cliild and the ' great design ' — Invasion of Bengal — Its failure — Ojierations at Surat — Renewal of the war — Sir J. Child sues for peace — Low state of the Com- pany's affairs — Piracy in the Eastern Seas — Formation of a new Company and its struggle with the old — Union and incorporation of the two — Mission to the Emperor and its success — Suppression of piracy— Note on martial law and the legal condition of Euro- peans in India •••..... 28 [!()] CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. PA OK Commencement of the struggle between the French and English — Dost All's succession to the Government of the Camatic^War with the Marattas — Anwar-u-din — Murder of Said Mohammed — Rise of the French East India Company — Its relations with the Government of France — War between France and England — Rise of Dupleix — Arrival of a fleet under La Bourdonnais — Siege and capture of Madras — Dispersion of the French fleet by a storm — Return of La Bourdonnais to France — His treatment by the ministry — Mahfilz Khan attacks Pondicherry — His encounter with the French — Dupleix violates the treaty with the English — His attack on Fort St. David — The English fleet bring reinforce- ments — Siege of Pondicherry — Its failure — Peace with Fi-ance . 81 CHAPTER IV. Peace with France — English expedition to Tanjore — Capture of Devi Cota and treaty with the Rdja — Dupleix's ambitious schemes — Chanda Saheb's adventures — Joins Mozaffer Jang — Their alliance with the French — Defeat and death of Anwar-u-dm — Rejoicings at Pondicherry — Attack on Trichinopoly — The Raja applies to the English — Advance of Nasir Jang — Joined by an English force under Lawrence — Mutiny in the French force and its retreat — Dupleix's intrigues with the Patan Nawabs — His enterprises — Capture of Jinji— Attacks Nasir Jang — Death of the Viceroy — Ascendancy of the French — Discontent of the Patan Nawabs — French acquisitions ......... 118 CHAPTER V. Alarm of the English — Despatch of a force to Trichinopoly — Struggle for the possession of Volconda — Operations before Trichinopoly — Olive's early career — Recommends an attack on Arcot— Gallant defence of Arcot by Olive — French attack on Trichinopoly — The Raja is assisted by the Dalwai of Mysore — Olive's victory over Rezza S4heb — the advance of the English force under Lawrence and retreat of the French — Oj^erations against Seringham — Olive's personal adventures — Total destruction of French detachments — Desperate circumstances of the French — Chanda Saheb deserted by his chiefs — Surrender of d'Auteuil's detachment— Negotiations for the surrender of Chanda Saheb — His fate — Capitulation of Law 152 CONTENTS. [17] CHAPTER VI. PAGn ]\Iiircli of IMozaftbr Jang and Bussy to Heiderabacl — Conflict with tho Patan Nabobs — Deatli of Mozaffer Jang and accession of Salabut Jang — Storm of Carniil — Ascendancy of Bussy, and cessions to the French — Dupleix's exertions to raise a new field force — Mohammed Ali's engagements with Mysore — New conflicts with tlie French and Englisli — Clive returns to Europe — Ghazi-u-din invades the Deckan — His death — Crisis at Trichinopoly — Opera- tions of Lawrence — Confusion in the North of the Carnatic — Superiority of the French and their allies — Lawrence's gallant attack on the French jiosition — His success — Renewed difticulties — Second attack, and I'etreat of the French — Success of the Nabob in the North — The attack on Trichinopoly — Its failure . . 181 CHAPTER VII. ASairs of Heiderabdd — Difficulties of Bussy's position — His vigorous measures — Important cessions of territory to the French — Ni^'gotia- tions l)etween the French and English — State of the Mogul Empire — Operations before Trichinoi^oly — Opinion in France on the war in India — Negotiations wdth England for peace — Supersession of Dupleix — Suspension of hostilities — Character of Dupleix — His treatment on his return to France — Terms of the treaty — English invasion of Madura and Tinivelly — Operations of the English fleet against pirates on the Malabar Coast — Di9"erences arising in carry- ing out the truce — Bussy's operations in the Northern cessions — His invasion of Mysore — Attacks the Raja of Savanore— His suc- cesses — Intrigues at Heiderabad — Dismissal of the French and their retreat — Bussy occupies Heiderabad — March of reinforce- ments from Pondicherry — Their ccmflicts with the enemy and entry into Heiderabad — Triumph of Bussy — Alarming news from the English settlements in Bengal — Account of the rise of the Sepoy force — Improvement in the Company's troops — On the manners of the French and English in India — Note on the titles of the native princes . . . . . . . . .211 CHAPTER VIII. Affairs of Bengal— Rise of Ali Verdi Khan— Succession of Sunlj-n- Doula— His character— His dispute with the English authorities at Calcutta— Attacks the settlement- Abandonment of the place by the Governor and principal inhabitants —Surrender of the a [IS] C O.N TENTS. garrison — The Black Hole — Expedition fn^ni Madias under C'ive — Recovery (jf Calcutta —War with France — Cliandernagor — Clive attacks the Nabob's camp— Alarm of Suraj-u-Doula — Agrees to tenns of peace — Negotiations with the French — Cai)ture of Cliandernagor — The Nabob threatens war — Some of his chiefs make overtures to the English — Decision of the Council to sup- port Mir JiiHr — Battle of Plassy — Mi'r Jatir assumes the govern- ment of Bengal — Large payments of money — Remarks on the conduct of Clive — Weakness of the new Government at Murshid- jibad — Afl'airs on the Coast of Coroniandel — Expedition to the French possessions — Ai^pearance of Prince Ali Gdhar on the frontier — Advance of Clive and retreat of the prince — Clive's Jiigir — Dutch expedition from Batavia arrives in the Hughli— Attacked by Englisli troops — Clive returns to England . . 2G0 CHAPTER IX. Prince Ali Gohar assumes the title of Shah Alani — Is routed by the English under Caillaud — Operations of Caillaud — Death of Mi'ran — Crisis in the affairs of Murshidabad— Arrival of Vansittart — Decides on supporting Casim Ali — Terms of the treaty — Jafii' Ali deposed — Remarks on the revolution — Presents to members of the Government — Defeat of Shah A lam by Carnac, and his sur- render to the English — Disputes with Casim Ali — Private trade of the Company's servants — Its abuses — The Nabob abolishes all inland duties — Violent resolutions of the Council — The Nabob seizes boats with supply of arms for Patna — Retieat — Capture of an English detachment — Murder of Mr. Amyatt — Treaty with Mir Jiifir and advance of the English army — Defeat of Casim Ali — Massacre of the English at Patna— Casim Ali takes refuge in Oude— Insubordination in the British force — Defeat of Shuja-u- Doula by Carnac — Another mutiny in the British army — Battle of Buxai' — Shah Alam joins the British camp — Capture of Allaha- bad and occupation of Ijucknow — Shuja-u-Doula seeks assistance from the Marattas — Surrenders to Carnac ..... 345 CHAPTER X. Arrangements with Mi'r .Jalir— His death, and accession of Najum-u- Doula — New terms imposed on the Nabob — Presents to members of the Council— Complaints of the Nabob— Lord Clive's reception in England — Enters Parliament — Factions in the India House — Inilucncc of the King's Government in the afiairs of the Company — Sullivan's rupture with Clive— Dispute aljout Clive's Jagir — CONTENTS. [ID] PAOE Alarm in England caused by the revolutions in Bengal — Clive is recjuested to return to India — His arrival — State of the Govern- ment and of the arm}'- — Oppression of the people— Olive's powers disputed — His victory over the Council — Investigations about presents and abuses — Civil servants reduced to obedience- Changes in the Government of Murshidabdd — Clive proceeds to Benares— Restoration of Shuja-u-Doula in Oude — Treaty with Shdh Alam and grant of the Di'wani — Remarks on tbis transac- tion . . 418 CHAPTER XT. Renewal of the war between France and England — Expedition sent to the East under the Comte de Lally— Previous career of the general — It is preceded by part of the force under M. de Soupire — Its inaction — Lally's precipitate march to Fort St. David — The siege and capture of that place — Lallj' complains of want of sup- port from the council of Pondicherry— Expedition of plunder a;jainst Tanjore — Its failure — Naval engagement — Struggles of Bussy at Aurungabad — He is recalled by Lally — Forde's ex- jiedition to the Northern Circars — Defeats Conflans — Preparation for the siege of Madras — Advance of the French and occupation of the Black Town — Siege of Fort St. George — Its relief by the fleet and retreat of the Fi*ench — Colonel Forde's operations in the north — Siege and assault of Masulipatam — English alliance with the Nizam — First mutiny in the French army — Return of the French fleet to the coast and its dejjarture — Second mutiny — French overtures to Salabat Jang — English reinforcements — Siege of Vandewash — Its capture by the English — Battle of Vandewash — ■ Lally retreats to Pondicherry — Fall of the French forts — Alliance with Hei'der Ali — The Mysoreans assist in throwing supplies into Pondicherry — Major Smith's invasion of Mysore and attack on Cariir — Defection of Heider Ali — English reinforcements— Siege of Pondicherry — Contests at the bound hedge — Blockade of Pondicherry — Expulsion of the native inhabitants of the fort — The storm and loss of English ships — The surrender — Violent proceedings against Lally — Demolition of the works — Fall of the other French garris(ms and close of the war — Charges against Lally in France — His long imprisonment and trial — Iniquitous sentence and execution — Remarks on the history of the French settlements in the East — Renewal of the struggle between the French and English in the Deckan in 1780 — Its final close . . 460 Index 545 LIST OF MAPS. PAGE 1. Sketch Map of Southern India ..... 1 u face 1 2. Map of the Couomandel Coast .....,, 81 3. Map of Part of Bengal and Behak. . . . . ,, 260 THE RISE OF BEITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAPTER I. Progress of maritime adventure at the close of the fifteenth century — Voyage of Vasco da Gama — ^His proceedings at Calicut — Jealousy of the Arab traders — His detention — Attacked by the forces of the Zamorin — Return to Europe — Voyage of Cabral — Barbarous acts of reprisal by the Portuguese under Cabral and Vasco da Gama — Esta- blishment of Portuguese authority on the West Coast of India under Albuquerque — War with the Mamliik sovereigns of Egypt and with the rulers of Bijapiir — Barbarous warfare — Conquest of Goa — Decline of the power of the Portuguese — Causes of decline — War in Guzerat —Character and extent of Portuguese dominion — Their policy towards the natives. The influence of the European nations on India dates chap. from the arrival of Vasco da Grama on its shores.^ " The irruption of the barbarians in the fifth century- destroyed the class who had produced a demand for Indian luxuries in the greater part of Europe, and the occupation of Egypt and Syria by the Mahometans ' [Since this work was written a valuable contribution has been made to the history of Portuguese maritime discovery by the publication of Gasi)ar do Oorrea's Landas da India. That part of the work which relates to Vasco da Gama's expeditions was translated for the Hakluyt Society by Lord Stanley of Alderley, and is enriched by the notes of the translator and by an Introduction containing some valuable remarks on the causes of the decline of Portuguese rule in India. Correa went to India sixteen years after the first voyage of Vasco da Gama, was an eyewitness of many of the events he narrates, and is regarded by Lord Stanley as entitled to the first place as an authority on this chapter of Portuguese history. — Ed.] ! RISE OF BrvlTISII rOWEIl IN INDIA, CHAP, in tbe seventh ceotiuy obstructed the communication " of the remaining portion with the East. As the gradual refinement of Europe led to a renewed taste for the productions of India, the trade had to force its way through intricate and dangerous channels ; until political causes gave an ascendancy to the Venetians and Genoese in the Levant, and enabled them to establisli a commercial intercourse with Con- stantinople and Alexandria, then the great emporia for Oriental commodities. The trade of Venice through Egypt at length swallowed up its rivals, and raised that republic to a pitch of wealth and power that excited the envy of all the other states of Europe. It became an object of general interest to find out an independent channel for the commerce with India ; the idea of a communication by sea was entertained among others, and led to the voyage of Columbus and to a discovery of incom- parably greater magnitude than that which the pro- jector had in view. This event gave a fresh impulse to the spirit of maritime adventure ; but the glory of accomplishing the original design and of all the important consequences that have flowed from it, was reserved for a nation whose resources seemed dispro- portioned to such great results. The natural intel- ligence and advanced civilisation of Italy had formed the genius which led the way to these mighty changes ; but the Italian republics, even if they had been accustomed to navigate the Ocean, could have no inducement to exphire new routes which would under- mine their own established monopoly. The Spaniards had supplied the means for the great enterprise of Columbus, and its success had kindled their enthu- siasm for similar adventures ; but their attention was VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE. 3 attracted to the vast scene which had just opened on chap. them, and their object was to obtain the gold which ' they found abundant in their new possession, by shorter means than those of commerce. The French and English were not yet maritime nations. The former was fully occupied by her designs on Italy ; the latter was reposing after long civil wars, and what ambition she retained was still directed to fruitless triumphs in France. The Portuguese alone, who had first conceived the idea of a passage by sea, continued to pursue it until it was crowned with full success. The favourable situation of their territory and some circumstances in the disposition and educa- tion of their prmces had given rise to a regular series of attempts to explore the Coast of Africa, which had been continued for near a century and had dispelled many of the existing prej udices against the possibility of circumnavio:atinly converted and incorporated the old colonists of their nation who had been found there by the ancients. The return of Vasco da Gama (though he had lost two-thirds of his companions) was received with joy and triumph in Portugal. He landed in August 1499 : and in March 1500, Alvarez Cabral was despatched with a more considerable expedition to take advantage of his discovery. Cabral had thirteen ships and 1,200 men, and was accompanied by eight Franciscans and eight chaplains, who were to preach the gospel to the heathen. ^d- i^oo. The most important result of this expedition was the accidental discovery of Brazil on the passage, which, liowever, had no effect at the time in withdrawing the public attention from the proceedings of the squadron in India. On reaching Calicut, Cabral's first act was ' Faria, and Murray's British India. ^ [The Spaniards and Portuguese applied the term Moor to the Arab conquerors of the peninsula who came from Mauritania, and hence to all Mahometans, and their example was followed by the Dutch and English in the East. It continued in use in India till the close of the last cen- tury. — Yule's Glossary of Anglo-Indian Words. — Ed.] " Dr. Buchananh Journey, ii. 421. ) RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, to send on shore the natives who had been carried off ' by Gama. Their report made a favourable impression, and he was invited to land, but refused to do so until hostages had been given for his safety. He assumed throuo;hout a hio;her tone than Gama, and even in paying court to the Zamorm, he contrived to give him a specimen of his powers of offence. A ship from Ceylon happened to pass the port carrying seven or eight elephants, on one of which the Zamorin had set his heart. Alvarez sent a vessel to capture it, which was not done without an action of some duration, when the Raja took possession of his prize. The Zamorin had in the mean time shown favour to the trade of the Portuguese and allowed them a house for a factory ; m which they placed sixty or seventy of then* men ; but the established credit and influence of the Moors 2;ave them an advantasre in the market over the new comers, and these last were moreover unpro- vided with specie, which alone can always command a supply of goods in India : they continued to procure cargoes and send off ships for Arabia, while those of the Portuguese proceeded very slowly in their lading. Cabral considered this so serious a grievance, that he often remonstrated with the Zamorin, and at length, by the Portuguese accounts, he obtained permission to stop the loading of goods by the Arabs and even to take the freight out of their ships when laden, on re- paying the original price of the articles. If this per- mission was ever given, it was done without due con- sideration : when the Portuguese proceeded to act on it, the consequence was a popular insurrection of Hindus as weU as Mussulmans, and an attack on the Portuguese factory which terminated in the massacre of fifty Portuguese, the rest with difficulty escaping to VOYAGES AND CONQUP^STS OF THE TORTUGUESE. 9 their ships. Cabral's retaliation was severe : he burned chap. ten Moorish ships that were in the harbour and can- nonaded the town for two days, during which he set fire to it in several places and killed a considerable number of the inhabitants. After this rupture he made sail for Cochin, the Raja of which place was an enemy of the Zamorin, He was of course well received, and had nearly comj)leted his cargoes when he learned that a fleet of eiglity-five vessels had set out from Calicut to attack him. He affected the utmost readi- ness to anticipate the assault, and sailed out on June 10, 1501, to meet the enemy. Just as he got within shot, however, he took advantage of the wind and bore up for Cananore, the Raja of which place voluntarily sent one of his subjects with him to Portugal.^ Alvarez Cabral brought back only six ships out of thirteen. The opposition he had met with, which pro- duced discouragement among the Portuguese, only served to stimulate the ambition of their king, Don Emanuel. He had previously despatched John De Nueva with a.d. 1501. 400 men to reinforce Cabral, and that officer on arriving at Cochin had retrieved the honour of the Portuguese arms by defeating a fleet sent against him from Calicut. Emanuel now prepared a powerful fleet of twenty ships, which he formed into three divisions, and gave the command of the whole to Yasco da Gama. a.d. ir>02. On this occasion that great discoverer disclosed the defects of his own nature, and gave the first striking example of the arbitrary and sanguinary spirit which animated the Portuguese Government during the whole period of its prosperity. He made an unprovoked attack on Quiloa in Africa and compelled the ruler to ^ Faria and Murray, but chiefly a narrative by a Portuguese oflicer of the expedition, in Hamusio, i. 121. 10 lUSE OF BKITISII POWER IN INDIA. CHAr. become tributary to Portugal. He then sailed for Cananore, and on his way fell in with a ship of Calicut rcturniui'' with a carixo from Jedda and brinoino; back pilgrims from Mecca. She had on board 240 men (among whom were some of the wealthiest merchants of Calicut) besides an extraordinary number of women and children. This vessel surrendered without oppo- sition, and the passengers tried all means by offers of ransom and of concessions to be obtained by them from the Zamorin to procure their liberty or at least their safety. But the admiral was inexorable ; and after com- pelling them to give up their property and searching the ship to be sure there was none left, he ordered her to be towed to some distance from the fleet and burned with all on board. The unfortunate crew begged hard for their lives, the men redoubling their offers and the women holding out their children over the side and endeavouring by the most affecting gestures to move compassion. When they found all in vain, they had recourse to a desperate resistance ; drove off the boats which were to burn them ; attacked the nearest vessels ; and maintained a running fight which lasted for four days before Gama was enabled to consign them to the finnies.^ ~ Thomas Lopez (a clerk on board the fleet) says, in Eamusio, i. 136, that the admiral burned them all 'con niolta crudelth,, e senza pietti alcnna ; ' but Faria states that twenty of the children were saved and made Christians. [This hideous act is described by Correa with the utmost callousness, and the same brutal spirit is evinced by other historians quoted by Lord Stanley. Camocns passes over the exploit in silence. Da Gama is de- scribed by Correa as vindicating his conduct as an act of reprisal for the conduct of the Arab merchants in instigating the attack on the Portu- guese factory on his first voyage, and causing the death of some of his countrymen. In reply to the promise of a ransom by the Moors the captain-general replied, ' Alive you shall be burned, becavise you coun- selled the King of Calicut to kill and [)lunder the factors and Portuguese ; and since you are so powerful as tliat you oblige yourself to give me a VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OE THE PORTUGUESE. 11 From Cananore the admiral proceeded to Calicut, chap. where lie anchored before the place and required, as a preliminary to negotiation, that all the Moors should be expelled from the Zamorin's territory and all trade Avith their nation forbidden. The Zamorin objecting to this demand, and pleading that the Moors amounted to four or five thousand families, had long been faithful subjects to him and his ancestors, and were the most opulent merchants in his dominions, Gama cut short all further discussion by turning down an hour-glass in the presence of the Indian deputies and announcing that if his demand was not complied with before the sand was run out, he would put to death a number of the Zamorin's subjects who had fallen into his hands in a vessel in the harbour. This barbarous threat he carried into full effect by hanging his prisoners, to the number of thirty-four, at the yard-arm, after which he cut off their heads, hands, and feet, and threw them over- board to be washed ashore by the tide. He then poured a destructive fire into the town, and at length sailed away to the friendly port of Cochin. Some distrust of the Raja of this place, as well as of the chief of Cananore, afterwards sprung up, but was removed by negotiation. This was followed by some more battles and executions which had no important consequences, though on one occasion Gama gave a proof of his darino' character which mio:ht have been attended with a more serious result. On some overture for submission by the Zamorin he sailed in a single ship into one of the enemy's ports, where he was immediately set on by cargo gratuitously for these ships, T say that for nothing in the world would I desist in giving you a hundred deaths, if I could give you so many.' To the honour of the I'ortuguese one of the historians of their conquests in India, Osorio, Bishop of Silves, condemns in the strongest terms the many shocking acts of cruelty that disfigured the history. — Ed.] 12 KISE OF BRITISH POAVER IN INDIA. CHAP, thirty vessels and was only rescued from destruction by ' his extraordinary vigour and promptitude. His depar- ture for Europe, which took place soon after, enabled the Zamorin to revenge himself on his neighbour of Cochin : the latter prince was inferior to his enemy, but showed a manly spirit of resistance ; though often defeated he refused to give up some Portuguese who had been left with him, and at length was obliged to abandon his capital and retire to a small island where he was out of immediate danger from the hostile army. He A.D. ir,03, was restored to Cochin by one of three small squadrons, of nine ships in all, which were simultaneously de- spatched in 1503. The famous Alfonso d' Albuquerque commanded one of the squadrons. They returned after completing their cargoes and conducting some other transactions, without performing any exploit worth mentioning. They obtained leave to construct a fort at Cochin, and, at the Rdja's earnest request, they left Duarte Pacheco with 400 men to protect him against his enemies. This measure led to one of the most memor- able displays of Portuguese valour in India, and mate- rially contributed to the subsequent aggrandisement of that people. When the fleet had sailed for Europe, the Zamorin assembled an army which the Portuguese call 50,000 strong, and which was accompanied by ships and boats, and supported by artillery. Against this force Pacheco had to defend a fordable channel, deriv- ing no advantage from nautical skill, and but little from superiority in arms and discipline ; but the commander w^as a man of distinguished courage and capacity, and the troops were inspired by the recent success and glory of their nation. The force was distributed, part in the fort, part along the shore, and part in four boats moored VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE. 13 ill such a position as to protect the flanks from attacks chap. by sea. In this order they received the onset of the ' Indian multitude, supported by numerous ships and boats and accompanied by floating towers and flreships. All these formidable assailants were again and again repulsed ; and the Zaraorin, after a great and final effort, was constrained to draw ofl" defeated to his own country. This victory, being gained by fair fighting on dry land, completely established the reputation of the Portuguese, at the same time that it filled them with additional confidence and increased their contempt for their enemies.^ The next fleet arrived in 1505 under a commander named Soarez ; and in 1507 a permanent representative of the king of Portugal was first appointed under the title of Viceroy of India. The name of this great functionary was Francisco a.d. 1507. de Almeyda, and the institution of his oflice seems to have been connected with a general plan for consolidat- ing the Portuguese power in the East. He himself had orders to build forts at Quilon, in Africa,* at Anjedio, an island about fifty miles to the south of Goa, and at Cananore on the coast of Canara ; while another fleet was sent to take similar measures at Sofala, a place in Africa where there is a gold mine. A fort was also ordered to be built at Mozambique and a factory at Melinda, and soon after this a fleet of thirteen ships was desjiatched from Lisl)on under Tristan d'Acunha and Alphonso d'Ali)ii(iiierque to promote their king's in- terests on the coast of Africa. Tlieir exploits were ^ Faria, i. 75 ; Maffbi, Hidurica Indiae, lib. ii. 30. * ' The fort of Quilon was afterwards razed by the same hands that built it, after having cost many lives, all the effect of the ill-usage of the Portuguese towards the natives, proceeding from their unlimited pride and boundless avarice.' — Faria, i. 100. 14 IIISK OF BRITISH rOAVER IN INDIA. CHAP, ruthcr of a predatory nature than calculated to gain any ' permanent advantage, until, after completing their coasting voyage, they took possession of the island of Socotra opposite the mouth of the Red Sea. After this D'Acunha crossed over to India. Albuquerque pro- ceeded along the coast of Arabia, sacked several towns in that country (among which was Mascat), and at last reached the island of Ormuz, which even then contained a flourishing city under a prince of considerable power. To this prince Albuquerque, who w^as at the head of 460 fighting men, proposed, without the shadow of a reason, that he should acknowledge the sovereignty of the Kmg of Portugal, should pay him a large tribute, and should allow a fort to be erected on his island. The prince seems to have been confounded by the audacity of the demand ; but comparing the small numbers of the Portuguese with his own force, which consisted of a large fleet at anchor and 20,000 men on shore, he evaded a decision until Albuquerque, after in- sistino" on a catesf'orical answer, dashed into the heart of the fleet, boarding, sinking, and setting fire to the vessels, whose numbers were no protection against the impetuosity of his attack. The prince of Ormuz had now recourse to concession, and the Portuguese had made some progress with their fort, when he once more irathered courage and determined on resistance. His force when fairly exerted would probably have proved too great for Albuquerque, even if that commander had not been obliged by the cowardice and insubordination of three of liis own captains to give uj) his undertaking without a contest.^ While these things were passing in tlie west, Almeyda had to contend with an expedition from ■' Faria, vol. i. ; Maffoi, lib. iii. VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE TORTUGUESI':. 15 Egypt, wliich the Portuguese seem to regard as the chap. greatest danger to which they were ever exposed in India. The Mamh'ik Sultan is said to have been stimu- lated and assisted by the Venetians from jealousy of the Portuguese commerce. He equipped twelve large vessels in the Red Sea and sent them to India, where he had secured the co-operation of Mahmiid, king of Guzerat.*' They first repaired to Mahmiid's port of a.d. iso.s. Diu and afterwards proceeded against the Portuguese. Almeyda probably expected them to attack his principal settlement ; for he remained himself on the coast of Malabar and sent on his son Lorenzo with eight ships to observe the enemy. The young admiral was at anchor at Choul, to the south of Bombay, when the whole Turkish fleet appeared at the mouth of the harbour. Not daunted by their superiority in numbers, Lorenzo immediately began the attack ; and had taken two of the Turkish ships when he was checked by the appearance of the Guzerat fleet under Aiaz Sultani (so often mentioned in the history of that country). This reinforcement iuimediately turned the scale ; and night setting in soon after, suspended the action. Next morning the Portuguese took advantage of the ebb tide to drop down the harbour, and had nearly i)assed '^ See vol. ii. 206 ; book viii. chap. 2. [Malumid, surnamed Begarra, is described by Mr. Elphinstone as one of the greatest of the kings of Guzerat. In a note he adds, ' The European travellers of his day seem to have formed a tremendous idea of this monarch. Bartema (in Ramusio, i. 147) and Barbosa are both full of him. One of them gives (Ramusio, i. 29G) a formidable account of his personal appearance, and both agree that a principal part of liis food consisted f)f mortal poisons ; and so impregnated was his system with this diet that if a fly settled on him, it instantly dropped down dead. His usual way of putting men of consequence to death was to blow on them after lie luid been chewing bitel. He is the original of Butler's ' Prince of Cambay,' whcjse daily food Is asp, basilisk, and toad.' — En. IG RISE OF BRITISH POWEli IN INDIA. CHAP, the Mussulman fleet when their admiral's own ship ' struck on some fishing stakes, from which it could not be disenjxao'cd. A Portuguese captain made a spirited attempt to tow it off, and afterwards pressed Lorenzo to escape on board of his ship ; but that gallant young man refused to quit his vessel, and having had his leg and thigh carried off by a cannon ball, he made himself be supported against the mast, and continued to encourage his crew until a second shot [)ut an end to his existence. His men fought with a desperation worthy of such a leader. Only nineteen survived the capture of the ship. They w^ere taken charge of by Aiaz, who humanely offered to release them for a ransom, writino; at the same time to the Portuguese admiral to compliment him on his son's gallantry and condole with him on his loss.^ Almeyda made immediate preparations to revenge this calamity. He sailed from Cananore with nineteen vessels and 1,600 men, of whom 400 were Malabar auxiliaries. For some reason, he delayed while on his voyage for the purpose of attacking Dabul, where he massacred the inhabitants without distinction of age or sex and set fire to the town.^ He was doubtless excited to this barbarity by rage for the death of his son ; and from the same motive he put to death the wdiole crew of a Turkish vessel which fell into his hands at sea. At length he reached Diu, and found the Egyptian and Guzenit fleets, reinforced by a s(piadron of the Zamorin's. He immediately com- menced the attack, and after a severe action sunk and dispersed the Indian ships and completely destroyed those of the Mamliiks. The Egyptian admiral escaped to the shore ; his men and all the other Mussulmans ' Faria, i. 135, &c. ; Maffei, lib. iv. 58. » Maffei, lib. iv. G3, 64. VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE. 17 who fell into the hands of the captors were pnt to the chap. sword, or slaughtered as they endeavoured to escape by !__ swimmmg. The conduct of Almeyda on this expedition was shocking even to the Portuguese, who ascribed his subsequent fate to the judgment of heaven on his cruelty. He was superseded soon after his victory by Alphonso d' Albuquerque, and lost his life in a skirmish with some savas'es in Africa while on his return to Portugal.^ Albuquerque was the greatest of all the Portuguese commanders, and is looked on by his nation as the founder of their Eastern empire. He had many diffi- culties to contend with at his outset. Almeyda refused to recognise his commission, and even committed him to prison.^ Coutinho, a nobleman who arrived with a fresh body of troops at this juncture, persuaded Almeyda to resign the command, but afterwards claimed for himself an equal authority with Albuquerque. The two o;enerals a":reed to unite their forces for an attack on Calicut, and for that purpose assembled a force of 1,600 Europeans and 600 Malabars. They took a fort or battery near the landing-place, penetrated into the town and stormed the fortified palace of the Zamorin. But their attack had been precipitated by the emulation of the rival generals ; the troops lost their order and dis- persed to plunder, and the Zamorin's people rallying, set upon them in such numbers and with such fiuy, that they drove them out of the place with serious loss. Coutinho was killed and Albuquerque severely wounded.^ It is probable that Albiupierquc had intended to fix the seat of the Portuguese government in the capital of « Farica, i. 152, 153. ' Faria, i. 151. "" Faria, i. 154 ; Maflci, lib. iv. 02. 18 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, the Zamorin ; for nfter failing in his attempt on Calicut, ' he turned his eyes on Goa, which was afterwards his residence and that of all his successors. Goa was at this time in the hands of an officer of the Bijapiir erovernment, whose name or title cannot be recofrnised under the appellation of Zabaim or Sabayo by which he passes in Portuguese authors. Those writers always speak of Sabayo as a great potentate, and generally confound him with the king of Bijapiir himself. Sabayo was absent on some local expedition when the defence- less state of his town was pointed out to Albuquerque by Timoja, a Hindii of On6r in the Rajah of Bijanagar's country, who, on some family quarrel, had turned pirate in the neighbouring islands and had become a A.D. 1510. close confederate of the Portuguese. The viceroy im- mediately acted on this suggestion, and so effectual were his measures that he obtained possession of the city almost without resistance. This encroachment seems to have provoked or alarmed Eusof Adil Shdh, the founder of the kingdom of Bijapiir. He set out in person from his capital with a force which the Portuguese call 5,000 horse and 40,000 foot, but which Ferishta describes as 3,000 chosen men. It is probable that of the two accounts the last is most in error, for although the Portuguese de- fended themselves with their accustomed valour, they were overpowered by numbers and compelled to seek for safety on board their ships. Before the end of the year, however, Albuquerque had received a reinforce- ment from Europe, while Eusof Adil Shah was dead and had been succeeded by his son, a minor. Albu- querque had therefore little difficulty in regaining his conquest ; and the Regent of Bijapiir, who was busily employed in warding off attacks on his imperfectly VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE. 19 established authority, was not able at the moment to chap. attempt to recover this distant possession.^ ' Albuquerque, now secure, commenced a city worthy of the dominion of which it was to be the head, and himself assumed the state and pomp of a sovereign, which has been maintained by his successors in the last stage of their decline. He next engaged in a bold plan for extending the Portuguese influence in the eastern part of Asia. He left an officer with 400 Portu2;uese in charo-e of Goa, and committed the civil government of the natives in the adjoining district to a nephew of Timoja, who May, served under him at the head of 5,000 Indian troops. He then sailed with 800 Portuguese and 600 Malabars against Malacca, a town commanding the straits between the Indian and Chinese Seas. He took Malacca, received an embassy from Siam ; and sent ships to explore the East, the commanders of which first opened a direct communication witli the Moluccas or Spice Islands, and entered into friendly engagements with the chiefs.^ On his return to India he found Goa besieged by Folad Khan, an officer of the Bijapiir government, but had no difficulty in obliging him to raise the siege and withdraw. He then set out against Aden in Arabia, February, whicli was probably thought important as commanding the entrance to the Red Sea. His force on this expedi- tion was increased by reinforcements from Europe to a considerable superiority over that which conquered Malacca, yet he failed in two attempts on Aden, and August, after a lono^ and fruitless cruise in the Red Sea he ^■°- ]''']^/ ° ,. A.D. 1511. returned to India.'* He was more successful next year - Faria, i. 1G2-174 ; Maffoi, lib. iv. 09 74 ; Briggs's Ferishta, iii. 30 and 34. ^ Faria, i. 175-184 ; Maflbi, lib. v. 74-79. ' Faria, i. 183-193 ; MaQoi, lib. v. 85. c 2 20 KISE OF BRITISH POWEU IN INDIA. CHAP, in au expedition to Ormuz. The king seems to have ' been alarmed at the designs of Sh^h Ismael of Persia, who had established an influence in his council ; what- ever was his motive, he appears to have countenanced Albuquerque in putting his prime minister to death, after which he acknowledged himself a vassal of the King of Portugal, and before long became a pageant in the hands of his new superior.'^ On Albuquerque's return to India after this impor- tant acquisition, he found himself superseded without w^arning or explanation by a personal enemy ; his health, which was before declining, sank under this blow, and he expired at the entrance to Goa harbour in December 1514. In numerous expeditions under his own command he had displayed the Portuguese flag along the whole coasts of Africa, Arabia, and India as far as the neigh- bourhood of China ; he had founded a capital which has remained uuassailed to this day ; by his posts at Socotra, Ormuz, and Malacca, he commanded the access to the Arabian and Persian Gulfs and the Sea of China, and appropriated the commerce of their shores ; while his discovery of the Moluccas placed his countrymen in possession of the spice trade, then the most lucrative of the East. The conquests of the Portuguese may be said to have ceased with Albuquerque ; their wars after his time were unsuccessful except when they were defensive, and their acquisitions in the same period were gained by negotia- tion. The riches which flowed from their immense com- merce appear by the account of their own historian to have corrupted their military spirit.*^ The officers took eagerly to trade, and became indifferent to the public 5 Faria, i. 201, &c. ; MafFei, lib. v. 89. « Faria, i. 210. VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE. 21 yervice and insensible to the calls of honour. They in- chap. I herited from the first conquerors a mixture of super- ' stition and licentiousness, and they now fell into habits of sloth and effeinmacy which completed the degrada- tion of their character. Though the progress of this alteration was gradual and did not for a long time diminish their activity, their military operations do not a.d. 1520- henceforward require minute attention. The most im- portant of them were directed against Diu. The first and second armaments, both on a great scale, were beaten off with discredit. The arrival of Vasco da Gama (who returned as viceroy after an absence of twenty- one a.d. 1531. vears) mio-ht have chan2:ed their fortune ; but that i>reat commander only lived for three months after he reached India, and the attack on Diu was not resumed for several years. The third and last expedition consisted of 5,000 Portuguese and 10,000 natives, besides sailors. This force, so far exceeding those which were sufficient to achieve the early conquests, was as unsuccessful as its predecessors." After the failure of this great effort, the Portuguese gave up all hopes of the reduction of Diu ; yet before the expiration of four years, the object of so many exertions fell into their hands without a strufr2:le. Bahddur Sh^h beinsf driven out of the con- a.d. 1535. tinent of Guzerdt by Humdyun, and constrained to take refuge among the fastnesses of the peninsula, had recourse to the Portuguese for assistance ; and on con- dition of their furnishing him with a small body of infantry, he ceded P)assein and Salsette to them, and allowed them to erect a fort, or (according to the Maho- metan writers) a factory, at Diu.^ The I^ortuguese '' Faria, i. •^ Faria, i. 377 ; Maffei, lib. xi. 178 ; Miriiti Secunderi, in Col. Briggs's note on Fcrishta, iv. 138. 22 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, took advantage of the confusions wliich ensued to coni- I. . . . plete tins fortification ; and when Bahadur, after re- A.D. 1537. covering his dominions, endeavoured to check their encroachments, he lost his life, as has been mentioned,^ at an interview with their viceroy. During the weak- ness and distractions which succeeded until the final subjugation of Guzerat by the Moguls, it was scarcely to have been expected that any of its rulers should have had time to undertake the recovery of Diu. They did, A.D.;_i538. however, make two attempts, both vigorous, and one so formidable as to give occasion to a defence of which the Portuguese are as proud as of any of their victories. In their first attack the Guzeratis were assisted by a fleet belonging to the Turks (who were now in posses- sion of Egypt), which the Portuguese historian alleges A.D. 1547. to have amounted to seventy sail. The brunt of the siege fell on these allies, and was raised on their with- drawing their fleet. ^ The second siege, though the most celebrated, was only carried on by the troops of Guzerdt, commanded, as on the former occasion, by Khoja Zafar, an Italian renegade of Otranto. It was raised after eight months' continuance by the viceroy, Don John De Castro, in person, whom this achievement has immortalised among his countrymen. On his return to Goa he was received with transports, and made his entry in a grand proces- sion, crowned with laurel, accompanied by his prisoners in chains, and so far emulating the pride and magnifi- cence of the ancient Romans, as to lead the Queen of A.D, 1570. Portugal to remark that he had fought like a Christian, but had triumphed like a heathen.'^ This was not the last of the gallant defences of the ^ See the History of Guzerat, in vol. ii. App. 707. ^ Faria, i. 433 to the end ; Maflfei, lib. xi. 2 Faria, ii. 95-116 ; Maflfei, lib. xiii. A.D 1592. VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE. 23 Portuguese. Twenty years afterwards, they repelled chap. two powerful attacks made at the same time on Choul and Goa by the kings of Ahmednagar and Bijapur in person ; ^ and still later, they resisted another inva- sion by the king of Ahmednagar alone.* By this time they had fallen under the dominion of Spain, ^ and their national spirit was ere long extinguished. Their Indian territory, when at the greatest extent, consisted of about sixty miles along the coast round Goa, and half that distance inland ; and a longer but still narrower tract, extending from Bombay inclusive to Daman, the chief town of which was Bassein. The whole of their territory was not equal in extent to the least of the collectorates under Madras or Bombay. Even within this small space was a portion of un- inhabited forest, but the rest was granted in estates to Portuguese proprietors subject to a quit-rent, and was brought by them into the most flourishing condition. Near the towns, in particular, they carried cultivation to the highest pitch of perfection, making roads, enclosures, and watercourses of the most substantial description ; raising the richest sorts of produce in abundance ; and introducing improvements in fruits and gardening, the effects of which are now felt in the most distant parts of India. *^ Besides these compact territories, the Portuguese had forts and factories at different points along the coast, where they exercised various degrees of influence, * Faria, ii. 281 ; Briggs's Ferishta, iii. 134 and 254. ■* Briggs's Ferishta, iii. 284. * The annexation took place in 1580. " The niangoe, an original Indian fruit, has been broiight to such per- fection at Bombay and Goa that the trees of those places furnish grafts all over India, and everywhere bear the names given them by the Portu- guese (Alphonso, Fernandez, Mazagon, &c.). The Nizam has a post laid to bring fresh mangoes from Goa to Heiderabfld ; and I I'athcr think the Great Moguls had formerly a similar conunnnication with Delhi. 2-1 RISE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. CHAP, always pushing their authority to the utmost extent ' that their power would admit/ Tlie importance of the Portuguese transactions in India has been a good deal overrated, owing to the numerous and distant points in which they appeared, as well as to the mflated style of their own writers, who use the terms of fleets and armies, kings and em{)erors, in speaking of the i)etty warfare of nameless rajas and zemindars, who were in reality ignorant of the insignificant part performed by their antagonists on the great theatre of India. When they were engaged with more considerable enemies, it w^as in defending forts at places open to the sea, and inaccessible owing to mountams and forests from the interior of the country. But though the scale of the Portuguese actions was small, their spirit was equal to the conquest of the world. Their first expeditions to India consisted of twelve or fifteen hundred men in all, and they seldom exceeded that amount in any one armament which they afterwards brought together. With these diminutive forces they dictated to comparatively powerful states, and spoke to the proudest princes with whom they had intercourse in the tone of superiors and masters. They were as prompt to resent as to offer offences, and were always ready to stake their existence on the issue of every quarrel. This waste of courage led them into many repulses and defeats ; yet they were never dis- heartened by reverses, and were prepared on the arrival ^ In Guzerd/t they had and still have the strong fort and island of Diu ; between that and their territory at Bassein they had Danadn, which they still possess, Danu and Saint John's. Between the Bassein territory and Goa was Choul ; and south of Goa were forts at On6r, Barceldr, Mangalor, Cannanor, Cranganor, Cochin and Quilon ; on Ceylon they had Coliimbo, Manar, Galle, and some other forts ; and on the coast of Coromandel, Negapatam, Meliapur (or St. Thome) close to Madras ; and further north, Masulipatam. (Faria, iii. 415. See also ii. 499.) VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE. 25 of the lirst reinforcement to resume the attack in which chap. they had failed, or enter on a new one as dispro- portioned to their strength. Their vices were at least equal to their \drtues, and arose froui the excess of the same qualities. They were as careless of the rights of others as fearless of their power ; they never sought and never showed mercy ; their confidence degenerated into arrogance, their religion into bigotry and perse- cution ; and their self-esteeui swelled to. a pitch of pomponsness and ostentation, which threw a degree of ridicule over their greatest actions. Their exploits, as has been shown, were not con- fined to India, Not to mention their great empire m South America, the shores of Africa and Asia, from the Cape of Good Hope to China, were studded with their forts ^ and factories, and the vessels which there found protection domineered over all the Eastern Seas, No ship could sail without contributing to increase their resources. Those who purchased their passes were tributaries, and those who sailed without them enemies. These obstructions to the trade of others increased the value of their owai ; and the mixture of commerce and piracy poured wealth into India which displayed itselt in various forms. Goa is defended by works on a great scale, and even in its decay exhibits the gaudy magni- ficence of a capital in the south of Europe. Their other principal cities have a proportionate display of forts, churches, and convents. ^ Their forts on the African coast were at Sofala, Mombasa, and Mozanibi(iue, and they possessed the islands of Socotra ; in Arabia they had Mascat ; in Persia Ormiiz and a fort or factory at Guadel in Mekran ; in the countries east of India, they had the fortified towns of Malacca and Macao ; and also Tidore, Amboyna, Manilla, and other places in the Eastern Islands. Besides these forts, they liad factories at various other places. (Faria, iii. 415, and Bruce's Annals of the East India Company, i. IIG.) 20 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. Their internal j^overnment was as darino- as their I. . ^ . . foreign policy. They treated the prejudices of the natives with a contempt which neither the Moguls nor the Jjritish would have ventured on in the plenitude of their power. They insulted the religion of the country, used their whole influence without disguise to draw over adherents to their own, and at times endeavoured to enforce conversion by such violent and sanguinary means as provoked extensive and desperate insurrec- tions. To prevent the falling off of converts once gained, they established an Inquisition, which from the cruelties and iniquity of its proceedings, has given an unenviable celebrity to the name of Goa. The descendants of these Christians, with the mar- riao'es which the Government used to encourao;e between the Portuguese and the female converts, have filled their old possessions with a race rather blacker than the natives, who in towns retain the Portuguese lan- guage and dress, but in the country can hardly be dis- tinguished from the Hindu peasantry. They are called by Portuguese names and profess the Christian religion, without understanding any part of it except the re- spect due to the clergy.'' The brilliant portion of the Portuguese history was short and by no means unsullied ; but the most power- ful nations of Europe might envy the twenty years of the reign of Don Emanuel comprised between the voyage of Vasco da Gama and the death of Albu- querque.^ ^ Twelve hundred families of these Christians in the Northern Concan returned to idolatry, about the year 1820, in consequence of their priests refusing to allow them to propitiate the cholera morbus (which had then first broken out) by some Hindu sacrifices and expiations. ' [Many causes contributed to the decline of Portuguese power in the East, and, among others, the neglect of their possessions during the VOYAGES AND CONQUESTS OF THE TORTUGUESE. 27 dependence of Portugal on Spain, from 1580 to 1640. Some were wrested CHAP from them by the Dutch ; others declined from internal decay. That I- which proved fatal to its duration was the corruption of the Government. The seeds of this were sown during the lifetime of Correa, who is reported by Lord Stanley as saying that ' the beginnings of the affairs of India were so golden that they did not seem as though they had beneath the iron which afterwards they disclosed. . . . Evils increased and good things diminished, so that almost the whole became a living evil, and the liistorian of it would rather be called its imprecator than the writer of illustrious deeds ! ' The Portuguese editor of Correa's work, commenting on this passage, makes some strong remarks on ' the moral leprosy and the internal canker ' which resulted from the corruption of the Governors, and there is much more to the same effect quoted by Lord Stanley from a manuscript in the library of Lisbon, entitled, History of the Elevation and Decadence of the PorttHjuese Empire in Asia. Faria de Souza, at the conclusion of his history (vol. iii. 417, English translation) makes some strong remarks on the plunder and peculation that prevailed. The royal revenue amounted to 1,000,000 crowns, of which 330,000 was drawn from customs, 200,000 from small tributary states, and the remainder from shares of prizes and miscellaneous sources ; but, according to the historian, the revenue should have been double, but it was reduced by the frauds of office. The commanders of all the for Is realised large sums from their private trade, and the viceroy drew a salary of 18,000 crowns, besides what he derived from the disposal of places, which were all sold ; but they made much more by their trade . ' All other officers,' he adds, ' have great salaries, besides their lawful profits and their more considerable frauds, though their salaries are enough to make them honest ; but avarice knows no bounds.' Mickle, in the sketch of the rise and fall of Portuguese empire in the East, prefixed to his translation of the Lusiad, while following Por- tuguese writers in putting as the first cause of its ruin the arbitrary power of the Governors and the cruelty and rapine which accompanied their conquests, adds some interesting remai'ks on the commerce of their settlements, showing how little the mother country profited by their con- quests. For many years the King of Portugal was the sole merchant, and the traffic a regal monopoly. In 1587 an exclusive Company of Merchants was founded who farmed the trade on a plan sucli as prevailed in the Brazils and in Mexico under the Spaniards ; but from the beginning tliey were surrounded by the monopolies of the Governors, whose luxury was unbounded. The coasting trade was in the hands of private adventurers, and gradually degenerated to a state of piratical anarchy. The Merchant Company sent forth every year a colony of adventurers some 3,000 in number, the greater part of whom settled in India, and their descen- dants are now scattered over the country. — Ed.] 28 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAPTER II. Progress of maritime enterprise — Incorporation of an English Trading Comjiany in 1599 — Voyages to the Eastern Islands and to Surat — Mis- sion to the Emperor Jehangir— Middleton's voyage — Collision with the Portuguese at Surat — Sir T. Roe's mission — Formation of a rival Company, and its piratical proceedings — Foi'mation of a new Com- l^any — Controversy on free trade or a regulated Company — Cession of Bombay by Portugal — Considerations on the expediency of terri- torial possessions— Sir E. Winter and occurrences at Madras — Civil and military servants of the Company — Mutiny of troops — Inter- lopers — Sir Joshua Child and the 'great design' — Invasion of Bengal — Its failure — Operations at Surat — Renewal of the war — Sir J. Cliild sues for peace — Low state of the Company's affairs — Piracy in the Eastern Seas — Formation of a new Company and its struggle with the old — Union and incorporation of the two — Mission to the Emperor and its success — Suppression of piracy — Note on martial law and the legal condition of Eurof)eans in India. CHAP. While tlie Portuguese declined, the spirit of maritime ' enterprise spread rapidly in other quarters. The English in particular entered vigorously on a course so well adapted to their insular situation. They were among the first who turned their attention to the discovery of a comnumication with India to the north of the Conti- nents of Asia and America.^ Drake, who (in 1577) had followed the footsteps of Magellan round Cape Horn, endeavoured to return by a northern passage, but was at last obliged to take the ^ The first English voyage was in 149G, under the celebrated Venetians, John Cabot and his son Sebastian : but a still earlier attempt had been made in 1463 by Cortereal, a Portuguese, who subsequently (in 1501) pushed his discovery as far as the river of St. Lawrence, The search for a passage by the north-eas< was commenced in 1553, under Sir H. Willoughby (who was frozen to death with all his crew on the coast of Lapland), and Robert Chancellor, who first discovered an entrance by sea into Russia, then cut oft' fi"om the Baltic by Lithuania, and from the Black Sea by the Tartars of Kipchak (Barrow's Arctic Voyages). EARLY ENGLISH TKADE AND ENTERPRISE. 29 course by the Cape of Good Hope, and thus passed chap. throuo'h the Indian Ocean and visited the Moluccas and " Java. This track was rendered more familiar by Cavendish in 1586 ; and not long after, in 1591, a squadron of three ships under Captain Raymond was despatched from London for the express purpose of trading witli India by the Cape of Good Hope. The expedition was unfortunate ; but one ship reached India, and though she was lost on her return, an oppor- tunity had been afforded to Captain Lancaster, her com- mander, to attain that experience which led to the esta- blishment of a permanent intercourse with the East. Another squadron, sent by private individuals in 1596, Avas equally unsuccessful. The discouragement occa- sioned by this commencement was changed into eager- ness and activity by the example of the Dutch. That people, still struggling for their independence against the Spaniards, determined to appropriate to themselves the wealth derived by their enemies from the Portu- guese trade in the East. In 1595 they sent their first four ships to the Spice Islands ; and such was the effect of mercantile cupidity and republican energy, that during the short period which remained of the century they had forty ships employed in those seas,^ and before many years of the next had passed they had dispos- sessed the Portuguese of their principal settlements in the Eastern Islands, had founded many of their own both there and in India, and had secured a monopoly of all the spice trade in the East. It was the success of their first voyage that roused tlie emulation of the English ; and as early as 1599, a luuuber of the principal merchants of London formed themselves into an Association for Trading with India, - Macpherson's Commerce of India, 44. 30 RISE OF BRITTRII POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, subscribed 30,000/. to promote their object, and applied ' to the Queen for a charter and certain reasonable privileges and exemptions. The errant of such a charter would have been an open attack on the pretensions of the King of Spain (as representing Portugal) to an exclusive commerce in the Eastern Seas ; and, as Queen Elizabeth was at the time endeavouring to make peace, she was unwilling to in- troduce a new topic of dispute which might embarrass her negotiations. The merchants, however, after enumerating the ports and territories which had been in any way under the influence of the former Government of Portugal, gave a long list of countries to which the Spaniards could make no pretensions, and defied them to show why they should bar her Majesty's subjects ' from the use of the vast, wide, and infinitely open ocean sea, and of access to the territories of so many free princes, kings, and potentates in the East, in whose dominions they have no more sovereign command or authority than we or any Christians w^hatever.' The Queen at length was convinced by these arguments, and granted a charter, incorporating a Company for fifteen years, empowering them to trade to all places in India not claimed by other European nations ; to punish by fine and forfeiture all others of her Majesty's subjects who should engage in the India trade without a licence ; to purchase land of the natives for factories, which was thenceforward to become their private property ; and to make bye-laws for them- selves and their servants, not repugnant to the laws of England : at the same time exempting them from the payment of customs either on exports or imports for a period of four years. EAELY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTEKPRISE. 31 The Company began by appointing a Governor and chap. twenty-four Directors. They purchased five ships, large and small, and manned them with 440 seamen ; ^•^- i^oi. thirty-six factors of different degrees accompanied the fleet, which was commanded by Sir James Lancaster, formerly mentioned as one of the captains of a previous unfortunate expedition. Though their object was strictly commercial, the requisite intercourse with local Governments and the jealousy of European rivals compelled them, and all others in that age, to engage in political and military transactions. On the very first voyage, Lancaster made a treaty with the king of Achin in Sumatra, who granted to the English exemption from customs, per- mission to build a factory, and the right to be guided by their own laws among themselves, while they submitted to those of the country in their intercourse with the inhabitants. On the same voyage likewise he engaged with a Dutch ofiicer in an attack on the Portuguese, then at war with the English, and finished by capturing a rich Portuguese vessel which contributed more than his mercantile dealings to render his voyage highly profitable to his employers. The first three voyages made by the Company were to the Eastern Islands, and to that quarter their attention was for a long time directed, their visits to India being chiefly undertaken as the means of exchanging their European commodities for others which were found to be more in request with the islanders from whom they purchased pepper and other spices.^ But this subordinate traflic soon became of consequence enough to attract notice on its own account. ^ The Eastern trade, though of much importance in the history of the Company, is of none to that of India, and need not be followed out. A.D. 1609. 32 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IX INDIA. CHAP. On the third voyage, in 1609, Captain Hawkins was landed at Surat on a mission to the Emperor Jehdngir. He repaired to Agra and soKcited the grant of land for a factory at Surat, and likewise of some commercial privileges in that part of India ; but he was not fur- nished with the means of making his way at a corrupt court and was thwarted by the calumnies of the Portuguese Jesuits and the hostiUty of Mokerreb Khan, Governor of Surat, and at last withdrew after a residence of two years at the court. * A.D. 1610. Some notion of the peculiarities of the Company's situation at this period may be derived from the adventures of their sixth voyage, in 1610. It was on a greater scale than any hitherto attempted. One vessel is differently represented as of 1,000 or 1,200 tons, but was certainly the largest trading vessel yet built. King James was present at the launch, and dined on board, off china dishes, then quite new in England. The voyage, however, was not successful. Sir Henry Middleton, wlio commanded, was brave to rashness, but violent and imprudent. He allowed Bantam, in the island of Java, was, for the first half century, the prin- cipal English station ; to it all the other factories founded during that period were subject. They took in Bengal and Coromandel, and extended eastward to Borneo and Japan ; Surat, from its remoteness, remained independent and became a sort of head to the factories in the West of India, Persia, and Arabia (Bruce, i. 192, &c.) The great desire of the English at that time was to obtain a share in the trade of the Moluccas or Spice Islands ; they were strenuously opposed by the Dutch, who, instead of admitting them to the Spice Islands, asjiired to drive them out of all the Eastern Archipelago. This rivalry led to many contests, and an attempt was made in 1G19 to put an end to them by means of an union between the Dutch and English Companies ; but this unnatural alliance produced further discord, and ended in the Massacre of Amboyna (1622- 1()23). The Engli.sh never recovered their ground in that quarter, but they retained their factory at Bantam till 1G82, when they were stripped of that also by the Dutch, and left with no possession in the Eastern Islands except Bencoolen in Sumatra. * Purchas's Pilgrims, book iii. chap. vii. EAKLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. S', himself to be inveigled ashore by the Turkish Governor chap. of Moclia, and was treacherously seized after eight of ' his men had been killed and himself and several others wounded. Though threatened with torture and death, he refused to give such orders as would place his ships in the power of the Turks ; and when after six months' imprisonment, he effected his escape and joined his squadron on the coast of Abyssinia, his first measure was to take up a position before Moclia and threaten to reduce the town to ruins if the other prisoners were not immediately released and compensation paid. He accomplished both these objects and then sailed to India.^ At the entrance to the river of Surat he found a Portuguese fleet, the admiral of which opposed his entrance on the ground of the exclusive rights of his nation, although Great Britain was then- at peace with Spain and Portugnl. Sir Henry protested against such a pretension, and resisted all the attempts of the Mogul governor to persuade him to remove to another port where he was less likely to clash with the Portuguese. Two months were spent in negotiations, at the end of which the Portu2:uese moved down the river to attack the English. Notwithstanding the prodigious supe- riority of their numbers, they were repelled both by land and sea, and the English were permitted to carry on their trade without further obstruction. The over- bearing temper of Sir Henry, however, led to a quarrel with the Mogul governor himself, who ordered him to quit the port, without allowing him time to complete his bargains or collect his debts. Having tried in vain to obtain admission to another port, he returned to the Ped Sea, where in retaliation for his supposed injuries at Surat, he detained all Indian vessels to a considerable Purchas's I'Uyrims, vol. i. book iii. chap. xi. sec. 5. * D ] { TASK OF BRITISIT TOWEU IN INDIA. CHAP, nuinber, and took whatever merchandise he wished out TT " of them, paying them in European articles for which they had no desire.*' Having made up his cargoes by this sort of com- mercial piracy, he sailed for Bantam to exchange them for the productions of that region. He there suffered shipwreck, and finally died worn out with fatigue and anxiety. A.D. 1G12, A subsequent expedition to Surat was more fortunate in its commander. Captain Best not only prevailed on the Mogul governor to renounce all memory of Sir H. Middleton's proceedings, but induced him to enter into many stipulations for the security of the English and their trade, and to procure the ratification by the Emperor himself of the engagement thus concluded. Whilst he was waitmg for the ratification. Captain Best was attacked by a numerous Portuguese fleet and was oblio-ed to maintam a contest which lasted for several days, partly in the Tapti and partly in the open sea. In the end the Portuguese were obliged to give up the attack and sail for Groa, while the English resumed their position at Surat and were offered no further molestation. The Portuguese, however, did not desist from the practice of treating even friendly powers as enemies if found within their exclusive limits A.D. 1615. In 1615 Captain Downton, who was lying at the mouth of tlie Tapti with a trading squadron of four ships, was attacked by a powerful armament commanded by the Viceroy of Goa in person. He made up for the great ^ ' I thought wee should do ourselves some right and them no wrong, to cause them to barter with us, wee to take their indicoes and other goods of theirs, as they were worth, and they to take ours in lieu thereof.' (Middleton in Purchas, book iii. chap. xi. sec. G.) He afterwards often speaks of ' rommaging ' Indian ships and taking what goods he wanted ; and we may conclude he paid for them, though at his own price. EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 35 inferiority of his force by engaging the enemy among chap. shallows and narrow channels, and, although the attack of the Portuguese was neither deficient in skill nor courage, and was renewed during several days, it was completely repulsed, and the viceroy was constrained to return to Goa with considerable loss both in men and honour J Perhaps the most important result of the Mogul grant to Captain Best was its enabling that officer to leave stationary factors at Surat.^ Hitherto the entire conduct of each voyage was left to the commander, and his behaviour to the natives varied with his character and the state of affairs at the moment. But the factors soon made themselves acquainted with the circum- stances of the country, and were enabled to regulate their measures by more extensive views. They deputed one of their body to the Mogul's court to solicit some improvement in their firman ; they also set on foot mquiries with a view to opening a trade with Persia, and by the influence which they acquired from their knowledge and the permanence of their residence, were the means of introducing more system into the pro- ceedings of the Cojnpany than had hitherto been ob- served. This tendency to regular and uniform administration was promoted by a change which had taken place in the arrano-ements at home. ' The accounts of the early voyages and other proceedings of the Company are taken from Brucc's Anncds, Purchas's Pilgrims, and Harris's Vuyages. I have also consulted Macpherson's Indian Commerce, Murray's History of India, and the tenth volume of the Modern Universal History ; but the three last derive almost all their information from the preceding three. The statements regarding the Portuguese sea-fights are confirmed by Faria. - Purchas, book iv. chaps, vii. and viii. D 2 36 IIISE OF BHITISII POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. The first nine voyages of the Company liad been ' carried on by separate Associations composed of such of the members as chose to embark on each adventure, occasionally admitting other merchants who were not members of the Company. Each voyage was managed by a subordinate committee appointed by the subscribers, though all were subject to the regulations of the Com- pany, and were to a certain extent under the control of the Governor and Directors. But in the year 1612-13 it was resolved to raise a general stock from all the members sufficient to provide for four voyages to be conducted on the principle of a joint-stock company, the profits being shared according to the amount of each man's stock, and the whole to be exclusively conducted by the Governor and Directors, A proof of the increased importance of the Company was soon after afi'orded by the appointment of Sir T. Hoe as ambassador from the King to the Great Mogul for the sole purpose of promoting its interests. Sir Thomas sailed in the spring of 1615, and was four years absent, of which he spent two at the court of Jehdngir.^ He was a man of judgment and ability, as he likewise proved in subsequent diplomatic em- ployments in Europe, but he was opposed by all the influence of Mokerreb Khan, misrepresented by the Portuguese, and ill supported by the Company's factors from their own jealousies, and perhaps even from some narrow suspicions on the part of the Company itself,^ and the consequence was that the advantages he gained were not proportioned to the high rank of his mission. The principal additions made to the old grant were, a ^ See ii. 350 ; book x. chap. i. ^ See an extract of a letter from Sir T. Roe to the Company in Orme's Fracimcnts. V ol. iii. of his works, p. 381. EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 37 general permission to establish factories througliont the chap. empire, especially in Bengal, Sind, and Surat, together [ — with some rules calculated to protect the English from exactions, and to facilitate the transit of their goods through all parts of India. The inquiries of the Company's factors regarding Persia ended in the establishment of a trade with that country. It was effected by means of an agreement with Sliah Abbas, but was opposed by the Portuguese, whom the Enaiish were oblig:ed to encounter in more than one naval action. These provocations, together with the threats of Sh^h Abbas, who would allow no neutrals in his douiinions, induced their factors to co-operate with the Persian monarch in an attack on Ormuz. The capture of the island was chiefly effected by the exertions of the English fleet, which were repaid by a sliare in the booty, by the establishment of a factory at Gombroon, and by other concessions in favour of the Company's trade. ''^ After this the Company carried their jealousy of the Portuguese so far as to combine with their own in- veterate enemies the Dutch in a plan to wrest Bombay ^•^- ^*^2^" from that nation. It proved abortive, and a joint expedition which was sent to Mocha in Arabia was repulsed with the loss of a large Dutch ship. The sea- fights between the English and Portuguese nevertheless continued, but their mutual animosity so far relaxed that in less than ten years the Viceroy of Goa made a a.d. 1634- 1 COK truce with the President at Surat and threw open his j^orts to English commerce. This pacification raised up a new enemy to the ^ The fleet is said by Hamilton to have consisted of five shijia, well manned, and carrying one with another forty guns to each. (Account of tlie East Indies, i. 103.) RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. Company more formidable than the Portuguese. An ' Association was formed to trade with the newly opened A.D. 1634- ports by Sir W. Courten, who seems to have been a 50 ~ man of large property, and who contrived to prevail on men of mfluence at the court of Charles I. to embark in his scheme. By their means a charter was granted to Courten in violation of that of the Company, and in a manner little creditable to the plain dealing of the Kino\ The new Company were bold and unscrupulous speculators, not possessed of the experience of the old Company, and not bound by their engagements. They consequently became embroiled with the natives in various manners, and were guilty of acts of violence nearly amounting to piracy. For all this the repre- sentatives of the old Company were held responsible by the local powers, and were fined and imprisoned for the offences of their rivals. At the same time the com- mercial competition of the two Companies, being guided by passion and not by calculation, produced a glut of Indian commodities in Europe, which brought both Companies to the brink of ruin, and these distracted counsels had to bear up against the steady prudence of the Dutch Company, its maritime superiority, and the influence derived from its territorial possessions. As a last resource the two Com23anies agreed to a union for five years ; an Act of Parliament was passed to form a new Company, and to give it power to enforce obedience on British subjects by the mfliction of punishments. The new Company having latterly traded and made settlements in Africa, the trade with Guinea and on both coasts was granted to the new Company, but never made any figure in its history.^ ■^ The details of the proceedings of the two Comiianies will be found EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 39 During all these discouragements, the old Company chap. IL 1641. had never relaxed its exertions to extend and protect its trade. Its agents had before fortified their factory at Arniegon on the coast of Coromandel (in 1628-9), and they now obtained a grant of land at Madras, on a d. leio which they erected Fort St. George, and soon after (1643-4) founded a town, the revenues of which they expected would be sufficient to defray the expense of the garrison.^ Both of these forts were designed for protection against the Dutch. The garrison of Armegon, though mounting twelve guns, consisted of only twenty-three men, including the factors, and that of Fort St. George at a later period amounted to no more than twenty- six soldiers. The Company also attempted, though unsuccessfully, a.d. i64o to open a channel for commerce by the Indus to Labor, and they sent cargoes to Bussora and the Red Sea, which, however, did not repay the exj^ense and risk. A more imjDortant step was tlieir commencing a regular trade with Bengal for the conduct of which they estab- lished a factory at Balasore.^ a.d. igi2- On Portugal declaring her mdependence of Spain, the Company sent a mission of congratulation to Goa, and immediately entered on amicable relations with the Portuguese. Tlie profits of the Company, while their trade was new, while it was enriched by captures and by forced exchanges, and before it had to contend with the com- ])etition of the Dutch in the west of India, amounted on an average of the first eight voyages to from one hundred and thirty-eight to one hundred and seventy- in Bruce's Annals, Macpherson's Commerce, the Universal History, x. 08, Doclsley's History of India, and Harris's Voyages. * Bruce's Annals, i. 377 and 402. •' The native name is BaMsar. 1643. 40 EISE or BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, one per cent.*' Br.t this was a return on a concern " which was not wound up till the end of seven years, and after making the deductions requisite for that and other reasons, the profits it is said were not much more than sufficient to make up for the risk/ After the formation of the first joint stock in 1613, the average profit fell to eighty- seven and a half per cent. ; ^ and during their subsequent distresses they probably could not obtain a full return of the outlay, for in 1640 the selling price of their stock fell to sixty per cent, (or forty per cent, discount).^ The ascendancy maintained by the Dutch, as well A.D. 1052. during the war which followed as at the peace which closed it, toofether with the disreo^ard of the late Act and the encouragement given by the Protector to illicit traders (or, as they were then called, interlopers) in- duced the Company to wind up their affairs and put up bills in the Royal Exchange offering their privileges A.D. 165G. and fixed property for sale. This led to new arrangements. Another Company was formed and another charter given, by which sucli of the interlopers as had not been ruined during the previous transactions were included in the joint-stock. During the controversy between the old joint- stock Company and the advocates for free trade or a regulated Company, the arguments of the latter party were pre- cisely those of the political economists of the present day, and were at once admitted by the Company, which rested its claims entirely on special grounds. These were — besides the injustice of depriving them of the October, A.D. 1657 •^ The first is the rate given in Macpherson's Commerce, and the second in Murray's India. ' Macpherson, p. 92 ; see also Murray, i. 200. ® Bruce, i. 167. ^ Macplierson, p. 117. EAIJLY ENGLISH TKADE AND ENTERPRISE. 41 benefit of the factories they hr.d established and the chap. grants they had procured at a great expense — tliat, tliough free or regulated trade might succeed in a united monarchy like Turkey, where all affairs could be managed by the ambassador, they were quite in- applicable to a country much of which was divided among numerous petty chiefs and the rest distracted by civil war. In this last case expensive and defensible factories must be maintained ; a steady and skilful course must be pursued with the native chiefs ; nnd large presents must be made to those rulers, while orderly and consistent behaviour must be enforced even on the traders and mariners who had intercourse with the common natives ; that the Company were now under engagements to the native chiefs which would be dissolved by the opening of the trade, with a palpable breach of faith, and a certainty of forfeiture of all grants and privileges ; and, moreover, that the violent inter- ruptions offered by the Dutch and Portuguese required to be resisted by larger vessels than private persons could afford to maintain. They concluded by a strong appeal to the experience of forty years and the failure of all attempts at free trade or regulated Companies that had been made during that period. Some of these aro;urnents mio^ht be answered, but on the whole it seems clear that the state of India at that period was not ripe for a free commerce.^ ' [The opposition to the Company at this time did not arise so much from private traders as from adventurers of the United Joint Stock, who prayed that the trade might be carried on by a Company, but with liberty for each member to employ his stock in separate adventures, and the question raised was not between private enterprise and a protected Company, but between private trading and joint-stock management. This appears distinctly in the first paragraph of the petition of the Mer- chant Adventurers, as set forth in Bruce (i. 518) : 'A free trade regulated will encourage industry and ingenuity, wliich 42 KISE OF BRITrSII POWER IN INDIA. CHAr. On the Restoration, the Company received a new '__ charter confirming tlieir possessions, including the island of St. Helena which they had occupied on its being abandoned by the Dutch, giving them authority to make war and peace with all powers not Christians, and to raise troops in England for their service, and at the same time strengthening their hands against inter- lopers. In 1 662 the island of Bombay was ceded to the King as part of the portion of his queen, the Infanta of For-- tugal. The Earl of Marlborough was sent out with five ships to take possession, and Sir A. Shipman to act as Governor on the King's part. But the surrender of the place was delayed by the Portuguese ; first on account of a dispute regarding the extent of the cession, and afterwards from objections to the validity of the new Governor's commission ; so that the English did not obtain possession for two years. During this time, Lord Marlborough returned to England ; and the intended garrison remained at Anjediva, an unhealthy island, where two-thirds of their number died. Sir A. Shipman was among the victims ; and Mr. Cooke, his secretary, who succeeded him, worn out with sufi*ering, accepted the cession in the limited sense put upon it by the Portuguese, and under a capitulation reserving many privileges to the inhabitants. This transaction was disapproved by the King, and Mr. Cooke was at the hath latitude and scope to exercise itself, whilst each person hath the ordering of his owne affaires ; whereas, on a joint stock, it is impossible for one to improve either, only to stand idle, without an opportunity to make use of his own talents.' These arguments would have had much force had the Government undertaken the ' regulation ' and protection of the trade by fleets and fortified posts, but this being left to the traders, the necessary security could only be afforded by the resources of a Comjiany. The subject is pursued at greater length on a subsequent page. — Ed.] P:ARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 43 same time superseded in the government; and being chap. detected in several instances of corruption, was obliged to fly to Goa, where he put himself under the pro- tection of the Jesuits, and by their aid afterwards endeavoured to attack Bombay by open force. Disagreements likewise took place between the King's Governor of Bombay and the President of Surat (though both moderate and upright men) ; and in 16G8 the King found it expedient to put a stop to these col- lisions by giving up Bombay to the Company. The transfer was full and complete, with the reservation of a quit-rent of ten pounds. In the first years after the Company got possession of Bomba}^, they proceeded to build ships there for the defence of the place, to improve the fortifications, to establish a native militia, to invite native settlers by exemption from duties and otlier sorts of encourage- ment, to appoint courts of justice, to coin money, and to take measures for increasing their revenue. The whole receipts when they took charge amounted to 6490/. a year. The King's garrison which enlisted with the Com- pany amounted to 150 English soldiers and fifty-four native Portuguese or negroes, with twenty one guns. The Company had long been desirous of obtaining possession of this island and the nearest part of the continent, and had suggested the purchase of them from the Portuguese in the year 1G53. Their object was to procure a place of security against European and native attacks ; and they probably expected (as at Madras) that the revenue of their acquisition would defray the expense of the establishment. Up to the foundation of Fort St. George (for Armegon was but temporary), they were the only Euro]:)eans who attempted to trade in India without any territorial possession. The 44 RISE OF BRITISH I'OWKR IN INDIA. CHAP. Portuguese and Dutch occupied considerable dominions : and even the Danes began their operations (in 1621) by buikhng a fort and town at Tranquebar, a district which they held of the Ndik of Tanjore.^ It was probably more owing to want of power than inclination that the English remained on a different footing from their neighbours ; but it has often been maintained that such was the policy which tliey ought of their own accord to have adopted, and that prudence required them to abstain from the acquisition of forts or lands ; and even to dispense with factories and stationary agents, and confine themselves strictly to trading voy- ages. It is alleged that the possession of territory or even of factories was injurious to them as diminishing the profits of their commerce, and as leading by a sort of necessity to a still further extension of their domi- nions ; and it is contended that the same advantages might have been obtained without any drawback, by purchasing cargoes from native merchants or European adventurers settled in the country. This question stands on the same ground as that regarding free trade. The proposition is true of well-ordered and neighbour- ing countries ; the atteation of individuals to their own interest will, when unobstructed, secure the accumula- tion of such commodities as the trader requires ; and if he is shut out of one country, by any rare occurrence such as invasion or revolution, he has timely notice to seek another market. But it was otherwise in India after the first years of Aurangzib, A trader arriving after a twelvemonth's voyage might find the European agent in a dungeon, and even the native merchants driven away by the exactions of a bad Governor ; he might find his port in the hands of plundering * Modem Universal History, ii. 11. EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 45 ]\Iarattas, or the supply of all merchandise cut off by the chap. distracted state of the surrounding countries. Even if ' he met with none of these obstructions from the natives, he would still be exposed to European rivals ; and w^ould have to maintain an unequal contest with the influence conferred by. the possession of territory and the skill derived from permanent residence. There was not one of these supposed contingencies which was not undergone during the early voyages of the Couipany ; and the question is whether it was really profitable to continue those hazardous speculations, or to incur souie expense for the purpose of gaining a greater degree of security ? Forts and territories are only useful as affording safety and permanence to the factories. ' It is observable that the continental nations still retain their trade, wherever they are possessed of territory, though they have lost it in most places where they had only commercial stations ; and so soon was the advantage of this sort of protection perceived, that the English Company's stock, which, before they had any possessions of their own, was long selling at from sixty to seventy per cent., rose, some years after the acquisi- tion of Bombay, to five hundred per cent.^ The objection from the necessity of continued in- crease of dominion is not borne out by the example of the Dutch m India, or of the Danes, or even of the Portuguese after they ceased to make conquest their principal object. It has certainly been otherwise Avith ' Sir Thomas Roe gave it as his opinion that the Portuguese and Dutch spent more on their territories than they gained by theii" trade, and that they never throve after they became independent powers in India. But it may be answered that the Portuguese trade was an armed monopoly, and owed its existence to their political power ; and though the Dutch carried their buildings and establishments to an extravagant pitch, yet no one will contend tliat they were losers by their connection with the East. 4(3 RISE OF BHITISII POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, the Eiio-lisli, l)at it is not so clear that the extension of II. O ' .... \ their dominions has been injurious either to Great Britain or to India. The advantage of such a retreat as Bombay became more apparent at the time from the increasing disorders of the country. Surat was sacked by Sivaji in 1664 and again in 1670, on both which ot'casions the English owed their safety from the general calamity to the strength of their factory and their own courage in defending it. The consequence of this was, that not long after the grant of Bombay the Presidency was transferred to that place, and Surat made a subordinate station ; but to avoid exciting jealousy in the Mogul government, the President was still to affect to consider Surat as his head-quarters, and to reside there as much as he thought necessary, conducting the affairs of Bombay through a deputy. While these transactions were going on in the west of India, an extraordinary occurrence took place at Madras, Sir E. Winter, who had been appointed Governor in 1661, was removed in 1666, but instead of surrendering his authority he imprisoned Mr. Foxcroft, who was appointed his successor, on pretence of his having uttered treasonable language against the King ; and in spite of repeated orders both from King and Company (which he treated as forgeries) he retained possession for two years. Serious apprehensions were entertained at one time of his making over the fort to the Dutch ; but at length, being threatened with a naval attack and offered a free pardon on condition of submission, he gave up the place in August 1668. For the period that succeeded, the Company enjoyed comparative tranquillity. They were disturbed indeed by a nati(jnal war with the Dutch ; and the distracted EAKLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 47 state of India, owino- to the wars between tlie Mo^'uls chap, . . . .II. and Marattas, occasioned considerable interruption to ' their trade, but they escaped without permanent injury from the war ; and the improved value of their stock, which has been mentioned, shows that their trade sur- mounted all the difficulties opposed to it. The favour of the Crown had put down interlopers, and the same influence, with the possession of Bombay and Madras, enabled them to assume somethins; of the character of a Government. They accordingly made various regula- tions about their service, some unconnected instances of which may be mentioned before entering on a more general view. Among these was a regular system for rise in their civil service ; the lowest class, or apprentices, were, after certain periods for each rank, to become writers, factors, merchants, and senior merchants ; and nomination to employments was to be regulated by standino; in the service. The civil servants were particularly directed to apply themselves to the study of military discipline, so that in case of sudden attacks, or of superior fitness for military duty, they might receive commissions. Another improvement was in organising a militia at J^ombay and Madras. At Bombay there were at one time (1672) 1,500 native militia, half armed with fire- arms and half with lances ; but at a later period (167G) this force was reduced to GOO (probably employed more regularly and permanently), who were paid by the })rincipal inhabitants. The Government of Bombay seem at tliis early period to have been struck with the idea of introducing European discipline among their native troops ; for in 1682 they write to the Directors, reminding them of their frequent applications for European officers to -ilS KLSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, coiumand tlie luilitiii, and add that ' without bein 11. t? exercised and trained up, they will never stand to do any good' (Papers at the India House). In 1G84 they introduced an innovation which likewise showed a tendency to put the native troops on a footing with the Europeans. This was their entertaining 200 Hdjpiits, who were to be divided into two companies, to be under chiefs of their own caste, to use their own arms, and when on duty to be blended with the regular European troops. These seem to have been beneficial regulations, but the general government of the Company was conducted on the narrowest principles, and dis- played a total want of skill and consistency. They were incessantly changing the seats and the form of their Presidencies, and extending: and diminishing^ the number of their factories. They were equally un- steady in their treatment of their agents, sometimes showing a capricious confidence in individuals, and then censurino" and removino- them with as little cause. Their trimming policy between Sivaji and Aurangzib was a matter of necessity ; but by allowing contribu- tions to be levied on them by every petty rdja on the Malabar coast, they fell into contempt with the native chiefs, and invited further oppression. When roused to something like resistance, they gave their servants discretionary authority to make war on native states ; yet while granting these powers to their governors, and at the same time stimulating them to measures of defence against the Dutch, and to the assertion of their disputed privileges against the Portuguese, they reduced A.D. 1678- the garrison of Bombay, the seat of their supreme Presi- ^^^^' dency, to 180 men, the militia being at the same time abolished ; Fort St. George, when threatened by an army of 4,000 Dutch and 12,000 troops of Golconda, EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 49 could only muster 250 soldiers besides some native chap. irregulars; and this was in 1674-5 — before the great reduction. But the error which most injured their interests was their inadequate remuneration to all descriptions of persons in their employment. A civil servant after five years' residence in India, received 10/. a year ; the salaries of the higher ranks were on the same scale. The members of Council had 80/. a year, the Deputy Governor of Bombay, 120/., and the President at Surat, who had the supreme control over all their affairs in India, 300/.* These functionaries had not, as in England * At the time of these reductions the abundance of money and the exi^ense of living in England were increasing at a rate never before known ; and it is singular that our knowledge of this fact is principally derived from the writings of Sir Josiah Child, by whose orders the reductions were made in India. (Hume's Histury, viii. 329.) [Dr. Fryer, a surgeon in the service of the East India Company, visited Surat and Bombay in 1G74, and gives the following account of the salaries of the Company's servants at the time. ' The whole mass may be comprehended in these classes, viz. merchants, factors, and writers ; some Bluecoat boys also have been entertained under notion of apprentices for seven years, which being expired, if they can get security, they are capable of employment. The writers are obliged to serve five years for 10?. per annum, giving a bond of 5001. for good behaviour. After which they commence factors and rise to jireferment and trust, according to seniority or favour, and there- fore have 1,000?. bond exacted of them and have their salary augmented to 20?. per annum for three years ; then entering into new indentures, are made senior factors, and lastly, merchants after three years more ; out of whom ax'e chose chiefs of factories as places fall, and are allowed 40?. per annum during their stay in the Company's service, besides lodgings and victuals at the Company's charges.' Notwithstanding the meanness of these emoluments, these public servants ai'e described as vying with their superiors, and ' in their respective factories live in like grandeur.' The cliiefs of the factories maintained great state. The following is the account of the President. ' The President has a -largo commission and is Vice Regis ; he has a council, and a guard when he walks or rides abroad, accompanied with a party of horse which are constantly kept in the stables, either for pleasure or service. He has his chaplains, physicians, surgeons, and domestics, linguist and mint-master. At meals he has h-s trumpets 50 RISE OF BRITTSn POWER IN IKIHA. CHAP at tliat period, fees, perquisites, and patronage to make up for their small salaries ; unless tliey conld gain something by peculation in managing the Company's investments, or could defraud the Mogul's revenue by applying the exemptions given for the Company's foreign trade to inland traffic of their own, they had no resource but to trade with Europe in violation of their duty and engagement. Accordingly the Company's own servants were always among the most dangerous interlopers ; repeated orders were issued against their private trade ; and one Governor was sent on a special mission mth the unusual salary of 500/. a year, on purpose to put a stop to the practice. The year which succeeded the great reductions in 1678-9 was distinguished by the reappearance of avowed interlopers, a ship being built at Cadiz for the express purpose of illicit trade with India. Whether the civil servants of the Company were concerned in this under- A.D. 1682- taking does not appear ; but a few years later two of the members of Council at Surat (Mr. Boucher and Mr, Petit) were detected in a connection with the interlopers, then become more numerous, and in in- tri2:ues with the Moo;ul o-overnor of Surat tendino; to persuade him that a new Company, by which they pre- usher in his courses, and soft music at his table. If he move out of his chamber the silver staves wait on him ; if he go abroad the Bandarines and Moors under two standards march before him. He goes sometimes in the coach, drawn by large milk-white oxen, sometimes on horseback, other times in Palenkeens, carried by Cohors, Mussulman porters ; always having a sombrero of state carried over him ; and those of the English inferior to him have a suitable train.' (Vide J. Talboys Wheeler's Early Records of British India, from which the preceding extracts are quoted.) Dr. Fiyer accompanied an embassy to the court of Sivaji, and was present at a coronation where this robber chieftain appeared in great pomp. Mr. Wheeler gives some extracts from the travels of Mandelslo, who visited Surat in 1038, and gives a particular account of the social life of the English at the time. — Ed.] 1683. EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 51 tended to be employed, was willing to concede to him chap. much o-reater advantac-es than he derived from the old ' one. Still more ruinous was the parsimony with which they regulated the pay of their military establishment. Even before their last reduction, all the troops at Bombay had mutinied under their commanding officer ; one of the mutineers was shot, but tlie claims of the whole were admitted. After the reduction, the number of troops at Bombay fell off at one time to 100 men ; and this small body complained that their pay at the existing price of provisions was inadequate to their bare support. Soon afterwards the Company (who had before imposed a sort of conscription on the inhabitants) directed an increase to the taxes, and thus completed the disaffection of all classes. At last thino-s came to a pitch which could no longer be borne. Captain Keigwin, the commander-in-chief (who at one time had a seat in Council), was allowed six shillings a day for his pay, in which every description of claim was to be included ; the local government made a small addition as sul^sis- tence money, but the Company insisted on a rigid com- pliance with their former orders, and directed the money advanced to Keigwin and some which had been issued to the private soldiers on another account to be refunded. In these circumstances, the troops mutinied and deposed the Deputy Governor ; they declared that they held the place for the King, and proclaimed Keigwin governor ; and these acts w^ere at once accepted by every indivi- dual in the island. A year elapsed before this nuitiny was put down, and then it was effected by a force under a King's officer, to whom, as his Majesty's representa- tive, the mutineers surrendered. During their revolt, they were careful to do nothing inconsistent with their allegiance, nor was their rule attended with any extortion 52 RISE OF BIUTISII POWER IN II^DIA. CHAP, or miso-overnment. There was not a drop of blood n . ' shed throughout the transaction ; they attended to the public interests with foreign states ; they maintained themselves on the regular revenue of the island, a sum of money which they had seized in a Company's ship being kept untouched, and restored when the fort was given up. A free pardon was one of the conditions of their surrender ; and if so obstinate a mutiny conld ever be prudently overlooked, it would have been in their instance. The suppression of this revolt allowed the Company to turn its attention to the interlopers, who liad now increased to a serious extent. Its affairs were at that time entirely under the influence of Sir Josiah Child, a great London merchant, at the present day still well known for his writings on the principles of commerce. His brother, afterwards created a baronet by the name of Sir John Child, resided at Surat or Bombay, but was for the most important part of his career Governor- General of all India. Both brothers were distinguished by their zeal for the Company's service, and their measures procured them applause from their employers and honours from their sovereign. The reward may have been more than was due to their services, in which they showed more activity than judgment, but it was overbalanced by the oblocpiy which most historians have agreed to cast on their internal government, on the faith of a single and very douljtful witness. The arbitrary spirit of the times, their own presump- tion in foreign politics, and the narrowness of their views on many occasions, give us good ground to ima- gine a harsh and overbearing administration through- out ; but even of this there is no proof, and the ex- EARLY ENGLISH TKADE AXD ENTERPRISE. 53 travagant iin]:)Titations of tyranny and cruelty which chap. have been brought against them, are not only unsup- " ported by evidence but inconsistent with known facts.^ The greatest part of the clamour which has been so widely echoed, arose out of their treatment of the in- terlopers, whom they certainly used every exertion to put down. Those adventurers were mostly British subjects who equipped their vessels clandestinely in England ; and at a later period in the ports of the Continent or in the American Colonies. They were of three classes. The first were merely illicit traders, who were guilty of no irregularities except such as are inseparable from dis- regard of the law ; the second, when unsuccessful in trade had recourse to fraud and piracy ; the third were avowed buccaneers, fitted out in the West Indies for piracy alone. "^ Some even of the first class became dangerous to the existence of the Company, as well as destructive of its exclusive privilege, by which alone the charge of ful- ^ The single witness alluded to is Captain Hamilton, whose plain, vehement, sailor-like style is well adapted to gain confidence ; but he was himself an interloper, wrote from memory many years after the time, and was ready to believe every story that made against the Company and their servants, especially against those who had given him personal oflFence. He charges both the Childs in general terms with the blackest crimes, but against Sir John he brings forward specific instances of fraud, subornation of perjury, instigation to forgery, poisoning, and sacrilege (Hamilton, i. 185, 190, 193, 19G). It could only be by stifling complaints that the perpetrator of so many atrocities could escape the highest penalty of the law ; yet Sir John Childs sent Cai)tain Keigwin and some others of the mutineers, as well as many interlopers, to England ; he was on bad terms with the Judge of Admiralty at Bombay (Bruce, ii. 565) ; and was constantly in communication with officers of the Royal Navy ; so that any attempt to confine the knowledge of his misconduct to his own Government must have been futile. Harris's Voyages and Dodley's His- tory, which are sometimes referred to as independent autliorities take their accomits verbatim from Hamilton. ^ Dr. Davenant, referred to in Macpherson, p. 241. 54 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, filling its engagements to the state could be defrayed. ' Their first leaders were Mr. Boucher and Mr. Petit, both Company's servants, Avho when detected by their employers, took refuge with the Mogul governor of Surat, and were strongly suspected of instigating the mutineers of Bombay, with whom they certainly cor- responded, and to whom Mr. Petit repaired after the breaking out of the revolt.^ Boucher went to Auranga- biid, and employed every exertion to excite the Mogul Government against the Company. The other classes were still more hurtful to the Company ; they injured its credit by their pecuniary transactions and exposed it to risk by their excesses, its agents being held re- sponsible even for the pirates, and fined and imprisoned for their misdeeds. Vigorous measures were adopted against all classes of these offenders. A great number of their ships were seized by the King's and Company's cruisers, and con- demned as prize by competent tribunals on the spot, and forty-eight of the j^ersons principally concerned with them were sent home and prosecuted criminally before the Court of King's Bench.^ There seems to have been nothing irregular in these proceedings ; but the strong temptation to commit the offence against which they were directed, and the numerous prosecutions which were necessary to repress it, afford the weiMitiest aro;uments ao;ainst establishing exclusive privileges without necessity, or neglecting to abolish them the moment they cease to be required.^ But the ambition of the Childs was not satisfied with A.D. ifi84 the extirpation of the interlopers. The Directors, in- fluenced by their counsels, now contemplated the forma- ' Bruce's Annals, iii. 130, 135. ^ Bruce, ii. 551. ^ See note at the end of the chapter. and IG80. EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 55 tion of a sort of commercial empire, an imitation of the chap. Dutch, who (as they said) made their power the foun- ^ dation of their commerce and drew profits from their territory more than sufficient to meet the expense it occa- sioned.^ ' Without that,' they observed at a later period, ' we are but as a great number of interlopers, united by his Majesty's royal charter, fit only to trade where no body thinks it their interest to prevent us,' '^ With a view to this object they proposed to increase and strengthen Bombay and jMadras, and to obtain territory enough to defray the charges of each ; they proposed to acquire a similar strong post at Priaman in Sumatra, or some other place in the Eastern Seas, but above all they de- cided to conquer Chittagong in Bengal from the Mogul, and there to establish the chief seat of their power. These possessions were to be called Regencies, and to be considered as independent territories under the protec- tion of the British Crown ; and in conformity to this resolution they directed that ' his Majesty's Union flag ' ^ should be hoisted at their principal stations. This project is often spoken of by the Company and their servants as their ' great design.' But the scene of tlieir dominion was still to be the sea-coast, and its object the security of their trade ; the bold project afterwards imagined by another nation, of embarking in the wars and politics of the interior, and of conquering India by means of native troops and native allies, was far above their conception. Viewed with reference to their own limited object, their scheme ' Bruce, ii. 551. ^ Bruce, iii. 78. ^ Bruce, ii. 590. This distinction between the national and per- sonal colours of the King was seemingly intended to protect the Company's own pretensions to a sort of sovereignty, and is still kept up in India, where the royal standard is never displayed. [It should be noted that this was written before the transfer of the Government of India to the Crown. — Eu.] 56 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, was 111 contrived, for such possessions as the Dutch " had acquired in separate islands or in the states of petty rajas, were not so easily to be dismembered from the Mogul Empire, then extending its dominions by the conquest of neighbouring kingdoms. But as the first and greatest of the operations con- templated was the invasion of Bengal, it is necessary, before proceeding further, to take a summary view of' the state of English affairs in that province. Though 1616. Sir T. Roe had prevailed on Jehangir to grant a firman for the establishment of trade and factories throughout his dominions, yet the Company had derived little advantao;e from it in Beno-al until chance procured them the assistance of a local ruler. This was Prince Sliuja, whose favourite mistress had been cured of a dangerous illness by Mr. Broughton, one of the Com- pany's surgeons, and who repaid the benefit by steady kindness to the author. Mr. Broughton used his influ- About ence to obtain an order giving effect to the firman, A.D. 1610. -j^ consequence of which three or four factories were erected and trade was carried on free of duties. Shujd's order ceased to be valid on his defeat and expulsion by Aurangzib, but the English contrived hj bribing the governors to obtain a precarious enjoyment of their privileges till about 1680, when the defect of their title was discovered by the viceroy of the day. They were then compelled to pay two per cent, customs like the Mussulmans, and one and a half per cent, as the Jezid or infidel tax ; and in spite of their exertions both at Delhi and on the spot, that amount continued afterwards to be levied.^ The exaction of three and a half per cent, as customs could not be brought forward ■• The above account is from a report in the papers at the India House, written in 1G84. EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 57 as a grievance, especially as the Dutch paid four and a chap. half. But the l^^nglisU had other grounds of complaint : [ . obstructions had been thrown in the way of their trade for the purpose of extorting bribes, their debtors were protected against them, and other minor annoyances occurred from time to time. But tlie most serious were the forcible release of some persons in the Company's service from their custody at Hugh in 1676, in the course of which the chief agent at the place was wounded ; the imprisonment of their vakil or native agent ; the levy of a fine of 500/. from him, and the suspension of their trade for six months before this fine was levied. A still more violent outrage was com- mitted in 1680 at Patna ; that, however, was not in Bengal, but in the adjoining province of Beliar. The Company's Kuropean agent there, having refused what was nominally a free gift to a new governor, was seized at the factory, dragged barefoot to Ilajipiir, the tem- porary residence of the governor, and kept in irons until he paid a forced present of ninety pounds.^ Serious complaints of these oppressions were ad- dressed to the viceroy of Bengal ; the Governor of Madras, to which Presidency Bengal was then sub- ordinate, even went so fiir in 1684 as to inform him that though the English were a peaceable people, they ' could not suffer such unreasonable abuses.' ^ About the sauie time the Governor sent a native agent to Aurangzi'b's camp, and continued to urge his com- plaints from time to time in respectful but manly lan- guage, without receiving any redress.^ These were the grounds on which the Company ^ See list of gricvancoa enclosetl in Governor Gyflford's letters to the Nabob, dated September 17, 1G84. (Papers at the India House.) ^ Letter above referred to. ■^ Papers at the India House, February and March, 1G8G-7. 58 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, entered on a war, ^s^liicli they must have thought in itself desirable as a necessary part of the fulfihnent of II their great design. If the object of that design was beyond the Com- pany's strength, the means adopted for attaining it were still more disproportion ed to the end. Decern- An expedition was prepared in England under the 1085. express sanction of the King. It consisted of ten ships, carrying from twelve to seventy guns, and was to be commanded on the outward voyage by Captain Nichol- son, under a commission from the King as vice-admiral ; but the agent in Bengal was ultimately to be admiral and commander-in-chief, and six companies of soldiers (100 men each), which were sent out by this oppor- tunity, were left without captains that they might be commanded by the members of Council. The troops were to be completed in India to 1,000 men, and the ships to nineteen sail, small and great. The despatch of this expedition was to be kept a pro- found secret. It was to commence by taking Chittagong, which was to be strongly fortified and equipped with 200 pieces of ordnance. An alliance was at the same time to be made with the neighbouring Raja of Aracdn, and it was then to move on to Dacca, at that time the residence of the viceroy of Bengal, and to compel that functionary to cede the city and territory of Chittagong, and to grant many other privileges and immunities thoughout his province. The expedition was next to proceed against the King of Siam, and was to oblige him to make satisfaction for some injuries offered to the English trade. This done, it was to conquer and for- tify the intended Eastern Regency at Priaman, which was to be on a larger scale than Madras ; and after all this it was to sail to the West Coast of India, and to EARLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 59 conquer Salsette and other disputed territories from the chap. Portuguese.^ As if this was not employment enough " for 1,000 men, Sir John Cliild at Bombay suggested that they should check the power of the Dutch on the Malabar coast ; and the Company themselves, before they had heard of the result of the first operations, sent orders to the Government of Madras to assist the King of Golconda (of whose extinction they were not ap- prised) against the Dutch. These ill-conceived measures were more absurdly executed. Instead of fixing the rendezvous at their own port of Madras, from whence their expedition might have sailed unsuspected to Chittagong, and might even have retained that nearly detached district, they ordered their force to assemble at Hiigli, in the heart of the province of Bengal ; and instead of direct- inir their Govern or- General to secure their interests before the war broke out, and to lay down a combined plan of operations, they sent their orders through the Governor at Madras to be executed by their agents in Bengal, and left the Governor-General, residing in the Mogul's city of Surat, in total ignorance of the progress of events in other parts of India. The consequences were such as might have been expected. The Nabob of Bengal took the alarm at the first arrival of additional troops within his province, and sent a force of his own to observe their motions ; mutual suspicions of the parties led to an affray ; the English behaved with great gallantry and took Hiigli, October, but having no use for an inland town they gave it up on a convention, and retired to Chiita Natti, twenty miles lower down the river, and the spot on which Calcutta now stands. It would have been easier for ^ Bruce, ii, 558, &c. GO RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA, CHAP. XL February, A.D. 1687. May, A.B. ]G87. End of 1G88. their expected reinforcement to join tliem there than at Hugh', Init being- threatened by the Nabob of Ikngal, they afterwards moved still lower down the river to Ilijeli. This spot was protected by a shallow channel which cut it off from the bank, but was low, unhealthy, and only supplied with brackish water. On their way to this place the English destroyed the fort of Tanna, and they, afterwards sent some ships to Balas6r, which plundered the town and destro}^ed many vessels in the harbour. But tlie climate of Hijeli rapidly reduced their numbers and impaired their efficiency ; and when a de- tachment of the Nabob's came to attack them, they were so ill off for supplies and saw so little prospect of ultimate success, that after defending themselves gal- lantly against ten times their nnmber for four days, they were compelled to come to terms and to return to their old position at Chiita Natti. The terms agreed on were favourable, promising ground to build a factory, a compromise about the cus- toms, and other advantages ; but the viceroy withheld his ratification, and a correspondence ensued which lasted till November 1687, when he heard of the taking of Golconda by Aurangzib and thought himself entitled to dictate what terms he pleased. No further attack, however, was made on the English, and things remained in the same state till the arrival of fresh troops and new orders from En2;land occasioned the renewal of active operations, as will be mentioned in its proper place.^- ^ Letters of Mr. Charnock, Mr. Bradyll, and Mr. GyiFord at the India House, with native letters and agreement.s and other enclosures. Also Sir John Child's letters to the Company in the same collection. The instructions of the Company to Sir J. Child and the other Governors, if they still exist at the India House, cannot readily be found. EARLY ENGLISH TEADE AND ENTERPRISE. 61 The news of the premature rupture in Bengal chap. reached Sir John Child at Surat, where he was residinut this right seems soon to have been lost, if ever exercised, for the charter of Charles II, in 1661, ^ MacphersoU; 170, 294. '' Macplierson, 1G0-17G. EAKLY ENGLISH TRADE AND ENTERPRISE. 77 thoiigli favourable to the Company, only confers a right chap. on the Governor and Council to try offences according to " the laws of England ; even in the case of their own soldiers they are only empowered to punish for mis- demeanours, or impose fines for breach of orders (Charters &c., pages 75 and 76). By a subsequent charter of the same King (1G69), the Company's Governors are authorised to exercise all such powers in cases of rebellion, mutiny, and sedition, and likewise of forsaking colours and other military offences, as are law- ful to one of the King's captains-general in virtue of his office (Charters &c,, page 91). This is repeated in another form in the same King's charter of 1683, in which the power conferred is ' to use martial law for the defence of the said forts, places, and plantations against any foreign invasion or domestic insurrection or rebellion.' This was the greatest extent to which the right to exercise martial law was ever granted, and it was con- fined to stations in a state of insurrection or of sieire. AVith regard to civil and criminal justice. Queen Elizabeth's authority to the Company to make laws not repugnant to those of England for their own servants, is changed in Charles II.'s charter of 1661 into a power to Governors in Council to judge all persons, according to the laws of England (Charters &c., page 75) : but in that King's charter of 1669, tlie power to make laws and or- dinances not repugnant to the laws of England, and as nearly as may be agreeable to those laws (Charters &c., page 88) is restored, and the manner in which such laws and ordinances are to be administered is declared to be by ' courts, sessions, forms of judicature and manners of proceeding therein, like unto those established and used in this our realm of England ' (Charters &c., page 90). 78 RISE OF BRITISH ruAVEK IN INDIA. CHAP. In 1687 the Company granted a charter which had " been previously approved by the King, constituting a corporation at Madras, to consist of a mayor and ten aldermen and 120 burgesses, with a town-clerk and a recorder ; three of the aldermen are to be Company's servants and seven to be natives (Bruce, ii. 591). They are to form a mayor's court which is to try causes not capital, and send periodically to England a record of their proceedings (Charters &c., page 121). The con- stitution of the court seems not to have been fully acted up to in India, for in noticing the first appointments, the Directors object to the number of Englishmen, and order that in future there shall be among the alder- men one Armenian, one Mahometan, and one or two each of the Portuguese, Jews, and Hindus (Bruce, iii. 111). These courts were soon after extended to the other Presidencies, and with some modifications con- tinued to be the principal tribunals until the Supreme Court was introduced in 1774. In Charles II. 's charter of 1683, a court is establislied, to consist of one person learned in the civil law and two merchants, with the requisite officers, to be appointed by the Directors of the Company, and to decide on all seizures and forfeitures, on all mercantile and maritime bargains, and on all trespasses, injuries, or wrongs on the high sea. The concurrence of the professional lawyer is necessary to every decision. There is no power to impose penalties, and the jurisdiction seems to be confined to civil causes. The mayor's courts are asserted by travellers to halve had the power of punishing piracy with death, but I can find no statute or charter giving such a power ; on the contrary, the Governor- General in 1697-8 recom- mended to the Company to apply for authority to try EARLY ENGLISH TKADE AND ENTERPEISE. 79 pirates in India, stating that the natives consider those chap. marauders to be in league with the Company and think . sending them to England for trial is a mere pretext (Bruce, iii. 23). In the next year a statute was passed (11 and 12 William III.), empowering the King to constitute courts of admiralty for the trial of pirates in the East and West Indies, and it is expressly stated in the preamble that previously to that statute, such offences could only be tried in England. The court is to be assembled by all or any admirals, &c. &c. (including judges of admiralty) or other persons as his Majesty may commission by name, and is to be com- posed of seven persons at least, who are to be known merchants, factors, or planters, or officers of the navy, or captains and mates of merchantmen. If therefore the mayor's court ever tried pirates, it must have been under the appointment of a special commission like that above described, which could only be subsequent to the year 1700. The laws specially relating to interlopers were very simple. By Elizabeth's charter, any vessel trading within the Company's limits without the licence of that body was liable to forfeiture, and the traders to fine, imprisonment, or other punishment at her Majesty's pleasure. No ship could be condemned and no punish- ment imposed in India ; the Company's power was confined to seizing the offenders and sending them to England. This continued until tlie institution of a court of civil jurisdiction on the higli seas in 1683, when tlie 'decision of all questions relating to forfeiture was en- trusted to that tribunal. But the power of enforcing the penal part of the statute was still retained in \^^^ng- land, and would seem to have been exercised by the 80 KISE OF BlUTISII TOWEU IX INDIA. CHAP. Court of King's Bench. The inquiry which led to ^^' forfeiture coukl not have been intricate, since the want of tlie Company's licence constituted the offence, and forfeiture was an indispensable part of the penalty fixed by the statute. Yet if any irregularity took place in the seizure it was not without remedy at home ; for it appears from Captain Hamilton (who in this case is a good evidence) that in several instances damages sometimes exceeding the value of the vessels seized were given by the courts in England for irregular captures, both against King's and Company's officers (Captain Hamilton, i. 214). As far as enactments go, therefore, the Europeans in India appear to have been sufficiently protected, both in the substance of the law and the provisions for its administration. There is, however, good reason to think, from the character of the age and tlie distance of the scene, as well as from the little we learn from travellers (Lockyer's 'Trade in India,' page 6), that the protection really afforded was by no means complete. The judges must sometimes have been unjust, the lawyers ignorant, and the governors arbitrary and en- croaching. But as all was done in public and accord- ing to legal forms, it seems impossible that any gross violations of justice could have been attempted. It may be observed in relation to the subject of Europeans, that many were licensed to reside in India, where they seem to have been chiefly engaged in the coasting trade. The Company at one time were anxious to encourage colonists to settle in India with their families.^ ^ Bruce, ii. 358. niE COROIMANDEL COAST lie SioniH J^.ff- "V*,, '^'?<6i .^Z*//- M lout Soliiiiihtj-al ¥idffcd\\ Pdghar) \irriuTy Tim 5 V'V^iwIi"'''^ °^'.""% ':4osMpim dpeni^ / Balnuu^i^,,,,,,^^^ \-\ Lake \Pulicati (^dar^. ' . W '^"""'^^ C^iflprj4v|>-5'' s/ndnif'iUi^-^. ■4,^7 J/ X^^^-Aip^f^. .-.:, y^ihamaK ■y -^j Ban.' 'MADRAS 'SThonhe , Mysor>j Ah^itixirli fx _ 7r^;;,,pr;r.;^^^^>ts(2^- M'-'l'^'' Uircanam ''^^♦vv>C^o'idicherrv v>L«'i?»^-^ ^.^ />,?;,„ y,5<;/rt /fiiwiJfort STDavid rrioliinopoj inani ''^ riHmlpqyw/^ TO "^7/n/»oWa7W^S^d.ura ^^JkiioU J('otiapatfm "■ ''^ -^udaMr A '*\ T, • • /VrTondi ^ _ "" ' '" < ... '-^ •ah -'-., Tin«ye \AtliuinU fe - Delit Trivanderanr* =^x May 20, 1740, Orme. STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 87 secret aofreement to return before lono- and to attack chap. ■^ . III. Tricliinopoly, wliicli Safder Ali consented to his re- taining provided he should so dispose of Chanda Saheb as to prevent his ever disturbing the Government of Arcot.* No terms could be more acceptable to Ragoji, who was impatient to return to Sattara to take advan- tage of the death of Baji Ihio which had just occurred. He failed in his object, which was to prevent the son of Baji Kdo succeeding to his father's office,^ and he ad. 1740. returned to his camp in the Mysore, reinforced by several of the chiefs of his party who withdrew from Sattdra. In the month of December he again invaded the Carnatic, and immediately invested Trichinopoly.*' The great strength of that place might have enabled such an officer as Chanda Saheb to set his assailants at defiance, but not anticipating the return of the Marattas, and being in no immediate apprehensions from Safder Ali, he had imprudently sold a store of grain which he had provided against a siege and had now scarcely any provisions within the place. He, however, defended himself with spirit for three months, during which time his two brothers lost their lives in endeavouring to force their way with different convoys into the town. He was compelled at length, by the clamours of his troops, as well as the actual progress of famine, to open his gates and surrender himself as a prisoner to the Marattas.'^ He was forthwith sent to the neighbour- '' Ornie attributes the first invasion to the instigation of Asof Jilh, and Wilks to an invitation from Safder Ali similar to that just mentioned in the text. But the first opinion is inccjmpatiblc with the simultaneous invasion of Asof J;ili's own country, and the second with the fact that the attack was not made on Chanda Saheb but on D()st Ali, a circum- stance very unsatisfactorily accounted for in Colonel Wilks's statement. ■' See ii. 038. " Grant Dull", ii. 3, 4, 5. ' March 20, 1741, Orme. 88 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, hood of Sattdra, where he was detained in easy confine- ' nient,^ while Trichinopoly was entrusted to Mordr ilAo G6rpara, grand-nephew of the famous Santaji G6rpara, who was the chief of a small principality at Guti on the south of the Tumbadra. Safder All enjoyed but little tranquillity after the removal of his formidable rival. The ravages of the Maratta invaders left a strong impression on his mind, and he began to look with anxiety to the proceedings of Asof Jah who had about this thne returned to the Deckan. He no longer considered himself safe in the open town of Arcot, but took up his residence in Vell6r, which was a strong fortress, but belonged, as has been mentioned, to his cousin and brother-in-law, Mortezza Ali. From the same motives he deposited his family and treasures at Madras, relying on the strength of the fortifications and on the good faith of Europeans as well as their exemption from all native influence. He must at any time have been an uneasy guest to a chief so timid and distrustful as Mortezza Ali ; and it was not long before he irritated and alarmed his host by ad- vancing a claim to levy a contribution on him as his subordinate. On this Mortezza, who had other bad passions besides fear, indulged his revenge and ambi- tion by procuring his assassination. An opportunity was taken when most of his personal servants were absent at some religious ceremony, and he was waited on by those of his cousin. Poison was administered to him in his food, and as his constitution seemed likely to resist its mortal effects, he was poignarded by some Abyssinian slaves, headed by a man whose wife he had October 2, dcbauchcd. The fury of the army excited by this atrocity was appeased by large payments and promises, « Grant Duff, ii. 5. A.D. 1742. STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 89 and two days after Safder All's death, his murderer chap. . III. was acknowledo'ed as Nabob of Arcot and repaired to ' the capital to take possession of his dignity. But his dark and suspicious character was not suited to efface the memory of his crime, and he wanted the boldness which might have made fear supply the place of attach- ment. Before three months were over, his army muti- nied ; and he thought himself fortunate in being able to escape in disguise to A^ell6r. Mohammed Said, the infant son of Safder Ali, who was then at Madras, was proclaimed nabob and re- moved to Yandewash, where his government was con- ducted by a Diwan chosen by his family and par- tisans. The disorders in the Carnatic were favourable to the views of Asof Jdh. A life prolonged beyond the usual limit had not diminished the activity of that ambitious statesman. He had been recalled from Delhi in 1741 by the rebellion of his eldest son Ntisir Jang, who maintained on that occasion the military reputation he had gained against the Marattas. But he was no match for the arts of his father ; his troops were seduced ; he was prevailed on by promises to give up his artillery ; and though when roused by the disap- pointment of his expectations he had nearly obtained a complete victory in a desperate attack on the old vice- roy, yet his personal courage did not compensate for his want of numbers, and he was made prisoner and juiy 23, sent to be confined in a hill fort.^ Asof Jdh, thus dis- ^'^' ^^ "' engaged, lost no time in entering on the settlement of the southern part of his province. The portion of the Carnatic nearest to the rivers Tumbadra and Kishna was in the hands of the three great Patdn cliieftains of " ■' Grant Duff, ii. 19, &c. 90 RISE OF BRITISH ROWER IN INDIA. CHAP. Caddapa, Carnul and Slianiir (or Savanore) who had '- — prol)ably held theu' possessions under the government of J>ijapur and had been allowed to retam them on tendering their allegiance to Aiirangzib. Contiguous to their districts was Monir Rdo Gorpara's principality of Guti. The southern part of the Upper Carnatic was occupied by the Hindu state of Mysore, and all the rest formed the Government of Sira under a Foujddr ap- pointed by Asof Jdh, but was now probably overrun by the Marattas or occupied by insurgent zemindars. It is not known precisely when Asof Jdh acquired an ascendancy over the Patau nabobs,^ but he met with no opposition on his march to Arcot, and there also his authority was recognised without dispute by all the different parties among the Mussulmans, He next proceeded to lay siege to Trichmopoly ; and Mordr Edo (whose family since the murder of Santaji had never been very closely united to the other Marattas) was induced, by a recognition of his title to Guti, and perhaps some more immediate advantages, to surrender the territory which had been entrusted to him and to enter into a close connection with the viceroy. Asof Jdh had now only to settle the future admi- nistration of the Carnatic, and his final arrangement was to commit it to Anwar-u-dm, a native of Hindostan who had before held subordinate governments in that country, in Guzerdt, and in the districts north of the Kishna contiguous to his new charge. The abilities of this officer justified his appointment, but the house of Saddat Ullah had established so good a character among their subjects that the introduction of a stranger gave general dissatisfaction ; and although ' The nabobs themselves maintained that their connection with him did not include any acknowledgment of his sovereignty (Orme, ii. 164). STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 91 Asof Jdh, in consideration of this feeling, and probably chap. not disinclined to favour the disposition to hereditary ' succession in governors, promised to restore the district to Mohammed Said when he should come of age, yet the new nabob continued to be regarded with an evil eye and to be looked on as the rival of the young favourite of the public. While things were in this state Mohammed Said was assassinated at the marriao;e of one of his rela- June, ad. . 1744 tions by a party of Patau soldiers who had been affronted by him or his attendants in consequence of their importunity in demanding some arrears of pay. Thouo'h the avowed motive seems sufficient to account for the act of the conspirators, it was at once assumed that they were secretly instigated by some person of consequence ; and the suspicion was divided between Mortezza Ali and Anwar-u-din, while some were not content without imputing the guilt to them both. Mortezza's former murder of Safder Ali suggested him as the assassin of that prince's son ; and Anwar-u-din was too great a gainer by the death of the future nabob to escape bemg pitched on as the contriver of that event.^ Asof Jah, however, took no notice of these reports, but immediately confirmed Anwar-u-din in the permanent enjoyment of his government.^ This was Asof Jah's last interference in the affairs ' Mortezza All's guilt was considered to be proved by two circum- stances whicli it woiild seem ought to have led to an opposite conclusion ; his trusting himself out of his fort to attend the marriage, and his imme- diate flight after the perpetration of the murder. His natural timidity accounts for his flight from a scene of danger, and makes it most impro- bable that ho would have ventured into It If he had foreseen its approach. Against Anwar-u-din there is no ground of surmise but tliat stated In the text ; certainly not altogether an absurd one In the lax state of Mogul morality. ^ The account of the affairs in tlic Carnatic, when not otlierwise speci- fied, is from Orme and Wllks. iir 92 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, of Arcot, thongli he survived it for five years and died in Miiy 17-18. He had by that time established his authority over all tlie part of the Mogul possessions in the Deckan which had not been previously seized on by the Marattas. He was also in the enjoyment of a temporary security from the attacks of those invaders whose ambition was for the time directed to conquests in HindOstan. But he was only reserved for the last victim ; and his successors would assuredly have been swallowed up by the Marattas if it had not been for the revolution occasioned by the interposition of the French and English. The extent of Asof Jdh's territories may be as- sumed to be seven hundred and fifty or eight hundred miles in length and about four hundred in breadth ; the population may be guessed at 20,000,000. It was before the death of Asof Jdh that a war broke out between the French and English, and soon extended to their establishments in India. The cir- cumstance drew little attention even from that saga- cious chief ; and we cannot wonder at his indifi'erence when, even after the result is known, we are inclined to despise the humble instruments by which it was effected. When we read of engagements between armies of a few companies on each side, and sieges where a reinforcement of fifty Europeans would turn the scale, we can scarcely believe that the contest is for the dominion of India and the ascendancy over Asia ; and that these pigmy armies are destined to bring about more important consequences than ever were produced by the myriads of Chenghiz Kh^n. The French after repeated failures had formed a Company in 166-1. They soon obtained factories at Surat and other places on the Malabar coast. In 1672 STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 93 they made an unsuccessful attempt to conquer some chap. forts in Ceylon from the Dutch, and in 1674 they pur- " chased from the King of Bijapur the village and district of Pondicherry. At this place they established a town, which soon became very considerable. In 1693 it was taken by the Dutch ; at the peace of Ryswick it was re- stored, and the French then took precautious agamst a recurrence of their misfortune by completing and im- proving the fortifications that had been begun by the Dutch. Pondicherry now became one of the greatest European settlements in India, and is said (probably with the addition of its dependent villages) to have contained 70,000 inhabitants.* The next in impor- tance of the French settlements was Carical. It was acquired, in 1738, by taking part in a dispute between two competitors for the principality of Tanjore ; and this, together with a fort at Miihe (about thirty miles from Cochin, on the Malabar coast) and a factory at Chandernagar in Bengal, formed their principal posses- sions in India. This Company was not, like that in England, forced on the Government by a combination of merchants. It was a favourite project of the minister himself. Instead of sparing grants of privileges, generally purchased by pecuniary sacrifices, it received gratuitous encourage- ment of every description, and was liberally assisted by the Treasury, while in England the exactions of the State were the great drain on the Company's finances. Monopolies within France (as those of tobacco and of coffee) were bestowed on it on very favourable terms, and it was allowed to raise money by lotteries in aid of its other resources. Foreigners were naturalised on subscribing to it ; oificers engaging in it were entitled ' Macphorsoii's Commerce of Iiulia, 273. 94 RISE OF BKITISII TOWER IN INDIA. CHAP, to leave of absence from their res-iments ; and nobles III . " were allowed to enter on this alone of all trading specu- lations, without prejudice to their nobility. The ministers also corresponded directly with the Indian governors, and took the same interest in the settle- ments they presided over as in the other posses- sions of the Crown. The admmistration formed on these principles was more enterprising than that of the English Company ; it acted on more enlarged views and was more liberal in furnishing the means of carrying them into effect ; it was more judicious in the choice of governors ; and gave more encouragement to the rising portion of its service ; even the language and tone of its letters to its servants were distinguished by a suavity and urbanity which formed a marked contrast to the rude re- proofs and ungracious approbations of the English Com- pany. It was the ordinary operation of this system that brought forth La Bourdonnais, Dupleix, and Bussy ; while it required the exigencies of an eventful war to give scope to the natural genius of Clive. But this continual interference of the ministers was not suited to commerce, nor in the end even to politics. Their caprice produced unsteadiness and sometimes led to carelessness and neglect. At other times the best dis- posed mmisters were so involved in the more pressing affairs of Europe that they were unable to give assist- ance or even attention to their Eastern possessions ; and in such cases the Directors, accustomed to receive instruc- tions on all subjects, were incapable of acting for them- selves, even if their unsuccessful trade and embarrassed finances had not rendered it impossible to carry on their operations without the usual supplies of money from the Crown ; and all these deficiencies were the more felt by a community which often had large enterprises in STRUGGLK BKTWEKN THE FUENCII AND ENGLISH. 95 hand and whose whole fortunes were at stake on the chap results. The English Company, on the other hand, was incapable of perceiving the brilliant objects which daz- zled and misled the French. Their plodding attention to trade and economy often led them to overlook more important considerations, but it afforded the means of meeting the heavy demands of the Crown, and more than once preserved them from ruin during periods of great difficulty and danger. The narrow scale of. their opera- tions prevented any extensive ill-effects from their errors, while the jealousy of the public taught them caution and moderation, and the indifference of the Kins^'s Governnient made them look to their own exer- tions alone for the protection of their possessions. The French Company, like most others in their country, had been swallowed np for a time in that of the Mississippi. It recovered its separate existence in 172o, and afterwards enjoyed a period of unusual tranquillity and success. One governor, M. Le Noir, introduced good management into its trade, and his successor, M. Dumas, afforded an asylum to the family of the Nabob Dost Ali during the invasion of the Marattas, and was rewarded by Mogul titles and the rank of Man- sabdar of 4500 ; and that circumstance as well as the turn of their nation for magnificence and display, com- bined with more solid qualities to procure them a good deal of respect among the natives. Notwithstanding this seeming prosperity, the Company's finances did not improve, and at the commencement of the war which we are about to describe they liad incurred a consider- able debt in India, and tlicir expenditure continued to exceed their income.^ ■^ Mcinoirc pour Dtq^leix, 28. This sketch of the French Coini)any is taken from the eleventh volume of the Unicerml Illdonj, Macpherson s 96 lilSE OF BKITl^H I'UWEK l.N INDIA. CHAP. War was declared in Europe in March 1744, and a III 1__ fleet was soon after sent from England under the com- mand of Commodore Barnet. They sailed first to the straits between India and China, where they took several French ships of value. In July 1745 they appeared upon the coast of Coromandel, and anchored off Fort St. David on the 20th of that month. Pondicherry was then ill-garrisoned and out of repair, and would have fallen an early sacrifice if the command had been in ordinary hands. But the governor was M. Dupleix, whose courage and resources in danger, no less than his genius and knowledge of mankind, render him one of the most conspicuous names in Indian history.^ Soon after he took charge of his government, the embarrassed Commerce ivith India, and the Memoir on the Last India Company, by the Abbe Morellet. ^ Joseph (afterwards Marquis) Dupleix was the son of a farmer- general who was also a Director of the India Company. In his youth he showed so strong an inclination for mathematics, especially fortification, that his father, who anxiously desired to bring him up to commerce, began to despair of prevailing on him to turn his thoughts that way. In this difficulty he resolved to employ the spirit of adventure against the love of study ; he sent his son to sea, and at the end of several voyages to America and India, had the satisfaction to find him, not only disposed to commerce, but highly qualified to carry it on. He now placed him in the Company's service, and he was at once appointed First Member of the Supreme Council of Pondicherry. After ten years' service in that situa- tion he was transferred as Director or Chief of the Factory to Chander- nagar in Bengal. He there introduced the coasting trade of India, which the French had hitherto neglected, and the profits of a trade Avhich he had carried on at Pondicherry, together with an inheritance that accrued to him at his father's death, enabled him to enter into it on a very extensive scale. His example was followed by the merchants under his authority, so that he not only realised an enormous fortune himself, but saw Chandernagar rise from an insignificant village to a rich and populous colony. These commercial pursuits so far from being thought inconsistent with his public character, procured him great applause from the Government, and contributed to his being selected in 1741 to fill the highest station under the crown of France in India, being appointed Governor of Pondicherry, with a control over all the other settlements of his nation. STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 97 state of the French Company's finances constrained them chap. to give orders to reduce all tlieir expenses by one half, '- — and to discontinue all fortifications and public works. Dupleix carried the first order into eflfect with ability and decision. He wisely suspended the second, took the responsibility of continuing the repairs on himself, and even supj^lied from his own resources the funds which the Company's treasury was not in a state to provide. Threatened by the l^ritish squadron before his preparations were complete, his knowledge of the Indian character suggested an expedient to avert the present danger. He applied to the Nabob Anwar-u-din, and by arguments addressed both to his pride and prudence, accompanied by a judicious expenditure of money, he persuaded him to forbid all military operations by foreign troops within his province. Next year a French fleet appeared on the coast under the command of M. de la Bourdonnais, the Governor of Mauritius ; a man who though widely dissimilar in character, was scarcely inferior in abilities even to Dupleix.'^ ' B. F. Mahede la Bourdonnais first went to sea at the age of ten, and entered the service of the French East India Company while he was yet very young. He attracted notice by the improvements he suggested in naval architecture and machinery. Being left without employment by a long peace, he turned his attention to commerce and made a considerable fortune by trading in the Indian Seas. He was afterwards for two years in the service of Portugal ; and in 1734 he was appointed by his own sovereign to the government of the islands of Mauritius and Bourbon. These islands had been taken possession of by the French after being abandoned by the Dutch and Portuguese. The interior of both was a forest, only inhabited by runaway slaves. The European inhabitants on the coast were pirates and adventurers, scarcely less savage than their neighbours. La Bourdonnais brought them all into order, and himself initiated them in the arts of agriculture and commerce ; he raised fortifi- cations, constructed docks, quays, mills, arsenals, barracks and hospitals ; introduced the cultivation of sugar-cane, cotton and indigo, as well as of the magnioc root (now the chief support of the inhabitants) and by a combination of 2)ersuasion, exam})le, and authority, he raised his islands to the rank they held innnediately before the cession of Mauritius to the * H Ill 'J8 lUSE OF BKITISII rOWER IN INDIA. ciiAP This fleet consisted of five Company's sliips and a frigate, and had been sent from Europe half-equipped and half-manned. It had since met with many losses and disasters, and was at last in a manner the creation of the talents and resources of its commander. Immediately on reaching the coast it fell in with the English fleet, greatly inferior in numbers, but superior in quality both of ships and men. Several indecisive actions followed, and the result was that the English were obliged to retire to Ceylon, leaving the French in possession of the coast. La Bourdonnais then repaired to Pondicherry, to concert with Dupleix an immediate attack on Madras ; but Dupleix felt his consequence hurt by the employment of another officer within the limits usually entrusted to him, and La Bourdonnais being himself of an impatient temper, the two chiefs got into disputes and animosities that impeded their common object. La Bourdonnais, however, at length sailed, taking with him a reinforcement from Pondi- cherry. Madras, with two villages within its tei-ritory, con- tained 250,000 inhabitants, but the Europeans, who alone could be relied on for its defence, did not exceed oOO, English. At that time they were flourishing colonies, the naval arsenal of the French in the East, and the greatest thorn in the side of the Eng- lish, whose largest trading vessels were scarcely safe on the coast of India or in the mouth of the Ganges from the activity of the cruisers of Mau- ritius. The great qualities and attainments of La Bourdonnais are thus summed up by Orme : ' His knowledge in mechanics rendered him capable of building a shiji from the keel ; his skill in navigation, of conducting her to any part of the globe ; and his courage, of defending her against any equal force. In the conduct of an expedition, he superintended all the details of the service, without being perplexed either with the variety or the number of them. His plans were simple, his orders precise, and both the best adapted to the service in which he was engaged. His ap- plication was incessant, and difficulties served only to heighten his activity, which always gave the example of zeal to those whom he commanded.' (Menwirs of La Buurdoiinain, and Orme.) STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FEENCH AND ENGLISH. 99 of whom only 200 were soldiers even in name. Part chap. "^ . III. only of the town was fortified, and that with a rampart which La Bourdonnais compares to a garden wall. The French landed 1,400 Europeans and negroes, and 300 or 400 disciplined sepoys ; about 1,800 men remained m the ships. They bombarded the town with fourteen mortars, and battered it from their ships for three days, and were at last on the point of esca- lading, when the English capitulated and surrendered themselves prisoners, on condition that they should be allowed to ransom their town. On this stipulation they steadily insisted, and exacted repeated and solemn assurances that the ransom should be moderate. La September Bourdonnais agreed to these terms the more readily as i7i6. he was alarmed by a report of the return of the English fleet to the coast. He faithfully fulfilled them, and after some time executed a formal treaty of ransom, and consented to leave the English in possession of all their October private property and half the military stores, and to nic. restore the town to them for a sum equal to 440,000/., for the payment of which they were to give hostages. The fall of Madras was a severe blow to the reputa- tion of the Eno'lish, and misfht have been fatal to tlieir interests if La Bourdonnais had been allowed to com- plete his plans against their other settlements. But long before the conclusion of the second agreement, Dupleix and his Council had protested against the capitulation. They maintained that Madras fell within their government from the moment that the French colours were hoisted on its walls, announced their ha vino; entered on an eno:ao^ement to "ive the town to the nabob, and directed La Bourdoiniais to dismantle it without delay, and reduce it to a condition which should prevent its affording any additional strength to H 2 Ill 100 EISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, tlie native prince. They also appointed a subordinate council to control La Bourdonnais, and issued an order to the military officers to obey no instructions but from them. La Bourdonnais resisted these measures, dis- claimed the authority of the Government of Pondi- clierry, and put some of the persons employed to in- fluence the troops under arrest. On the other hand (if we believe La Bourdonnais) Dupleix gave secret orders for seizing his person, and things proceeded so far as at one time to be on the verge of a civil conflict. All this violence was carried on in the name of the Council, over whom Dapleix, from his abilities, exercised an un- limited control ; he himself all the time kept up a private correspondence with La Jjourdonnais, assuring him of his esteem and regard, and endeavouring to attain by persuasion the same objects which in his public character he was seizing on with so high a hand. The season was at this time approaching at which it becomes unsafe for vessels to remain at Madras, where there is only an open roadstead exposed to all the violence of the tempest with which the monsoon sets in, and which is the more dangerous because it blows almost directly on the shore. La Bourdonnais had therefore been busily employed in shipping the public part of the captured property, and would soon have been aljle to put out to sea. On October 2, the day after he had signed the treaty of ransom, the weather was still calm and clear ; but at midnight the monsoon set in with more than usual fury. One French ship was swallowed up by the waves, four lost their masts and were filled with water so as to be in instant danger of going to the bottom ; one only managed to esca[>e l)y running to the southward ; from twenty to thirty other STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. lUl ships tliat were in tlic roads went down or were driven chap. i in. ashore. This disaster altered all La Bourdonnais' prospects. He was no longer able to face the English or even to continue on the coast of Coromandel, where there is no harbour to afford a shelter from the monsoon. He was therefore obliged to use all expedition in winding up his affairs at Madras. Having received repeated as- surances from the Council of Pondicherry that his en- gagements should be faithfully fidtilled, and liavmg obtained the consent of the English to postpone the restoration of Madras till the month of January, when the public property would have been entirely removed, he made over the government to the senior member of the Council sent by M. Dupleix, and sailed himself for the roads of Pondicherry. But fresh dissensions had arisen with the Council of that place, and an angry discussion ended in a reluctant acquiescence of La Bourdonnais in their desire that the whole fleet should proceed to Achin in Sumatra. For that port he accordingly set sail ; four of the ships made good their destination in spite of a strong contrary wind ; but the remainder, with himself, were forced to give way and sail before the wind to the Isle of France. On his aiTival he found that the repre- sentations of M. Dupleix and the enmity of the Com- pany had prevailed, and that the King's ministers h;id sent out another officer to supersede him in his govern- ment. On reaching France he was imprisoned in the Bastile, and remained there for three years in the most rigorous confinement. He was charged, in addition to his political offences, with corruption, embezzlement, and extortion, but was at length acquitted by a committee of the Priv^^ Council to wlioui his case was 102 RISE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. CHAT. rL'feiTcd, and was released Avith ruuied fortunes and 111.. broken health, which before lono- broui2:ht him to the grave. The departure of La Bourdonnais, or rather his pre- vious disaster, lost the French the command of the sea and delivered the English settlements from imminent danger ; but the men he left at Pondicherry increased the French force ashore to 3,000 Europeans, and powerfully influenced all the subsequent operations.^ When the siege of Madras was threatened the English had applied to the nabob for aid ; and, although they were not successful, as their rivals had been, in obtaining prompt and effectual assistance, they had at length prevailed on the nabob to remonstrate. Dupleix pacified him by promising to give up Madras to him ; but when some time elapsed after the cap- ture without any prospect of the transfer, the nabob was incensed at the deception practised on him, and sent a force under his son, Mahfiiz Khan, to dispossess the French, in Avliich he seems to have foreseen no difficulty. The force consisted of 8,000 or 10,000 men, of whom 4,000 were cavalry.*^ The cavalry of the Carnatic were inferior even to those of the northern provinces. The infantry were also more puny men, but could scarcely be worse soldiers. There were likewise some guns, but old and utterly unserviceable. Middle of They began by investing the town, and did so without A.]>. 171G. op})osition, the French having orders not to commence lioslilities. They next cut through a sandbank to let off a piece of water which covered the south face of the fort, and at the same time they took possession of a spring, three miles from the fort, on which the garrison ^ Orme, i. 74. ® Histoire dc la dernUre Eeoulntion des hides. Paris, 1757, i. 1G5. STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 103 principally depended for water. The besieged were chap. thus forced on offensive operations, they opened a fire from their guns, and they prepared a detachment of between 300 and 400 men, with two field pieces, for the purpose of driving the enemy from the spring. This small detachment boldly advanced beyond the pro- October tection of the fort, and was met by a large body of the 1746." nabob's cavalry, who advanced m good order, and were on the point of charging the detachment, but were brought to a pause by the opening of the field pieces. As they did not know the number of those guns, and had no conception of the rapidity with which they were served, they stood several rounds in the expectation that when all were discharf);'ed there would be a lonon interval before they could be reloaded ; but finding the fire continue with unabated vivacity, and seeing seventy of their own number fall victims to its effects, they fell into confusion and finally fled from the field. The French took possession of their baggage and some of their guns (which last they did not think worth bringing away), and returned to the town without the loss of a man. This unexpected attack alarmed Mahfiiz Khdn, and as he was likewise informed of the approach of a reinforcement from Pondicherry, he concentrated the force employed in investing Madras, and moved to St. Thora(^, a town about four miles further south. He took up his ground between the town and a river to the south of it, the banks of which he determined to defend. The French detachment consisted of 350 European soldiers, 100 sailors, and 200 sepoys,^ and was commanded by M. Paradis, a brave officer, hitherto chiefly known as a violent partisan of M. Dupleix. It was determined that M. Paradis should ^ Histoire de la demih'c Revolutiwii, i. 1G8. 104: RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. c]!A]\ attack the enemy at daybreak on the 24tli, wlnle a ' detaclmient of 400 men from Madras should at the same time fall on tlieir rear. When Paradis reached the river, he found the nabob's army drawn up on the opposite bank, and saw no sign of the approach of the troops from Madras. He nevertheless crossed without hesitation, and after a sharp discharge of musketry fell upon the enemy with the bayonet. The boldness of the action, and the impetuosity of the charge, struck the Moguls with amazement ; they at once gave way, and the horse and foot falling back promiscuously on each other in tlie narrow streets of the town, the confusion of the throng was so great that they re- mained for some time exposed to the fire of the French without making any resistance, and without being able to escape. When extricated from this difficulty, they retreated with precipitation to Arcot. This gallant exploit broke the charm by which the Europeans had still to a certain extent been kept in awe of the Moguls, and showed to both nations the vast supe- riority of spirit and discipline over numbers. Paradis pursued his march to Madras, of which he took the government ; and immediately proceeded, in execution of his orders, to annul the treaty with the October English, to the observance of which the Government of irie. l^ondicherry was so recently and so solemnly pledged. All ])rivate property except clothes and furniture was now seized on as prize ; all Englishmen who refused to give their parole not to serve against the French were to ho prisoners of war ; and all who would not take the oath of allegiance to King Lewis were to quit the town and territory of Madras. The English loudly exclaimed against this gross breach of faith, by which many of them were reduced to ruin ; many rcfuse>l to STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FrvEXCII AND ENGLISH. 105 give their parole, and escaped as opportunities offered chap. to Fort St. David. The Governor and principal in- " habitants were sent to Pondiclierry, and conducted into that place in an ostentatious procession, exposed to the gaze of 50,000 spectators.'^ Dupleix's only excuse for his violation of the treaty with the English and his own solemn promise to La Bourdonnais, was the possession of secret orders which he rather insinuated than asserted. It has since, however, been established that, while La Bourdonnais . had positive orders to retain no conquest he might make,^ Dupleix had as positive, but secret orders, on no account to part with Madras ; and that the French Ministry and Company were so ashamed of these contradictions and the diss^raceful transaction to which they led, that they condescended to entreat Dupleix to take the responsibility of the whole affair upon himself.^ Though this fact clears Dupleix of all suspicion of personal motives, it does nothing to remove the impression of his indifference to public faith, which he himself indeed does not seem anxious to den3^ ^ Fort St. David was now the only refuge for the English on the coast of Coromandel, and as it was only twelve miles south of Pondiclierry, the possession of it by an enemy was a source of uneasiness as well as mortification to M. Dupleix, who took the earliest opportunity of endeavouring to reduce it. The fort was smaller but much stronger than Madras. The ''■ Orme ; Memuirc de La Bourdonnais. Suite de 2n^ces judljicatives, p. 59. ■'' Memoire jwnr La Bonrdonnaia, p. .58. ■' Bio(jraphie Universelle, Article 'Dupleix.' '' ' Oni, Hionsieur, je conseillerais a moii frure cle manqiier a sa parole quand elle pent faire tort a un tiers, quand clle est aussi avautageusc a un ennemi et aussi desavantagcuse a la Compagaie et a la Nation ' (Dupleix's letter to La Bourdonnais. PUcca jutitiJlndiiKS, p. 18(>). 106 RISE OF BRITISH POAVER IN INDIA. CHAP, town lav od a river about a mile further south, and was III. " called Cuddalore (Cadulur), a name which the French apply to Fort St. David also. Cuddalore had a wall and bastions on all sides except that towards the sea, where a river, which, like all others on this coast, runs from west to east, after passing the northern face of the town, turns south and covers the east side, being sepa- rated from the sea by a narrow spit of sand. Dupleix's first step in forming his detachment for this enterprise was to send for M. Paradis to command it. The Fnglish on their part applied to the nabob for assistance, and he readily granted it on their promising to pay a portion of the expense. M. Paradis left Madras with an escort of 300 Europeans, and availed himself of the opportunity to bring off a quantity of plundered property which was carried by a long train of culis or Indian porters. When he had marched up- wards of thirty miles (a third of the distance to Pondi- cherry), he was attacked by a division of the nabob's army under Mahfuz Khan, which hung on his flanks and rear ; the infantry firing from the thickets and other cover, and the cavalry advancing from time to time, as if on the point of charging sword in hand. The French, embarrassed with their convoy, were obliged to act purely on the defensive, forming up when threatened by the horse, and resuming their march when they had checked the enemy. In this manner they made their way to Sadrds, a Dutch settle- ment forty- two miles from Madras. Their march had latterly been urged on with so little consideration, that the rear was separated from the advance, and did not reach Sadrds without difficulty. They had several men wounded during the march, and twelve or fourteen Europeans were made prisoners ; and this misfortune, STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 107 joined to tlic appearance of retreat and pursuit, dis- chap. III. heartened the French, and revived the spirits of the Mussulmans. At Sadras Paradis was joined by a strong detachment sent out from Pondicherry to reheve him, and reached that town without further molesta- tion. His journey, however, had been to no purpose, for the officers protested against his being appointed to the command in preference to his seniors, and M. Dupleix felt himself constrained to confer it on M. Bury, the oldest officer on the spot. The garrison of Fort St. David was only 200 Europeans and 100 Indian Por- tuguese ; 2,000 of the native irregular infantry had, however, been hired for the protection of Cuddalore and the rest of the territory. The French force amounted to 1,700 men (for the most part Europeans), with six field pieces and as many mortars. They marched from the neighbourhood of Pondicherry on December 8, and soon after crossed the river Panar and December entered the British territory. Their plan was to halt I'-iG. at a country house belonging to the Governor, a mile and a half from the fort, which had a court-yard in front and a large walled garden m the rear. They had been misled by some false intelligence conveyed to Dupleix, and did not expect that the nabob would send any considerable body of troops to aid the besieged. In this belief (as Orme states") they were dismissed as soon as they had occupied the house, and dispersed in quest of food and firewood and the other occupations natural after a march. While thus scattered they per- ceived that the whole of the nabob's army was coming- down on them, and had already arrived within a mile. A sudden panic seized on them at the sight, and in- « See i. p. 82. 108 RISE OF BRITISH ROWER IN INDIA. CHAP, stead of defendini'' tlic o-arden, as seemed the obvious III ... ' course, tliey fled with precipitation to the Panar, which they hastened to recross, and were only saved by the steadiness of their artillery from total destruc- tion.'' lint this protection did not restore the courage of the fugitives ; they plunged into the river, which was scarcely fordable, leaving their ranks, wetting their ammunition, and in many cases throwing away their arms. On this occasion they again owed their safetv to the steadiness of their artillery, who drew up their guns on the river, and gradually withdrew them to form a fresh battery on the opposite bank. In this manner the detachment returned to their post near Pondicherry, after a night and day of incessant exer- tion, witli 122 men killed and wounded, and having lost all their baggage but such as had not come up when the action be2:an. This unexpected success of the nabob's troops gave M. Dupleix a higher impression of the importance of that prince as an ally. He commenced a negotiation to obtain his friendship, but did not slacken his opera- tions during its progress. He made another unsuccess- December ful attack Oil Fort St. David by sea, and to hasten the niG.' ' nabob's decision he sent a detachment from Madras to ravage the neighbouring part of the Carnatic ; and the four ships of La Bourdonnais' squadron which had made their way to Achin returning about this time to the coast of Coromandel, he made so good a use of this apparent reinforcement that the nabob became con- '' A French artillery officer who was present gives a different account (La Bourdonnais, iSu'de de ineccs jvstlficatives, p. 68). By his statement the French were not surprised, but defended themselves until their ammunition was expended, and then retreated in good order to the Pan;ir, where they fell into confusion as stated in the text. STRUGGLE BKTWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 109 vincecl of the hopelessness of the Enorlish cause, and chap. Ill transferred his friendship to their rivals. ' As a proof of his new attachment he sent his eldest son, Mahfiiz Khan, to Pondicherry, where he was re- ceived with great respect and gratified by magnificent presents. Could the French ships have co-operated in an attack on Fort St. David, their services would have been as important in reality as they had been repre- sented by Dupleix, for the garrison had almost en- tirely exhausted its resources, and was only saved by the enterprise of an officer who ran his ship into the port and landed twenty recruits and 60,000/. But the fear of the return of the English fleet, now superior in force, obliged Dupleix to send his ships to the western coast, where they anchored in the Portuguese port of Goa. He did not, however, desist from his land opera- tions ; and being now secure from the nabob he sent the game force as before under M. Paradis to renew tlie attack on Fort St. David, but when on the point of March 2, commencing its operations it was interrupted by the ^'^' ^'^^^' actual appearance of the English fleet, and compelled to rctreSt to Pondicherry. The fleet landed 100 Europeans sent from Bengal, and lent 500 sailors and 150 marines as a temporary augmentation of the garrison. Not long after, 100 June, Europeans, 20\) native Portuguese, and 100 sepoys ^'^' ^'^^' arrived from Bombay, and 400 sepoys from Telli- cherry ; and in the course of the year the Company's ships brought out 150 Europeans from England. In January Major Lawrence arrived from England, with a coiiunission to command all the Company's forces in India. An attack being then expected from Pondicherry, he encamped near the Pamir to oppose it ; 110 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, but it was not long before he detected a plot by the ^^^' commander of the Tellicherry sepoys to carry over his party to the enemy, and further discovered that his in- terpreter was in the practice of sending regular intelli- gence to Madame Dupleix, who understood the Tdmul language, and who was as active-minded and as much interested in public affairs as her husband.^ The inter- preter and one of his accomplices were hanged, and the Tellicherry commander with ten of his officers were banished to St. Helena, w^here several of them had re- course to the remedy of Hindus in despair, and assisted each other in putting an end to their lives. The failure of this conspiracy probably delayed the intended attack from Pondicherry ; and soon after, the English February squadron which had withdrawn during the monsoon, 1748^^ returned from Ceylon to Fort St. David, and put an end for the present to all designs on that place. June 9, But after the lapse of four months the four French ships that had been sent to Goa, and had since made a voyage to the Mauritius, returned with a reinforcement of three ships of the line from Europe. By judiciously availing himself of the land and sea breezes, which blow alternately during the day and night, and of a southerly wind which blows constantly at that season at a greater distance from the shore, M. Bouvet, the commander, succeeded in deceiving the English commo- dore, first offering battle, then affecting to make for Pondicherry, and at length pushing straight for Madras, which was the real object of his voyage. He there landed 400 soldiers and 200,000/., and immediately re- turned to Mauritius. The English commodore (Griffin) * ' He was married to a woman endowed with as much spirit, art, and pride as himself, born in the country, mistress of all the low cunning peculiar to the natives, and well skilled in their language.' (Lawrence's Narrative, p. 31). A.D. 1748. STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. Ill pursued liim to Madras, but was too late to overtake chap. { . in. mm. M. Dupleix, tlius relieved of the presence of the Enoflish fleet, and knowino; that it would take some days to sail back against the southerly wind, deter- mined to employ the interval in one more attempt on Fort St. David. The first attack was to be on Cud- dalore, which was to be escaladed in the night. The plan having transpired, Lawrence had recourse to a stratagem. He withdrew the garrison and the guns from Cuddalore as a place incapable of resistance, and as soon as it was dark marched back both the guns and the garrison with such a reinforcement as seemed necessary for the perfect safety of the place. The French were ignorant of this second arrangement, and came on in the night as to an easy conquest. When they were fixing their scaling ladders, they were sur- prised by a discharge of musketry and grapeshot from all the ramparts within reach. The sudden discovery of the trap laid for them struck the whole body with a panic. They flung down their arms without firing a shot, and fled in a trepidation from which they did not recover until they were within the bounds of Pondicherry. This was M. Dupleix's last enterprise against Fort St. David. He was now busily occupied in providing for his own defence. In addition to the strong squadron they already had in India, the English were fitting out a great expedition in Europe which there could be no doubt was ultimately designed against Pondicherry. It consisted of six ships of the line, a twenty-gun sliip, and a bomb vessel, and was accompanied by eleven of the Company's ships conveying troops and stores. The troops amounted to 1,500 men, and with them the 112 KISE OF BHITISII POWER IN INDIA. CHAP wliole number on board the fleet was 8,000 men. It III. ' was commanded by Admiral Boscawen. The admiral had orders to attack Mauritius on his way to India, and he was assisted on that expedition by six Dutch Indiamen with 400 soldiers, which were going from tlie Cape of Good Hope to Batavia. From the continual prevalence of the south-east monsoon, Mauritius can only be approached from one quarter, and from a reef of rocks with which, it is surrounded it is only accessible at two points. These difficulties, great at any time, were nearly insurmount- able to men without local knowledge, and Boscawen, after reconnoitring: and endeavourins; to obtain infor- mation by taking prisoners, gave up the enterprise and continued his course to India. On July 29 he arrived at Fort St. David, and took the command of the ships in India. The combined squadrons formed the largest marine force ever yet seen in those seas. It consisted of thirty ships, thirteen of which were of the line, and none of less than 500 tons burden. The English were elated by the presence of so formidable an armament, and never doubted that the loss of Madras would be revenged by the capture of Pondicherry. To this object Boscawen applied himself without delay. The land army was composed of 1,200 king's troops and 800 marines ; a battalion of 750 men in the Company's service, among whom were 200 native Portuguese ; 150 artillerymen ; and 1,100 sepoys who as yet were almost entirely undisciplined. To these the Dutch added 120 men from their station at Nega- patam. The nabob also, now again going over to the strongest, sent 2,000 of his own horse, and the admiral had 1,100 of his seamen trained to the use of the A.D. 1718. STRUGGLE BETAVEEN THE FKENCII AKD P:NGLISII. lio musket, who were sent ashore to jom the army as soon chap. as the sieo'e be^-an. ' The heavy guns and stores were sent by sea with the fleet, and the army marched on August 8. They entered tlie French territory at Ariocopang, a strong post with the state of which (though only nine miles from their frontier) they were quite un- acquainted. A party of 700 Europeans was sent to storm a heap of ruins which was mistaken for the works. On their arrival they discovered, close in their front, the real post, a regular fortification wdth a glacis and ditch, and were received with a fire of grape and musketry that killed 150 men and officers. Among the latter was Major Goodere, an able and experienced engineer, who was relied on for conducting the siege of Pondicherry. Regular batteries were then erected, but so unskilfully that they had to be removed to another place. The French afterwards made a sally ; some sailors, unaccustomed to the scene, ran off in alarm, the soldiers followed, and Major Lawrence, who scorned to quit his station, fell into the hands of the enemy. After three or four days a magazine within the place exploded and the French evacuated it. The English at length advanced with much diminished spirit, having lost two of their best officers and wasted many days which were rendered of the utmost value from the approach of the monsoon . The town of Pondicherry w^as situated about seventy yards from the seashore. Its extent within the walls was about a mile from north to south, and 1,100 yards from east to west. The huid sides were fortiiied in tlie modern manner with a wall and bastions, a ditch, and an imperfect glacis. Towards the sea there were 100 guns in low batteries which protected that face and I 114 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, commanded the roads. The garrison consisted of 1,800 111. ° . Europeans and 3,000 sepoys. Besides the regular fortifications Pondicherry had another defence which is common in the south of India and is called a bound hedge. It is a broad belt composed of aloes, cactuses, and other thorny plants peculiar to the country, which form an impenetrable thicket, and encloses a consider- able space of ground about the fort. In this instance it combined with the lower part of a river to form a circuit of seven miles, and had five openings, each of which was secured by a redoubt. One of these redoubts being carried with unaccountable ease, the others were necessarily abandoned. The English were then enabled to commence their approaches. The spot they selected was on the north-west of the fort, two or three miles distant from the nearest point to which the ships could be brought, although it was on the ships they depended for all the guns and stores required for the siege. They broke ground during the night of August 20 at the extraordinary distance of 1,500 yards from the place, and threw up a first and second parallel. Before these works were completed the French made a sally in great force under M. Paradis. They attacked both parallels at once, and at the first discharge killed the commanding officer of the one most advanced, on which many of the English ran away and the rest ^vould have followed had they not been inspired by the example and influence of Ensign Clive. This young man reproached them with their fears, pointed out the glory of victory, and led them on with such vigour that twenty Frenchmen fell at the first discharge, and the rest, surprised by the unexpected resistance, retired in haste. They might still have easily overpowered the handful of men opposed to them, but Paradis had STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. Hi fallen early in the attack, and, his troops discouraged chap. marched back to the fort. The death of Paradis was severely felt by Dupleix, who lost in him not only a gallant officer and a devoted adherent, but an engineer familiar with the place he was to defend, and who had made the means of repelling attacks on it his particular study. Dupleix hence- forward was himself the engineer, and shone as much in directing the operations of the troops as in pro- viding for their wants and in animating their courage.^ Parties continually sallied to attack the stores and cannon passing from the ships to the camp, and kept as many men employed in escorting those convoys as had before been required for transporting them. On one occasion they took two battering guns, and a detachment being immediately sent to recover them was drawn into an ambuscade and obliged to return precipitately to the camp, allowing the cannon to be carried in triumph into the town. The garrison also kept up a constant fire on the working parties and killed many men, and, when at last the trenches had been advanced to within 800 yards of the works, it was found that the French had let in water to flood a natural morass which lay between the besiegers and the town, and had thus put a stop to all further ap- proaches in that direction. At this distance therefore the English were compelled to erect their batteries. They had one of four and one of eight guns (all eighteen and twenty-four pounders), a third of five mortars and fifteen royals, and a fourth of fifteen cohorns ; but the French opened ncAv embrasures, established batteries on the crest of tlie glacis, and soon brought a fire ^ Memoire 2>ov'>' JJvpleix ; Biographic Univcrsdlc, Article Dupleix, xii, I 2 IK) KISE OF BRITISH POWEU IN INDIA. ciiAi'. on tlic point of contest which doubled that of the besiegers. The admiral endeavoured to lessen this superiority by a diversion, and drew up all his ships abreast of the town. The depth of water would not allow him to get nearer than 1,000 yards off, and though the cannonade he opened was incessant and was terrible in appearance, it in fact did little injury, so that the French soon ceased to pay any attention to it ; and Boscawen, finding he was wasting ammunition to no purpose, discontinued his fire. The fire from the batteries continued for three days longer, but from the distance could make but little impression, while that of the eneni}^ increased, and dis- mounted nine pieces of cannon of the besiegers. Sick- ness prevailed to a great extent in the camp ; the mon- soon was rapidly approaching, and was preceded by heavy rain which threatened to shut up the roads and actually flooded the trenches. A council of war was held and a retreat resolved on ; the batteries were abandoned, the guns and stores re -embarked, and on October 6 the army set out on its retreat.^ The fort of Ariocopang was blown up as the army passed the site of it. The siege had lasted 42 days from the opening of the trenches. The loss by the English in action and by sickness amounted to 800 European soldiers and 265 seamen. Few of the sepoys were killed, owing to their own pusillanimity as well as the duties they were employed in. It cost the French only 200 Europeans and 50 sepoys. The deliverance of Pondicherry was highly honourable to the abilities of the governor and the activity of the garrison ; but the attack might have * Orme. Narrative of the Transactwis vf the British Squadrons in India, c£-c., by an Officer who served in those squadrons. (London, 1751.) STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. 117 failed, even without such an opposition, from the want chap. of skill on the part of the assailants, ' for,' as Orme very ' truly remarks, ' there are few instances since the use of battering cannon of a siege carried on by Europeans with more ignorance than this of Pondicherry.' 118 RISE OF BKITISH rOWEll IN INDIA. November A.D. 1718. CHAPTER IV. Peace with France — English expedition to Tanjore— Capture of Devi C(5ta and treaty with the Raja — Dupleix's ambitious schemes — Chanda Saheb's adventures — Joins Mozaffer Jang — Their alliance with the French — Defeat and death of Anwar-u-din — Rejoicings at Pondicherry — Attack on Trichinopoly— The Raja applies to the English — Advance of Nasir Jang — Joined by an English force under LaAvrence — Mutiny in the Fi-ench force and its retreat — Dupleix's intrigues with the Patau Nawabs — His enterprises — Capture of Jinji — Attacks Nasir Jang — Death of the Viceroy — Ascendancy of the French — Discontent of the Patan Nawabs — French acquisitions. CHAP. XoT long after the return of the troops from Pon- dicherry, intelligence was received of a suspension of arms between France and England preparatory to a general peace. This information put an end to hos- tiUties between the two nations in India, but as they had still large military establishments, they could scarcely reconcile themselves to sitting down in a state of peace, and were thus easily induced to employ their superfluous forces in the internal wars of the native princes. The English were tempted by a small advan- tage, casually offered, to engage in the concerns of a petty state, but the French entered deliberately on an extensive and well-considered plan for permanently establishing the preponderance of their nation through all the southern part of India. Seiaji, the grandson of Yencaji, and grand-nephew of Sivaji,^ had succeeded to the principality of Tanjore, but had been dethroned by his natural brother Pertdb ' See ii. 406. DUPLEIX AND FRENCH ASCENDANCY. 119 Sing. Having no hopes from any other quarter, he chap. IV. February A.D. 174<). applied to the English for assistance. His cause seemed just, he was supposed to have a strong party m Tanjore, and he promised the cession of Devi C6ta, a place at the mouth of the Coleroon, the possession of which was for many reasons thought desirable to the Company. He accordingly met with a favourable reception, and on his engaging to pay the expenses of the war if success- ful, his other terms were agreed to. The province of Tanjore is bounded on the north by the Coleroon, and extends seventy miles along the sea and sixty inland. It is crossed by many streams, and as every advantage is taken of them by means of mounds and canals, it is one of the best watered and most productive spots in India. Though the government was Maratta at the time we speak of, the people were Tdmul, but probably the military chiefs, especially those of the cavalry, were likewise Marattas. The force sent to restore Seiaji consisted of 4o0 Apiii Europeans and 1,000 sepoys commanded by Captain Cope, and its guns, provisions, and stores were con- veyed in four ships, of which two were of the line. The distance the troops had to march was only twenty-five miles, but before it was accomplished the monsoon set in with a storm which destroyed their tents, injured their equipments, and killed many of their cattle, The flag ship (a seventy-four), a sixty-four, and various other ships were lost at sea on the same occasion. When Captain Cope was able to move, he advanced to the Coleroon, but instead of being joined by friends of Seiaji, he found the whole country against him. The Eno-lish soldiers, who had never before encountered a native power, were dismayed at the formidable appear- ance of their enemies. They narrowly escaped falling 120 RISE OF BRITISH ROWER IN INDIA. CHAR, into an ambuscade prepared for their destruction in tlie ' woods ; and when they reached Devi Cota, such was the hostility of the country and the want of information that they could hear nothing of their ships though anchored within four miles of them. They were there- fore without provisions or guns. The walls of Devi C6ta were too high to be escaladed, a plan proposed by Ensign Clive to blow the gates open with six-pounders was judged too hazardous, and after throwing some shells from cohorns into the place without effect, the force fell back on Fort St. David. It was now clear that the cause of Seiaji was hope- less, but the Enolish had their own character to re- trieve, and hoped by the acquisition of Devi Cota alone to indemnify themselves for the expense of the war. Their whole disposable force, 800 Europeans and 1,500 sepoys, was therefore embarked under Major Lawrence and sent by sea to the Coleroon. They landed on the side of a branch of that river opposite to Devi Cota, June 8, r^Y^^ from that side they determined to batter the town. A.D. 1749. , "^ The wall being of cut stone, and not of mud, was easily breached in three days, but the river was deep and rapid, and could not have been crossed if the carpenter of one of the ships had not volunteered to make a raft capable of carrying over a large part of the troops. To render the invention available it was necessary to have a rope fixed on the opposite side, and the same car- penter swam across in the night and fastened one to a tree near the bank. The rope was sunk under water to conceal it from the enem3^ Xext day 400 Europeans and three field pieces warped across against the stream, to the utter astonishment of the Tanjorines. They, however, manned the walls in multitudes, and lined the shore, keeping up a heavy fire on the troops as they DLTLEIX AND FREXCII ASCEXDANCY. 121 crossed. A footing once rained, the rest of the force CHAr. iv. crossed by def^rees. It lost thh'ty Europeans and fifty . L_ sepoys in the passage. Major Lawrence determined to storm the breach without delay, and sent a platoon of 34 Europeans with 700 sepoys under Ensign (now Lieutenant) Clive, to occupy an unfinished entrenchment which had been thrown up in front of the breach. The Europeans ad- vanced after losing four of their number, but they were not followed by the sepoys, and their rear was thus left entirely without protection. This want of co-opera- tion did not escape the enemy, and when the Euro- peans had reached the entrenchment, and were actually l)resenting their muskets to fire, a party of horse which ]iad been concealed behind a bastion, by a sudden and rapid evolution which manifested the excellence both of the horses and the riders, fell on the rear of the platoon with so much impetuosity that the men had no time to face about and defend themselves, and in an instant twenty-six of the platoon were cut to pieces. A horse- man made a blow at Clive which he avoided, and suc- ceeded in making his way to the sepoys with three others, who were all that survived the slaughter. Major Lawrence now advanced with the main body of the detachment. The Tanjorine horse repeated their charge and were allowed to approach within fourteen yards of tlie line, when a cool discharge from the troops (now fully pre})ared to receive theni) caused such liavoc among tliem that they fled with precipitation, and Law- rence advancing found the breach abandoned and had only to take possession of tlic place. A body of 10,000 Tanjorine horse who had been nosted behind the town moved off at the same time and retired from the field of action. 122 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. The English had now gained their own object by the ' taking of Devi Cota, and the raja had little prospect of obliging them to renounce their conquest ; and, as there could be no hopes of restoring Seiaji against the wishes of the whole of the Tanjorines, there was little difficulty in negotiating a peace. The rdja ceded Devi C(jta and a portion of territory round it, and j^aid a sum of money equal to the expenses of the war. He also agreed to pay an annual pension of 4,000 rupees to Seiaji, and the English engaged to prevent any further disturbance to the government of Tanjore on the part of the latter prince. While the English were affording this example of interference in the affairs of native states, M. Dupleix was engaged in maturing the plan which he had long been meditating. The weakness of the Mogul empire had been much earlier remarked by every European in its dominions. An extravagant contempt for its means of resistance led to the crude attempts of Sir John Child and his contemporaries. The disgraceful failure of those enterprises produced humiliation, and combined with a vao-ue notion of the greatness of Aurano-zib to lead C> O CD men's minds into the opposite extreme of overrating the forces of the government. In the times of which we are writing, the Europeans despised the portions of the system which they themselves saw, but they still in- vested it as a whole with ideas of power and resources immeasurably superior to their own. Dupleix was the first to perceive the relative importance of the Euro- peans. He knew that the breaking up of the Mogul empire must produce civil contests, and he foresaw that the discipline and courage of the Europeans would be called in to the assistance of one or other of the competitors. The French and English in particular, he DUPLEIX AND FrxEXCH ASCENDANCY. 123 thought, would necessarily engage in the disputes which chap. were likely to follow on Asof Jah's death ; the nation ' which had joined the successful party would doubtless employ its power to extirpate its European rival, and the only safe course for either was to be first in the field and to occupy a commanding position before the oppo- site party was aware of the crisis which had arrived.^ He was likewise convinced that the circumstances of the times and the genius of his nation were alike unfavour- able to commerce, and that if the French desired ag-o-ran- disement in India, they must enter on a more adventu- rous career.''^ Fired by these views, so congenial to his natural ambition, Dupleix looked around for an opening through which he might enter into the midst of the struggle of which he foresaw the approach. Anwar-u- din he saw in possession of power, with no temptation to pay dear for foreign aid ; he knew that he was not to be depended on as an ally, and believed hiui to be hostile to the French. Ndsir-u-din, the destmed suc- cessor of Asof Jail, was equally independent of ex- ternal support, and had used his infl.nence with his father to favour the En2:lish in their late war with the French. The family of the last Nabobs of the Carnatic was still popular, and its connections retained the com- mand of many strong places, of which Anwar-u-din (though he had been for four years nabob) had not thought it prudent to dispossess them, but the surviving son of Safder Ali, who was their natural chief, was an infant, and Mortezza Ali, his nearest relation, was dis- qualified by his cowardice and the remembrance of his crimes from heading a party in any cause. In this review his eye rested on Chanda Sdheb, in whom he perceived an instrument every way suited to his ^ Memoire pour DiipJeix, p. 182. ^ Orme. 124 RISE or BKITISII rOWER IN INDIA. CHAP, desiirns. Thono'h Chanda S^heb had no claims to the IV Carnatic, either from descent or appointment, he was connected by marriage with the old family, and from his military reputation, his talents for business, his spirited character, and liberal expenditure, had long been the favourite of its partisans. He was therefore in a situa- tion which made him a powerful confederate, but did not enable him to maintain himself independentl}^ of his ally. He had now been for nearly seven years in confinement at Sattara ; his wife and family had re- mained at Pondicherry, and through them M. Dupleix kept up an intercourse with the prisoner. When his own plans assumed a distinct form, M, Dupleix became anxious to procure the liberation of his intended co- adjutor ; lie entered on negotiations for the purpose with the Marattas, and succeeded in consequence of his AD. 1748. becoming security for the payment of an ample ransom. Chanda Saheb left Sattara wdth eight or ten of his old adherents and a moderate retinue.^ Though he had already hopes of assistance from Dupleix, it was impossible to commence operations in the Carnatic without some army of his own. He had therefore recourse to such means of obtaining men and money as his reputation and the small body of followers attendino* him enabled him to command. He es- poused the cause of the Raja of Chitaldurg in the north-west of the Mysore against the neighbouring Raja of Bednor, but he was unfortunate in his first adventure. A battle took phxce at Meia Conda (half- w\ay between the residences of the contending rajas), ■^ Chanda Sdheb's proceedings on lii;; release are taken from Colonel Wilks, who had much better means of information on that point than the author of La demiere Revohdion des hides (1757), on which Orme seems to found his account. Except for the transactions of the French them- selves, the work just mentioned is entitled to no attention on any subject. DUPLEIX AND FKEXCII ASCENDANCY. 125 in which Chanda Saheb's ally was defeated, his own chap. son killed, and himself taken prisoner. He was fortu- nately consig'ned to the custody of two Mahometan officers, and was able to gain them over to his side. By their means he procured his liberty, but was as far as ever from the means of invadino- the Carnatic. o At this juncture he heard of the death of Asof Jah, an event which led to new combinations, and enabled him to pursue his enterprise under more favourable circumstances than he could possibly have anticipated. Asof Jah left six sons.^ The eldest, Ghazi-u-din, would naturally have succeeded to his usurped territory. He had, however, been for a long time acting as his father's deputy in the high office of Amir-ul-Omra at Delhi, where he was the head of a party ; ^ and either from regard to his interests in that quarter, or from the want of means to assert his rights in any other, he brought forward no pretensions to the government of tlie Deckan, contenting himself with the succession to his father's station at the capital.'' The second son, ^ The account of Asof Jah's sons is from the Khczdneh-ul-Omra. It has been repeated by many authors, and I believe disputed by none. " See ii. p. 049. Book xii. chap. iv. ^ Khezdneh-ul-Omra ; Scir-ul-M(^tdlherin . [The Seir-ul-Motdlcheriib, here for the first time (juoted, is a work of deserved authority and frequently cited in the account of the affairs of Bengal. The author, Mir Gholam Hussein Khan, was a person of high family at the court of Delhi, and on the accession of Aly Verdi Khan to power they became actors in the revolutions which followed. The history bearing the above title (lit. Manners of the Moderns) commences with a l;rief narrative of the struggles that followed the death of Aurangzib, including the invasion of Nadir Shah, the rise of the Marattas, and the invasions of the Dunlnis. The chief interest of the narrative conuuenccs with the wars of JJengal, and is brought down to the chjse of Warren Hastings' administration. The work was translated in 178!) by a French- man resident in India, and the first volume of a revised translation was published by General Briggs in 1832. Professor Cowel, in a note to Mr. Elphinstone's lHdor\i of India, 126 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IX INDIA. CHAP. Ndsir Jangr, had lono; been forgiven his rebelKon.^ He ' had since resided with his father, and had again been entrusted with the command of armies and the adminis- tration of affairs.^ He was therefore looked on as the avowed successor to the government, and took posses- sion without any difficulty or dispute ; his four younger brothers who were on the spot immediately acknow- ledging his title, Asof Jdh had, however, a grandson by a daughter, who had always been a favourite with him, and on whom he had conferred the government of Bijapur. This young prince, whose title was Mozaffer Jano-/ was absent from court when Asof Jah died, and as his residence was in the strong fort of Ad6ni, he thought himself sufficiently secure from Nasir Jang to book xii. chap, i., refers shortly to the work and quotes from the preface to Briggs's translation some lines in high praise of the original, which the translator compares favourably with the historical memoirs of Europe, such as those of Sully, Clarendon, or Burnet. This is an exaggeration. The author enjoyed no such advantages as were possessed by these eminent writers. Its merit is that it introduces the reader to the life of a Mahometan in India during a time of revolution who was an actor in the scenes. The author in later life entered into the service of the English, and writes with some knowledge of the manners of the conquerors and con- quered. The work is valuable as a picture of the times and of the modes of thinking of the natives. Like Burnet he is very fond of gossiping. The author's comparison between native (i.e. Mahometan) and English administration in his time, at the end of the work, is full of shrewd remarks. — Ed.] ** See ante, p. 89. ^ Khezdneh-ul-Omra ; Seir-ul-Motdk/tcrin, iii. 114. See also Nasir Jang's corx'espondence, in his father's lifetime, with Commodore Griffin, and the authority he exercised in the Carnatic. (Rouse's Appendix, No. II. pp. 14, 16, &c.) ' His name was Hedayet Mohei-u-din, by which he is often called. He has been said by some writers to have been the son of a barber, but he was certainly of an excellent family, and descended from the famous Vizir of Shah Jehan, Sadullah Khan. A French historian, on the other hand, connects him through his grandmother with the Emperor Mohannued Shah ; but that author's account of the history of Mozaffer is founded on the most erroneous information. {Dcrniere lievulution, dec. i. 219.) DUPLEIX AXI) FRENCH ASCENDANCY. 127 set up a claim on his own part, founded on an alleged chap. will of his grandfather. The story, however, made ' little impression, for not an individual of the court or camp of Asof Jtih took part with the asserted heir of his choice ; and so little uneasiness did it give to Nasir Jang that he assembled his army and set out for Delhi within a short time after his accession. He had been solicited to march to that capital in a letter, written with his own hand, by the new Emperor, Ahmed Shdh,^ and found sufficient motives for compliance in his father's example on a similar occasion, and in the hope of asfGfrandisino; himself during' the troubles of the sfovern- ment. The mvitation was probably extorted by the fear of a second invasion by the Durdnis, and it was withdrawn when that danger was removed.^ Nasir Jang received this second notification after he had reached the river Nerbudda,^ and by this time he was, in all likelihood, well pleased to be left at leisure to watch the proceedings of Mozaffer Jang. He therefore returned to Aurangabad, where he passed the rainy season. Chanda Sdheb was not long in perceiving the ad- vantage that would result to both from a union between himself and Mozaffer Jang.^ Both were opposed to the established authority, and obliged to try the chance of bold and desperate enterprises ; Mozaffer Jang could bring forth the troops and treasures of his province, and, in his assumed character of viceroy, he might confer on ^ Kliezdiieh-ul-Omra. ' See ii. 658, xii.-iv. M. Dupleix, with his usual intrepidity, asserts that Niisir Jang was summoned to Delhi to answer for his conduct, the government of the Dcckan having previously been conferred on Mozaffer .Jang. Memuiren pour Dupleix, p. 42. ' Kh(i:Ancli,-iil-Omra ; Seir-nl-Motdlchcrin, iii. 114. ^ M. Dupleix states that this connection was fii'st suggested by himself to Mozaffer, who had applied to him for advice, p. 43. 128 msE OF BiuTisii rowEii in india. CHAP. Cbanda Saheb the pretext of a title to the govern- ' ment of Arcot. Chaoda Saheb could repay these obligations by means of his skill and experience, the friendship of the French, and his influence in the Carnatic. The removal of the insurrection to that province was likewise as desirable to Mozaffer Jang as to him, for its long independence made it indifl'erent to the authority of the ruler of the Deckan, and its distance in some measure protected it from his power. Some time may have been required to concert measures with M. Dupleix and with the malcontents of the Carnatic, and the rainy season, which prevented lhe march of Nasir Jang from AurangabAd, must have been equally unfavoural)le to the movements of Mozaffer Jang ; but it is difficult to account for the inactivity of both parties for several months after November 1748, at which period both the monsoons must have exhausted their fur3^ In March 1749 M. Dupleix acquainted the Company with the steps which he proposed to take in consequence of the reported approach of Chanda Saheb, but it was not until July 2 that he informed his Council of the actual arrival of that chief in the neiu'hbourhood of Ambiir. At the same time he announced to them that Ali Rezza, the son of Chanda Saheb, who was at Pondicherry, had engaged to subsi- dise 2,000 of the French sepoys, whom it would other- wise have been expedient to discharge in consequence of the peace with England. M. Dupleix proposed that Chanda Saheb should receive further assistance from the Company in his designs on the government of the Carnatic ; that he should not be called on to pay his subsidy until in possession of the province, and that, in return for these sacrifices, he should immediately DUPLKIX AND FKENCII ASCENDANCY, 129 sign a grant of forty villages in his future province to chap. the Company.'' " Though Chanda Saheb condncted the negotiation in his own name, the advancing army was under the connnand of Mozaffer Jano;, and was said to amount to 40,000 men. Chanda Saheb, with his followers, was enrolled in this army as an ordinary leader of volun- teers, but he Avas in reality the director of nil its pro- ceedings. As soon as M. Dupleix heard of the approach of these chiefs, he sent the 2,000 sepoys, together with 400 Europeans, the whole under the command of M. d'Auteuil, to meet them, and this detachment was allowed to march unopposed past the city of Arcot and to form a junction with the invaders at no great dis- tance from the nabob's army.^ Yet Anwar- u- din had not been ignorant of the attack wdth which he was threatened. He had for some time been preparing his army, and was now encamped near Ambiir at the head of 20,000 men. Like Dost Ali on a former occasion, he had taken post at the mouth of a pass. His flanks were protected by hills, on one of which was the hill fort of Ambiir, and his front defended by an entrenchment furnished with artillery. He had further taken advantage of the neighbourhood of a lake to form a wet ditch and to flood tlie country in front of his entrenchment. It would have been easy for the invading chiefs to have rendered this preparation useless by entering the Carn[iti(; at some other point, but they felt it necessary at any risk to bring matters to a speedy decision. Their funds liad already begun to fail ; the English ''' Memolre puu)- Dupleix, p. 43, and Pures judijicatives, No. I. ^ Dupleix, I'icccs justificatives, No. II. p. 5. K 130 KISE OF BRITLSII I'OWEli IN INDIA. CHAP, could not be expected to remain long insensible to the ' necessity of supporting the government in possession ; and above all they might daily look for intelligence of the approach of Nasir Jang whom they could not with- stand for a moment unless they could gain some repu- tation and stability before his arrival. They therefore determined to attack the nabob in his position, and M. d'Auteuil offered his services to storm the entrench- ment with his own detachment alone. The French moved forward with their accustomed valour, exalted by their sense of the conspicuous station which they occupied in the eyes of the native chiefs and army, but the difficulties of the approach and the heavy fire of the artillery (partly served by European de- serters) compelled them to give up the attack. They soon renewed it with increased courage ; the struggle lasted for upwards of half an hour, and some of the French had actually mounted the breastwork, when they were again constrained to retire. M. d'Auteuil was wounded on this occasion, but such was the im- pression made on the enemy by the indefatigable spirit of the French, that on a third assault they found but a feeble resistance oj^posed to tliem, and quickly made themselves masters of the entrenchment. The road was now open for Mozaffer Jang and Chanda Saheb, and on passing the entrenchment they discovered the nabob's army drawn up in order of battle. But the previous success of the French, and their continued advance on the enemy, soon decided the fortune of the day. The nabob was killed jit the head of his best troops, his eldest son, Malifiiz Khjiu, was taken prisoner, and his youngest and illegitimate son, Mohammed Ali, fled with such troops as he could collect and made his way to Trichinopoly, of which place he was governor. The DUPLEIX AKD FRENCH ASCENDAKCY. 131 French had seventy 4 wo Europeans killed and wounded chap. in this action, and about three hundred sepoys.^ The conquerors entered Arcot in triumph, and Chanda Saheb was formally invested by Mozaffer Jang with the government of the Carnatic. Some time was spent in arranging the administration and collecting money. A general spirit of submission displayed itself ; it is even said that the governor of Fort St. David sent to compliment Chanda Saheb on his accession, but tliis precipitation, though not inconsistent with the timid ])olicy of the English, rests on the authority of the French alone, and is most positively denied by the English.**' The English, however, offered no opposition to the proceedings of the allies, and appear to have been lost in perplexity at the rapid progress of their rivals, to which they knew not on what ground to object. News of a definitive peace had arrived from Europe, and the French, according to the treaty, had restored August, Madras, greatly strengthened and improved smce the time when it fell into their hands ; but as it was still much weaker than Fort St. David, the seat of the Presidency was continued at the latter place. The English took advantage of the existing con- fusions to seize on St. Thome, a small town about four niilcjs south of Madras, which had formerly belonged to the Portuguese and now seemed without an owner, though doubtless situated within the territories of the nabob. The priests and many of the inhabitants, who were Catholics, were ill disposed to the English on account of thtur religion, and the latter people were not « Onuc, i. 130. Wilks's My.wre, i. 25!), 2(Jl. ' For the Frciicli account see Mniioire jiour M. Ihipkh-, p. 40, and the letter of the French deputies in Cambridge's }]'ar hi. the Carnatic, Appendix, p. 1!) ; and for the denial and refutation pp. 2o and oO of the same Appendix. li 2 132 lUSE OF BHlTLsn I'OWEII IN INDIA. CFTAP. without a[)prclic'nsioii that if they omitted to occupy " this vacant possession they might be anticipated by the French.^ After the new nabob and the viceroy had settled their affairs at Arcot they repaired to Pondicherry, where M. Dupleix and the native princes vied with each other in the magniiicence of their interview. They loaded M. Dupleix with every mark of gratitude and respect ; they issued a liberal donation to the detachment which had assisted them. Chanda Saheb gave eighty villages to the Company instead of forty which he had promised, and MozafFer Jano; declared his intention of granting the districts round Masulipatam to the French as soon as his authority should be established in that part of his territory. On one great occasion of ceremony M. Du- pleix did homage to the viceroy, and the latter, after investing him with an honorary dress of the highest rank and of the richest materials, placed his own turban with all its valuable jewels on the head of Dupleix, while he himself put on the hat of the French go- vernor.'^ IJiit tliough no man more enjoyed these pompous festivities than M. Dupleix, he saw Avitli regret the loss of time which they occasioned, and repeatedly urged the native chiefs to move at once to Trichinopoly, and thus extinguish the last remains of internal opposition, before they were called on to encounter Nasir Jang. October They at length set off, accompanied by 800 French and 1749. 300 negroes and Portuguese, in addition to the sepoys ' Onue, i. p. 133 et acq. ^ Orme, and Memoire pour Diipleix. What for want of a Letter term I have called homage is the presentation of certain pieces of money in a particular form. It is an acknowledgment of superiority, but not of any feudal relation. The exchange of turbans among the Indians is equivalent to mutual adoption as brothers. DUPLE [X AND FRENCH ASCENDANCY. 133 who had all alon"; been attached to them. But before chap. r 1 ? . . .IV. they reached Trichinopoly they were induced by their want of funds to turn off to Tanjore where they expected to levy a contribution. Ever since the fall of Bijapiir the Mussulmans had claimed, and when strong enough had compelled, the payment of a tribute from this principality. Chanda Saheb had been defeated in one of these military collections, and as the Raja of Tanjore had kept up a correspondence with his coun- trymen during the Maratta invasion of which Chanda Saheb was the victim, the highest resentment prevailed on the one side and the greatest dread and aversion on the other. The nija therefore strained every nerve to obtain the means of resistino- the threatened attack. He entered into correspondence with Mohammed Ali, and joined with him in earnestly soliciting Ndsir Jang's appear- ance in the Carnatic. He also applied to the English, but with little success ; ^ the heads of their Government were so distracted between the fear of incurring blame in Europe if they infringed the recent treaty with France, and that of being driven out of India if they allowed their inveterate enemies to aggrandise them- selves unopposed, that their whole conduct was a tissue of weakness and inconsistency. They had refused to give effectual support to Mohammed Ali against Chanda Saheb, yet they sent \2() sepoys to assist him in de- fending Trichinopoly ; and although they now encou- raged the Eaja of Tanjore to hold out to the last, the only assistance they gave him was that of twenty men detached from the small party whom they had sent to Mohammed AH.'^ Tanjore was ill pre[)ared for a siege, but Chanda =* Orme, i. l:)8. ' Orme, i. 130. 134 EISE OF BIMTISIT r(nVKlI IN INDIA, CHAP. IV. January, A.D. 1750. Saheb's present object was money and not revenge, and the sack of the town would have enriched the soldiers without relieving the treasury. He was there- fore easily led into negotiations, which were long- protracted by the artful management of the r;ija, and when at last he began hostilities, the Maratta so well assumed the a23pearance of unfeigned alarm, that Chanda Sd,heb renewed the negotiation in full confidence in his sincerity. More time was thus consumed, and when the rdja had brought down the demand on him from forty millions of rupees to seven, he still affected diffi- culty in raising the money, and clogged the payment with so many obstructions, that ere the first instalment had been discharo-ed, his enemies received intelli2:ence of the long- dreaded approach of Nasir Jang, on which they broke up their camp with precipitation, and marched back towards Pondicherry.^ Before they reached their destination, they were surprised by the sudden appearance of a large body of Maratta horse, who attacked them on the line of march, wheeling, firing, and charging individually, according to the loose manner of their nation. Their numbers and audacity would have made a serious impression on the undisciplined portion of the army, had tliey not been kept in check by the French field pieces until the whole force reached A^elamir and took up a strong posi- tion within a short march of Pondicherry. These Marattas had been assembled bv Nasir Jano; to act as light troops with his army and had been detached by a southern pass to harass the enemy, while he himself was slowly advancing from the north. About three thousand of them were commanded by Mordr Iviio of Guti, Avho has been mentioned before,** ■' Orme, i. 139, &c. " See ante, p. 88. DUrLEIX AND FRENCH ASCENDANCY. 135 and were probal)ly the best ^laratta- horse that ever chap. took the field." " Nasir Jang's march had been protracted by the necessity of allowmg time for the feudatories and tribu- taries of tlie southern part of his territory to join his standard. Among these, besides Morar Rao of Guti, were the three Patan Nabobs of Caddapa, Carniil and Shahniir, and the troops of the Rdja of Mysore, under his best general,^ The whole were reckoned, in the usual vague style of the Indians, at 300,000 men, with 1,300 elephants, and a prodigious park of artillery.^ With this great force Nasir Jang advanced towards Pondicherry, making his general rendezvous at Jinji. Meanwhile, M. Dupleix, however he may have been chagrined by the misconduct of his allies, iii no respect abated his exertions to support their cause. He had at first furnished them with money from the Company's treasury, and having exhausted the disposable part of its funds, he next advanced money on his own account, and in this manner he had paid them 200,000 rs., some time before the march to Tanjore. He now made further advances, and received in return an assignment on the revenue of the Carnatic to be paid directly by the collectors into his hands. ^ He likewise increased the Europeans with their army to 2,000. But, as he had ground for uneasiness about the conduct of these last troops, he tliouglit it prudent to endeavour to bring about a pacification. He accordingly wrote to Ndsir Jang, who continued his operations without noticing the overture. ■^ Orme, Lawrence. ^ Wilks, i. 2G2. ■^ Colonel Lawrence in his narrative says 800, but that must be an error of the press. ^ Memoire pour Dupleix, p. 49. 13G RISE OF BRITISH TOWKU IN INDIA. CHAP. That prince had summoned Mohammed All to join L _ him at Jinji, and liad called on the English to send a body of their troops. Among the causes of the irreso- lution of the government of Fort St. David had been their uncertainty whether MozafFer Jang was not the rightfal viceroy of the Deckan, and whether by sup- porting Mohammed Ali they were not flying in the face of the Mogul's authority. The magnitude of Ndsir Jano-'s armament, and the ""eneral adherence of the feu- datories and dependents, at length convinced them that he was the acknowledged viceroy. They therefore laid aside their scruples, ordered their d(}tachinent from Trichinopoly to join him, and sent 600 Europeans under the command of Major Lawrence from the Presi- March 22, deiicv itsclf. This last body joined the viceroy when he was already in sight of the enemy's lines at A'^ilnur. Nusir Jang received the major with great cordiality, and in the spirit of Oriental politeness offered him the command of the whole army ; but when Lawrence suggested that, instead of making an attack in front on the strong position of the enemy, he should dislodge them by cutting off their communication with Pondi- cherry, he at once rejected the proposal as inconsistent with his dignity. The vast superiority of his numbers in some measure justified his confidence. Mozaflxir Jang and Clianda Saheb must themselves have felt that no position could have enabled them to off'er resistance with their own troops, and that all their hopes of victory lay in the valour and discipline of the French, What, then, must have been their consternation when they discovered that they were on the eve of losing that support on which they so exclusively depended. The best oflicers of the French army had been employed on the expedition towards Trichinopoly, DUPLEIX AND FRENCH ASCENDANCY. l']7 some of them had suffered from sickness and fatigue, chap IV and all thought they were entitled to some repose before being sent on a new service. M. Dupleix was obliged to replace them with officers on whom he had less reliance, and these were envious of their prede- cessors, who they said had been enriched by the con- tribution at Tanjore, while they were sent on a duty which promised nothing but danger. On this ground they applied for a donation to jiut them on a level with their fellows, and thought they were treated with gross injustice when their request was refused. Their dis- content infected tlie private soldiers, and gave rise to groundless fears and suspicions. At one time it was said that they were too few to contend with the vast host of Nasir Jano;, at another that Mozaffer Jans; was in league with his uncle, and was only leading on the French to betray them to their enemies ; and these feelings produced a general demand to be marched back to Pondicherry. M. d'Auteuil, who commanded the French troops, endeavoured to keep down this mu- tinous spirit, and succeeded in retaining his troops in their position during the first action with the enem}^ March 24, It was confined to a cannonade, and before it began M. d'Auteuil proposed that the two European nations should forbear firing on each other ; Major Lawrence agreed, but a shot from the French coming near his men he thought it was done to try his temper, and fired three shots in return. None of them were fatal, and tlie whole cannonade produced little effect. That even- ing thirteen French officers shamefully threw up their commissions ; and M. d'Auteuil, anticipating the effect of this desertion on the men, determined at once to march back to Pondicherry. This result of the dis- contents fell like a thunderbolt on Mozaffer Jang and 138 RISE OF BraTISII power in INDIA. CHAP. Chandn Salieb, and chanixecl all their hopes of OTeat- IV. . . . . . ' ncss into fears for their lives and liberty. The weaker mind of MozafFer Jang remained undecided what course to pursue, but Chanda Saheb at once determined to adhere to the French in all extremities, and joined M. d'Auteuil with a body of his most faithful retainers. As soon as the retreat of the French was known, Mordr Rao set off in pursuit of them. He came up with them about daybreak, and attacked them with a vigour and perseverance which is rare even with the best cavalry. He broke into a hollow square which M. d'Auteuil had found it necessary to form, and finding that he was only followed by fifteen horsemen lie made another desperate effort, and forced a passage tlu'ough the opposite side with the loss of nine of his companions. The French would have found it difficult to make their way to the bound hedge had they not been assisted by the activity and resolution of Chanda Saheb and the slender troop which still adhered to his fortunes. MozafFer Jang, separated from his friends, and hourly deserted by numbers of his followers, had no choice but to throw himself on tlie clemency of his uncle. He had been told, or had imagined, that he might be restored to his former government, but as soon as he reached the camp he was thrown into con- finement. The remains of his army were attacked and dispersed in a moment, so that not a trace remained of the formidable confederacy which so lately aspired to the government of the Carnatic and the Deck an. ^ - Mr. Orme alludes to a, report that MozafFer Jang's capture was the result of treachery on the part of Nasir Jang, but Colonel Lawrence (who was present and no panegyrist of Nasir Jang), as well as all the native liistorians, are silent on the subject. DUPLEIX AND FRENCH ASCENDANCY. 139 Forty Frencli gunners, who had unaccountably been chap. left behmd with eleven guns, were cut up by the horse on this occasion, and would all have been de- stroyed, but for the interposition of the English, who succeeded in rescuing a few. It is easy to conceive the anguish with which M. Dupleix beheld the destruction of all his schemes of ambition, the ruin of his friends, and the disgrace of his nation. But these emotions were confined to his own breast ; those around him saw nothing but confidence and serenity. He directed M. d'Auteuil to be brought to trial for retreating without orders, and sent back the army to encamp beyond the bound hedge ; he placed the mutinous ofiicers m arrest, restored order among the men, and soon inspired all with the same ardent desire as himself to efface by some brilliant action the stain brought on them by the misconduct of some of their fellow-soldiers. At the same time he did not neglect the means of attaining his object by amicable arrangement. He March 26, made overtures to Ndsir Jang, and sent deputies to his ^■^' ^^^^' camp to negotiate. His tone, however, was as high as ])efore. After he had with reluctance waived a demand for the release and restoration of Mozaffer Jang, he insisted, as an indispensable condition, that the former government of that prince should be conferred on his infant son, that Chanda Siiheb should be Nabob of the ( 'arnatic, and that none of the family of Anwar-u-din sliould ever succeed to that office. This peremptory ^ n jg^ demand broke off the negotiation. Ndsir Jang was not ^ '^- ^^^^• disposed to foster a rival in his immediate dominions, and having already granted the government of the Carnatic to ]\Iohammed Ali, he could not listen to applications from anotlier (piarter. 110 IlISE OF BIMTISII rOWER IN INDIA. CHAP. \]ut tlioufrh M. Duiilcix failed in his avowed nesfotia- IV. . . . ^ . tion, he succeeded in another whicli he had at least as much at heart. His long residence in India had endued liim witli a thorouo'h knowledofe of the character of the natives, and at the same time had given him a taste, as well as a talent, for their crooked policy and intrigue. The first of these qualities suggested the probability of disaffection among some of the numerous chiefs who accompanied Ndsir 'Tang, and by means of the second he established a communication with those who were most likely to contribute to his designs. The three Pat;in nabobs had joined the viceroy's standard rather as allies than dependents, and expected in return to be gratified in several claims which they had brought forward. Finding that after the defeat of Mozaffer Jang, they were treated as mere feudatories, who had done no more than their duty, they were filled with resentment and disposed to listen to any proposals that held out hopes of revenge. The embassy afforded an opportunity for coming to an understanding with these chiefs, but a long period was still required to settle the terms of their defection, as well as to arrange the time and manner in which it could be made most useful. M. Dupleix did not allow his hopes from their assist- ance to relax his own exertions during the interval. As soon as the negotiation with N.nsir Jang was broken off, 300 Europeans under M. de la Touche were detached from M. d'Auteuil's array to beat up the nabob's camp at night. They entered an exposed quarter, fired with severe effect on sucli of the enemy as were within reach, spread an alarm through the more distant parts to the encampment, and then retired, with scarcely any loss, to their own lines. Three days after this exploit, the viceroy took the IV. DUFLEIX AND IKENCH ASCENDANCY. 141 rcsoltition of returning to Arcot, a measure inexpedient chap in itself and fatal in its conse(|iiences, as occasioning the separation of the English. Major Lawrence had been employed in soliciting an addition to the Company's lands near Madras, and had been wearied out by the evasive answers which he received. He was now told that he should be gratitied on that head if he would accompany the army to Arcot. This proposal was doubly objectionable, as being part of a plan for removing the viceroy from the point where his presence was required for his own interests, and as leaving the English territory exposed without pro- tection to the French ; and Lawrence, who, though a man of sound sense, and an excellent officer, had not the pliancy and address of his European rivals, saw no use in continuing his co-operation when it seemed so little valued. He had also received some intimation of the plots which were in agitation ; and erroneously attributed the formation of them to the prime minister Shah Nawaz Khan, whom he has unjustly suspected of secret opposition to his own views. He had attempted to warn Nasir Jang of his danger, but found his own interpreter too much in awe of the minister to perform his part in the communication. He therefore lost all confidence in his confederates, and determined to return to Fort St. David as soon as the army should commence its march for Arcot. Nasir Jang is represented in very different liglits by his own countrymen and by tlie Euro[)ean writers of this period. To tlic latter lie appeared a worthless voluptuary, remarkable for nothing l)ut slotli, caprice, and incapacity. '11 le native authors, on the other hand, record the skill snid activity l)y wliicli he de- feated and repressed the Marattas in the highest tide IV 142 KISE OK 15U1TI811 i'OWEll IN INDIA. CHAP, of their pros[)(3rity,'' and the personal courage he dis- ])hiyed in his more unfortunate resistance to his father, 'fhcy expatiate on the quickness of his talents and the high cultivation of his understanding, and speak with affection of his amiable disposition and manners. He was himself a poet of considerable merit, and his prime minister Shtlh Nawdz Khan, and his intimate friend and companion Gholdm Ali Azdd, were the best Persian writers of their age. Even this last author, however, who was with him on the mornino; of his death, admits that he had fallen into habits of indulgence in his latter days, and countenances the statement of other writers, that he sacriticed his duties and interests to his pro- pensity for the pleasures of the seraglio and of the chase.^ These last imputations are borne out by his conduct during the whole of this campaign. He should have availed himself of the aid of Lawrence's detachment to attack the French before they recovered from their late reverse and while they were destitute of native allies ; he might then have shut them up in Pondicherry, cut off their communication with the country, and trusted to time and the pressure of those inconveniences for detaching them from their connection with Chanda Sdheb. Instead of this, after wasting time in negotia- tion, he remained in the enjoyment of his favourite pursuits at Arcot, and allowed his enemies to prosecute their plans undisturbed. M. Dupleix did not fail to profit by this supineness ; his vigour and enterprise seeming to increase with his ditticulties, Niisir Jang having ordered tlie French ' See Book xii. chap. iii. ■^ Servi Azdd (quoted by Wilks, i. 2G7). Khezdncli'i-Omra, Supplement to the Mudsir-ul-Omra, Seir-ul-Motdkheiiit. DUPLEIX AND FliENCH ASCENDANCY. 143 factory at Masulipatam to be sequestrated, he sent a chap. detacluiient by sea and occupied that great city itself, . near 400 miles in the rear of Ndsir Janor's position. July 2, Ihis conquest, which from the nature 01 the ground was easily retained, gave the natives a conspicuous proof of his own strength and the weakness of his enemy/ Even before this time, he sent 500 Euro- peans to throw a garrison into the strong pagoda and the town of Trivadi, and to collect the revenue from the adjoining districts. This first step towards the occupa- tion of his territory alarmed Mohannned Ali, who pressed Nasir Jani>" for leave to take the field in its defence. He received such a reinforcement from the viceroy as raised his whole force to 20,000 men, and he obtained 400 Europeans and 1,500 sepoys from Lawrence (who was then in charge of the civil government of Fort St. David), engaging to pay them regularly from his own resources. He then marched to Trivadi, but after being: re- pulsed in an attack on the French position, in which both he and the Eno'lish incurred loss, he ffot into dis- putes with Captain Cope, the commtuider of the latter force, and either from anger or necessity refused to issue the pay which had been promised to them. A reference was made to Fort St. David, and Lawrence, with the same spirit of indignation which had dictated to him the resolution of quitting Nasir Jang, ordered the troops to leave the nabob and return to Fort St. David.^ August 10, Dupleix took iuuuediate advantage of this liasty step, lie sent a rciufurceniciit ^vlli(•ll ((impK'tcd (he detachment at Trivadi to 1,800 Europeans, 2,500 sepoys and 1,000 of Cliaiida S;iliel)'s horse. Witli tlicsc tlic '' Mcmvirc punr JJnphix, p. 50. Unuc, i. 150. " Ornie, i. 153 and 154. A.J). 1750. 144 KISK OF IHJiriSlI J'OWKR IN INDIA. CHAP. Freiicli attacked tlic nabob, and in a short time totally IV. , . . , -^ defeated and dispersed his army, Avith scarcely the loss August 21, of a man on their side. The nabob fled to Arcot with a few attendants. Animated by this snccess, M. Diipleix determined to attempt the bold enterprise of an attack on Jinji. This renowned fortress, which so long re- sisted all the power of Aurangzib,'' was unable to with- stand the skill and valour of a French detachment. A force drawn np before the town was defeated and pur- sued within the walls. Three steep and carefully forti- fied mountains, which form the strength of the place, were attacked in the night. Redoubt after redoubt was carried with the bayonet, and neither the strength of the forts on the summits nor the difiiculty of ascending the crags on which they stood could offer any obstruc- tion to the impetuosity of the assailants ; the gates were blown open with petards, the forts were stormed, and by daybreak the whole of Jinji was in possession of the French. These brilliant exploits restored the reputation of the French, and raised it to a higher pitch than ever. They at length roused Ndsir Jang from his dream of security. Considering the rebellion to be crushed by the captivity of Mozaffer Jang, he had sent back a large portion of his own troops and allowed many chiefs to return to their possessions. He now endeavoured to reassemble those forces, but the rains which were at their height above the ghats, and were impending in the Cju'natic, were unfavourable to that 0})eration. scptem- At length he moved from Arcot and slowly advanced 1750. towards Jinji. While he was yet sixteen miles from that place his progress was arrested by the setting in of the monsoon, which completely inundated the country, ' See ii. Book xi. chap. iii. DUPLEIX AND FRENCH ASCENDANCY. 145 and after the first Imrst, lie foniirl liimself sluit up be- chap. ... . IV tween two swollen rivers. In tins situation lie remained for two months. His army was nearly as great as ever in numbers, though much diminished in fighting men ; and it was not long before it began to suffer from scarcity as well as from sickness and the inclemency of the weather. In these circumstances, Nasir Jang made overtures in his turn to the French ; on which M. Dupleix raised his terms, requiring the cession of Masulipatam, and the temporary occupation of Jinji, in addition to his former demands. This led to a protracted negotiation ; and M. Dupleix had full time to carry on his intrigues with the disaflTected cliiefs. He had now gained a body of Marattas in addition to the Patan nabobs, and by the beginning of December the plot was ripe for execution. The French were to make a night attack on the camp, and their confederates were to chano-e sides durino; the action, when the suddenness of their defection could not fail to decide the fate of the battle. Just at this time Nasir Jang made new proposals, and such as M. Dupleix was well disposed to accept ; but the order had already gone to strike the blow, and it was too late to suspend its effects. M. d'Auteuil being disabled by illness, the command fell on M. de la Touche, who marched from Jinji with Decem- 800 Europeans, 3,000 sepoys, and ten field pieces. He a.d. 1750. set out at night, and being furnished with guides by the confederates he reached the skirts of the Mogul camp before morning. The army was scattered over eighteen miles of ground, and as it was completely taken by surprise difi'erent parties came without concert to the point attacked ; they were encountered in suc- cession and easily driven off by the French field pieces. The park, with a strong body of irregular infantry *L 140 lUSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, attaclied to it, was passed without a conflict. By this ' time tlie day broke : half the viceroy's army had not been enu'ao-ed, and M. de la Tonclie mio;ht still have been overpowered when the smallness of his force was observed. He had occupied three hours in making his way for three miles into the encampment, and as yet lie had heard nothing of his allies. While in the midst of these reflections he saw before him a vast body of horse and foot drawn up in order, extending as far as the eye could reach, and his troops were on the point of losino; coura2:e at the idea of havinof still to contend witli this formidable host when they perceived in the centre of it an elephant bearing a large white flag. This was the concerted signal of the confederates, and was welcomed with repeated shouts by the soldiers. More white flags were seen to rise amidst other bodies of troops, and M. de la Touche was soon informed of an event which of itself was more important than any victory he could have gained. When Nasir Jang first learned that his army was seriously attacked he rose and prepared to move to the point assailed. His manner was cheerful and composed, but he did not mount his elephant until he had performed his devotions and solemnly commended himself to the protection of Providence. Warnino; was mven to him of tlie intended perfidy of the Afghans, but from his unsuspecting temper he refused to credit it and went straight to tlieir part of the line to satisfy himself of their fidelity. The first chief he came to was Himmat Khdn, Nabob of Caddapa, and as he drew near he saluted him by raising his hand to his head. The compliment was not returned, and as it was not broad daylight Nasir Jang thouiji-ht it mio-ht not have been observed. He therefore raised himself in his howdah to repeat the salutation, DUPLEIX AND FRENCH ASCENDANCY. 147 when he received two shots through his body, one fired chap. })y the nabob himself and another by an attendant who ' was behind him on his elephant. He immediately fell down dead, and Himmat Khan ordered his head to be cut off and stuck on a spear. Tliis assassination was certainly unpremeditated. The nabobs would have joined the French and would not have scrupled to take the viceroy's life in battle, but they could never have anticipated that it would be placed within their power by a spontaneous act of the victim.^ Mozaffer Jang was forthwith released from prison and saluted master of all the dominions of Asof Jdli. The whole of Ndsir Jang's army hastened to submit to him, and by nine in the morning tranquillity was restored throughout the encampment. !Shah Ndwaz Khan, the minister, fled to a fort, and Mohammed Ali mounted his fleetest horse and set off with two or three attendants for Trichinopoly. Three of the late viceroy's younger brothers were in the camp, but without adherents and unprepared for a crisis they could offer no resistance to their nephew. News of this revolution was soon brought to Chanda Saheb at Pondicherry, and he ran overjoyed to the Government House to give the first intelligence to M. Dupleix. They embraced like two friends escaped from a ship- wreck. The event was announced to the town by a general discharge of the artillery, and in the evening M. Du})leix held a court and received the congratula- tions of all the inhabitants. " Ornie (i. 155 to 161), Wilks, Dupleix. Many passages in the account of the storm of Jinji and in the succeeding narrative arc copied verbatim from Orme ; hut fithcrs vary considerably from his statements, and in them I have chiefly been guided by Dupleix and Wilks. The circumstances of the death of Nasir .Jang are entirely from ilm Scr id Azdd (quoted by Wilks, i. 207) and the Mudsir-id-Omrd. 1 9 148 KISE OF BK1T1«11 i'OWEU IN INDIA. CHAP. M. Diinlcix had now attained the summit of his IV ' ambitious wishes. The Carnatic was in a manner his own, the Deckan was at his feet ; and it was no extravagant imagination to suppose that the influence of his nation mis^ht ere long- be extended over Hindostan. Decern- Ten days after the battle Mozaffer Jang appeared at ^■D^i7r,o. Pondicherry and was received with every mark of joy and of respect. Shows and processions were repeated with as much eagerness as before, but with an increase of magnificence proportioned to the occasion, which was not now the occupation of a province but the un- disputed acquisition of a great kingdom. But Mozaffer Jang's share in all the rejoicings of which he was the object was embittered by his situation in reference to the Patau nabobs. While still a prisoner he had agreed to all their demands, and they were not men either to be persuaded out of solid advantages or to be provoked with impunity by neglect of their acknowledged claims. They had called for a confirmation of the concessions made to them on the very day of Nasir Jang's death, and had been put off for the time on the plea of the necessity for consulting M. Dupleix. To him they now applied as the common arbiter of the affairs of all the confederates. Their expectations were excessive in themselves, and if acquiesced in would have authorised pretensions on the part of the other chiefs which the wliole of the viceroy's territory would have been insufficient to satisfy. M. Dupleix therefore employed all his skill to in- duce the nabobs to a2:ree to more moderate terms. He pointed out the necessity of leaving the viceroy in a fit condition to maintain his government, and declared that although he himself had as large a share as any one in that prince's restoration, he should expect no advantage that might tend to embarrass his affairs. DUPLEIX AND FRENCH ASCENDANCY. 149 These arguments made no impression on the Patiins, ^^^^■ but they were well aware that it was useless to press — __ — their demands if the French chief declared agjainst them. They therefore agreed among themselves to seem satis- lied with what was allowed to them, and even submitted to swear fidelity to MozafFer Jang, an acknowledgment of superiority never before yielded by themselves or their ancestors to anyone under a crowned head. They acted their part so well that M. Dupleix him- self was deceived, and thouo-ht that he had succeeded in reconciling them to his decision ; but their feehngs of shame for their unprofitable treachery and of revenge against the authors of their humiliation were only the more inflamed by the necessity for concealment. This pressing demand being to appearance adjusted, the claims of others came to be considered. Some part of Nasir Jang's treasures had been plundered, the rest was divided among the conspirators — one-half to the three nabobs, and a sixth each to Chanda Sdheb, Mozafi'er Jang himself, and the French. The jewels, however, wliich were of great value, remained with the new viceroy. The acquisitions of the French were very moderate with reference either to their merits or their power. Their share of the treasure was 100,000/. ; half of which was a donation to the troops, and the rest went to pay the expenses incurred by the Company. The territorial cessions (including the confirmation of a previous grant of 9,000/.) amounted to no more than 38,000/. a year ; and the liberality to individuals ^ was " Ormc mentions it as the common report that M. Dupleix received 200,000/., besides many valuable jewels from the treasures of Nasir Jang; and a similar charge seems to have been brought forward by the French Company ; but it is expressly denied, and to appearance disproved by J50 KISE OF BlUTISH POWEU IN INDIA. CHAP, not greater than niiglit have been dictated by the L_ gratitude of the prince whom they had phiced upon the throne. Chanda Saheb received the government of Arcot. Tlie best authorities ^ state that he was to hold it under M. Dupleix, who was to govern all the countries below the Ghats, to the south of the river Kishna, as vice- gerent for Mozaffer Jang. The French commissioners also in 1754 appear to have produced a patent from Mozaffer Jano' to the above effect.^ But it is difficult to reconcile this part of the arrangement with the silence of M. Dupleix himself, and with the manner in which his appointment is treated when really conferred by SaMbat Jang m 1753. It was then spoken of as a new transaction, and was confined to the province of Arcot.^ All that was wanting to complete the settlement of the Carnatic was the possession of Trichinopoly, and that seemed to be on the point of attainment, Mohammed Ali havino; all but eno-a^'ed to surrender the fort and to give up his claim to the province of Arcot, provided a government were assigned to him in another part of January 4, tlic viccrov's territory. It was therefore determined A D 1751 that Mozaffer Jang should proceed to take possession of his capital ; and that, for his greater security, he should be accompanied by a French detachment, under the command of M. Bussy. Mozaffer Jang appears himself to have been sincerely M. Dupleix (Fi^es duSieur Dupleix, Paris, 1763, especially the letter from M. De Larche, p. 23). He himself states (Memoire, p. 61) that he received a personal jagir of 10,000?. a year, not more than has at other times been given both in Europe and Asia for similar services . ^ Orme, Wilks, &c. - Cambridge's War in India, Appendix, p. 2. ^ Memoire pour Dupleix, p. 232, DUrLEIX AND FRENCH ASCENDANCY. 151 attached to tlie French, and conscious that his only chap , *^ IV. hopes of power or even safety depended on their sup- port. While with M. Diipleix, he was implicitly guided by the advice of that statesman, and, after his march, the snme influence was maintained by M. Bussy with the aid of Rao-ondt RAo, a Brahmin in the French in- terest, who had been appointed prime minister to the viceroy.^ This was probably the time of the highest ascend- ancy of the French in India. They afterwards ex- tended their possessions and increased their military fame, but what they gained in greatness they lost in stability. The English also had by that time begun to rise from the depressed state in which they had hitherto remained, and to show themselves the formidable rivals they afterwards proved. The passion of the French for military glory, combined with the natural quickness and versatility of their talents, enabled them to enter warmly into new designs, and at once to apply the whole of their abilities to their object, but even long success did something to relax their exertions, and repeated failures produced weari- ness and depression. The English were averse to entering on wars which they thought did not concern them, and had no readiness at adapting themselves to new situations. It was not until they were roused by opposition and by national rivalry that they engaged heartily in the contest and exerted all their faculties to succeed. When this was once done, they showed a stubborn and determined spirit which carried them, through good and bad fortune, to the final establish- ment of their empire in the East. " Seir-rd-MotdlJierin, iii. 117. 152 lUSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAPTER V. Alarm of the English — Despatch of a force to Trichinopoly — Struggle for the possession of Volconda — Operations before Trichinopoly — Olive's early career — Recommends an attack on Arcot — Gallant defence of Arcot by Olive — French attack on Trichinopoly — The Raja is assisted by the Dalwai of Mysore — Olive's victory over Rezza Sdheb — The advance of the English force under Lawrence and re- treat of the French — Operations against Seringham — Olive's personal adventures — Total destruction of French detachments — Desperate circumstances of the French — Ohanda Saheb deserted by his chiefs — Surrender of d'Auteuil's detacliment — Negotiations for the surren- der of Ohanda Saheb — His fate — Capitulation of Law . CHAP ^^'^ ^^^^^ juncture the fate of India hung on the ^- transactions at Trichinopoly. If that place were sur- rendered or taken, the cause of Mohammed Ali was extinguished for ever : the expulsion of the English must speedily have followed, and all the great changes that have since taken place must have been stopped in the commencement, or accomplished in some other form through the agency of the French. The importance of the crisis had become evident to the most obtuse, and as Mr. Saunders, the new Governor of Fort St. David, was a man of sound sense and firmness, the English henceforth laid aside their desultory operations, and pursued with steadiness a plan adopted on an enlarged view of the politics of the Deckan. Then* first measure was to strengthen and encourage Mohammed Ali. Major Lawrence had sailed for Europe, but they detached 280 Europeans and 300 sepo37-s to Trichinopoly under the command of Captain Cope. This sign of vigour, to- CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 153 gether with the death of IMozaiFer Jang, which happened chap. about the same time, determined Mohammed Ali to break off his neootiations. His situation was still full of February, O A.D. 17ol. danger. Chanda Saheb had repaired to Arcot, and had received the submission of all the chiefs and territories to the north of the Coleroon. The possession of Trichi- nopoly retained the southern countries in nominal obedi- ence to ^lohammed Ali, but to make his authority practi- cally useful, he was obliged to detach a force of 6,000 of his own troops with 30 Europeans into Tinavelly. While they were there, his own officer in Madura, the chief town of the country between that and Trichinopoly, revolted and declared for Chanda Saheb. Tlie greater part of the English troops were sent to reduce liim [ind were joined by those from Tinavelly. A breach was made, but although the Europeans and disciplined sepoys vied with each other in the spirit with which they attempted to storm, they were repulsed with heavy loss and constrained to retreat to Trichinopoly. On this occasion more than half of the nabob's troops went over to the enemy, and about the same time jMohammed Ali received intelligence that Chanda Saheb was pre- paring to come against him without delay. On this he addressed fresh entreaties to the English Government for further supplies of troops, and promised cessions near Madras in return for their assistance. The English had before made up their minds to support him, and at this moment they had just been provoked and alarmed by an ostentatious manifestation of the superiority of Lhe French, who in the course of a revenue survey surrounded the narrow territory of the English with their white flags, and even advanced those marks of their own pretensions witliin the hitherto admitted boundary. Animated by these feelings, they strained every nerve to 154 EisK or BrtiTisii power tn india. CHAP, meet the exigency. They immediately prepared a de- tacliment consisting of 500 Europeans (of whom 50 were oSrii°^ cavahy), 100 negroes, and 1,000 sepoys, witheiglit field A.D. 1751. pieces, under Captain Gingen, a Swiss officer in their service, and only delayed its march until it should be countenanced by the junction of a small party belonging to Mohammed Ali, whom they studiously put forward as the principal in the war. As these troops advanced, they dislodged a garrison of Chanda Saheb's from Yerdachelam, a strong pagoda about forty miles from Fort St. David, the possession of which was necessary to secure the communication between that place and Trichinopoly. At an equal distance further on, and a little to the right of the direct road to Trichinopoly, they came in sight of Chanda Sdheb's army encamped near Volconda. This is a very strong hill fort, and from its situation it was of great importance to both parties to possess it. Before they reached Yolconda the English had been joined by a reinforcement sent to meet them from Trichinopoly, and now amounted to 600 Europeans, 1,000 Sepoys, and 5,000 of the nabob's troops. Chanda Sdheb had a more numerous body of the same undisciplined soldiery, and the French mustered about 600 Europeans and 5,000 sepoys.^ M. d'Auteuil, who commanded the French, was en- deavouring to prevail on the Mogul governor to admit him into the fort when the English arrived, and these last immediately entered on a similar negotiation. The governor amused both parties for a fortnight, till the English commander got impatient, and determined to ^ There are different accounts of this force. Dupleix states the Euro- peans at 400, La DernUre Revolution at near 1,000, Major Lawrence at 600. CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 155 take the place by force. He Mled in an attempt at a chap. sudden escalade, and the fxovernor called in the French. L _ This was foreseen, and the English were drawn up to J"^>'7,' , ' O ^ J- A.D. 1751 oppose the entrance of any troops into the place. Yet when the French appeared, instead of at once attacking them, the English commander assembled his principal officers to consult what was to be done. The hesitation of the officers begot distrust among the soldiers. While they were deliberating, the French approached the fort, and the action began, too late to intercept them. At this moment one of those incidents took place which show how easily fear infects small bodies even of l)rave men. A tumbril in the French column was struck by a shot and blew up, on which (says Orme) about 100 of the Europeans, with M. d'Auteuil at their head, ran away to the fort of Volconda, where they were admitted. If this flisrht had been a deliberate stratasfem it could not have been more successful. It put an end to the neutrality of the fort. A heavy fire opened from the walls, and the English, struck with a panic in their turn, fled most shamefully from the field, accompanied by some of their officers. The other officers endea- voured in vain to rally them. Abdul Wahdb, the nabob's brother, rode up to them and upbraided them with their cowardice, and, to complete their disgrace, the nabob's troops stood their ground, and their own negroes remained in perfect order, and brought ofi' the dead and wounded after they had been abandoned by the Europeans. All accounts agree, that the destruction of the English army was inevitable if the victory had been followed up ; but no pursuit was attempted, and we are left to wonder at the misconduct of both parties throughout the whole afl^air. Next day tlie English retreated twenty-five miles to the pass of Uttatoor on A.D. 1751. 150 RISE OF BlUTISII TOWER IN INDIA. CHAP, the direct road to Tricliinopoly. They maintamed this ' post for three days, during which the same men whose behaviour had been so dastardly just before, conducted themselves with the greatest steadiness and courage. They repelled an attack by the whole of the enemy's .Inly 11, army ; but fearful of being cut off from Tricliinopoly, they retreated on the fourth night, and after a march of eighteen miles, arrived on the river Coleroon, within sight of that fortress. The city of Tricliinopoly forms a parallelogram of two miles in length and one in breadth. It is sur- rounded by a double rampart of solid stone, with a wet ditch thirty feet broad. It stands on an extensive plain, on which are several detached rocks affording advantageous posts, and which is cut by ravines and hollow ways capable of concealing and covering troops. The town is 500 yards from the Caveri, which bounds the plain on the north. This river rises in the Western Ghats and flows through the Mysore. It falls over a cascade 150 feet high on its upper course, and is so rapid even at Tricliinopoly that when swelled by the rains it can scarcely be crossed even in boats. The Caveri divides into two branches about three miles above Trichinopoly and to the north-west of that city. The southern stream retains its name ; the northern is called the Coleroon. The two branches are separated by a slip of land two miles broad at first, but soon getting narrower and continuing to contract until, at the end of thu'teen miles, it would, if left to nature, have come to a point and formed an island. Had this taken place the two rivers, reunited, would have flowed straight to the sea through the channel of tlie Coleroon, and the kingdom of Tanjore would liave been deprived of the Caveri, to CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 157 the numerous brandies of which it owes its irreat fer- chap. & V. tility. To obviate this calamity the Tanjorines raised a strong and broad mound a mile long, which prevents the encroachment of the rivers on the isthmus until the nature of the ground causes them again to diverge, and widens the interval between them. As the destruction of this embankment by an enemy would be disastrous to Tanjore, the mud fort of Coiladi is erected for its protection at a distance of a mile. In the western part of the island (where it is broadest) and nearly opposite to Trichinopoly at a distance of two miles stands the great pagoda of Seringham, celebrated for its sanctity, and important in a military view from its extent and the solidity of its materials. It has seven walls, the outermost of which is four miles in circumference. Half a mile eastward of Seringham is another pagoda called Jambu Kishna, remarkable for nothing but the extent of its enclo- sure. The operations now about to commence occupied three years, and the country just described became the scene of manoeuvres, stratagems, ambuscades, and adventures which we read with unabated interest through half a quarto volume of Orme, but of which only the most important can be touched on here. The English crossed the Coleroon on to the island in boats during the night. They first occupied the pagoda of Seringham, but finally withdrew under the walls of Trichinopoly, the greater part of them encamp- ing on the soruth -western side. Chanda Saheb and the French occupied the pagodas, and leaving a garrison, proceeded across the island to the C;iveri. They drove Middle of the English out of Coiladi (of which they had possessed a d^Ttm themselves), and afterwards crossed the Caveri, and 158 KISE OF ElUTISll TOWEU IN INDIA. CHAP, encaniped on the sontli bank to the east of Trichi- '. nopoly.^ The Enolish were afterwards twice reinforced from Fort St. David, but after all had only 600 Europeans, \vhile the French had 900, and were still more superior in the number of their sepoys. Chanda Stiheb's troops had been constantly increasing, and were ten times more numerous than those of the nabob, which more- over were useless and inefficient.^ The reinforcements had been commanded by Clive, who had returned to the civil service after the siej^e of Devi Cota, but in the present active times had again joined the army, and was now made a captain for the skill and gallantry with which he conducted these parties through many perils to their destination. He was struck with the disparity between the assailants and defenders of Trichinopoly, and to restore the balance he proposed to the Government of Fort St, David to lead a detachment against Arcot itself, which had been exhausted of troops, and which the enemy 'tnight be expected to sacrifice all other objects to protect. Fort St. David and Madras were nearly stripped of their garrisons to form this detachment, and after all it only amounted to 200 Europeans and 300 sepoys, with three field pieces. The officers were eight in number, and all but two were writers and others never before employed in a military capacity. Their whole strength - Orme, Lawrence, Dupleix, La Demiere Reiobition. ^ There are great discrepancies in the accounts of the numbers of the French. M. Law flatly contradicts M. Dupleix, and the latter is incon- sistent with himself. Of the two I should give most credit to M. Law, but I have preferred that of Orme (though more nearly approaching to Dupleix's), because he had seen both accounts and had access to othtr materials besides. CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 159 lay ill their commander and in the confidence with chap. which he inspired them. " Captain Clive was the son of a Shropshire gentleman of ancient family but moderate estate. He had given many proofs of a bold and decided character in his youth, though he made little progress in his studies. At eighteen he went out as a writer to Madras. For some time after his arrival he was not known to a sinMe family in the place, and was too shy or too proud to court acquaintance.'^ He pined for home, and fell into one of those fits of depression to which he was liable through life. All this gloom was dispelled by the first appearance of military operations. After the capture of Madras he escaped in the disguise of a native. He afterwards obtained permission to serve with the army, and showed himself the first in every danger and the coolest and clearest in every deliberation. Before this time he had been restless and insubordinate, but beino; now in his natural element, ail his irregularities dis- appeared. He showed no impatience of the yoke of military discipline, and early became the favourite of his commanding officer.^ He was twenty-six years of age when he marched for Arcot, and his character has never been better described than it was in reference to that period by his friend and patron Major Lawrence. ' He was,' says tliis gallant veteran, ' a man of un- daunted resolution, of a cool temper, and a presence of mind which never left him in the greatest danirer. Born a soldier ; for without a military education of any sort, or much conversing with any of the profession, from his judgment and good sense he led an army like * See a letter to his criusin datod Febrnaiy, 1745. Malcohn^s Life of Clive, i. 41. * Malcolni's Life of dim; Biogrophla JJritanuica. IGO IJISK OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. ciiAP. m^ experienced officer and a brave soldier, with a pru- dence that certainly warranted success.' A'f' no'j' ^^^ marched from Madras on August 26, and reached Arcot on the 31st. The garrison, though more than double Olive's numbers, evacuated the place, and he marched in amidst the wonder of 100,000 spectators. The town being open, he took up his quarters in the fort. He there found ii-oods belono-ing; to merchants to the value of five lacs of rupees, all of which was immediately restored to the owners, and the inhabitants of the space within the walls were left undisturbed in their dwellings. His first care was to lay in provisions, and to prevent active obstruction from the garrison, which remained within a few miles of the town, he repeatedly beat up their quarters, and kept them on the defensive until they had increased their strength by recruits from the country and till Clive was obliged to send out part of his small force to escort two eighteen- pounders which had been sent to him from Madras. They then ventured on an attempt to recover the fort. This attack, though persevered in for a whole night, was at last repelled, but a much more serious contest was now impending. The occupation of Arcot had produced the desired impression at Trichinopoly. Four thousand of Chanda Saheb's best troops were sent to recover it ; they were joined on their march by 150 Europeans from Pondi- cherry and, after they reached Arcot, by the former garrison and by Mortezza Ali with 2,000 horse from Vellor. The whole were under Chanda Siiheb's son, Septcm- I^ezza Saheb. They entered Arcot on September 23. ^^'" -•^;.., On the 24th Clive made a sally at noonday and pene- trated to the gates of the nabob's palace, where Rezza Sdheb had fixed his head-quarters. This bold attack CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. ] (i "svas nnsiiccGssfiil, l)iit it left both parties impressed witli chap a high opinion of the Englisli. CUve's force was now L_ reduced to 120 Europeans and 200 sepoys, with four officers in all for duty ; and the enemy had loO Euro- peans, 2,000 sepoys, o,000 horse, and 5,000 irregular infantry. The fort Avas a mile in circumference ; the wall was in many ])lnces ruinous, the rampart too narrow to admit of artillery, the parapet low and slightly built ; several of the towers were decayed, and none of them capable of receiving more than one })iece of cannon ; the ditch was in most ])laces fordable, in others dry, and it was crossed at each of the two gates by a solid causeway. As the garrison had but a small stock of provisions, it was necessary to send away all the inhabitants except a few artificers. The enemy at first had no battering guns, but they threw shells into the fort and kept up such a fire from the surrounding houses that they killed and wounded several of the garrison notwithstanding the care taken to keep theui concealed. On three different occasions they kil'ed the sergeants who singly accompanied Clive in going the rounds. At the end of a fortniHit the batterinir o-uns O Oil arrived ; they consisted of two eighteen-pounders and seven guns of smaller calibre. They soon dismounted or disabled the guns in the fort excei)t one eighteen-pounder and three field-pieces, and these were obliged to be kept out of fire and reserved for great occasions. The enemy were thus left to carry on their opei-a- tions unopj)osed, and in six days made a practicable bi'cach fifty feet wide in the north-west part of tlie fort. 'J'lie ii'arrison Mere iiidcfatii>al»le in counteractinu" this damage, men and officers labouring indiscriminately, and they so far succeeded in cutting off the breach that the enemy thought it ad\isal»l(' to begin a new one iu *M ICd KISE OF BRITISH POWER IX INDIA. '^'"AJ'- an opposite quarter. Otlier measures of attack and ' defence were undertaken by both parties, and at one time Mortezza Ali, affecting to have quarrelled with liezza Siiheb, tried to tempt Clive into a sally by a promise of co-operation. During- these proceedings the besieged had tlie mortification to learn that a reinforcement which they expected from Madras had been constrained to fall back ; the failure of provisions be^analso to be severely felt/' and the new breach, in spite of all opposition, increased every day. In this desperate state of the garrison, Kezza Saheb offered honourable terms to all and a large sum of money to Clive, adding that in case of further resistance he would storm hnmediately and put every man to the sword. His proposals were scornfully rejected, and the motives which led to them were soon after disclose;!. Morar Rao of Guti had ^^. engaged in a confederacy in ftxvour of Mohammed Ali, and was now within thirty miles of Arcot, and the reinforcement from Madras, increased in numbers, was again on its march under Captain Kilpatrick. It there- fore became evident that no time was to be lost in attempting to carry the fort by storm. The new breach was now thirty yards wide, but the ditch at its foot was not fordable, and the garrison had counterworked this breach as they had before done the other. Nevertheless an assault was ordered on all parts of the walls at once, to take place at daybreak next morning. This hap- ® Tliis circumstance drew forth a proof of generous self-devotion on the pai't of the sepoj^s, which sliowed liow much they were ah'eady at- taclied to their leader and to the English cause. The rice (the only food left) was insuthcient to allow above half a meal for each man, and they re- qiiested that the whole might be given to the Europeaiis (whose hxbour as well as their habits required solid food), and that they might receive nothing but the gruel in which it had been boiled. — Malcoim^s Liff of Clive, i. 9G. CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 163 pened to be one of the great days of the festival of chap. Moharrem, when the Mussulmans commemorate the " murder of the two sons of All, and are inflamed by Novem- '' bcr 14. mental and physical excitement to the highest pitch of a. 0.1751. religious frenzy. In this spirit they advanced to the attack. Besides multitudes that came with ladders to all the accessible parts of the wall, there were four principal columns directed against the two breaches and the gates. Clive had lain down to take a moment's sleep, when he was awakened by the tumult which arose on every side. The attacks on the gateways were pre- ceded by elephants, whose foreheads were protected by strong iron plates to enable them to burst open the gates, but these animals, terrified by the noise of the musketry and galled by the bullets, soon turned and trampled down the troops that followed them. A raft^i. was launched on the ditch under the south-east breach ; seventy men embarked on it, and in spite of opposition from the musketry, and from two field-pieces in the breach (which were probably kept under by the fire of the storming- party on the bank), they had nearly made good their landing, when Clive, observing the bad aim of the artillerymen, pomted one gun himself, and struck down several of the assailants ; the rest were thrown into such confusion that they overset the raft, and those thought tliemselves fortunate who were able to escape by swimming. But the most desperate attack was on the breach to the north-west. There the ditch offered no obstruction, and the storming-party poured at once into the breach, which they mounted with a mad im- petuosity, while niJiny of those who could not find room to ascend, sat down under the wall to be at hand to relieve those in advance. These last passed the breach, and some were AN'ithin all the defences before the H 2 164 RISE or BRITISH POWER IN INDIA, CHAP. Englisli gave fire. They at length opened their guns, ' and kept up an incessant discharge of musketry, those behind handing loaded muskets to the soldiers in the front rank. Every shot told, and sliells with short fuses being thrown (like grenades) among the crowd, increased the greneral confusion. The first assailants gave way, and were succeeded by another and tlien another body, until, after the assault had continued on all parts for an hour, the enemy relinquished their attacks at once, and soon after retreated and disap- peared. This attack had been repulsed by no more tlian eiglity Europeans and 120 sepoys (the rest being disabled by wounds and sickness), and this small party, besides serving five guns, fired 12,000 musket- cartridges during the storm. At daybreak the whole army had abandoned the town, and the garrison joyfully issued out and took possession of four pieces of artillery, four mortars, and a large quantity of ammunition which had Noveni ber 15, A.D. 1751. been left behind This defence made a strong impression on the country, and was the first step to retrieve the British character in the East.^ After Clive had been joined by his own reinforce- ments and a body of Morar Rao's horse, he set out in pursuit of Rezza Saheb, wliom he before long defeated and constrained to take refuge in Jinji ; COO of tlie '' [Orme (i. 200) concludes liis narrative of this remarkable defence with the following encomium on the heroic band : ' Thus ended this siege, maintained fifty days, under every disadvantage of situation and force by a handful of men in their first campaign, with a spirit worthy of the most veteran troops ; and conducted by their young commander with indefatigable activity, unshaken constancy, and undaunted courage ; and, notwithstanding he had at this time neither read books nor con- versed with men capable of giving him much instruction in the military art, all the resources wliich he employed in the defence of Arcot were such as are dictated by the best masters in the science of war.' — Ed.] CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 165 French sepoys of liis army deserted and came over to chap. the Ens'lish. " The great pagoda of Conjeveram, between Arcot and the coast, was still in possession of the French ; and Olive's next operation was to dislodo-e them. He sum- December, A.D. 1751 moned the garrison, and as none of them understood English, they employed two officers whom they had made prisoners to interpret for them. Their names were Revell and Glass. To them the French command- inor officer dictated an answer to Clive, in which he warned him tliat if the pagoda was attacked, he would expose those prisoners on the walls. They wrote this, but added their entreaties that no regard to their safety should be allowed to interfere with the operations. Guns were brought from Madras and a breach begun, and the Enoflish lost an officer and several men before the enemy evacuated the pagoda.^ At the time when Clive marched for Arcot, the August 2«, French at Trichinopoly were waiting for battering guns from Caricdl. They arrived a few days after, and the French began their operations : but they constructed septem- their batteries at such a distance, and showed so much a^d.itsi. more care to defend themselves than attack their oppo- nents, that the English began to treat their attack with contempt, and became ashamed of the awe in wliicli they had stood of so unskilful an enemy. But though secure in a military view, the situation of the garrison was by no means encouraging. Mohammed Ali liad no territory left from whicli he could draw re- sources for the pay and provision of his own troops or his allies. The French were much stronger in regular troops tlian tlie Englisli ; and the great superiority of Clianda Siiheb's irregulars made him formidable from ^ The account of the siege of Arcot is entirely from Orme. 16G RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CUAP. the power it gave him of cutting off communications. ' Moiiainmed Ali's chief dependence was on a negotiation which he for some time had been carrying on with the Riija of Mysore. The territory of this prmce lay on the tableland between the Eastern and Western Ghats. It was about 200 miles in length and 150 in breadth, and the southern part of it extended to within thirty miles of Trichinopoly on the east. The ancient line of its princes had lately been set aside, and the present raja was a pageant in the hands of his minister called in that country ' the Dalwai.' The name of the present Dalwai was Nanj Raj, a man of great presumption and little judgment. He was prevailed upon by extrava- gant promises on the part of Mohammed Ali, to afford his zealous assistance in the defence of Trichinopoly, and even to subsidise Morar Rao with 6,000 men for the same service. While the sie2:e of Arcot was still going on, Nanj Raj assembled an army at Cariir, a place within his frontier, about forty miles from Trichi- nopoly, and about the same time, Morar Rao entered the Carnatic at a point further to the north, from whence he sent assistance to Olive, as has been related. The Dalwai's force consisted of 5,000 horse and 10,000 infantry. Among these last was a body of a few hundreds, partially disciplined, through the means of French deserters, by Heider Naik ^ or Heider Ali, after- wards the most formidable enemy ever opposed to the British power in India. The rest of the Mysore troops were more inexperienced and unskilful than those of any other native prince. Mordr Rao's cavalry were chosen men, Mussulmans and Rajputs as well as Marattas, well mounted and armed, and habituated to ^ [A title of honour in the Deckan equivalent to that of chief or com- mander. It is now employed for non-commissioned officers of sepoys, cor- responding with tliat of cor^joral. ( Yulea^ Glossary of Indian Terms.) — Ed.] CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 167 war iiiider their active leader, one of the ablest officers chap. India ever produced, and unceasingly engaged in hos- tilities on his own account, or as a subsidised auxiliary. The Dahvai on his approach gave signs of his irre- solution and military ignorance. A French detachment being sent to oppose him he did not venture to move until joined by a similar party from Trichinopoly, and even then he proposed that the English should make a false attack on the enemy during the night, while he prosecuted his march under cover of the darkness. The English complied, and while engaged in the pro- posed diversion, they perceived the Mysoreans, whose retreat was to be so secret, passing across the plain with ten thousand lights, as if they had been marching in Febm- procession at an Indian wedding.^ ^'^d. 1752. The accession of Mysore to the party of Mohammed Ali had induced the Raja of Tanjore to engage in the same cause. He sent his general, Manikji, with 3,000 horse and 2,000 foot to join the camp at Trichinopoly, and his example was followed by Tondiman, the Poligar or chief of a territory situated to the southward of the rdj a' s country, whose force was composed of 400 horse and 3,000 cuUs, or coleris, a forest tribe of predatory habits. These reinforcements made Mohammed All's army more numerous than Chanda Saheb's, for he had in all 20,000 horse and 20,000 foot, while Chanda Saheb's force, though likewise increased by contingents from the southward, amounted to no more than 15,000 horse and 20,000 foot. The increase of numbers, however, was of little avail as long as the French remained superior in regu- lar infantry. The Government of Fort St. David uuide every exertion to remove this disadvantage, but before ' Onue, i. 211. 168 IIISE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. CHAP, their prcpamtions were completed, they were disturbed ' by the reappearance of llezza Saheb, who had assembled a force of 400 Europeans, 2,000 sepoys, and 2,500 horse, with a large park of artillery, and invaded the Company's territory to the south-west of Madras. Clive marched against him with 380 Europeans, 1,300 sepoys, and six field-pieces. His plan was to beat up the enemy's camp, but as he approached he found it evacu- ated. Rezza Saheb had marched with a view to sur- prise Arcot, where he had bought over some native officers of the garrison. The plot was discovered before he arrived, and he was already on his return, when Clive set off to prevent his design, and was hastening towards Arcot, when he came unexpectedly on Rezza Saheb's army in the neighbourhood of Coveripak. It was growing dark at the time, and Clive's first notice of his situation w^as given by a battery of nine pieces of cannon, which opened on him within 250 yards. The battle thus begun was continued by moonlight, wath all the alarms and vicissitudes natural to so extraordi- nary a circumstance. It ended towards morning in the defeat of Rezza Siiheb, who left fifty Europeans and 300 sepoys dead on the field. The English had forty Europeans and thirty sepoys killed, and more of each w^ounded. They took nine guns, three cohorns, and sixty European prisoners, and as Rezza Saheb's force soon after dispersed, they recovered for the nabob a country yielding 400,000 pagodas of annual revenue. After this Clive went to Fort St. David and was appointed to conduct a great convoy, escorted by 400 Europeans, 1,100 sepoys, and eight field-pieces, to Tri- chinopoly, an operation which was to decide the fate of the siege and of the war. When he was on the point of marching, Major CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 109 Lawrence arrived from Enuland nnd took the command chap. as senior officer. Clive evinced no disappointment at this imexpected supersession. He cheerfully put him- ^^%l2 self under his old commander, wlio on his part showed him all his former kindness and confidence, without the smallest jealousy of a reputation which was already eclipsing his own. The speedy arrival of the detach- ment was rendered more necessary than ever by the increased dissensions among the European officers and the discontents of the native allies, which threatened to break up the force. Lawrence marched from Fort St. David on March 17, and arrived within ten miles of Trichinopoly on the 27tli. Dupleix, who was fully sensible of the importance of this convoy, had issued positive orders to M. Law, who commanded the French force, to intercept it at all hazards. M. Law drew up his force for the purpose, but Lawrence, by a mixture of dexterity and boldness, distracted his attention by manoeuvres of the troops from the town, while he himself advanced by an unex- pected road, and after a partial eno-ao-ement brought his March 28, \ 1 • ^ T • 1 • 1 A.D. 1752. whole convoy mto 1 richmopoly. The Eno-lish and their allies were now in a state to cope with the enemy in the field, and they soon after made an attack on his camp which though unsuccessful induced M. Law to retire to the island, where he should be out of the reach of similar disturbance. Chanda S^iheb strenuously opposed this mtention, but when he found he could not prevail with M. Law, he had no choice but to join him in his retreat. They marched April i,_ on the same night ; the French took up their quarters in the pagoda of Jambu Kishna, and Chanda Saheb in that of Seringham, his horse and many of his other troops being encamped close by. 170 EISE OF BKITISII POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. Tliis retreat was a fatal measure. When tliey could no longer carry on the siege, they should have retired towards Pondicherry, so as to allow their reinforcements to join them at a distance from Lawrence's force, but they i)robably conceived that this junction might be effected at Seringham, and that they would lose less reputation if they appeared to maintain their ground. It is possible they might not have been disappointed if they had had to deal with a less enterprising enemy. They could not be attacked in their present position, and the road was still open for their reinforcements and supplies. To deprive them of this advantage required a bold and hazardous step. If a part of the British force were stationed to the north of the Ooleroon, while the rest remained on the south of the Caveri, the enemy's communications would be entirely cut off and he w^ould be constrained either to fiMit at a disadvan- tage or to surrender ; but, on the other hand, the least deficiency of skill or vigilance on the part of the com- mander of either division would expose him to be over- whelmed singly by the whole power of the French The plan nevertheless occurred to Clive, who suggested it to the commanding officer ; Lawrence entered into it with his usual frankness and cordiality, and so far was he from envying the author that he determined to give the command of the separate detachment to Clive himself, at the hazard of offending all the senior officers. April « Qj-^ i]^Q nifrht of April 6, Clive beo-an his march with A.D. ] l,>2. ^ O i ' O 400 Europeans, 700 sepoys, 1,000 Tanjore horse, and 3,000 of Mordr Rdo's under Eunas Khdn. He had with him two battering guns and six field-pieces. With this force he took uj) a position at Samiaveram, ten miles from Seringham and fifteen from Uttatoor, the pass already mentioned on the great road from Pondi- CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 171 clierry. There were two pagodas in tins village, a chap. quarter of a mile from each other ; these he strengthened ' by works, and allotted one to the sepoys and another to the Europeans ; the irregulars encamped around them. Immediately after this he took Lalgudy, a village on the Coleroon, where the enemy had collected a great supply of grain. He was preparing to besiege Pitchauda, a fort commanding the ford opposite Seringham, when he was called off by intelligence from the northward. M. Dupleix, though deeply wounded by what he thought the misconduct of M. Law, applied himself with un- broken spirit to repair the evils it had occasioned. His repeated applications for recruits and reinforcements from France had been neglected, and it was with difficulty he could assemble 120 Europeans and 500 sepoys, to escort a great convoy of provisions and stores which he prepared to despatch for Seringham, He sent M. d'Auteuil in command, with orders to supersede M. Law on his arrival. M. d'Auteuil, having reached Uttatoor on April 14, resolved imme- ^^^"\Ji:, diately to push on to Seringham in the night, leaving Olive's detachment at some distance on his left. It was this news that called off Clive from his intended siege. He marched to intercept d'Auteuil, and that officer being informed of his movement, fell back on Uttatoor. Clive finding no signs of the convoy where he expected it, suspected some stratagem of the enemy, and hastened back to his own camp. Meanwhile M. Law, having heard of Olive's nuirch, and being igno- rant of his return, ordered eighty Europeans and 700 sepoys to march at nightfall and attack the small body which he imagined to be left at Samiaveram. Forty of the Europeans were English deserters. They reached the skirts of the camp about midnight, and 172 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, were clRillenu-efl by the advanced o-uard of En"lish sepoys, on which the officer of the deserters stepped out and tohl them he was sent by Major Lawrence to reinforce Captain Clive. The sepoys receiving his answer in l^^nglisli, and hearing the other deserters speak the same Language, admitted the detachment without suspicion, and sent one of their number to conduct it to head -quarters. They passed unquestioned through the Maratta camp, until they reached the lower pagoda, when they were challenged by the sentinel. They replied by a volley into the pagoda, and into an adjoining choultry,^ where Clive lay asleep. The Europeans then rushed into the pagoda, and put all they met to the bayonet. Clive started out of his sleep, and, imputing the firing to his own sepoj^s alarmed at some attack on the skirts of the camp, ran to the upper pagoda to bring down the Europeans. He found them already under arms, and returned witli 200 of them to the choultry. He there found a large l)ody of sepoys facing in the direction of Sermgham, and firuig at random. Their position confirmed his im- pression that they were his own sepoys, and, leaving the Europeans about twenty yards in their rear, he went amono' them and ordered them to cease firuii]:, re- proaching them with their unnecessary alarm, and even striking some of them. At last one of the sepoys who understood a little French, discovering that he was an Englishman, attacked and wounded him in two places with his sword, but, finding himself on the point of being overpowered, ran off to the lower pagoda. Clive, exasperated at such insolence from one (as he supposed) of his own men, pursued him to the gate ; where to his ^ A building for the accommodation of travellers. In the Carnatic, they are generally of stone and supported by pillars. CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSKS. 173 great surprise be was accosted by six Frencbmen. His chap. usual presence of mind did not fail bim in tliis critical " situation ; be told tbe Frencbmen tliat be was come to offer tbem terms, tbat if tliey would looiv out tbey would see tbey were surrounded, and tbat tbey must expect no quarter unless tbey immediately submitted. Tbree of tbe number ran into tbe pagoda witli tbis intelligence, and tbe otber tbree gave up tlieir arms and followed Clive to tbe place wbere be bad left bis Europeans, wben witb eigbt more, wbo bad been made prisoners as tbey were reconnoitring, tbey were sent off in tbe custody of a sergeant's guard, Tbe sergeant, not knowing tbat tbe lower pagoda was in possession of tbe enemy, carried tliem tbitber ; and on delivering tbem over to tbe guard, found out bis error, but sucb was tbe confusion among tbe Frencb, tbat lie was allowed to retire unmolested. By tbis time Clive bad assembled bis troops, and bis first object was to recover tbe pagoda. Tbe Frencb and tbe deserters defended it desperately, and killed an officer and fifteen men. Tbe attack was tben suspended till daybreak, at wliicb time tbe Frencb commanding officer made a sally, witb tbe intention of forcing bis way tbrougb tbe enemy ; but be was bimself killed witb twelve of bis men by a volley from tbe Englisb, and tbe rest were obliged to return to tbe pagoda. Clive tben advanced to parley, and being weak witli loss of blood, leaned stooping forward on tbe sboulders of two sergeants. Tbe deserters bad notbing to bope from a surrender, and tbeir officer, to cut off all treaty came forward, and addressing Clive witb abusive language, fired bis musket at bim. Tbe ball missed bim, but went tbrougb tbe bodies of tbe sergeants, and botb fell mortally wounded. Alarmed at tbe probable consequence of tbis outrage, tbe Frencb 174 RISE OF BKITISII POWEK IN INDIA. ciiAr. immediately surrendered. Their sej^oys bad marched ^' off as soon as tliey were aware of the numbers of the English, and were allowed to pass tbe camp as quietly as Avhen they entered. Eunas Khiin was now sent in pursuit of them. When overtaken, they flung away their arms and dispersed, and in this defenceless state they were inhumanly cut off to a man. Besides the escapes already mentioned, Clive had another, which was not discovered till the hurry of the day was over, when it was found that the volley which the enemy had fired into the choultry where he was sleeping had shattered a box that lay mider his feet, and killed a servant who slept close by him.^ The total loss of this detachment was a severe blow to the French, and the subsequent operations of the English greatly straitened their supplies. Their hopes now rested on the junction of d'Auteuil and his convoy, and it was the object of the English to cut it off while beyond reach of their support. For this purpose Captain Dalton (who had returned from May 9, Europe) was sent with a strong detachment, and, ^^^^' though he did not fully succeed, he drove d'Auteuil to a distance, and forced him to take refuge under the walls of Volconda. On his return Dalton found that the Coleroon had risen so as to cut off all couununication both with the island and the town, and that Clive had seized the opportunity to renew his attack on Pitchanda. To forward this service, he put the whole of his detachment under Clive (his junior officer) and declared his own intention to serve as a volunteer. During the movements prepara- ^ Though I have carefully retained Orme's words as far as my space allowed, yet to do justice to his narrative, I must refer my reader to the original, i. 22G. A.D CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. ] T'j tory to the siege, the Engiisli took possession of a ciiai'. V. mouucl close to the Coleroon, and saw the whole of Chanda Sdheb's camp spread out beneath them, within gunshot. They immediately opened a cannonade, and produced all the alarm and disorder that might be expected in a native camp. ]\Ien and women, elephants, camels, horses and oxen, were all mingled together in the midst of uproar and confusion. The pressure of the crowd for a time retarded their flight, but in two hours they were all out of reach of the guns on the mound. They hurried towards the opposite side of the pagodas, but before they could settle there, they were fired on from the town of Trichinopoly, and obliged to renew their flight to the part of the island east of the pagodas, where they at length found themselves in safety. Next day the breach at Pitchanda was practicable, and as the storming party was advancing, the garrison made signs of surrender. Unfortunately they were mis- understood by the sepoys, who rushed to the assault, and before they could be stopped by the exertions of the officers and the discipline of the Europeans they killed several of the garrison and drove fifteen into the Coleroon, where they were drowned. The o:arrison con- ^'"y i"'- , A.D. 17.")2. sisted of seventy Europeans and 200 sepoys. The communications of the French were now com- pletely cut off and their encampment again exposed to a cannonade. This circumstance and the straits to which they were otherwise relinded by the plausible arguments and calm manner of M,4nikji, and, the further to deceive him, he was shown the palankeen and the escort which were to convey Chanda Saheb to Caricj'd. His report, and the necessity of his own situation, in- duced Chanda Saheb to proceed without I'lu-thcr hesi- N 178 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, tation ; but lie liad no sooner passed the Tanjorine ' guard than he was rudely seized, carried to a tent, and put in irons. The native allies were immediately apprised of Clianda Saheb's seizure, and spent the night in de- liberatinn^ on his fate. Each insisted on havino: the custody of the prisoner. Mohammed Ali felt that he could never be secure while his rival was in any hands but his own ; the Mysoreans expected a great addition to their influence from having the disposal of so im- portant a person ; Mordr Rao was intent on the profits of a ransom ; and each of these considerations had some share in influencing the Tanjorines. In the morning they all assembled at Lawrence's tent, where the debate of the night was renewed, Lawrence took no part in the discussion till, finding that they would never come to an agreement, he proposed that the prisoner should be entrusted to the English. This plan, as might be expected, was equally unacceptable to all the claimants, and the conference broke up without coming to a decision. Manikji was now assailed by threats and promises from the other native powers ; and, though the English remained silent, he did not feel secure that they might not also insist on compliance with their own proposal. He therefore paid a visit to Lawrence to sound him on the subject, and soon found that he meant to interfere no further. After this Manikji returned to his own en- campment and ordered the head of his prisoner to be June 3, struck off. Ormc is of opinion that he resorted to this enormity as the only way of freeing himself from tlie importunity of the allies ; but Wilks (with much greater probability and with the support of native authority) relates that he committed it at the instigation of A.D. 1752. CLIVE AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSES. 1 70 Mohammed Ali. Thouo-li the otliers mio-lit be desirous chap. of havmg him in their custody, the nabob alone could '_ profit by his death ; and no bril)e would be too con- siderable for him to pay for the removal of so dangerous a rival. His head was sent to Mohammed Ali, and, after being exposed to every insult, was formally de- spatched as if to the Emperor at Delhi ; but this cere- mony was only to deceive the populace, and the head was really made over to the Raja of Mysore and hung as a trophy on the walls of his capital.^ Lawrence's first summons to M. Law was sent on the day preceding Chanda Sdheb's flight, and was replied to in such a strain as should prevent any sus- picion that he was reduced to so desperate a resource. Next day the demand was renewed more peremptorily, and M. Law was only given till the succeeding day at noon to decide. M. Law pleaded the peace between the French and the English, and Lawrence replied that he was only mediator between the former and the nabob. ■* [Such was the animosity with which this struggle was distinguished, that Dupleix, quoted by Mill, does not hesitate to affirm that Cliauda Saheb was murdered by Lawrence's express command, and the accusation was repeated by Lally. Orme in his narrative says that Law, from the prejudices of national animosity, concluded that if the EngKsh got him into their power they would not withhold him from the nabob, and there- fore suggested the expedient named in the text. It must be admitted that Lawrence's exertions in Chanda Saheb's favour were very feeble, and confined to the suggestion that he miglit be handed over to the Englisli ; but when this was rejected by the confederates he interfered no further. It is true, as remarked by H. H. Wilson in a note to this passage in Mill's History, that the English at tliis period were not so Avell assured of their power as to be prepared to dictate to the native powers with wliom they co-operatedi It may be added they were auxiliaries in this war and did not feel their honour deeply concerned in the acts of their allies, witness their conduct in supporting the Raja f)f Tanjore in his breach of faith with Mysore. If Lawrence's position was such as to enable him to insist on Chanda Saheb's good treatment, why did not the unfortunate prince surrender to him '. — Ed.] 180 RISE OF BRITISH TOWEK IN INDIA. CHAP. In tliis prince's name a capitulation was signed. The French gave up their guns, stores, and ammunition. The officers were released on their parole. It may be presumed that the sepoys were dismissed as usual, but June 3, the Europeans, neo-roes, and native Portujjuese remained prisoners oi war. CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 181 CHAPTER VI. March of Mozaffer Jang and Bussy to Heiderdbfld— Conflict with the Patan Nabobs — Death of Mozafier Jang and accession of Salabat Jang — Storm of Carnul — Ascendancy of Bussy, and cessions to the French — Dupleix's exertions to raise a new field force — Mohammed Ali's engagements with Mysore — New ccmflicts with the French and English — Clive returns to Europe — Ghdzi-u-din invades the Deckan — His death — Crisis at Trichinopoly — Operations of Lawrence — Con- fusion in the north of the Carnatic^Superiority of the French and their allies — Lawrence's gallant attack on the French position — His success — ^Renewed difficulties — Second attack, and retreat of the French — Success of the Nabob in the North — The attack on Triclii- nopoly — Its failure. The disastrous issue of the siege of Trichinopoly struck chap. the French with consternation, but it only served to " stimulate the exertions of their governor and to call forth fresh proofs of his abihties and firmness. His pride, which had alienated the minds of all his country- men, enabled him to stand up alone against the dangers which environed him, and to rely on the resources of his own genius for finally triumphing over all his enemies. His confidence was justified by his success in other quarters, where his plans had at times seemed as near to failure as they now were in the Carnatic. When Mozafier Jang marched from Pondicherry in the bemnnino; of January 1751, the detachments which Ja""f7'i. accompanied him under M. Bussy consisted of 300 Europeans and 2,000 sepoys, with ten field-pieces, and his own army was the same which had so lately served under Ndsir Jang. He proceeded towards Heiderdbtid VI 182 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, tlirougli a friendly country until the end of the month, when he reached the possessions of the Nabob of Caddapa. So well had the Patan princes dissembled their animosity that he entered their territory as securely as he would his own. Some skirmishes which imme- diately took place between his troops and those of the country /Were ascribed to accidental disputes ; nor was premeditated hostility suspected even when the Caddapa troops got engaged with Mozaffer Jang's rearguard ; but on this occasion they happened to attack the part of the line of march which was allotted to the viceroy's harem, and MozaiFer Jang was so incensed at this insult that he halted his army, and could scarcely be dissuaded by M. Bussy from leading it against the nabob. A messenger was despatched on his part and another on Bussy's to demand an explanation ; to the former the nabob replied in terms of defiance, but sent a respectful answer to Bussy, offering to accept of his mediation. The difference of the language stung the viceroy to the quick, and filled him with impatience to show that he could enforce his own authority indepen- dently of his ally. It was by this time ascertained that the three nabobs were fully prepared for war, and that they were drawn up in the mouth of a defile on the road to Heiderdbdd. The whole army was immediately put in motion against them, and Mozaffer Jang hurried on to the attack without waiting for the French auxiliaries. The troops of the nabobs, though very inferior in number, were mostly Patans, and defended themselves with so much bravery that the viceroy's impetuosity availed him nothing, and the repulse of his troops was complete. The arrival of the French changed the fortune of the day, and compelled the Patdns to retreat, when Mozaffer Jang once more separated from the CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 183 French and pushed on eagerly in the pursiut. It seemed chap. easy now to revenge himself on his broken enemies. '_ The Nabob of Shiiniir was overtaken and cut to pieces ; the Nabob of Caddapa fled desperately wounded from the field ; and the Nabob of Carnul, being liotl}' pressed by jMozafier Jang in person, turned with the handful of troops that surrounded him and charged the elephant of his pursuer. Mozafter Jang met him with equal spirit, and had raised his sword to make a blow, when his antagonist struck him in the forehead with a javelin and drove it through his skull into the brain. He fell dead, but the nabob with his small band was instantly over- powered and cut to pieces.^ It made a strong impression on the natives to see the murder of Nasir Janij: so soon avenged on the principal actors by each other's hands. The death of the viceroy dissolved the only tie that held his army together, and destroyed the charm by which tlie French gave to their military ascendancy the colour of a legal government. Moz after Jang's title rested on his success alone ; and his only son, a mere infant, could not afibrd even the sanction of a name to those in the exercise of power. The troops mutinied for their arrears ; each chief was busied in his own projects and suspicions of all his neighbours. It seemed likely that the army would break up or declare for the legal heirs of Asof Jdh, whom the French had been the means of supplanting. M. Bussy lost not a moment in seizing the crisis. The three younger brothers of Ndsir Jang were prisoners in the camp, and he determined to secure for himself the merit of placing one of them on the throne. He chose Saldbat Jang, the eldest, who, while Ghdzi-u- din's pretensions remained in abeyance, was the legal ' Orme. 184 RISE OF BRITISH ROWER IN INDIA. CHAP, representative of his family. A title so well founded and so promptly asserted was immediately acquiesced in by the chiefs and army,''^ the administration continued to be carried on by Kdgonjit Dds, and the influence of the French was placed on as firm a basis as ever. All these events succeeded each other in the course of one day, and the aruiy some time after resumed its march Maxell 15, towards the capital. They passed through tlie Caddapa A.D. 1751. t(,j.j.j|^Qiy unopposed, but when they reached Carniil they found the town garrisoned by 4,000 Patdns pre- pared to defend the widow and family of the late nabob. It was determined to make a severe example of this place, as well in revenge for the death of Mozaffer as for the purpose of inspiring a terror of the French arms. The Patans of Carniil are of a tribe very long settled in India. They belong to a small community of Mahometan fanatics called Gheir Mehdis, and their sectarian spirit gives them a peculiar character dis- tinguished from the other descendants of the Afglians. One of the tenets of their sect, which sanctions the murder of heretics, makes them familiar with assassina- tion ; the practice of this crime, joined to their love of money and their usurious dealings, render them dreaded as well as disliked ; and from this circumstance, together with their bravery, they are generally the great actors in every scene of treachery and bloodshed throughout the Deckan. The same character applies in many j)articulars to their neighbours at Caddapa. Such a people might have been expected to make a desperate defence ; but, though their town was strong, the forti- fications were in ruins, and they were unable to with- stand the powerful artillery and the discipline of the French. The place w^as stormed at several points, the ^ Memoire pour Bnssy. CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 185 whole of the garrison was put to the sword, and many chap. of the inhabitants shared the same fate. Carniil and Caddapa were annexed to Ad6ni, the former jagir of ^^"J^Jf; ^lozafFer Jano-, and the whole united was conferred on the son of that usurper. The extirpation of the conspirators against Mozaffer Jang was only the prelude to a more serious contest that threatened his successor. SaUbat Jang had scarcely crossed the Kislina when he was met by 25,000 Marattas under the personal command of the Peshwa, Bdlaji Rao. This prince had entered into a league with Ghazi-u-din, had levied a contribution of 150,000/. from Aurangabdd (the chief authority of which place was secretly disposed to Ghazi-u-din), and now appeared as the ally of the lawful viceroy and as the precursor of his appearance in the territories of his father. The Maratta army, however, disappeared as suddenly as it had presented itself. Domestic troubles of the utmost importance compelled Balaji to retrace his steps without delay,^ and left the viceroy at liberty to pursue his march to Heiderabdd, He made his entry in great pomp, and took formal "^P"^^' possession of the government. His first attention was directed to rewarding his allies. Gratuities were be- stowed on the officers according to their rank, from 100,000/. to the commander-in-chief, to 5,000/. to each ensign. The future pay of the troops was settled with equal liberality. A captain, besides being furnished with carriage for his baggage, had 100/. a month, a lieutenant 50/., an ensign 30/., a serjeant 9/., and a private soldier 61. A communication was opened with Masulipatam, and from that port (only 220 miles dis- tant) the French were supplied with recruits of men, ^ See ii. 047. Book xii. chap. iii. 186 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, stores, and ammunition. Bussy was thus enabled 1_ afterwards to increase his Europeans to 500 and to arm new sepoys, whom he recruited in the country, making with the old ones 5,000 sepoys. Sahibat ffang did not remain long at his capital. The threatened appearance of Ghazi-u-din, the disaffection of Aurangdbdd and the prospect of renewed invasion by the Marattas, required his presence on his northern frontier, and he set off for Aurano-abdd within a month May ' ^ ^ A.D. 1751. after his arrival. To give the greater weight to his authority, he had recourse to a practice not unusual in the remote pro- vinces of Asiatic empires. He forged a patent from the Great Mogul, appointing him viceroy of the Deckan, and caused it to be delivered to him by a pre- tended messenger from Delhi, whom he went out in person to meet and received with all the respect and honours which he could have shown to the Emperor himself.^ June IS, Saldbat Jano- reached Aurang^abad on June 18 ; and ADl"'"! in the month of August, Bdlaji Rtio, having settled his internal disorders, ao;ain invaded and ravao;'ed the ]Moo;ul territory at the head of 40,000 men. The character of the French auxiliaries acquired fresh lustre on this occasion. While at Aurangab^d, their discipline and orderly conduct had commanded the respect of the natives ; and they now established the superiority of the viceroy over an enemy with whom he had seldom on * Ghdzi-u-din's relation to the court of Delhi at this period makes the issue of this patent improbable, but is not conclusive against its authen- ticity. No such patent, however, is mentioned by any writer as among the obstacles to Ghazi-u-din's investiture ; and no former patent was can- celled at the time when the viceroyalty was actually conferred on him. The native writers also inform us that Saldbat Jang received a patent in 3754, yet say nothing of one in 1751. We may therefore safely conclude that this last was a forgery. December A.D. 1751. CONTINUAXCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 187 former occasions been able to contend. The Marattas chap. VI. were driven back to within twenty miles of Puna, and were re luced to make overtures for peace. They were relieved in consequence of the disorders of the vice- roy's Indian trooj)s, by whicli he was compelled to com- mence a retreat towards his own frontier. An invasion of his territory of Berdr by Raguji Bosla occurring at the same time, he was glad to conclude an armistice with the Peshwa and return to his capital of Heider- dbdd. During this period, the viceroy's government was entirely in the hands of the French. M. Bussy personally commanded the army, and controlled the civil administration, through his agent Ragondt Dds. The native princes are m general more tenacious of the forms of power than of the substance ; yet Salabat Jang did not hesitate to address M. Dupleix as his protector, and to acknowledge that himself and his states were entirely at his disposal. We cannot therefore be sur- j)rised that, about the same time, the viceroy ceded a territory round Masulipatam to the French and conferred the government of the Carnatic on M. Dupleix and his successors.^ But the French system of government received a serious shock from the death of Ivagomit Dds, who was assassinated by a body of mutinous troops in April 1752. In him Bussy lost an able adviser, and, what was of greater consequence, he lost a safe and efficient instru- ment through which to carry on the ostensible govern- ment of the viceroy. He was provided with another councillor, in whom he had even more confidence than * These transactions took place between September 1751 and February 1752. See Sablbut Jang's letter in Dupleix, p. 233. It was probably not intended by M. Dupleix to displace Chanda S;ihcb (who was yet alive), but to let him retain his dignity under an appointment from the French. 188 KISE OF EKITISII I'UWEll IN INDIA. CHAP, in the deceased. This was ITcider JaiiG^, a native of vr • . • ' MasuUpatam, of low origin, who had early entered into the service of the French and learned their language. His abilities attracted the notice of Dupleix, and his judgment and fidelity, wliile with Bussy, had raised him to great power and high honours. But to fill the part of minister it was necessary to find a man of rank, who should be able to regulate the mutinous army and em- barrassed finances, and willing at the same time to be entirely subservient to the French. The predominance of a body of foreigners, and the elevation of their upstart dependents, had unavoidably proved disgusting to the nobility of the viceroy's court, and was felt most by those who but for them would have been at the head of the state. The two most distinguished men of this class were Shdh ^Aw{iz Khiin and Seiad Lashkar Khan (better known m the Deckan by his title of Rokan-ud-dowlah). Shah Nciwaz had been minister of Nasir Jang wliile go- verning the Deckan as his father's deputy. He joined the prince in his rebellion in 1741, and although his life was spared after the victory of Asof Jtih he re- mained for some years in disgrace. He employed that period in writing a biography of the principal nobles of the preceding age, which has contributed more than his political transactions to preserve his reputation in India. On the accession of Ndsir Jang, he became prime minister to that prince ; and on his death he fled to a hill fort in the Carnatic. He was pardoned and recon- ciled to Mozaffer Jang through the intervention of M. Dupleix, and probably expected to be restored to his former power. Finding the whole administration com- mitted to l\agon.4t Dds, he became discontented and obtained permission to retire to Aurangdbdd, where he CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 189 became the head of a party opposed to the French, and chap. was the principal mover of the intrigues in that city in [ favour of Ghtizi-u-din. M. Bussy was too well aware of his hostility to trust him «ath the office of prime minister ; but thought it expedient to disarm his opposi- tion by appointing him governor of the province of Heiderabfid. Seiad Lashkar Khan had also held a high office under Nasir Jang, and was no less inimical than Shdh Nawdz to the French ascendancy : but he had con- cealed his sentiments with more care, had always been employed under Salabat Jang's government, and now appeared to M. Bussy to be a suitable person to place at the head of the administration. He was accordingly made minister, and the French influence seemed as great as ever. M. Dupleix employed these distant successes, with the greatest address, to the relief of his difficulties in the Carnatic. He made a great parade of his appointment to be nabolj of that province ; and gave it full effect among the natives, by maintaining all the forms usual with their own rulers.^ He wore rich native dresses, with the jewels and other decorations appropriate to his rank ; he was surrounded with flags and emblems of dignity peculiar to the East, and in this form he held darbars like an Indian prince, and obliged even the French themselves to present nazars to him on their knees. He was still more alive to the restoration of his military force. The arrival of the annual fleet from France brought him a strong reinforcement of Europeans, which he increased by taking the sailors out of tlic sliips, and substituting native mariners to navigate them ; and by liis indefati- gable exertions, he was before long in a condition to send a force into the field. Circumstances which could 6 See page 132. 190 inSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, scarcely have been foreseen occurred at tins period to ' ftivonr his views and to prevent his antagonists from taking advantage of his misfortunes. The surrender of M. Law and the death of Chanda Saheb had left the English masters of the field, and de- livered Mohammed Ali from his long-dreaded rival. Major Lawrence imagined that he had nothing left to do but to put the nabob in possession of the northern part of his territory ; where, although the French still possessed several places, there was none likely to give any trouble except Jinji. But when he pressed the nabob to put his own force and that of his allies in motion, he found a backwardness on the nabob's part for which he Avas unable to account. At length, to his great astonishment, the Dalwai explained the mystery by refusing to march until the nabob should have ful- filled a promise made to him to deliver up Trichinopoly, and all its dependencies down to Cape Comorin, to the government of Mysore. This it appeared was the price at which the assist- ance of Mysore had been purchased, and it had been ao^recd for in a solemn treaty, to the observance of which Mohammed Ali had taken an oath. Li addition to some frivolous objections to fulfilling this engagement at all, the only eff"ect of whicli was to prove the nabob's infidelity, he brought forward one argument which did not seem void of reason. It was absurd, he said, to sup- pose that he would purchase protection for a portion of his dominions by the cession of the whole tract defended, when by doing so he would dc})rive hhnself of the only l)art that was actually in his possession ; and he pro- posed that the raja should assist in reducing the rest of his dominions, when he should be prepared faithfully to pay the stipulated price of the aid afforded. The CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 191 English determined to take no part in the dispute unless chap. actual violence was offered to the nabob. In that case they seem to have thought their situation as auxiliaries entitled them to interpose, without any strict inquiry into the grounds of the quarrel ; and they were sensible that by allowing the nabob to be deprived of the dis- puted country, they would expose both themselves and him to great dangers, and would lose all the advantages for which they had so long been struggling. If the difference had not been irreconcilable from the first, it would soon have become so in the hands of Morar Rao, That expert intriguer had contrived to gain the confidence of both parties ; and, under the show of mediating, he made each more obstinate in his pre- tensions. He had some hopes that their disputes might afford him an opening for once more getting the town into his own possession, and he felt that the establish- ment of peace would diminish his consequence and his profit as a mercenary leader. At one time things seemed so near an adjustment that Lawrence marched to Uttatoor, expectins; the native princes to follow him ; '^""^,i^' ' \ , o . ^ ' A.D. 1752. but he was obliged to return in two days, by finding that the Dalwdi refused to allow the nabob to move till his claims were satisfied. After this an agreement took place. The nabob was immediately to assign Seringham and certain districts round it to Mysore, and was to give Lip Trichinopoly at the end of two months ; 700 Mysore troops were to be admitted immediately into the garrison. The Dalwai was to march along with the rest of the combined army, and to alford liis aid iu recovering the whole of the nabob's country. These engagements were insincere on both sides, and did not even deceive the opposite parties. The nabob only wanted to gain time, and was determined not to 192 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, give up Trichiiiopoly. The Dalwdi wished tlie Eno-lish to march, being satisfied that if they were once gone, lie would easily get possession of the city either by force or fraud. To guard against this. Captain Dalton was left in charo'e with a jxarrison of 200 Europeans June 2S, ^ ^ ' A.o. ]7o2. and 1,500 sepoys. Lawrence then set out with his remaining troops ^ for Trivadi, a place about fifteen miles from Fort St. David. The Tanjorines and Poligars returned home. The Mysoreans and Morar Rao remained on their old ground, the Dalwfii making the best excuse he could for delay- ing to fulfil his engagement. It was Lawrence's plan to have employed his forces in occupying the open country and levying the revenue, but the Governor of Madras (to which place the Pre- sidency had recently been transferred from Fort St. David) was induced by the earnest persuasion of the nabob to send a detachment to lay siege to Jinji, which was held by a French garrison. The detachment, though large in proportion to the English army, was by no means sufficient for the attack of so strong a fortress, and was compelled to retreat with little credit A.D. 1752. before an inferior French force from Pondicherry. Animated by this success, M. Dupleix fitted out a body of 2,000 infantry and 500 horse, with which he threatened Fort St. David. The English troops at Trivadi moved to cover that place, and Lawrence, who was then ill at Madras, hastened to join them by sea. He was accompanied by one of two companies of Swiss who had just arrived from Europe ; the other had l)een previously despatched in open boats, under an impres- sion that their acts as auxiliaries on shore would not ' 500 Europeans, 2,500 Sepoys, and 2,000 wretched troops who still adhered to the nabob. CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 193 disturb the peace between the French and English at chap. sea, but M. Dupleix had no scruple in making them " prisoners, and seems to have been justified by the cir- cumstances. Lawrence's force was now superior to that of the French, and they retreated within their own boundary, where they were secured by the peace be- tween the nations. But Lawrence, by ingenious man- oeuvres, tempted them to come out and attack him at a village called Baliiir, and the result was their total defeat and the capture of their commander with 100 August 26 . -, AD. 1752. Europeans and all their guns and stores. The enemy being driven out of the field, Lawrence proceeded to occupy the country immediately to the north of Pondicherry, and as the French had garrisons in Covelong and Chingliput, two strong forts still further to the north, a detachment was prepared at Madras for the purpose of reducing them. Clive, who was about to leave India from severe illness, undertook this diflicult command. His detachment was composed of 200 Europeans and 500 sepoys, all raw recruits. They repeatedly ran away when a fire was opened on them, and Clive had the greatest difficulty in getting them to put on the appearance of attacking the enemy. But the French were disheartened or ill-commanded, and, although they were reinforced by the indefatigable Dupleix, some bold and skilful movements of Clive, with the aid of such exertions as his personal example could draw from his men, enabled him at length to accomplish his arduous undertaking. After this bril- liant operation Clive immediately embarked for Europe, and about the same time Lawrence retired to Fort St. David for the monsoon, while the nabob's troops broke October, up and returned to their homes. The north-east monsoon, Aviruli suspended all o IDJt KISE OF BKlTIrill POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, operations in the Carnatic, did not extend to tlie Ligli ' country of the Deckan, where military movements of great magnitude and importance were at this moment being carried on. Ghdzi-u-din had at length appeared in person to claim his inheritance, and liad assembled one of the lar»:est armies that had of late been seen in that country. The motives which led to his acquiescence in the accession of Ndsir Jang ceased with that prmce's life. The weakness of MozafFer Jang's title invited him to assert his own, and the ascendancy of Safder Jang in the Mogul's court had put an end to his views in remaining at the capital. He therefore solicited the Emperor's nomina- tion to the viceroyalty of the Deckan, and at the same time entered on negotiations with the Pesliwa for the purpose of obtaining his support. His promises, and the hopes of profiting by the distractions of the Moguls, led Balaji to give a ready ear to his proposals. He wrote to the Emperor recommending the appointment of Ghazi-u-din,^ and took the field in person on his behalf, as has already been related. Ghazi-u-din's in- vestiture did not go on so rapidly. His patent had been made out soon after the death of Ndsir Jang, but the ministers, though well pleased to remove a com- petitor from court, were unwilling to issue so impor- tant a document without deriving pecuniary advantages from it,^ and Ghazi-u-din, if he possessed the means, must have seen the folly of making any solid sacrifice for so unsubstantial a favour. But at leno-th the court o of Delhi, being importuned for the subsidy of the Maratta army which Safder Jang had called in for the purpose of resisting an invasion by the Durrani Shah,^ '^ Grant Duff, from Maratta MSS., ii. 44. '■' Seir-ul-Mutakhertn, iii. 120, 123; Khezdneh-vl-Omra. ' See ii. 039. Book xii. chap. 4. CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 195 consented to m-ant investiture to Ghazi-u-clm, provided chap. . . VI. he would deliver tbem from the presence of these ' troublesome allies.'^ The Maratta chiefs (Holcar and Sindia) had already received their instructions from the Peshwa, and })rofessed their readiness to move with Ghazi-u-din on the payment of a sum of money for their present expenses. Ghiizi-u-din received his com- mission, was formally invested on Raiab 3, and marched ^ay, . "^ J ' ^jy 1752 from Delhi about two months after that ceremony.^ He was acknowledged at Burhanpur by the vice- roy's troops on that frontier. He was afterwards joined by the Peshwa in person, and when he arrived at Aurano-abad (on Zi Cada 20, 1165), his force was October, AdI 7'')2 computed to amount to 150,000 men. He paid the price of the Maratta succours by a cession of Candesh and part of Berar to that nation.'* He appears to have been prepared to offer terms to M. Dupleix, on condi- tion of his withdrawing his assistance from Salabat Jang,^ but his overtures must have been ill-received, as he now granted a formal commission to Mohammed Ali, appointmg him Nabob of the Carnatic.*^ The contest between Ndsir Jang and Mozaffer Jang seemed now about to be reacted, with different persons and on a larger scale. Whether it would have led to the defeat of the French party, as in the first stage of that conflict, or to their success, as in the second, it is not easy to say. The presence of the French troops would in all probability have made up for the inferiority of Salabat Jung's numbers, but the question was not destined to be so decided. On Zi Haj 7, 1765, seventeen October, A.D. 1752. ■^ Scir-ul-Mntakherin, * Khezdneh-id-Omra^ ' Grant Diift', iii. (il ; Khezdnch-ul-Omra. ^ Orme, i. 277. " Tlie coniiiiission is dated 7A Ciida 10, 1105, four days before his arrival at Auraiigabad. A translation is given in Rous, Appendix I. p. 0. 196 KIbE OF BIUTISII rOWEH IN INDIA. cnAP. days after his entry into Anrangdbdd, Gh.4zi-u-din died " suddenly : '' liis army dispersed, and Salabat Jang re- mained the uncontested representative of Asof Jah. Ghdzi-u-din left a son of the same name, but he was acting as his father's deputy at Delhi ; he was deeply involved in the politics of that court, and was soon too much engaged in making and deposing emperors to prosecute his claims on the Deckan. The death of Ghdzi-u-din took place within a few days of that on which Major Lawrence retired to his winter quarters. Affairs at Trichinopoly were at that time hastening to a crisis. June 28, No sooncr were the nabob and the English gone A.D. 1/52. ^Ymn the Dalwai began his machinations for gaining possession of the city. He made repeated attempts to corrupt the nabob's troops and the English sepoys, and to procure the assassination of Dalton and the nabob's brother, Kheir-u-din, who commanded on his part. His conspiracies were all discovered, and, after those concerned had repeatedly been pardoned, his two last emissaries were condemned to be blown away from guns. In this last case he had written tempting promises under his own seal, which were immediately brought to Dalton by the native officer to whom they were ad- dressed. A Neapolitan named Poverio was next assailed, who, by concert with Dalton, affected to enter into the proposed design. Dalton was to be murdered, the French prisoners released, and the Dalwai admitted into the town. Preparations were made for his recep- ^ It is commonly believed that he was poisoned in a dish sent to him according to the custom of India by the mother of Salabat Jang, his own step-mother ; but imputations of tliis sort are so common that they de- serve no attention unless supported by better proof than has been brought forward in this instance. CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 107 tion which would have broiio'ht hiin to sio-nal punish- chap. VI. ment if the whole plan had not been frustrated by the [ cowardice of Kheir-u-dm. On hearmg of this atrocious project, Lawrence (as he himself tells us in his memoirs) recommended that advantage should be taken of the friendly interviews with which the Dalwtii still endeavoured to throw Dalton off his guard, and that he and Mor^r WAo should be seized at one of those hypocritical ceremonies. The Madras Government disapproved of the proposal, but its occurring at all to so honest and downright an Englishman shows the false notions then entertained with respect to the right to retaliate on native princes the want of faith they practised towards us. At the end of the two stipulated months, the Dalwai ^^Jf^^^^jg formally demanded possession of the city, though he liad scarcely made a show of performing his part of the engagement. Kheir-u-din replied by returning to him his intercepted letters, and told him that he had for- feited all claim to the cession, but should still be paid the expenses he had incurred, though in fact employed against a common enemy. The Dalwai at first affected great indignation, but afterwards pretended to close with the jiroposal, and brought a claim to the amount of 8,500,000 rupees, a sum which he knew that it was utterly impossible for the nabob to pay. During this time he was carrying on a treaty with M. Dupleix, and his negotiations, which had slackened after the defeat of the French at Bahiir, became more earnest as he lost the hope of getting possession of Trichinopoly by his own contrivances. He had drawn off his camp from the neighbour- hood of the city to Scringham after the detection of his intrigues with Poverio, and when he heard that 198 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP VI. Decem- ber 23, A.D. 1752. Lawrence had retired into winter quarters, lie began to intercept the supplies of the garrison, and soon after s^ovember gg^t Mordr Rao, under pretence of a quarrel with him- ^.D. 1752. . , ' 1.1 11 1 . • 1 T self, to jom the lirench with ail his troops, including a detachment which had been sent to Lawrence after his victory at Bahur. The English Government, who had hitherto refused all active interference between the nabob and the Mysoreans, thought they were now justified in treating the latter power as an enemy. By their order Dalton made a night attack on the Dah^di's camp, and com- pelled him to take refuge within the walls of the great pagoda. He determined to drive him from this position by a bombardment, and, preparatory to that operation, he detached a large portion of his force to occupy a defensible choultry within the island. They were attacked next day by the Mysore army, and, a party of the nabob's troops who had imprudently exposed themselves, being routed by a body of 300 Rajpiits in the Mysore service, the English detachment was seized with a panic, abandoned the choultry, and were almost entirely destroyed before they could recross the river. Of seventy Europeans and 300 Sepoys, only fifteen escaped unhurt : the ofiicers remained at their post and were cut ofi" to a man. After this Dalton had scarcely troops enough to defend his garrison. He ordered out the 700 Mysoreans who had hitherto been allowed to remain within the place, and having restored the confidence of his men by a successful sally, he remained entirely on the de- fensive, while the Mysoreans kept up a strict blockade around the town. Up to this time Lawrence had remained in his winter quarters at Fort St. David. In the beginning of January, A.D. 1753. CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. I'JO the new year tlic French sent a detachment of 500 Euro- chap . VI peans, sixty dragoons, 2,000 sepoys, and 4,000 of Mordr Kdo's horse, to the immediate neighbourhood of Trivadi, Januaiys, whicli was lield l)y part of Lawrence's force. On this the major marched to the same place, with 700 Euro- peans, 2,000 sepoys, and 1,500 of the nabob's horse, if such a rabble deserve to be counted. A partial action took place, in consequence of an attack of the French, on the village of Trivadi ; but Dupleix, whose object it was to protract the war in the Carnatic, and make it subservient to the siege of Trichinopoly, had sent orders to avoid a general action, and the French, while they secured their camp from attack by surrounding it with strong works, availed themselves with such effect of their great superiority in cavalry, that Lawrence had no means of subsisting his troops except by marching his whole force to Fort St. David and back whenever a supply was required. These marches were always harassing, and sometimes dangerous. After one of them, to which the opposition was unusually serious, Lawrence determined to bring things to a decision by an attack on the French camp, but on arriving at a distance from which it could be clearly seen, it was found to be so regular a fortification, and so well defended by ordnance, that any hope to carry it by assault was vain, and Lawrence was constrained to return to his own camp without having been able to Besyinning strike a blow. f n^?-jC A.D. 1 too. Three months had elapsed in these discouraging- labours, and Lawrence was deliberating on tlie removal of his force to some point where it miglit be more useful, when intelligence received from Trichinopoly at once determined his movement and left him no choice April 20, in what direction it should be made. ^'^' ^^^'^' VI 200 RISE or BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. cnAP. The Mysoreans liad so effectually succeeded, by means of their numerous cavalry, in preventing the entry of provisions into Trichinopoly that the resources of the city were nearly exhausted. The shops were shut, the inhabitants began to suffer famine, and the troops were only maintained from the stores laid in against such an emergency. In these circumstances Dalton thought it necessary to examine the magazines, which were reckoned to contain provisions for four months, when to his dismay he discovered that, from the impru- dence or corruption of the nabob's brother, the greater part had been allowed to be sold, and that the stock remaining was only sufficient for fifteen days, a period too short to admit of the army at Trivadi marching to his relief. This news reached Lawrence at ten on the night of April 20, and at daybreak he was in motion for Trichinopoly, after leaving a strong garrison in Trivadi. As one great cause of the embarrassments of the English was their want of cavalry, Lawrence took the route of Tanjore in hopes of prevailing on the raja to contribute a body of horse to the common cause, but though received with great respect and overloaded with promises, he did not succeed in getting the aid of a single liorseman. Not witli standing some spirited sallies of Captain Dalton's, the blockade of Trichinopoly was strictly main- tained till May 6, when Lawrence entered the place. His +roops had suffered severely from the violence of the hot winds on their march. Several died, others were sent back sick to Fort St. David, many (especially of the Swiss) deserted, and 100 men were sent into hospi- tal as soon as they arrived at Trichinopoly. The force CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 201 disposable for the field, including sncli portion as CHAr. could be spared of the garrison, amounted to no more than 500 Europeans and 2,000 sepoys, with the nomi- nal aid of 3,000 of the nabob's ill-paid and mutinous horse. A French detachment of 200 Europeans and 500 sepoys, sent by Dupleix, under M. Astruc, joined the Mysore army on the same day. Lawrence determined to take advantage of his superiority in regular troops while it lasted, and marched, three days after his arrival, intending to bombard the pagoda of Serin- gham. The nabob's troops to a man refused to ac- company him. The Mysoreans fled when the English crossed the Cdveri, but a gallant charge of the Riijpiits gave time for M. Astruc to come up, and his able dis- position of his small force effectually checked the English, and compelled them to give up their attack after twenty hours of marching and cannonade, and the loss of two officers killed and three wounded. The hope of any decisive success bemg thus frustrated, Lawrence applied himself to collecting provisions for the garrison, but in this he failed from the lukewarm- ness of the Ejija of Tanjore and Tondiman, from whose countries his supplies were to be drawn. The raja's minister was bribed by the enemy, and Tondiman, though a faithful friend, was apprehensive that if Trichinopoly were rendered secure, the army to which he looked for protection would be withdrawn to some other service. Thus, at the end of five weeks, Lawrence had been able to obtain no more provisions than were required to maintain his troops from day to day. Tlie French at Trivadi lost no time in })rofiting by the removal of Lawrence to Trichinopoly. They forth- 202 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, witli attacked the fort, which they took, after several faihires, and sent the survivors of the garrison prisoners to Pondicherry. The whole of the northern part of the Carnatic was at this time a scene of confusion, filled with freebooters acting in the name of one or other of the parties, and sometimes in their own. Mohammed Ali's present rival was Mortezza Ali of Yellor. M, Dupleix had at first named Chanda SAheb's son, Rezza Sdheb, to succeed his father as subordinate nabob. He found him of little use, and as, after spending 140,000/. of his private fortune on the service of the state, he was at a loss for money to carry on the war, he removed Rezza Sdheb, and offered the nabobship to Mortezza, whose reputed wealth promised to supply the deficiency. Mortezza Ali accepted the office, and paid 50,000/. on receiving in- vestiture, but finding that he would be expected to continue pecuniary su2:)plies, and even to take the field in person, he became entirely disgusted with his eleva- tion, and was glad to be allowed to return to Vell(')r. The present success of the French, however, so raised his spirits, that he issued from his fort with fifty Europeans, 2,000 sepoys, and his own irregular force, defeated the nabob's troops at Arcot, destroyed the English garrison of fifty Europeans and 200 sepoys, and took possession of that capital and the surrounding country. So much was he encouraged by this success that he laid siege to Trinomalie, a place of importance between Arcot and Trichinopoly, and at a considerable distance from his retreat of Vellor. Mordr R^o joined him in this undertaking with part of his horse, but 3,000 of the number, under Eunas Khdn, marched with a detacliment of Europeans and sepoys sent by Dupleix to Trichinopoly. CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 203 After this reinforcement tlie allies outnumbered chap. Lawrence beyond all proportion, and of his small body 700 sepoys were detached into Tondiman's country to collect and escort supplies.^ With this superiority they forced Lawrence to fall back to the neighbourhood of the town, and took up ground near him in such a manner as to stop the supplies from the southward, and cut off all communi- cation with the 700 detached sepoys. The fall of Trichinopoly seemed to be inevitable. The most san- guine of its defenders began to lose hope, the rest sunk into despondency, and a strong spirit of desertion arose among the men. To increase the difficulties of the English army, M. Astruc determined to seize on a small rock situated be- tween his camp and that of the enemy. Lawrence, aware of the importance of this rock (the loss of which would have rendered his position untenable), had stationed 200 sepoys to defend it, and moved out in person when he perceived that it was threatened. He was oblic^ed J""© 2g, ^ A.D. 1753. to leave 100 Europeans to defend his camp, and most of his sepoys were in the city endeavouring to procure food ; his whole force therefore only amounted to 380 Europeans and 500 sepoys. 8 The allies had : Europeans ..... 450 French sepoys .... 1,500 Monir Rao's horse . . . 3,000 Rd.jput horse .... 500 Mysore regulars .... 1,200 Mysore irregular infantry . . 15,000 Mysore cavalry .... 8,000 Lawrence had : Europeans ..... 500 Sepoys (including the 700 detached) 2,000 He had also 100 of the nabob's hoi'se, the rest pereniptoi'ily refusing to move from under the walls. 204 HISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. The extremity of their danger roused the spirit of " this little band, and made them willing to run any risk in the field rather than allow themselves to be worn out by famine. Their first efforts, however, were of no avail. Their approach stimulated the exertions of the French, and before they had got more than half way to the post, the 200 sepoys were killed or made prisoners, and the French colours were flying on the top of the rock. They were now in the open plain, in presence of the whole French force ; the IMysoreans were drawn up within cannon shot, and the Marattas were already skirmishing on their flanks. Retreat seemed hopeless, and, in a hasty consultation which Lawrence held with his oflicers, they declared with one voice in favour of a gallant push against the enemy. The order was given to the troops, who received it Avith three huzzas. The grenadiers advanced at a rapid ])ace, and ran np the rock without a pause, driving their startled enemies before them, and followed by some of the most active of the sepoys. On reaching the summit, they saw the French line beneath them within the distance of a pistol shot. They immediately opened a hot fire, and the advance of Lawrence, who wheeled round the rock on the left of the French, compelled M. Astruc to change front to oppose him. This movement brought the right flank of the French immediately under the fire of the troops on the rock, and by the time it was accomplished, they saw the lllnglish opposite, at the distance of twenty yards. The French were astonished at this daring attack on them by such a handful of men, in the midst of the hosts of their allies. Lawrence left them no time to recover their presence of mind, and the vivacity of his fire on their fi'ont, with that on their flank from the hill, threw them CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAX. 205 into irrecoverable confusion, and tliev fled with the ut- chap. ... -^ VI. most precipitation. Tliey were saved from destruction by the gallantry of the Maratta horse, who threw themselves between the fugitives and pursuers, and charged the latter with a vigour that compelled them to look to their own defence. Balappa, the brother-in-law of Mordr Rao, fell in fighting hand to hand with the grenadiers, and the rest retreated, but not till they had secured the safety of their allies. The body of Balappa was afterwards sent to his friends in Lawrence's own palankeen, a mark of sympathy which was gratefully received. This exploit (perhaps the most brilliant in the whole contest between the French and English), could alone have averted the reduction of Trichinopoly. The 700 sepoys from the south were enabled to join, and brought m provisions for fifty days' consumption. To husband this supply, Lawrence withdrew his field force to Tanjore, at which time all the nabob's cavalry except fifty men went over to the enemy. At Tanjore he was joined by 170 Europeans and 300 sepoys, with a convoy of several thousand loaded bullocks from Fort St. David. He also j^revalled on tlie Raja of Tanjore to send 3,000 horse and 2,000 matchlockmen along with him to Trichinopoly, He was greatly embarrassed by his convoy, and Anofnst 7, received no support from his ncAV allies, but by a tactical skill which might have guided the largest army, he frustrated all attempts to stop his progress, and, after a wdiole day of manoeuvres and partial actions, he brouglit his charge undiminished into the toAvn. But he had S( on the mortification to find that the object of so iiiucli care was in fact of little value. The AugiLst 23, A.D 200 KISE 01-" BUITISII rOWEK IN INDIA. CHAP, provision of the grain was necessarily under the nabob's ' officers, who purloined the purchase-money, and allowed their followers to load with their own trumpery the bullocks which were supposed to carry this important supply. The whole actually produced amounted to but ten days' stock. The old difficulties were now to be encountered anew, and while Lawrence was occupied in dislodging the Mysoreans from a post which gave them the com- mand of one road into the town, he was surprised by the '1753!' arrival of a body of French troops equal to the whole of his own detachment.^ This reinforcement was received by its own party with every display of rejoicing. Lawrence was again reduced to the defensive, and his utmost skill and care were called forth in contriving the means of passing escorts with provisions through the enemy's posts, and above all in protecting the entrance of a reinforcement sent from Madras.^ Its arrival left him still greatly inferior in force to the enemy, but he had no further assistance to expect, and was reduced to three days' grain, with a still greater scarcity of fuel and every other necessary. He therefore determined to bring on Scptera- ^ o-eneral action. He first drew up his line in the plain ber 20, ^ ■'■ , ^ A.D. 1753. and offered battle. When the French refused this chal- lenge, he resolved to attack them in their position, which they had already strengthened, and were still continuing to improve. The Marattas were on the right of the enemy's camp, then the French, and the Mysoreans on the left of all. The right of the camp was entrenched, and '•* It consisted of 400 Europeana lately arrived from Mauritius, 2,000 sepoys, and 3,000 of Morar Rao's liorse, with many matchlockmen under his own command. ' 237 Europeans and 300 sepoys. VI. CONTINUANCE OF THE STRUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 207 thongli the fortification was incomplete on the left, that chap ilank was defended by a strong hill called the Golden llock garrisoned by 100 Frenchmen and 800 sepoys. The success of this desperate enterprise depended on its secrecy, and Lawrence disguised his intention so well that he took up ground not far from the French left without exciting any apprehension. At four in the morning he commenced his march in dead silence. xVs he drew near the Golden Rock, the moon, which till then had shone brightly, was suddenly obscured by a cloud, so that the English got within pistol shot of the rock before they were discovered. They mounted it in three places at once, and so complete was the sur- prise, that the enemy ran off without even discharging their field pieces, which were found loaded with grape- shot. Lawrence now formed his line, and at the same time sent the Tanjorine troops to make a show of attacking the French entrenchment in front. The English soldiers received the order to advance with loud huzzas, the drums struck up the Grenadier's march, and the sepoys sounded all their instruments of mili- tary music. This completed the rout of the Myso- reans, among whom the fugitives from the hill had already spread terror ; all crowded back on the Frencli, communicating their fears and increasing the general disorder. Finding his entrenchment no longer of any use, M. Astruc changed his front towards his former left and prepared for the attack, but his troops were too unsteady to fulfil his expectations ; they were soon put to flight, and the battle irretrievably lost. Eleven guns were taken. M. Astruc himself with nine oflicers and near 100 soldiers were made prisoners, and about an equal number were killed. Eiglity-five more Euroj)ean fugitives were picked up straggling in the country, 208 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, forty English soldiers were killed, Lawrence himself was ' slightly wounded, and Caj^tain Kilpatrick desperately. After that the French and their allies withdrew into the island, and provisions poured into the English camp in the utmost abundance. Six months' supply was laid up for the garrison, and Ualton, seeing all immediate danger at an end, gave up his command and went away to Europe. Soon after, Lawrence went into quarters for the monsoon at Coiladi ; and the 9^^°^~ Tanjorines set out for their own country. They pro- A.D. 1753. mised to return at the end of the rains, but the r^ija relapsed into his system of inaction, and before long was led by the influence of Sacca Ram, who had been gained by M. Dupleix, to displace Manikji, his general (who was a partisan of the English) and to enter into negotiations for an alliance with the French. While these events were passing in the south, Mohammed All's affairs were as prosperous in the other part of the Carnatic. The siege of Trinomali was raised by a detachment from Arcot, and Mohammed Kemdl, a powerful freebooter who had seized on the rich pagoda of Tripeti and appropriated the large revenue derived from the pilgrims, was defeated and put to death. But M. Dupleix was not a man to be cast down by ill- success. He set to without delay to repair the misfortune at Trichinopoly, and, by entrusting the defence of Pondicherry to the inhabitants, and sendmg every regular soldier into the field, he contrived, before the monsoon was half over, to reinforce the troops at Beginning Scriiigham with oOO Em-opeans, 200 native Christians, vembcr 1,000 scpoys, and some cannon. A.D. 1753. "Yhe arrival of this detachment did not disturb the previous inaction, and both sides lived in as much CONTINUANCE OF THE STKUGGLE IN THE DECKAN. 209 tranquillity as if they had concluded a regular suspen- chap. sion of arms. But the French were at that time projecting no less an enterprise than the storm of Trichinopoly. They had some months before sent a spy into the town, who was detected, but encouraged to hope for pardon if he would write such a report as would lead his employers to attack a particularly strong part of the works, where the garrison was for some nights kept ready to receive them. They never came ; the spy was suspected of collusion. Lawrence, who had been absent during the previous transactions, ordered him to be hanged, and the affiair was ere long forgotten. But the spy had not been guilty of this second deception, and it was against the place pointed out by him that the present attack was directed. It was an old gateway which projected from the outer wall into the ditch and communicated with the entrance in the inner rampart by a winding passage between high walls. The outer gate had been built up, and a battery was constructed on the terrace over it. The inner rampart overlooked the gateway and commanded the battery. Eight hundred Europeans Novem- and a large body of sepoys marched on this attack. ^^^"^-53 They took advantage of a very dark night, and com- pletely surprised the garrison. They crossed the ditch (which at this point was fordable), escaladed the gate- "svay, put the guard m the battery to the bayonet, and drawing up their ladders, proceeded to apply them to the inner rampart ; while another party carried two petards through the winding passage to blow open the inner gate. At this juncture an accidental noise gave the ahu-m to some of the English troops, and the French, finding they were discovered, turned the guns of the battery on the town, and commenced an open 210 RISE OF UlUTISII roWER IN INDIA. CHAF. attack with loud shouts of ' Vive le Roi ! ' Captain vi ' Kilpatrick, who comniaiidcd the town, lay wounded in his bed, but he issued his orders with promptitude and judgment. Lieutenant Harrison, whom he sent to the point attacked, behaved with equal coolness. The French were dislodged from the inner rampart, their ladders were thrown down and broken, and they were forced to take refuge in the battery, where they remained exposed to the fire of the garrison, unable to retreat from the loss of their ladders, and only protected by the extreme darkness of the night. At the same time Harrison, with a wise precaution, ordered a fire to be kept up on the pas- sage, though no sign of an enemy was discovered in that direction. This fire killed the men carrying the petards and dispersed the party, so that this most dangerous part of the attack was frustrated before it was perceived. Nearly 100 of the French threw themselves from the gateway, and were all either killed or disabled ; the rest sheltered themselves as they could till daybreak, when they threw down their arms and surrendered. 360 Europeans (including the wounded) were made prisoners, 37 were found dead, so that near 500 of the French were either taken, killed, or disabled, and those alone who had remained in reserve beyond the ditch returned uninjured to the island. So great was the impression made by this misfor- tune that the Rdja of Tanjore broke ofi^ a negotiation which he had nearly finished with the French, and even ordered 1,500 horse to join the English ; but he was speedily obliged to withdraw them by an incursion made into his country by Morar Rao, who took that way of punishing his tergiversation. About the same time a French detachment from Pondicherry failed in an attempt to besiege Palamcota. THE LOCAL TEUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 2J I CHAPTER VII. Affairs of HeideraMd — Difficiilties of Bussy's position — His vigorous measures — Important cessions of territory to the French— Negotia- tions between the French and English — State of the Mogul Empire — Operations before Tricliinopoly — Opinion in France on the war in India — Negotiations with England for peace — Supersession of Dupleix — Suspension of hostilities — Character of Dupleix — His treatment on his return to France— Terms of the treaty — English invasion of Madura and Tinivelly — Operations of the English fleet against pirates on the Malabar coast — Differences arising in carrying out the truce — Bussy's operations in the Northern cessions — His invasion of Mysore — Attacks the Rdjaof Savanore — His successes — Intrigues at Heiderabad — Dis- missal of the French and their retreat — Bussy occupies Heidei'ilbad — March of reinforcements from Pondicherry — Their conflicts with the enemy and entry into Heiderabad — Triumph of Bussy — Alarming news from the English settlements in Bengal — Account of the rise of the Sepoy force — Improvement in the Company's troops — On the manners of the French and English in India — Note on the titles of the native i:»rinces. During the period occupied by tlie transactions at chap. Tricliinopoly, important events bad taken place in the ^^^• Deckan. The death of Ghazi-u-dm did not put an end to the war with the Marattas. They no lon^^er disputed Salabat Jang's title, but they insisted on his confirming the cessions made to them by his elder brother. After some time their demands were agreed to, and a peace was concluded at Bidr, by the intervention of M. Bussy, -^i^xaic of who treated with the P6shwa lUilaji Rao in person. Novcu^ber Ragnji Bosla pretended to accede to this treaty, and promised to withdraw to his own territory, but as soon as the Peshwa was gone, he returned ;uid renewed his ravages in the country about Culberga. Tliough he 212 KISE OF BKITISII TOWER IN IN])IA. CHAP, endeavoured to avoid tlie French, he found his desiofns VII ... ^ ' frustrated by their activity, and was glad to make peace in earnest and to evacuate the territories which he had taken from the viceroy. In the last battle, which decided this contest, M. Bussy headed the Nizam's cavalry. His services during these wars with the Marattas were compensated by a fictitious grant of a high honour from Delhi, and, as it was usual to allot lands for the purpose of maintaining such dignities, M. Bussy took the opportunity of procuring a grant of Condavh' on this pretence, and disinterestedly made it over to his nation. Condavir is a very extensive district on the right bank of the Kishna, near the mouth. It is at no great distance from Masulipatam, and M. Dupleix had been very anxious to obtain it, even as a farm. It was M. Bussy 's wish to have carried the viceroy to the Carnatic, where his presence would have restored the French affairs, then at rather a low ebb. He had advanced as far as Culberga with this intention, when Decern- a ujutiny of the viceroy's troops, and the embarrassed A.D.lzpS. state of his finances, obliged him to give up the design. M. Bussy's situation indeed was materially altered since the death of Ragonat Das. That minister, from a wish to please, or from a temper really sanguine, had buoyed him up with a notion of the mexhaustible re- sources of the viceroy ; but no sooner was Seiad Lashkar Khan raised to power, than he disclosed to Bussy the true state of the finances, impoverished by the plunder of treasures and devastation of provinces during so many revolutions, and since weighed down by the expense of armies and subsidies. These real difiiculties were increased by the artifices of the new minister, who threw every possible obstruction in the way of finding funds THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 213 for the French, and hoped that by wearing them ont in chap. that way, he woiihl induce them to withdraw their troops. M. Bussy indeed seems seriously to have considered such a measure, and before marching from Culberga he held a council of his officers on the subject. He set before them on one hand the certain failure of their pay, and possibility of their not being able to procure supplies, and on the other, tlie loss of all the advantages they had gained, if they were to withdraw from the service. The officers decided that the honour of the nation required them to remain. On this Bussy gave his whole attention to securing a fund for his expenses, and proposed that the four Sircdrs, or districts contiguous to Condaviron the north, should be given up to tlie French, to be administered by their officers, under the management of the Government of Pondicherry. But the time was past when he had only to speak his will. The minister made difficulties and mterposed delays, until M. Bussy was taken so ill that he was under the necessity of retiring to the sea- coast. It was then that the full value of his ser- vices became manifest. He had maintained discipline among his troops ; he had preserved them from want by private loans ; he had kept on terms of friendship and equality with the great men of the court ; and had so completely gained the viceroy's confidence as partially to reconcile him to the state of pupiLage in which he was kept, and fully to convince him that neither his power nor his person would be safe if he had not the French to protect him against foreign and domestic enemies. No sooner was he gone than the general dislike to the French broke out. Their own troops, no longer restrained by so vigorous a hand, l)egan to clamour and 214 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. ciTAF. desert, and were only kept within bounds by the ' firmness and zeal of their officers, who contributed from their own funds to relieve their immediate wants. Seiad Lashkar Khan inspired the viceroy with a sense of his dependence, and began to take direct measures for effecting his emancipation. The presence of the French troops made this a dangerous task, but an ino'enious contrivance of Seiad Lashkar Khdn's delivered him from this embarrassment. After brino-ing; the pressure of their pecuniary difficulties to the highest 23itch, he proposed to give assignments on particular districts to the French, and authorised them to go themselves and enforce the collections. This proposal had every appearance of sincerity, and was agreeable to the officers, who saw a good chance of private advantage from a share in the administration of the revenue. In pursuance of this arrangement, the French troops were scattered about the country, only a small body remaining at Heiderabad with M. Goupil, the commanding officer. To remove him still further from the French, Seiad Lashkar suggested that the viceroy should find a pretext for a journey to Aurangdbdd, and should take only a small detachment of French troops as a body-guard. M. Goupil, who thought his own place was with the main body, allowed the guard to go under an officer of inferior rank, and made no provision for the political duties so much called for at the court. Seiad Lashkar, set free from restraint, pushed on his plans with greater boldness than before. He had always been much connected with the Marattas, and about this time he entered on a correspondence with the English, whom he hoped to make use of against their common enemy. ^ ' Dupleix, 91 and 94. M. Dupleix is not a safe authority, but the story is probable in itself. THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 215 M. Dupleix saw all these proceedings with well- chap. grounded alarm, and perceived that the only remedy lay in the return of ]3iissy. That officer was slowly recovering his health at Masulipatam, but had made up his mind to retire from the service. He had long seen the insecurity of the French power in the Deckan, and the little hope of assistance from the Carnatic, where the whole resources of the nation were swallowed up by the local war. He, from the first, recommended peace with jMohammed Ali and the English, and afterwards began to perceive that even such a relief would be insuffi- cient, that the Mogul power was gomg rapidly to decay, and, instead of affording any strength to its allies, would require all their exertions to uphold it against the Marattas. In addition to the discouragement occasioned by these reflections, it is probable that he also felt the danger of acting under M. Dupleix, who was in the habit of exacting impossibilities from his officers, and throwing the blame of any failure of his schemes on their want of energy in carrying his orders into effect.^ Dupleix strained every nerve to induce him to change his resolution. He declared that the talents of M. Bussy alone could retrieve the ascendancy of his nation ; gave him full powers to conduct the affairs of the Deckan at his discretion ; authorised him to contract loans on the Company's behalf ; and promised him further assistance from Pondicherry. To his own entreaties he joined the influence of a common friend whom he sent on purpose from l*ondicherry, and added the weight of his authority, by expressly ordering Bussy to return, and charging him with the responsibility of any consequences that might result from his disobedience. Bussy likewise received an * See Bussy'a letter to Dupleix in his 3Ienwire, 37. VII. 216 T5TSE (^F BKITISII POWEK IN INDIA. CHAP, address signed by the principal officers of his own force, ^^^' remonstrating against his purpose of leaving them, and earnestly entreating his return. Led by all these considerations, Bussy determined to set out, though but imperfectly recovered, and ordered his troops to concentrate at Heideraljad, where he meant to join them. Before his departure he wrote to Dupleix, settinoc forth the difficulties of his situation, and explicitly declaring that, unless he had the means of paying his troops, he would assuredly withdraw them •^"°^,^?' from the country. He reached Heiderabad on June A.D. l75o. •' . /» 1 20. lie assembled his army at that city, but found it nearly ninety thousand pounds in arrears, the sepoys in a state bordering on mutiny, and the governor of Heiderabad hostile, and disposed as far as possible to withhold supplies. It was also the rainy season, when it was impossible to move to Aurangdbad. He contrived, however, to borrow money for the pay- ment of part of the arrears, and forced the governor to find subsistence for his force during the time that it remained at Heiderdbad ; even with these aids, he still found it difficult to appease the dissatisfaction of his troops or to prevent their burstmg into open tumult and violence. In November he marched for Aurangabsid, where his appearance was sufficient to overawe all his enemies. He halted at some distance from the town, and several days were spent in negotiations before he made his entry. Seiad Lashkar's first thought was to fly to a hill fort, but on consideration he resolved on un- qualified submission, and sent the seals of his office to M. Bussy as an acknowledgment that his power de- pended on the pleasure of that commander. In these circumstances the parties soon came to terms, and about THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 217 the end of November, BusRy made his entry in great chap. pomp, and was met before he reached the walls by the . viceroy and all his court, with every mark of respect and honour. On the same day he had a private inter- view with Seiad Lashkar Khan, at which it was agreed that the four provinces near Masulipatam should be assigned to the French as a fund for their pay ; that the protection of the viceroy's person should be en- trusted to the French troops ; that the viceroy should in no respect interfere with the government of the Carnatic ; and that all other affairs should be carried on with M. Bussy's concurrence. On these conditions M. Russy engaged to support Seiad Lashkar Khdn in his office of Diwdn. This agreement was solemnly sworn to by the parties on the Bible and the Korean. It is not improbable that Seiad Lashkar continued his secret opposition, but all that is certain is, that he was removed by Bussy almost immediately after this agreement,'^ and that Shah Nawaz Khan was appointed his successor. M. Bussy hoped that this statesman had learned from experience the necessity of uniting with the French, and, after he had made some other changes in the court, he fancied that he had left none near the December, , . ^ , . A.D. 1753. viceroy but partisans oi that nation. The provinces ceded, together with those before possessed by the French (now comprehended under the name of the Northern Sircars), extend from the Carnatic to the district of Cattac in Orissa. Tlieir length is about 450 miles, and their breadth from fifty to eighty. Their situation made them very convenient to a European power, as they lay along the sea-coast, " Bussy (41) boasts in plain terms of having removed the partisans of the enemy, and replaced them with friends of France ; but Dupleix (99) speaks of Seiad Lashkar's retirement as voluntary and unaccount- able. December, A.D. 1753. 218 IIISE OF BUITISII POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, and were protected from the interior by woods and vir. . '■ '' mountains. They are rich in natural productions and manufac- tures, and contain about three millions of inhabitants. The annual revenue was estimated at 535,000/. It yielded while held by the French about 600,000/., and now amounts to upwards of 800,000/. During all M. Bussy's successes, he had recom- mended to M. Dupleix to make peace with the English, and such had long been the wish of the Company and Ministers in France. M. Dupleix had been induced, about the middle of 1753, to open a correspondence with Mr. Saunders. The negotiation went on very slowly, and it was not till the end of the year that it was agreed that commissioners from each party should meet at Sadrds, between Pondicherry and Madras, to settle the terms of a treaty. It was obvious at the commencement of this nego- tiation that it would lead to no adjustment, the English insisting that Mohammed Ali should be ac- knowledged as Nabob of the Carnatic, and the French that Sahibat Jang should be left without restraint to dispose of that province as he pleased. Nevertheless, the commissioners entered into an examination of the royal patents on which each party founded its claim, and affected to regard the whole question as turning on the titles of those princes.'* After the production of various documents, and several references to the respec- tive Presidencies, the conferences broke up without having advanced a single step. The real difficulty in the way of an agreement was never avowed nor dis- cussed. It was that, if the French acknowledged Mohammed Ali, even under an appointment from ■* [See note at the end of this chapter. — Ed.] THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 219 Salc4bat Jano', his connection with the Eno-lish would chap. . . . VII. give to that nation a decided preponderance in the Car- ' natic ; and on tlic other hand, if Sahlbat Jang were left to appoint a nabob at his own discretion, he would con- firm his appointment of M, Dupleix, or keep the French in possession under some other form. The justice of the proceedings of the European nations depended but little on the rights of the native princes ; which in fact had assumed no definite form since the dissolution of the empire. The real cjuestion was, which of the two compelled the other to embark in these quarrels. The first interference was made by M. Dupleix, but he justified it on the ground that if he had not seized the opportunity, the English would have anticipated him. Their support of a claimant to Tan- jore gave some foundation to the assertion, but that enterprise was on a small scale, and for a small object. It was unlikely, from the timid and unwarlike character of the English Government in India, that they would ever aggrandise themselves to such an extent as to be dangerous to the French. Had the latter nation left Nasir Jang and Anwar-u-din undisturbed, there is no reason to think that those rulers would ever have called in the English ; and it would have depended on some remote contingency whether that people ever took part in the politics of the peninsula. The first interference therefore may be charged on the French. But it need lay no great burden on the conscience of either nation. They overthrew no estab- lished government, and disturbed no tranquil popula- tion. The Mogul empire was in anju'cliy and confusion from end to end. The supremacy was falling rapidly into the hands of the Miirattas, more destructive conquerors tlian ever the Europeans have proved, and 220 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IX INDIA. CHAP, incapable of repaying the evils of their first settlement ' by any subsequent improvement in government or civilisation. Hostilities were not suspended during these nego- tiations, and the contest at Trichinopoly went on without interruption. The inroad of Morar Rao's horse had at first rather strengthened the Raja of Taujore's con- nection with the English. He had appointed Manikji, their partisan, to command his army, but although that general soon gratified him by taking signal vengeance on Monir Rao's party, he was unable to stand against Saccaram, on whose accession to power the raja's disposition towards the French revived. The number of French prisoners in Trichinopoly had obliged Lawrence to make a large addition to the garrison, and left his field force inferior to that of the French. Each party had about 600 Europeans, but the French had four companies of native Christians and 6,000 sepoys, besides the Mysoreans and Marattas, while Lawrence had about 1,800 sepoys, with no native ally. He was therefore confined to the defensive, and obliged, as before, to give his whole attention to supplies. He was seven times successful in introducing convoys under strong escorts, but on the eighth, when he had detached a third of his wdiole force to ])rotect a very important supply of provisions, stores, and treasure, the French made so good a use of their superior numbers that the whole convoy fell into their hands, and the escort to a man were either killed or Febru- taken prisoners. Much of the slaughter, as well as of A.D. i7.">4. t)ie success, was owing to the spirit and activity of Morar Rao ; and the French had a glorious opportunity of displaying their humanity by protecting the survivors from the fury of his troops. THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 221 Lawrence's movements were now more restricted chap. than ever. He, however, contrived to obtain supplies by ' stealth and in small quantities, but at the end of three months this resource began to fail him, and he had no alternative but to risk a large portion of his remaining force, or to retreat to Tanjore and leave the garrison to its fate. He determined on the former experiment, and sent May 12, out a strong detachment under Captain Caillaud to cover a convoy which he had ordered to attempt an entrance. The French were aware of this intention, and placed a force of double its strength in ambuscade in a dry tank near the spot where the detachment was to await the convoy. The detachment made an unexpected re- sistance ; the whole French army moved out to secure the capture of it, and the English were compelled to make a similar r^ovement to endeavour to save it. The French had 750 Europeans, 5,000 sepoys, and 10,000 Mysore horse. The English were much less than half the number of regular troops, and with only eleven mounted men, and their last chance M^as staked on this unequal contest. Lawrence, who was confined to the town by illness, had himself carried to the top of a gateway, where he watched the struggle, and trembled for the issue. But his anxiety was ere long relieved, for the English, though forced to take post and to form a hollow square, repelled every assault with so much firnmess that the enemy at length desisted, and allowed them to march back to the town. Duringc this engagement, the convoy had passed in unmolested, and the danger of the crisis was at once dispelled. Having failed in stoj)ping the I'higlish convoys, the enemy determiiie(l to strike at the source of their supply; they nuu'ched into Tondiman's country, where they 222 RISE OF BRITISH POWEK IN INDIA. CHAP, burned the villages and drove the inhabitants hito the VII • " woods. They next invaded Tanjore, though the nija had long discouraged the exportation of provisions to Trichinopoly, and the more effectually to destroy that May 2i_, country they took Coiladi, and broke down the famous embankment which that place was constructed to l)rotect. This mortal injury threw the Tanjorines for ever into the arms of the English. About the same time Morar Rao, who had long before ceased to act with the French, marched off to his own country loaded with contributions which he had exacted from all parties. The English also began to be joined by detachments, and had every prospect of soon being powerfully reinforced. Immediately on liearing of the destruction of the convoy in February, the Government of Madras had exerted itself to repair the disaster, but it unluckily made the march of the troops it had collected depend on the movements of the nabob's brother, Mahfuz Khan. This man had been taken prisoner at the battle of Ambiir, in which his father was killed, and had since inclined to the party of Mozaffcr Jang, but he now came with 2,000 horse and as many infantry, whom he had collected with the professed intention of joining his brother. His wants, his laziness, and his timidity occasioned continual interruptions to his proceedings, and retarded the march of the reinforcement for nearly six months. At leno'th Lawrence ordered them not to wait for August H, Mahfuz Khan, and they joined his force in the neigh- A.D. 1754. 7 .7 J o bourliood of Tanjore. All these changes had brought the English to a level with the French, and a severe struggle was expected to have been the result of their equality, but THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 223 causes little influenced by tlieir contest had already chap. given a new direction to the course of events. The [ French declmed an engagement, military operations became of secondary importance, and the approach of the rains constrained Lawrence to retire mto winter ber\X' quarters at Coiladi. About the same time the English ^-^^ i^s-i. fleet under Admiral Watson reached Madras. It brought out the King's forty-ninth regiment, 700 strong, under Colonel Adlercron, and a small party of the Royal Artillery, with 200 recruits for the Company ; the French also at about the same time received a rem- forcement of 1,200 men, of whom 600 were hussars, but circumstances had taken away the interest which would have been produced by these additions to the strength of the belligerents. M. Dupleix's first successes filled all France with delifrht and admiration. The King-'s ministers and the Company concurred in their aj)plauses of the Governor who had so much extended their territories and increased the reputation of their arms ; but they early expressed an anxious wish that he would secure all the great advantages he had gained by concluding peace, and when they heard of the march of Bussy's detach- ment into the interior of the Deckan, they evinced the liveliest alarm at the possible consequences of such an undertaking, and positively ordered the detachment to be recalled to their own possessions. But during all this time they did not abate their commendations of M. Dupleix, who was created a marquis as late as the end of 1752, and whose calls for troops and stores were met by liberal promises of support. The failure of the siege of Trichinopoly in 1752 seems first to have shaken their confidence in Dupleix. The derangement of their commerce during these exten- 22-i KISE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. CHAP, isive wiirs, and the disappoiutiiient of their hopes of imme- ' diate profit from their acquisitions, had a tendency to in- crease their dissatisfaction,^ and about the same time they began to receive frequent representations from the court of England on the continuance of hostilities in India (hiring profound peace in Europe. The French were probably unwilling to purchase peace in India by great sacrifices, and they protracted the discussions regarding it for more than a year without any result, but they were desirous of avoiding a general war imtil they had time to restore their navy, and their views of aggran- disement were more directed to America than to the East.^ It was owing to these pacific influences that the negotiations at Sadnis took place, and these afterwards acquired additional strength from the firmness of the British. Government, which was preparing a naval squadron and some king's troops for India. Having once made up their mind to peace, the French saw the obstructions that would be opposed to it from the character of M. Dupleix, and they determined to remove him and send out M. Godeheu, a Director of the Company, in his room. '• [Lally Tollendal, in an elaborate review of Dupleix's career prepared for the Bio(j7aphie Univcrsdlc, says that matters were brought to a crisis between the Company and Dupleix by the abrupt disclosure of the state of the finances of the Indian settlement. During the latter part of his administration he had disregarded their instructions, even in the disposal of the troops they sent out, and in the end declared that the King alone had the right to judge of his actions. When his policy was successful he held out extravagant hopes of advantages, and when he met with re- verses he concealed or extenuated their losses. On June 20, 1752, the Company were informed that they had a clear surplus of 24,110,418 liv. Seven months later, Feb. 19, 1753, the Council of Pondicherry wrote, ' Far from having any surplus, we owe nearly two millions. The deficit has exhausted our resources,' &c. This last despatch overwhelmed the Directors of the Company and the Council of the King, and they decided on an immediate change in the administration. — En.] ® Orme ; Dupleix. THE LOCAL TKL'CE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 225 M. Godeheu arrived at Pondicherry on Auo-ust 1. chap. He had brought with him a powerful reinforcement of French troops, and, as the English fleet had not then arrived, he might, by a vigorous application of his means, have gamed so decided an advantage over La\vrence as would have materially influenced the terms of the peace/ But his inclination, and probably his instructions, were to avoid fresh causes of irritation. He opened an immediate communication with Mr. Saunders, and, as a proof of his favourable intentions, released the Swiss company which had been made prisoners at sea.^ The impression made by this change of Governors was as great as could have been efl*ected by any revolu- tion. The French considered the system they had been pursuing as extinguished with the government of M. Dupleix. They regarded the change as the result of an unqualified submission to the English, and saw with indignation the vast acquisitions which had cost them so many labours on the point of being sacrificed by the pusillanimity of their own Government. Bussy and Moracin (the Lieutenant-Governor of the recent cessions), declared their intention of withdrawing from the service. The troops at Trichinopoly, thinking themselves no longer secure of their pay and arrears, began to mutiny. The native princes viewed the trans- action with the same eyes. The Dalw^ii of Mysore de- plored the change with tears, and Shah Nawtiz Khan, on the part of Salabat Jang, announced that he saw no resource but in entering on terms with the English.^ M. I)u])leix himself received the notice of his removal wdth the same composure which he had displayed in all " Dupleix, lOo. " Ornie, i. 309. " Dupleix, 105 i^'c, witJi tlif docnuients there quoted. VII. 226 KISE OF BKITISIT POWER IN INDIA, CHAP. Lis former reverses. He professed liis readiness to VII . ' afford every assistance to M. Godeheu. He wrote to entreat Bussy and Moracin to allow no change to diminish their zeal for the public service, and he pointed out to his successor the means which he conceived the best for obtaining on honourable terms tlie peace which was so much desired.^ His plans, which were influenced by his own previous views, did not meet with the concurrence of M. Godeheu, and were rendered less practicable by the arrival of the English Octo- fleet and troops. A suspension of arms for three ^Vihi nionths was concluded between the Governors, and the negotiations for a permanent adjustment were renewed with fresh spirit." Three days after the signing of the suspension, M. Dupleix sailed for Europe. The pride and haughty de- meanour of this great Governor, with his rigour in exacting duty, and the toils which his ambition im- posed on all his officers, had made him many enemies among those subject to his authority. But these feel- ings were extinguished on his removal. The glory attained under his government was remembered, and every Frenchman agreed in considering his dismission as the greatest misfortune that could have fallen on their nation. Later times have confirmed their judg- ment. We look with admiration on the founder of the European ascendancy in India, to whose genius the mighty changes which are now working in Asia owe their being ; the first who made an extensive use of dis- ciplined sepoys ; the first who quitted the ports on the sea and marched an army into the heart of the conti- nent ; the first, above all, who discovered the illusion of the Mogul greatness, and turned to his own purposes ' Dupleix, 111. - Oniie ; Dupleix. THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 227 the awe with which weaker minds still refj^arded that chap. VII gigantic phantom. " His many great qualities were not without alloy. Though free from any act of atrocity, he showed in his official conduct a total disregard of the principles of morality and public law, with an insincerity and love of artifice de2:radino^ even to a character less ele- vated than his. ■ It is said by Orme that he could not preserve his coolness when in the tumult of instant danger, but this deficiency (if it can be believed) was amply compensated by the courage with which he contemplated dangers of other descriptions at which the stoutest soldier might have trembled.^ By his accounts which he delivered to M. Godeheu, it appeared that he had expended for the public 300,000/. more than he had received. These funds were supplied from his private fortune, or from loans on his personal credit. The repayment was basely withheld by the Company ; his services were forgotten by the Crown. The most he could obtain was a protection from the legal claims of his creditors, and, after nine years of soliciting and of litigation, he died, a memor- able example of the ingratitude of a court and nation to whose glory his whole life had been devoted. About the same time Lawrence quitted Trichino- Middle of poly, . leaving Captain Kilpatrick in command of the a. d. 1754. garrison. M. Godeheu and Mr. Saunders made so good a use of tlie time granted for a suspension of arms, that before the end of the year they had come to a settle- ment, as fiir as their poAvcrs allowed, and on January 1 1, 1755, when the suspension expired, they ])ublished a J:""i- ^ Dupleix, Appendices. For Oniie's estimate of Du])leix's character, see i. 37!'. y A.D. 1755. 228 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, provisional treaty, to take effect if approved by the two " Governments in Europe, and a truce to be observed until the decision of both their Governments was received. The terms of the treaty were that the two Companies should renounce all Moorish '^ government and dignity, and should never interfere in the disputes of native states ; and that all places in their possession not specified in the treat}'' should be given up to the Moors. In Tanjore the English were to retain Devi Cota, and the French Carical. In the Carnatic the English were to retain Madras and Fort St. David, and the French Pondicherry, with a territory ecpial to that of the other two. In the Northern Sircars the French had the option of retaining Masulipatam and giving up Divy to the English, or keeping Divy and giving up Masulipatam. In the other northern districts each party was to have an equal number of factories at spots fixed in the treaty. While the treaty remained under reference, neither nation was to procure any new grant or cession. The old fortifications of their establishments were to be kept from falling into decay, but no new ones were to be erected. The indemnities due to each nation for the expenses of the war were to be settled in the definitive treaty. The truce provided that until a decision on the treaty was received from Europe, the French and English should not act against each other as principals or auxi- liaries ; that they should restrain tlieir native allies from carrying on hostilities ngainst each other, and that ^both nations should unite against any of them, or any other power that should disturb the public tran- cpiillity. Free communication for troops and mer- ■* [Maliometan, see ante, p. 7, nute. — Ei>.] THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 229 cliandise was to be allowed tlirou ,) J ' now chief These invaders, after ravaging the country for some time, were driven out by M. Moracin with his small force of regulars joined to the troops of Vijei Ram. Jdfir Ali, on this, threw himself on the vice- roy's clemency, was pardoned, and allowed to retain a jagir in the Upper Deck an. During this time M. Bussy had been employed against the Naik (or Poligar) of Nirmal, a wild tract in the south-east of Berar inhabited by forest tribes, but as soon as that duty was performed, he set out for Masulipatam, and arrived there in July 1754. He found full occupation in reducing the half independent zemindars and levying tribute on the hill chiefs, until, in January 1755, he was summoned to join Salabat Jang on an expedition which he contemplated to recover his arrears of tribute from Mysore. This design involved M. Bussy in great embarrassment. The Raja of Mysore was in close alliance with the French, and yet M. Bussy was bound by the conditions on which he received the cessions to assist the viceroy against all enemies. His desire to preserve the reputation of a faithful ally to the viceroy did not (as he says) allow him to hesitate in joining his army, but he did so with the firm resolution of preserving the same re- putation with the Raja of Mysore.^ His expedient was to injure the Mysoreans as little as he could, and to use all his influence to bring about an accommodation. His double game was disturbed by the obstinacy of the Mysoreans. Several of their forts only surrendered on the appearance of the French ; others held out, and were not taken without bloodshed ; and when the invaders approached Seringapataui, the brother and ' Memoir e pour Bussy, 53. THE LOCAL TRUCE, SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 239 colleao-ue of the Dalwai, who resided there, announced chap. . . . VII. his intention of defending the phice to the last. All this time M. Bussy contmued his endeavours to bring about a peace, and enforced his arguments by the rapidity with Avhich he urged on the operations of the siege. It is probable he would have taken the town by assault in a few days, when the invasion of Mysore by the Peshwa brought a new motive for the submission of the besieged. M, Bussy engaged to procure the retreat of the Marattas, if the Mysoreans would satisfy the claims of Salabat Jang ; and the Mysoreans, pressed on all sides, agreed to pay arrears to the amount of fifty-six lacs of rupees. This was exactly double the amount due at the most liberal calculation, and a large portion was required to be paid immediately. The payment could only be made by giving up the jewels and plate belonging to the nija (including the orna- ments of his women), as well as the same description of property belonging to the temples ; hostages were taken for the second payment, most of whom died in prison ; and M. Bussy speaks A\dth more than usual complacency of the applause and gratitude expressed by both parties for this conciliatory arrangement.^ By this time the Marattas were in some measure satiated with plunder, and the fear of a quarrel with the viceroy, added perhaps to some share of the money received at Seringapatam, induced the Peshwa to retire to his own frontier.''^ The viceroy also returned to Heiderabad, where he arrived in July 1755. The attack on Mj^sore by the French was contrary ' Menwire pour Biissy, 54. The account of liis proceedings is from Orme, i. 403, and Wilks, i. 34G. ■'' Orme, i. 404, and for tlie pecuniary payment Grant Dull', ii. (>(i. 240 KISK OF BRITISH POWKIl IN INDIA. CHAP, to tlie siiirit of the truce, and it so mncli alariucd the VII ' Madras Government that they called in the troops from Madura (as has been stated) for the defence of their own possessions. When they remonstrated with M. de Leyrit, the French Governor, they were told that the truce did not stipulate for the recall of M. Bussy, and m fact was only mtended to provide for the tranquillity of the province of Arcot. The time ,'^oon came when this view of the question was favourable to the interests of the English, and the Government of Madras made it their chief argument in the discussion with that of Bombay, whether the troops sent from England under Clive could justly be employed in the Deckan during the existence of the truce. But though the exemption of the Frencli army in the Deckan from the truce was insisted on at different times by both parties, it is difficult to find the least ground for the position. No exception is made in its favour in the truce, and the treaty plainly extends to it, since it assigns an equal number of factories to the Frencli and English in the Northern Sircars, the whole of which were at this time in exclusive possession of the French. In February 1755, Salabat Jang and M. Bussy marched against the Nabob of Shahniir (or Savanore) one of the three Patau nabobs, who had probably been left lui molested after the death of Mozaffer Jang, and now affected independence. His country is detached from that of the two other nabobs, and lies near the southern frontier of the Marattas, about 2 GO miles from Piina. Mordr Eao's fort of Guti lies 150 miles east of Shahniir, but his original seat of Sondur is about ]uilf-way l^etween those places. About the time when the viceroy marched against the Nabob of THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 241 Sluilmur, tlie Peshwa Balaif luio moved from Puna to chap. . VII. reduce Morar Rao ; and as neither of the refractory ' chiefs was without apprehension on his own account from the enemy of the other, they formed a close connection, and Morar Rao threw himself with a select body of troops into the town of Shahniir. The viceroy and the Peshwa, on the other hand, united their armies, and supported as they were by the French, must soon have made themselves masters of the place. But Morar Rao had a claim for about 150,000/. on the French Government, and liad often applied for it to the Council at Pondicherry in a tone of menace which made them very anxious that it should be settled. He now offered to cancel this debt if M. Bussy would obtain for him the protection, or at least the neutrality, of the viceroy. Bussy closed with the offer, and the bonds were deposited with a common friend. On the other hand (says M. Bussy), Balaji Rao appealed to the faith of treaties and his alliance with the French nation : it was necessary to serve one party in affectmg to serve the other, while the viceroy (by whom M. Bussy was subsidised) wished that no service should be done to either.^ The boldness with wliich M. Bussy managed these conflicting engagements would have been admirable in an honest cause. Instead of re- tarding hostilities, he pushed tlicm on with the greatest vijrour, and exulted when he saw the sieo;e of Shd-hniir about to open, and all parties reduced to dependence on his military skill and resources. He was then chosen arbiter by all ; he dictated the conditions of the peace, '* ' D'un autre coto, Baljiji'rao rt'clfimi)it la foi dcs traites ct Talliance de la nation Fran^aisc. II falloit servir I'lin et aflecter de scivir Fautre. Des vues du dorbar ctoient do nc servir aucun des deux.' {Mcmoirc, 57.) R 242 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP and it was concluded (says lie), to tlic glory of the " F rench name and the satisfaction of all parties.^ This satisfaction was not quite so general as M. Bussy describes it, and an opposite feeling al- most immediately led to a rupture of the French connection with the viceroy. Shah Nawaz Khan had watched the whole of the preceding negotiations, but abstained from all inter- ference, and saw with pleasure M. Bussy involving him- self in ti'ansactions which must destroy all reliance on his fidelity. Not long before the present campaign, M. Bussy had undertaken to exert his irresistible influence in procuring the government of Burhanpiir for one of the French Company's creditors on his renouncing his debt of 12,000/. or 13,000/. M. Bussy (as he truly observes) might have sold this patronage on his own account, and the use he made of it was a proof of his public zeal ; but, admitting the most perfect personal integrity on his part, he. had many parties to conciliate for his nation, and it is not to be supposed that all his native agents were as disinterested as himself. We may therefore imagine how burdensome his ascendancy was to the minister, and how general must have been the hatred borne to him by all ^\ lio looked to promotion from the court. A strong party was thus formed ao'ainst the French, the real heads of which were Shah Nawaz Khan and Jafir Ali Khan, the displaced governor of the Northern Sircars. By their means the viceroy was impressed with a conviction that his interests both in the Deckan and the Carnatic were saci"ificed to the separate views of the French, and lie was induced to give his consent to the removal of the troops of that nation from his service. Balaji was also ' Memoire, 57. THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 243 applied to for assistance in expelling these intruders chap. from the Deck an, and joyfully agreed to a measure L_ which would have left the viceroy at his mercy. He even entertained hopes of engaging the dismissed French to take service in his own army. After this co-operation had been settled, and the additional precaution of assassinating M. Bussy had been considered and laid aside, the dismission of the French was announced to them, together with an order for their immediate departure from the viceroy's terri- tories. M. Bussy, though astonished at this sudden re- volution, took a calm view of his situation. Threatened by so great a force, and at such a distance from his re- sources, he saw that his only safe course was to yield to circuna stances and to wait for some favourable change. He therefore affected ready acquiescence, and marched May, off with his army, professedly for Masulipatam. He had ^'^' '^^' been promised in the viceroy's name to be allowed to retire unmolested, but found himself followed by a body of 6,000 Marattas belonging to the viceroy's jagirddrs of that nation,^ and as the zemindars of the country were ordered to obstruct his passage, he was harassed during the whole of a month's march which he was oblioed to make before he found a ford over the Kishna. A greater danger now awaited him in the approach of Jafir Ali, who had been despatched in pursuit of him with 25,000 horse and foot, and who came up just as he had crossed the Kishna. But the river rose soon after the " Onne supposes these horse to have been tlie Peshwa's, and sent by Bdlaji, from a high chivalrous feeling, to protect Bussy's retreat. Wilks believes the fact, but tries to find more probable motives. But lUis.sy mentions no such allies; on the contrary, he expressly states that Balajl joined in the confederacy against him ; and Grant Duif, from the family names of the chiefs, proves beyond doubt that they were the viceroy's jdgirdars, the same who soon after attacked M. Bussy at Hcidenlbdd. 244 EISE OF BKITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. French Lad forded, and it was fifteen days before Jiifir VII. Ali could effect liis passage. M. Bussy's force consisted of 200 European cavalry, 600 European infantry, and 5,000 well-disciplined sepoys, with a well-appointed train of artillery. AVith such troops he could easily have gained a battle over any force that could be brought against him, but there were still upwards of 200 miles of poor country between him and Masulipatam, and it would be easy for the enemy to cut off his provisions, which already began to fail. This last circumstance, and the want of money to pay the troops, produced sick- ness among the Europeans and discontent and desertion among the sepoys. On the whole it appeared to M. Bussy to be the most prudent course to prosecute his retreat no further, but to adopt the bold measure of seizing on Heiderabad, and standing on the defensive in the viceroy's own capital. He encamped near that city in the middle of Jmie, and as the garrison was too weak to resist him, he was allowed a friendly communi- cation with the town, and enabled to raise some money amontr the bankers to relieve his immediate wants. But the aovernor was son-in-law to Jafir Ali, and animated with the same hostility to the European intruders. All danger from him was removed by his assassination at an interview with Rutni Khan, one of M. Bussy's prin- cipal interpreters ; Eiimi Khan was killed on the same occasion, and the whole catastrophe is ascribed by Orme to a sudden quarrel. It is alleged with nuich greater pro- bability by a native historian^ to have been the contriv- ance of Heider Jang, M. Bussy's Diwan, who sent four assassins to the conference unknown to the unfortu- nate interpreter, on whom this act of perfidy was avenged. After this M. Bussy remained master of the ^ Translated in Hollingberry's Ilistory of Nizam Ali Khan, 4. THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 245 town. Tlie next event of consequence was the arrival cmap. ^ VII. of the Maratta jagirdars, whose numbers were now _ doubled. They summoned Bussy to give up such of ^"^^^^^^'g his guns as belonged to the viceroy, together with the emblems of his Mogul dignities. On these conditions they promised to allow him to proceed to Masulipatam. Bussy rejected their demand, and some success against a reconnoitring party having encouraged them to raise their terms, he broke off all negotiation and thought onl}'' of defence. He occupied the gai'den of the last •Tuiy-'>2_ king of Golconda, an extensive enclosure with high walls, containing a large reservoir of water, and palaces which afforded quarters for the troops. It was sej)arated from the city by the river Miisi, but M. Bussy stationed a strong party at a near point within the city walls, in an ancient and substantial building, the terrace of which was so solid as to allow four eighteen- pounders to be mounted on it. At the same time he seized on all the viceroy's magazines, and removed the cannon from the walls to his own quarters. At length Jafir Ali came up, and his first design was to attack the city, but M. Bussy mounted some guns of small calibre on the terrace of an archway that overlooked the town, and not only threatened to can- nonade the surrounding houses, but to set fire to tlie whole if any attempt was made by the viceroy's troops to pass the gates. This menace succeeded ; the attack on the town w^as given up, and the operations continued in the open country by a succession of surprises, skir- mishes, and field actions at which the romantic adven- tures of Trichinopoly seem to be renewed. A great change took place in M. Bussy's situation when 4,000 sepoys in the viceroy's service arrived in Jdfir Ali's camp. Tliey were raised, disciplined, and 246 RISE OF BKITISH POWKR IN INDIA. CHAP, commanded by Mozaffer Khun, a native officer of French VII. -^ ' sepoys who had gone over to the Peshwa m 1751, and had since successively transferred his services and those of his corps to the Raja of Mysore, the Nabob of Shahniir, and after the quarrel with the French, to the viceroy. He still retained great influence with the French sepoys, and had kept up a correspondence with some of their officers. On the very day of his arrival near Heiderabad, a whole company went out on pre- tence of exercising;, and marched straiofht with shouldered arms to his camp ; and a continuance of his intrigues, joined to the previous distress and discontent of the sepoys, produced a spirit of defection of the most alarmino; character. The knowleds^e of this feelinffem- boldened the Moguls, and determined M. Bussy to keep within his walls until he should be joined by reinforce- ments which were now near at hand. He had earnestly applied for additional troops from the time of his march from Shahniir, and had likewise employed the French agent at Surat to entertain 600 Arabs and Abyssinians for his service. The latter body was destroyed by the viceroy's troops while on its way to join him, but a force of 480 Europeans and 1,100 sepoys, with eleven pieces of cannon, from Pondicherry and Masulipatam, were assembled at the latter place and marched about the end of July, under the command of M. Law. On August 10 this detachment had arrived within fifteen leagues of Heiderabad, and on the lltli they renewed their march through a woody and rocky country which obliofed them to narrow their front and confine them- selves to the beaten road. While advancing in this manner, they perceived signs of the approach of an enemy. Sixteen thousand horse (12,000 of whom were Marattajagirdars), and 10,000 infantry commanded by THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 2-17 Mozaffer Khdn, had been sent out to intercept them, chap. and it was their parties which were now descried. The '. advanced guard of tlie French consisted of 400 sepoys, commanded by a native officer named Mahmiid Khan. He no sooner came in sight of the enemy than he quickened his pace as if impatient to engage them, and was soon seen to join their ranks and unite in the attack on his ohl masters. Nothing of much consequence was attempted during the rest of that day. Xext morning the French found the enemy in possession of a village which they proceeded to attack. The whole of the enemy's cavahy surrounded them, and presented a very threaten- ing aspect to troops about to be engaged in front. But M. Bussy had opened a negotiation with the two greatest of the Maratta jagirdars. He had had a secret inter- view w^ith them the night before they marched, and, by means not ascertained, prevailed on them to promise that they would not act against the detachment further than was required to save appearances. Favoured by this understanding, the French carried the village and halted there for the rest of the day. But that part of the cavalry which remained faithful to its duty had in the meantime attacked their bao-o'ao:e and seized or dispersed the oxen by which it was carried. In conse- quence of this misfortune, the French lost all their pro- visions and were obhged to kill some of the draught Ijullocks of their artillery before they could get a meal. They marched at night, and Ijefore morning made out fifteen miles to Meliapiir. The road was peculiarly difficult, and they were harassed by the infantry during the whole march, so that, although they had sustained scarcely any loss, they were fatigued and exhausted by the time they reached Meliapur. At this village they halted to refresh, but the leisure thus airorded left time 248 RISE OF BKITiSH TOWER IN INDIA. CHAP. foj. gloomy reflections. The loss of tlieir baggage ; the uncertain attachment of their sepoys ; the difficulty of the country which they had still to traverse, and the neighbourhood of the enemy's main body indicated by the increasing number of their opponents, disheart- ened both men and officers. They thought it im- possible to proceed unless assisted from Heiderabad, and prevailed on M. Law to represent their danger to M. Bussy. M. Bussy had that day made a diversion in their favour by a partial attack on the grand camp made with Europeans alone, but he was afraid to divide his force in present circumstances or to trust his sepoys in the neighbourhood of Mozaffer Khan. He never showed greater decision than in this critical juncture. He sent positive orders in the King's name to M. Law to march at all events on the receipt of his letter, and he crossed the Miisi with all the troops he could trust, so as to alarm the enemy Avitli the prospect of a general attack. M. Law had gamed little rest for his troops by the halt at Meliapur, having been harassed night and day by the attacks of the enemy. As soon as he received Augustu, ^[ Bussy's letter, he issued orders for marchinf^ at A.D, 1756. . "^ . ^ nightfall. He had a narrow defile to pass, which was lined with scattered infantry, and he was assailed by the cavalry wherever there was an opening for them to charge. His troops were thrown into some confu- sion, but tlieir flanks were in some degree protected by the defile, and, as they had no baggage, they con- tinued to move on at a rapid pace. When they reached the mouth of the defile, they found twenty pieces of cannon drawn up to bear on them. They were, however, ill-pointed and ill -served, and were soon silenced by THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 2-J9 the French artillery. In the open country they had chap. to fear the charges of the cavalry, but the backward- ness of the friendly jngirdurs discouraged the rest, and at five in the afternoon they reached Hei;itnagar, within six miles of Heidenibad, after eighteen hours of incessant marching and fighting. Here M. Bussy sent a detachment to reinforce them, and what was still more acceptable, a supply of provisions ready dressed. On the next day they entered Heiderabad, having lost in the last day ninety Europeans killed and wounded, and a greater number of sepoys. The whole march from the frontier did great honour to M. Law, and gives an unfavourable impression of the Nizam's troops, even when supported by disciplined sepoys. Salabat Jang and Shah Nawaz Khan had arrived in camp about a fortnight before this crisis, and on the same day on which the reinforcement entered, they sent proposals of ^'Jf'^j^Jjj"'' peace to M. Bassy. Both parties were disposed to an accommodation. M. Bussy did not require the removal of Shdh Ndwaz ; Jafir Ali came to Bussy of his own accord, and was reconciled after frankly acknowledging his error. Mozaff'er Khan and Mahinud Khan were ordered to separate from the viceroy's camp. Mahnuid soon after was taken prisoner by the French, but was pardoned in consideration of his former services. Mozafi*er entered the service of Balaji Rao, and was afterwards put to death for his share in a conspiracy. Thus ended a long train of dangers from wliich M. Bussy owed his deliverance to his admirable resolu tion and ability. He had an interview with Sahibat Jang, and was received, if possible, with more respect and apparent affection than ever. His rank and honours were fixed as high as they ever had been, 250 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, but he no longer attempted to exercise the complete _^_ control which he formerly possessed over the govern- ment of the Deckan. The sadden submission of Salabat Jang must doubtless have been in part occasioned by his own irresolution, and the failure of all the expectations held out by his minister, but it is probable that it was chiefly produced by events which were taking place in a distant quarter. From the first moment of the rupture with M. Bussy, Shdh Nawaz Khan had been soliciting assistance from the Madras Presidency. It was only by the aid of English troops that he could hope finally to expel the French, or to make head against the Marat fcas after this separation from his former protectors. The English had entered into these views, and had prepared a detachment for the support of their new ally, w^hen the intelligence of the total subversion of their establishment in Bengal compelled them to re- nounce all other objects, and turn their whole power to revenge the disgrace of their nation, and to afford immediate protection to the survivors of their country- men. -j^^^ . J - The news of this calamity reached Madras a month A.D. 1756. before the viceroy's overtures to the French, and must have been still earlier known at Heiderabad by direct conmiunications from Bengal. It at once destroyed all hope from the English, and scarcely left an alternative lor the viceroy but to renew his alliance with the French. The war with the French in the Carnatic has been described with more minuteness than will henceforward be required. It was the contest which decided the fate of India, and the school in which the system of THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 251 war and policy pursued by European nations in that chap. country was formed. . The military establishment of each Presidency at first consisted of a very small number of Europeans, who were reinforced in times of danger by native matchlockmen hired for the occasion, and by the inhabitants serving as militia. It soon became the practice to arm these men with European firelocks, but when they were first taught to move and act together, and by word of command, has not been recorded.^ In 1682 (as has been mentioned) the Bombay Government had repeatedly pressed on the Court of Directors the necessity of sending out European officers to train up and exercise the militia, but it does not appear that their request was complied with. The common opinion is, that disciplined sepoys were first introduced by the French ; it was certainly the French that soonest employed them extensively, and made them an im- portant part of every arm37-. Four hundred men of this description served at the siege of Madras in 1 746, while the English had only irregulars to oppose them. In 1747 a detachment of 100 sepoys arrived from Bombay, together with 400 from Telicherry ; which would lead us to conclude that such troops had already been trained on the coast of Malabar, but we do not know to what extent these sepoys were disciplined. At the siege of Pondicherry in 1749 the English had 1,100 sepoys, scarcely better disciplined than the common foot soldiers of the country. The English sepoys made little figure until the rise of Clive. They iirst dis- tinguished themselves in the defence of Arcot, up to which time they appear to have been very inferior to * iii. 145. ^52 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, tlie French sepoys. Even at the close of the first ' siege of Trichmopoly, the best sepoys in the English service were those who had come over from the French." But about this time the English sepoys began to assume a superiority which they afterwards retained, and to be favourably contrasted with their rivals both in spirit and fidelity. The earliest sepcys probably wore the native dress, with turbans of a uniform colour. The progress was very gradual, until they assumed the red jacket and a glazed cap on the model of a turban, and, after many changes, arrived at the close resemblance in dress to European soldiers which they now exhibit.^ The command of large bodies of sepoys was at first entrusted to natives, and they seem to have had corre- sponding rank. Mohammed Eusof was second in com- mand to Colonel Heron, though many European officers must have been present. The trust seems to have been too great a trial for the natives at that time. Mozaffer Khan and Mahmiid Khiin carried off their troops from the French army in the Deckan. Ibrahim Khan (known by the name of Gardi, a corruption from the French 'Garde') deserted in like manner about 1758, gained great reputation under the Marattas, and was killed at '•' Orme, i. 234. ' The translator of the Sei?- nl MotaMerin (a French convert to the Mahometan religion), who wrote in 1789, gives the following account of the French sepoys of early times, who, he says, scarcely bore a resemblance to the English sepoys of his own day. ' The French could neither change their dress, or clothe them uniformly, or keejj their arms in order, or punish them, or prevent their firing away their ammunition at the new moon, or pay them themselves, or bring them under the least restraint or discipline. They were a rabble with immense turbans and immense trousers ; with muskets so ill-used that not one in twenty was in order.' {Seir ul Motaklierin, iii. 152, note.) THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 253 Paiiii)ut. MoliJiinmed Eusof himself revolted from the chap. . . vii. English, as will appear hereafter, bat no sepoys under the exclusive command of natives ever seem to have approached the efficiency of those commanded by Europeans. Intermediate between the sepoys and the Europeans, were at one time a class called To passes. They were mixed descendants or converts of the Portu- guese ; they did not object to wear the European dress or submit to discipline, and though not superior to other natives, were classed with Europeans.^ -They were employed in Bombay as early as IGSS."* We can imagine the degraded state of the early Europeans, employed on low wages, as watchmen rather than soldiers, in small and scattered factories. When their numbers increased, they were still the lowest or most desperate of the population of the capital,^ until the exploits of the Company's army and the reports of the wealth of India drew young men of adventurous disposition into their ranks. The recruits had little or no training until tliey were sent on board ship, and * Orme, i. 80. ^ Orme's FragmenU, 130. ' [In the early days of the Company they ai-e said to have gladly accepted for service felons who were respited from capital punishment on condition of their being sent to the East Indies, but after the middle of the last century they resolutely refused to accept them, though much pressed by the Treasury. There is much correspondence in the India Office relating to the respiting of convicts in former days, which is noticed in the first of a series of papers lately published on ' Some of the India OlHce Records.' A letter of St. John is quoted showing how strongly the Government of the day insisted on convicts being sent to the East Indies. It is dated January 1, 1711 : 'Gentlemen, — Having last night in Cabinet Council acquainted y" Queen with your desire that she would be i)leased to permit Thomas Abraham to be transported to the West Indies, Her Majesty has commanded me to let j'ou know she was induced by your former application to sjiare his life provided he was sent to y'' East Indies and sufficient security given y' he shall never return into her dominions, but y' she will not consent to jiardon hliu on any other con- dition. — lam, gentlemen, Ac, H. St. John.' -Ed.] 254 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, probably marched off into the field before they had ever ' manoeuvred even on a parade. Some of the officers sent from England had seen service in the British or foreign armies, but others were inexperienced ; and many young civil servants joined the troops in India. Their frequent panics, interspersed with instances of romantic courage, show the unsteadiness of raw troops combined with the ardour of early conquerors. As they acquired experience their bad qualities disappeared, and they became models of spirit and intrepidity. In these respects they were probably not surpassed, if equalled, by any soldiers more regularly disciplined and actino- with srreat armies. As the war advanced, an improvement took place in the members of the civil government. They were oblio-ed to learn somethino^ of the state of the native powers ; some of the councillors had served with the troops, and the Commander-in-Chi-ef always formed one of the number. If they still retained a portion of the narrow views of mere traders, they were incompar- ably superior to their predecessors in the time of the Childs, or to their contemporaries in the peaceful factories of Bengal. Scarcely any of either service spoke the native lanffuag-es. The confined use of Hindostani, and the number and difficulty of the local languages, dis- couraged this sort of knowledge, and till the beginning of the present century it was not unusual on the Madras establishment to communicate with the natives through interpreters. It does not appear that the French were much more advanced. Madame Dupleix's knowledge of the native language is mentioned as an important qualification,* and Bussy did not begin to learn that language until he ^ Lawrence's Narrative. THE LOCAL TKUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 255 was establislied in the Deckan." But the disposition chap. . VII of M. Dapleix individually, and perhaps that of his '. . countrymen, combined with the number as well as the power and magnificence of the princes with whom they were connected to promote a greater taste for Indian manners amons: the Frendi than the Eno-lish had any opportunity of acquiring from the fugitive ad- herents of ^lohammed Ali. The Oriental splendour of j\I. Duj^leix has been often mentioned/ That of M. Bussy was at least as conspicuous. This able officer maintained a constant intercourse wdth the natives of rank, and miirht be reckoned among the greatest of the noblemen of the court of Heiderabiid. He entered into the intrinfues and transactions of those around, and seemed as erreat a master of their peculiar sort of policy as if he had been brought up at an Indian darbar. The English in general maintained their natin-al re- serve, with the plainness of their manners, and seem to have had little acquaintance and taken very little interest in any natives except their own sepoys.^ ** Meinuire pour Bussy, 17- '' [This he maint.ained to the hist. Ormc says that on his supersei':sion by M. Godeheu, that geiitlcnian 'permitted him to continue the exhibi- tion of those marks of Moorish dignity, which both Muzafler Jang and Sahibat Jang heid permitted him to display when they appointed him Nabob of tlie Carnatic. These were of various flags and ensigns, various instruments of military music, particular ornaments for liis palankeen, a Moorish dress distinguished likewise with ornaments peculiar to the nabobship ; and in this equipage he went with great solennxity to dine with M. Godelieu on the feast of St. Louis,' i, 308, — ■'Ed.] ^ The contrast of manners asserted in tlio text is well described by the French translator of the Scir ul AlotakJicriu, iii. 150, ' If any one,' says he, ' had seen M. dc Bussy aiid Colonel Clive or Mr. Hastings in thjo height of their power and influence, ho may have taken from those two or three individuals a pretty good idea of tlie diflerent geniuses of the French and English nations. M, de Bussy always wore (in 17«^0 and 1755) embroidered clothes or brocade, witli an cni])ro)' 25G risp: of British power in india. NOTE ON THE DOCUMENTS PBODUCED BY THE NATIVE PRINCES IN SUPPORT OF THEIR TITLES. CHAP. The following is an account of the pretensions of ^ ^' the native princes, and the documents by which they were supported. The Moo:ul was at one time absolute master of all tlie countries under discussion, but the destruction of his power, and the successful rebellion of Asof Jah, made the latter in many respects an independent power, and entitled his family to succeed, under a certain form, to his newly acquired dominions. The form was a confirmation by the Emperor, which all dered hat, and on days of ceremony embroidei'ed shoes of black velvet. He was seen in an immense tent, full sufficient for six hundred men, of about thirty feet in elevation ; at one end of this tent he sat on an arm- chair, embroidered with his king's arms, placed upon an elevation, which last was covered by a crimson carpet of embroidei'ed velvet. At his right and left, but upon back chairs only, sat a dozen of his officers. Over against him, his French guard on horseback, and behind these his Turkish guards. His table, always in plate, was served with three, often with four, services. To this French magnificence he added all the parade and pageant of Hindoostany manners and customs. A numerous set of tents; a pish-ghana ;* always on an elephant himself, as were all his officers. He was preceded by chopdars on horseback, and by a set of musicians sing- ing his feats of chivalry, with always two head chopdars reciting his eulogium. Colonel Clive always wore his regimentals in the field, was always on horseback, and never rode in a palanquin ; he had a plentiful table, but no ways delicate, and never more than two services. He used to march mostly at the head of the column, Avith his aide-de-camps, or was hunting, at the right and left. He never wore silks but in town. Governor Hastings always wore a plain coat of English broadcloth, and never anything like lace or embroidery. His whole retinue a dozen of horse-guards ; his throne a plain chair of mahogany, with plenty of such thrones in the hall ; his table sometimes neglected ; his diet sparing, and always abstemious ; his address and deportment very distant from pride, and still more so from familiarity.' * [Pt'sh kliana, tents ami retinue .sent in advance. — Ed.] THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 257 Yll. parties admitted to be essential to their title, resting chap. their claims more on that confirmation than on their relationship to Asof Jah. Considering the matter in this view, the first in descent was Ghazi-u-din Khiin ; bnt he did not at first receive an appointment from the Mogul, and the title passed to his next brother, Nasir Jang, who had the Emperor's authority as well as actual possession. AVhcn Nasir Jang was killed, Ghazi-u-din Khan procured a regular patent and investiture, and became in all respects the legal viceroy. His natural rio'hts descended on his death to his son, Ghazi-u-din the younger, but they formed an imperfect title unless they were confirmed by the Mogul. The next in succession was Salabat Jang, and after him, his three surviving brothers. If Mozaffer Jaug had survived all these princes, he would have had the next claim to con- side ration, as representing their sister, his mother. At the time of the negotiation at Sadras, Ghazi-u-din the younger had not been confirmed, and although Salabat Jang produced an alleged appointment from the Mogul, yet the authenticity of it was very doubtful,^ and until that was proved there was no legal viceroy. Salabat Jang, however, was in full possession. The claims of the Nabobs of the Carnatic depended on those of the viceroys. The family of Saadat Ullah, having been forty years in possession, had an hereditary hold on public opinion, but they never pretended to be independent of the viceroy, and the last of them that held the office was removed by Asof Jah in person. Whatever claim they possessed was now vested in Ali Dost Khan, the only surviving son of Safder Khan, for Mortezza Ali (though the nephew of Saddat Ullah) was not in the direct line, and had only inherited his ap})a- •* See ii. 012. S 258 TvISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, nagc of \^ell6r ; the title now put forward by him rested ^^^' entirely on a patent from Salabat Jang appomting him nabob in subordination to M. Dupleix. Chanda Saheb and his son, as well as M. Dupleix, claimed solely on the ground of patents from Mozaffer Jang and SaLibat Jang, confirmed, it was said, in M. Dupleix's case, by the Great Moo'ul. Mohammed Ali had not the shadow of an hereditary claim. His father, Anwar-u-din, only held the office of nabob for four years, and had besides a lawful son, Mahfiiz Khan, older than Mohammed Ali, who was illegitimate. His title rested on an alleged promise from Asof Jah, and on patents which he professed to possess from Nasir Jang, Ghazi-u-dm, and finally from the Emperor himself. We are next to examine the patents on which so much stress is laid. Of the seven documents produced by the French in support of their party, six were copies, and their au- thenticity was disputed on that account. There can be no doubt, however, that they were genuine, for they were all from Mozaffer Jang and Salabat Jang, who would have granted anything the French desired. The real objection to these documents was the want of right in the grantor. The seventh was said to be an original letter from the Great Mogul to M. Dupleix, recommending Salabat Jang to his favour and protection. This letter had neither seal nor signature, except a small signet attached by a string to the bag in which the letter was contained. On this seal were the Avords ' The kingdom is God's, 3, 11 o3.' The first number is the king's reign and the second the Hijra, which fixes the date of the seal in the third year of Mohammed Shah, Hij. 1133, A.D. 1721, many years before the death of THE LOCAL TRUCE. SUCCESSES OF BUSSY. 259 Asof Jab. It may therefore fairly be inferred that the chap. ^ VII. signet had been transferred from some old letter and attached to a recent forgery. When called to account for this inconsistency, he coolly replied that the letter be had sent was only a duplicate and might have had an old seal attached to it owino* to some neo'li^ence in tbe Great Mogul's secretaries, but that he was ready to exhibit the original, whicb bore the date of the fifth year of the reign of the present Emperor and 1163 of the Hijra. Even here was another mistake, for the fifth year of the reign of Ahmed Shah was in 1166 liij. Mohammed All's papers were not produced, but by his own account they consisted of a patent from Nasir Jang, another from Ghazi-u-din the elder, together with a letter from the Great Mogul procured by Ghazi-u-din the younger. The two first were probably authentic, but were liable to be set aside by Salabat Jang if he should succeed in proving his own appointment, and it is most probable that Mohammed Ali fabricated the royal letter as a precaution against such a contingency. In the then state of Delhi, it is not likely that such a document would be issued without a considerable payment wliich Mohammed Ali had not the means of procuring, and his delay in exhibiting his documents affords further ground of suspicion. 260 lUSE OF BRITISH rOWEU I.V INDIA. CHAPTER VIIL V/All IN BENGAL. PLASSY. Afliiirs of Bengal — Rise of Ali Verdi Khan — Succession of Suraj-u-Doula — His character — His dispute with the English authorities at Cal- cutta — Attacks the settlement — Abandonment of the place by the Governor and principal inhabitants — Surrender of the garrison — The Black Hole — Expedition from Madras under Clive — Recoveiy of Calcutta — War with France — Chandernagor — Clive attacks the Nabob's camp — Alarm of Sunij-u-Doula — Agrees to terms of peace — Negotiations with the French — Capture of Chandernagor — The Nabob threatens war — Some of his chiefs make overtures to the English — Decision of the Council to support Mir Jilfir — Battle of Piassy — Mir Jilfir assumes the Government of Bengal — Large pay- ments of money— Remarks on the conduct of Clive — Weakness of the new Government at Murshidabdd — Affairs on the coast of Coromandel — Expedition to the French possessions — Appearance of Prince Ali Gohan on the frontier — Advance of Clive and retreat of the prince — Clive's jagi'rs — Dutch expedition from Batavia arrives in the Hughli — Attacked by English troops — Clive returns to England. CHAP. At tlie time of the war with the Eiio-Ush in 1688, tfie VIII , . -r ^ Viceroy of Bengal was Shaista Khan, maternal uncle of Aurangzib.^ He was succeeded by Azim-u- Shan, grand- son of the same monarch. On the death of his father, Buhadur Shah, Azim-u- Shan contested the crown with A D. 1712. his brothers and was killed in battle.^ The successful competitor conferred the government of Bengal on Jafir Khan who was already in charge of the province as deputy to Azim-u-Shan. Farokhsir, the son of the last-named prince, fled to Behar and was afterwards raised to the throne.^ One of his first acts was to ap- point a viceroy on his own part to Bengal. Jafir Khan ^ See Book xi. chap. ii. of former history. ^ See ii. 5G7. 3 See ii. 569. WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 261 resisted and defeated tlie new viceroy, but did not abate chap. ^ VII r. in his professions of respect to the Emperor. By these L_ means he obtained a confirmation of his ap|)ointment, ^-^^ i'i2. and continued to send tribute and to profess the usual obedience. The confusions which ensued on the mur- der of Farokhsh' left him at leisure to consolidate his power, and every day rendered it more difficult to dis- possess him. But his province was contiguous to those still in reality attached to the court of Delhi, and was not influenced by the neighbourhood of foreign enemies. He did not therefore openly throw off his allegiance, like the Viceroy of the Deckan, but was contented to enjoy his independence subject to the usual payments and the usual relation to the Emperor. He was a vigorous and able ruler, but tyrannical, bigoted, and rapacious. His exactions and his exclusion of the zemindars from all share in collectino; the revenue had great effects on the administration of Bengal down to modern times. Jdfir Ali wished to have left his power to Sinifraz Khan (the son of his daughter who was married to Shuja Khan, a native of the Deckan), but Shuja Khdn seized on the government ibr himself, pro- a.d. 1725. cured a patent from Delhi, and afterwards obtained the annexation of the province of Behar to those of jjcngal and Orissa. These patents were probably obtained by money ; they only gave to the possessor a sanction to use his own means for occupying the so-called office. Shujsi Khan, though a better governor than his father-in-law, had not the same energy. lie took little share in the details of the administration, and was guided by the counsels of IL4ji Ahmed and Ali Verdi Khan, and of two Hindus, the llai Baian and Jaggat Set. The two first of these advisers were brothers, natives of Delhi, of a Persian family. Both were bold 262 KISE OF BRITISH roWER IN INDIA, CHAP, intrio-uers and able ministers, but Ali Verdi joined to VIII . . . L the talents of his brother a greater fitness for military command. The Rai Raian had been accountant to Shujjl Khan's household, and was raised on his acces- sion to the charo'c of the finances of Benfial. Jao;o;at Set * was a banker of a wealthy family, who had long been the chief of the profession in Mnrshidabad, and had for two generations been bankers to the viceroy, an office of much importance with states which are obliged so frequently to anticipate their revenue. When Shuja Khan obtained the government of Behar he appointed Ali Verdi his deputy, and procured him honours from Delhi which gave him some preten- sions to a direct connection with the Emperor. On A.D. 1739. Shuja Khdn's death, Sirafrdz Khan obtained the inheri- tance so long ago designed for him. He seems to have been a man of slender capacity, and wasted his time between the society of his women and the devotional observances of his religion. He contracted a natural jealousy of his father's ministers, whose power prevented his attempting to throw off their control, but did not restrain him from irritating them by personal ofiJ'ences and alarming them by his ill-concealed enmity. In these circumstances, Ali Verdi contrived to obtain patents in his own name from Delhi, and marched with an army to dispossess his master. Sirafraz showed no want of spirit, and was zealously supported by the army of his province. He was killed in action, at a time when the battle seemed to lean to his side, and liis fall placed Ali Verdi in undisturbed possession of the vice- royalty. * Jaggat Set is a title. The name of the first who bore it was Manik Chand. He held the oflice of No gar Se't, or head banker of the city, and received from the Emperor the title of Jaggat Set, head banker of the world. A.D. 1740. VIII. WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. The first attention of the nev>- prince was directed ^^ap. to obtainino: the confirmation of the court of Delhi. The sums lie is said to have paid on the occasion are evidently exaggerated : ^ that he made any payment at all, at a time when Nadir Shah had just quitted the capital, is explained by the fact that most of the money went to the Piina Marattas to purchase their aid against those of Benir. Some present to the Emperor and some bribes to his ministers were the price of their media- tion with the Marattas.^ Ali Verdi (better known in Bengal by his title of Mohabat Jang) was the last Nabob of Bengal who maintained for any length of time the semblance of power and independence. For this reason his memory is still highly respected in the province, where a strong impression is maintained of his military and political abilities; but in war he showed more activity than talent, and in politics his chief reliance was on the vulgar expedients of fraud and assassmation. His great enemy was Bagoji Bosla,^ and as that prince was engaged in important contests and remote expeditions in the Deckan, and had to send his armies through 500 or GOO miles of aluiost uninhabited forest into Beugal, a province of which a large portion was protected by the Ganges, and the rest ill-fitted for the operations of cavalry, it is much more to be wondered at that he should be able to persevere in his enterprise than that Ali Verdi should oppose a long resistance to his designs. Tor the first ten years of the government of the latter, scarcely a year passed without a visit from the Marattas, '' The Persian Hisiory of Bengal, translated by M. Gladwin, makes the amount 540,000?. (175). The Heir nl Motalherln says a million sterling in money and 700,000/. in jewels, besides other sums, making in all about two millions. •^ See ii. Book xii. chap. iii. (541. " Sec ii. Book xii. chap. iii. G41-2. 264 RISE OF BKITISII POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, who sometimes settled for more tlian one season within '__ Bengal, and who ravaged the country far and wide, multiplying their apparent numbers by the celerity of their motions. At length Ali Verdi gave way. He ceded the province of Cattac to Ragoji, and consented to pay 120,000/. a year under the name of the Chout of Beno-al. Durino^ his war with the Marattas he had been engaged in other disturbances, proceeding from a quarrel with the Afgluin troops, the only efficient part of his army, in which he was at length s;uccessful after a contest carried on with equal pei*fidy and ferocity on both sides. From his peace with Ragoji in 1751 to his death in 1756 he enjoyed a period of tranquillity and had no difficulty in transmitting his power to his favourite grand-nephew, Suraj-u-Doula. His reputation with posterity was no doubt increased by the comparative gravity of his manners and purity of his life. He was indefatigable in business, abstinent in pleasures, and had only one wife, to whom he was strictly faithful. The example of Ali Verdi did not extend its influence to his court ; even the members of his own family, both male and female, furnished instances of licentiousness and depravity surpassing the worst of preceding times. Brought up in this society, indulging his vicious propensities in private and dissembling them before his grand-uncle like the rest, Sunij-u-Doala learned to despise his species and to fix all his thoughts on him- self. He lived among buffoons and profligates in low debauchery, and soon came to think his own pleasures insipid unless they were accompanied with insult or injury to others. The weakness of his understanding and irritability of his temper were increased by the excessive use of spirituous liquors. His distrust of WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 265 tliose uroimd liiui, and his ionorance of all beyond, made <^hap. 11 VIII. him timid as well as presumptuous, and exposed those in his power to danger from his apprehensions no less than from his violence. Though he was always the object of All Verdi's doting fondness, he was never free from jealousy of his other relations, and on one occasion was so much discontented with the attention shown to them, that he rebelled against his grand-uncle, and en- deavoured to make himself master of the city of Patna. He was then only nineteen years old, and showed him- ad. 1750. self as deficient in courage as prudence. This temporary alienation only served to increase his influence. He was relieved from the most formidable of his rivals by their natural deaths, and he removed by assassination some other persons whom he looked on as dangerous enemies. By these means he was able on Ali Verdi's demise to take quiet possession of the government. But, not- withstanding the hopelessness of opposition, a cousin of the new nabob revolted in Purnia, and the daughter of Ali Verdi Khan, now a widow, set up another relation of the family (an infant) and assembled troops at her residence close to the capital. She was, however, deceived into a mock reconciliation, and was seized and imprisoned.^ Her principal adviser. Raj Balab Das, a Hindii, foreseeing the troubles that would follow the death of Ali Verdi, had instructed his son Kishen Das, who was at Dacca, to set out as if on a pilgrimage to Jaganat, and to find some pretext for halting at Calcutta until the crisis should have passed. Kishen Das, being the son of a person of consequence, and recommended by the Company's agent at Mursliid;ib;id, ^ The account of the native governments is chiefly drawn from Oriue and the Seir id Mutakherhi ; but Scott's and Stewart's and Gladwin's liis- tories, with HolwoU's Historical Events, have likewise been consulted. Snn JUSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. wa8 admitted into Calcutta, and took iii) his residence viii . . ' with Omi Chand, a banker of great wealth, who was much connected with the court of Murshidtibcid. Omi Chand was supposed to be discontented with some recent proceeding of the Company, and the Government of Calcutta, much in the dark about Indian politics, entertained a vao^ue dread of his intrio:ues and influence. The reception of Kishen Das roused the suspicions of Surdj-u-Doula, and on his accession he sent a written order to Mr. Drake, the Governor of Calcutta, to deliver him up with his property and followers. The messenger entered Calcutta in disguise, and went straight to the house of Omi Chand, from whence he proceeded to deliver his letter. Mr. Drake, suspecting some trick of Omi Chand's, set down the messenger for an impostor, and ordered him to be turned out of the town. The nabob showed no resentment at this indignity, but soon afterwards the English received intelligence that war with France was inevitable, and began to put their fort in order against any attack from that nation, whose princij3al settlement, Chandernagor, was only sixteen miles from Calcutta. This measure, following the ill-treatment of his messenger, increased the dis- pleasure of Sur^j-u-Doula, who sent orders to the English to discontinue their fortifications, and to throw down any recent additions that had been made to them. Mr. Drake replied by pointing out the small extent to which the fortifications had been carried, and explaining that they were only designed against the French, who had disregarded the neutrality of the jMogul's territory in attacking Madras, and might be as little scrupulous in Beno-al. This answer threw Surdj-u-Doula into a paroxysm of rao:e which astonished even his own courtiers. WAR IX BENGAL. PLASSY. 267 Though he despised the power of the Enghsh at chap. Calcutta, he was no stranger to the revolutions produced by their struggle with the French in the Carnatic, or to the ascendancy of the French at the court of the Viceroy of the Deckan. He looked with terror to a transfer of the war into his own province, and was no less alarmed than offended by the assumption implied in Mr. Drake's letter, that his power was insufficient to restrain the violence of either of the parties. Passion and policy seemed to concur in urging him to anticipate the coming evil by the extirpation of tlie English. He expected little difficulty in the execution of this design, and was farther invited to it by the hopes of plundering a commercial establishment of the wealth of which he had formed an exa^'o'erated notion. He therefore at once chano'ed the direction of his march, and proceeded towards Calcutta at the head of May 17, an army of 50,000 men. He surrounded the factory of Casimbdzar near Murshidabad, treacherously seized Mr. Watts, the chief, at a conference, and compelled the remaining servants of the Company to surrender the place, which was immediately given up to plunder. The ensign commanding a small guard that was stationed there shot himself from despair and indignation. The nabob then pressed on for Calcutta with all the June 9, speed that his train of artillery would allow. As soon as the Government heard of his return, they sent repeated orders to Mr. Watts to announce their acquiescence in his demands. Their despatches were intercepted by the nabob's troops, and though doubtless conveyed to him, they only served to stimu- late his advance by showing the weakness of his enemies. Up to this time the English had forborne to 268 RISE OF BRITISH TOWP^R IN INDIA. CHAP. ])repare for (lefencc, from the fear of mcreasino; the " nabob's displeasure. They now wrote to Madras for succours, applied to the French and Dutch for their assistance, and began to strengthen their position by such means as were in their power. Madras was very distant, and the European colonies naturally refused to interfere. The Presidency of Calcutta was therefore left to its own resources. It had 264 soldiers and 250 in- habitants who took up arms as militia ; of both de- scriptions only 174 were Europeans, the rest being native Portui>'nese and Armenians. Not ten of the whole number had ever seen a shot fired. The fort, a brick enclosure, around the interior of w^liich run warehouses with terraced roofs, vras found not to be defensible, and it was determined to make a stand in the adjoining portion of the town. Three batteries were placed across the principal streets, and the smaller entrances within the same circuit were closed by barri- cades ; 1,500 native matchlockmen were hired to assist in the defence of this enclosure, on which all the hopes of the garrison were to rest. During the terror of the nabob's approach, a letter was intercepted from the chief of his spies and messengers to Omi Chand. Though no treason was discovered, all the old suspicions of Omi Chand were aroused ; both he and Kishen Dds were made prisoners, and on an attempt to pursue his brother wlio had fled into the female apartments, his armed re- tainers resisted, and their chief, a man of high caste, determined to save the honour of the women, killed the principal ones with his own hand, set fire to the house, and finally stabbed himself, though the blow did not prove mortal. The works were scarcely completed when the nabob's army arrived. He had marched on with such impetuo- WAR JN BENGAL. TLASSY. 269 sity that geveral of bis men died from heat and fatigue, chap. . . . . . VIII and so impatient was he to begin his operations that he ' fell without inquiry on the only point beyond the barri- cades where he could have met with resistance. It was a redoubt constructed at the point of junction between the river and a broad trench covering the north and north-east faces of the town and suburbs, which had formerly been dug as a defence against the Marattas, and was called the Maratta ditch. Ensign Pischard, who commanded this redoubt, had served on the coast of Cororaandel, and now showed himself a thorough soldier in circumstances that might have justified de- spair. Though incessantly assailed by infantry and cannon, he kept the nabob's army at bay till dark, and at midnight he made a sally, crossed the Maratta ditch, spiked four guns, and put all that part of the encamp- ment to flight. Next morning the nabob discovered his error. He marched round to a point wdiere there was no obstacle to oppose him, and took up his ground June is. near the town. On the third day the army advanced to the attack. A multitude of some thousands poured down the avenue that led to the eastern battery ; they drove in the outposts, and when checked by the fire of the battery, spread through the town and filled the nearest houses with innumerable matchlockmen. The worst natives are bold and active when they are sure of success, and they now kept up so hot a fire, especially on the eastern battery, that all the men except those actually working the guns were forced to retire into shelter. They held out, however, for many hours but the fire was incessant and insu])portable, and tlie as- sailants, who pressed their attack on all sides, at last forced one of the barricades. The troops in the bat- teries and other entrances were then recalled, and the 270 RISE OF BlUTLSn POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, enemy rushed in with shouts of joy and exultation, ^ w^liile the English fell back on the fort which had already been pronounced untenable. At this moment the boldest seemed to despair. The native troops and militia were stupified with fear ; the hired matchlockmen had disappeared to a man ; the town had been deserted before the attack ; and a helpless crowd of native Por- tuguese, with their women and children, occupied every spot that promised shelter within the fort, and filled the place with uproar and confusion. The English preserved their courage, but they were exhausted by their unremitting exertions under a burning sun, and almost lost amidst the general disorder. Small parties, however, were got to the points most important to pro- tect, and others continued to defend the rampart. But the enemy now brought cannon against the walls and kept up such a fire from the surrounding houses that it was almost impossible to stir within the place. Never- theless the Europeans kept their ground till dark, when the enemy's fire necessarily ceased. The European women were embarked in the evening on seven or eight ships which lay at anchor not far from the fort ; two of the councillors went on board to escort them, and did not return to the garrison. This was the first example of desertion. In the night, a general coinicil was held on the question whether they should embark immedi- ately or send off the Portuguese women next day, and retire with less tumult and disorder in the evening. They broke up without coming to a decision, so that every man was left under the impression that he was to provide for his own safety. In the morning the attack was renewed. The English took possession of some of the houses that had most annoyed the garrison during the preceding evening, but they were pressed by so ^YAn IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 271 incessant a fire from tlie enemy that many were killed, chap. • . VIII. and more, with their gallant commander Ensign Pis- . '__ chard, were wounded. At last they were fairly driven in, and their retreat ano'mented the terror of the besieo-ed and the audacity of the assailants. Meanwhile the Portuguese women had been embarking, but with so much hurry and confusion that several boats sank and many lives were lost. Some of the principal English were endeavouring to keep order, and to retain the native boatmen, who were anxious to make their escape, but the enemy had ere this spread along the bank of the river and began to throw rockets at the ships. Those on board were seized with alarm, and one of the fusntive councillors, in heedless terror, gave the order to drop down the river out of reach. This happened exactly as the party from the houses was driven in, and the beholders thought themselves overpowered and deserted and gave up all for lost. Among those on the beach was the Governor, Mr. Drake. He had as yet shown no want of personal courage, and had freely exposed himself wherever his presence was required, but he was exhausted by fatigue and want of sleep. He understood better than the rest the state to which the garrison was reduced, and he knew that the nabob had always fixed on him as the special object of his vengeance. The last boat was leaving the shore, some of his friends were among the passengers, and in an unhappy tnoment he threw himself on board, followed by the military commander. The astonishment and indignation of the garrison at this desertion passed all bounds, but amidst their exe- ci-ations against the fugitives, they persevered in their own defence. They chose Mr. Ho] well, a member of council, to command, and under his cool and resolute directions, they pursued such measures as their hopeless 272 RISE OF BIMTJSII POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, situation allowed. Tliey endeavoured to shelter tliem- '_ selves from the musketry by piling packages of cloth on the rampart, and to deaden the effect of the cannon shot by placing bales of cotton against the walls. During this time they indulged the hope that the fugitives on the ships, when out of all fear for themselves, would have thought of their former companions, and they attempted to excite their sympathy by flags and other signals of distress, but no appeal could kindle a spark of generous or manly feeling. A single sloop might, with little risk, have prevented all the horrors that were to come, but this aid was basely withheld. One hope yet remained. A vessel which had been stationed off the northern redoubt still continued at her anchorage. She now dropped down towards the fort, and every eye was fixed on her with fervent hopes of deliverance ; but the spot was dangerous, the pilot lost his presence of mind, the vessel struck on a bank, and was before long abandoned by the crew. Another night, however, June 20. wore away, and when the attacks of the next day began, Mr. Holwell was often urged to endeavour to caf)itulate. He made overtures in various forms, and among others presented himself on the ramparts with a flag of truce. At length the firing ceased and a person stepped forward and made signs of a desire to parley, but while this was passing, numbers crowded up to the walls on other sides, and some found an entrance at a neglected door, others mounted the walls in different parts, and in an instant the place was filled with the besiegers. Mr Hol- well immediately gave up his sword to a man who seemed to be a commander, the rest of the garrison threw down their arms, and the enemy meeting with no opposition, shed no more blood. They rifled the pri- soners of their articles of value, and dispersed to plunder the goods and merchandise. In the afternoon the nabob VIII. WAR IN BENGAL. I'LASSY. 273 entered the fort. He was cfirried in on a sort of litter, ^^,''^^- and expressed his astonishment when he saw the sinall- ness of the garrison. He released Kishen Dtxs and Omi Chand, to whom he gave an honourable reception. At the same time he received the cono-ratidations of his chiefs on his victory. Even in the complacency of triumph, he asked eagerly for Mr. Drake, but when Mr. Hoi well was brought to him, with his hands tied, he ordered him to be unbound, and promised the Eng- lish, on the faith of a soldier, that not a hair of their heads should be touched. It was now near evening, and the prisoners were assembled under an arcade where they were closely surrounded hj guards. Many of them w^ere wounded, and some mortally, but the rest felt as- sured of their safety, and some even began to joke on the oddity of their situation. But the buildings round them had been set fire to, they were threatened by the approach of the flames, and were again in doubt about the fate designed for them, when they received an order to move into a barrack close to which they had been standing. Beyond this barrack was a place used for the confinement of military delinquents, which, as was then usual in garrisons in England, was called the Black Hole.'' It was a room about twenty feet square. ^ [Mill, in his history, assumes that the place of confinement was ' a small, ill-aired, and miwholesome dungeon,' adding that 'the English had only their own practice to thank for suggesting it to the officers of the Subahdar as a fit place of confinement.' Mr. H. H. Wilson, in hia edition of Mill's liistory, comments on this and other remarks by the historian, used in palliation of the acts of Sur;'ij-u-Doula. He thus describes the place Avhich tradition assigned as the scene of these horrors : — ' In 1808 a chamber was shown in the old fort of Calcutta, then standing, said to be the Black Hole of 1750. Its situation did not correspond exactly with Mr. Holwell's description of it, but, if not the same, it was a room of the same description and size, such as is very connnon among the offices of both public and private buildings in Calcutta, and no doubt accurately represented the kind of place which was the scene of this T 274 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, -^yitii only two small grated windows, and even they '. only opened on a covered arcade. Into this place they were desired to enter. The few who knew the size of the apartment hesitated, and those who did enter were soon stopped by want of room to advance. On this the guard levelled their matchlocks and pressed on with their swords ; the prisoners, taken by surprise, crowded into the room and the door was closed before they were well aware of their situation. The prison was a place of pen- ance for a single offender, but to a mass of 146 persons who were now crushed into it, it was a scene of death and hor- ror. Earnest demands, entreaties, and supplications were addressed to the guards at the window, to divide the pri- soners into different apartments ; furious efforts were made to force the door. The heat and suffocation were l)eyond endurance from the first, and were increased by the exertions that were made to obtain relief; intolerable thirst succeeded, and its pangs were augmented by a sup- ply of water which it was attempted to convey through the windows. Little passed those whom it first reached, and to them it only made the thirst more tormenting ; those behind struggled for a share, and the desperate con- test excited the laughter of some of the guards, who now dashed in water for amusement, as the others had done from humanity. The most cutting reproaches were addressed to the guard to provoke them to fire into the prison. The cry of ' Air, air ! ' burst from every quarter, groans and lamentations were succeeded by the wildest ravings occurrence. It bore by no means the character of a prison. It was much more light, airy, and spacious than most of tlie rooms used formerly by the London Avatch, or at present by the police for purposes of tem- porally durance. Had a dozen or twenty people been immured within such limits for a night there would have been no hardship Avhatever in their imprisonment, and in all probability no such number of persons ever were conflned in it.' — Ed.] WAR IN BENGAL. TLASSY. 275 of delirium, everyone pressed madly towards the win- ^-^f^' dows, many fell down never more to rise ; and, as their strength and fury were exhausted, the survivors sunk into silence and stupor. Fresh efforts brought fresh accessions of misery, and the most enviable, next to the dead, were those who lost all consciousness of their sufferings in insensibility. Before this horrible night was closed, but twenty-three of the 146 remained alive; among these, one was a woman. As long as the influence of reason remained, great respect was shown for Mr. Holwell. He was placed with some wounded officers near one of the windows, and owed his preservation to the strength he retained from this circumstance. In the fierce struo-o-les that ensued, he was at last worn out, and retired mto the back part of the prison to die in quiet. He was again brought forward, in the hope that he might prevail on the guard to procure some mitigation of the general calamity, but after an interval he again retired, and at length sunk into total insensibility. About six in the morning an officer of the nabob's came to the window and inquired if the chief was still alive ; he was then drawn out from under several dead bodies, and on being- lifted to the air discovered signs of life. The prison June 21. was soon after opened, but it was long before the re- moval of the corpses made room for the release of the living. Mr. Holwell was laid on the wet grass, and when he came to himself was in a high putrid fever, unable to stand and scarcely able to speak. When he was in some degree restored he was carried to the nabol), by whose order he had been sought for. Up to this time, Suraj-u-Doula had no direct share in the barbarity of which he was the original cause ; he had thought of nothing but the safe custody of the prisoners, and their 276 KISE OF BHITISII POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, nrotractul sulfcriiiii's arose fi'oni the fear of awakenino; viii. ' ^ . . . him, while without his sanction the door of the prison conhl not be opened He now made himself a party to all the guilt he had occasioned, for, without evmcing the smallest regret for the past, he inflicted new seve- rities on the remaining victims. As Mr. Hoi well was being conveyed to the nabob, an officer told him that if he did not disclose where the treasure was concealed he would be blown from a gun. In his present state he heard the menace with indifFerence, or rather with satis- faction. The nabob entered on the same inquiry with equal harshness. He cut short Mr. Holwell's recital of the dismal fate of his companions, by telling him that he knew there was a large treasure hidden in the fort, and that if he expected favour he must discover it. ^Iv. Holwell's protestations that there was no such treasure only led to more peremptory commands, while his appeals to the nabob' sformer promises were treated with even less regard. He and three of his prmcipal fellow- sufferers were loaded with fetters, and were afterwards sent off to Murshidabad in boats. During this voyage, which lasted fourteen days, they lay on the hard deck exposed to the burning sun and the intense rain of the monsoon ; their food was rice and water, and they were covered from head to foot with large and painful boils, which deprived them of the use of their hands, and rendered the weight of their fetters into- lerably galling. At Murshid;ibc4d they were dragged through the city, a spectacle to the assembled popula- tion, and were lodged in a stable, where they were deprived of all repose, and crowded nearly to suffoca- tion by the vast throngs of people whom curiosity drew to look at them. The other English were set at liberty, many at tlie intercession of the French and WAK IN BENGAL. TLASSY. 277 Dutch, who behaved throiiii'hout with the utmost ^'Hap. humanity, ofteriu^' their own security lor some, grant- ing an asyhim to others, and sparing no expense nor exertions in rehevino; the wants of all. Those nations had been called on by the nabob to join him against the English, but maintained a strict neutrality in spite of threats and intimidation. Mr, Holwell and his companions had not been long at Murshidiibad before the nabob returned to his capital. Their deplorable condition had excited the compassion of the mother of Sunij-u-Doula, who interceded with her son for their release. One day the nabob had to juiy i6. pass by the place of their confinement on his way to a garden, and they prevailed on their guards to let them stand close to the road. When the nabob approached, they made him the usual salute, on which he stopped his litter, and Mr. Holwell seized the opportunity to petition for their liberty ; their ghastly countenances and miserable appearance would have touched any heart ; the Nabob made no reply, but immediately or- dered them to be released, and is said to have expressed displeasure at the cruel usage they had undergone. They immediately repaired to the Dutch factory, where they were joyfully received.^ The ships had been prevented leaving the Ganges in consequence of the prevalence of the monsoon. They anchored at Falta, about twenty miles of direct dis- tance below Calcutta, where the fugitives from that city ' The transactions down to this period arc from the evidence and appen- dices in the First Report of the Cotumittec of tlie House of Commons in 1772 ; the numerous controversial letters between Messrs Holwell, Drake, Becher, ttc. at tlie India House (of which Mr. Holvvell's part is published in a pamphlet called Inipmiant Facta, printed in 1704) ; Mr. Holwell's narrative of the deplorable deaths in the Black Hole ; Orme ; and the Seir ul MntaMieriH. 278 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. ^JJlV^- erected hovels and were found by the expedition that VIII. , , . "^ ^ _ afterwards came to their relief in a wretched condition, more like shipwrecked sailors than men accustomed to ease and luxury.''^ They now paid the price of their dastardly abandonment of their companions ; their recol- lections of the past were worse than their present suffer- ings, and both were embittered by mutual reproaches and recrimination.^ The ao'ents from the other fjictories likewise in time found their way to Falta, where they were left un- molested by the contemptuous supineness of the native government. The nabob had treated the unoffendino; factories of the other powers with so little justice or consideration as made it appear how little any real provocation was required to produce his violence towards the Enghsli ; he extorted 45,000/. from the Dutch, and 35,000/. from the French, besides a smaller sum from the Danes. The first notification of Suraj-u-Doula's march A.D. 1756. agamst the English reached Madras on July 15, and within five days from that time the Government de- spatched the Company's trading ship Delaware, with two hundred and thirty soldiers under Major Kilpatrick, to their assistance. The mtelligence of the completion of the disaster arrived on August 5, and struck the settlement with horror and mdignation. Reflection added perplexity and alarm. The fears of the Madras Government had hitherto been directed to the ascendancy of the French at Heiderabad, from which a favourable combination of circumstances had just given them hopes of deliverance.* '^ Ives's Voyage. ^ Orme; and evidence before the Committee of the House of Commons. ■* See ante, chap. vii. ■\Vi\IJ IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 279 To profit by the occasion, tliey were preparing an ex- pedition to send into tlie Deckan, but their means were scarcely adequate to the exertion it required. The arrival of the reinforcement under Colonel Clive had done no more than bring them to an equality with the French in the province of Arcot alone, where each nation had about 2,000 Europeans and 10,000 sepoys. Admiral Watson's fleet gave the English the temporary command of the sea ; but they heard from Europe that war with France was certain, and that the French were about to despatch a fleet of nineteen ships, with 3,000 soldiers, to Pondicherry. Unless they could dislodge the French from the Deckan before this force arrived, they must themselves be driven out of the Carnatic ; on the other hand the urgent interests of the Company and the honour of the nation required an immediate display of force in Bengal. The two courses were debated in council, and a middle one proposed of sending a small force to Bengal ; but this was overruled by the wisdom and firmness of Orme the historian, who foresaw that such a measure would ruin both expeditions, and prevailed on the council to ap[)ly their whole strength to Bengal. It was chiefly owing to the zealous support of the same councillor that the command was committed to Clive. Mr. Pigott, the Governor, proposed to go himself with full powers. Colonel Adlercron, the commander of the forces, but in- experienced and incompetent, refused to allow the King's troops to embark under any command but his own ; l.awrence was disabled by sickness, and gave his voice for Clive. Mr. Manningham, one of the fugitive members of council, who had been deputed from Bengal, thought it became him to protest against an arrangement likely to deprive the heads of that Presidency of any portion of CHAP. VIII. 280 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA, VIII. CHAP, the powers wliicli they liad shown themselves so incom- petent to exercise. The appointment of Clive gave general satisfaction to the troops. He was instructed to acknowledge Mr. Drake as Governor in civil and commercial bnsmess, but to retain the complete control of the military and political part of the expedition, and the funds for its supply were placed in his hands. The plan was submitted to Admiral Watson, who consented to take his share in the execution. The squadron consisted (besides trans- ports) of three ships of the line, one fifty -gun ship, one twenty gun ship, and one fireship, but the land force obtained with so much difficulty amounted only to 900 Europeans and 1,500 sepoys. Of the Europeans, 250 were men of Colonel Adlercron's regiment whom he had at length allowed to go as marines under the admiral. They had no prospect of a single friend among the natives, and their opinion of the power of their enemies was raised by the recent display of it, as well as by the impression that they were to encounter the Rjxjputs and Patans of Hindostan instead of the puny soldiery of the Carnatic. The fleet sailed on October 10. It had to contend with the north-west monsoon, and met with great delay and obstruction. The fireship was driven to Ceylon ; the Marlborough, a Company's ship, was obliged to part company, and it was not until November 16 that the admiral, with the rest of the fleet, approached the mouth of the Hiigli. The naviga- tion of this branch of the Ganges is peculiarly difficult. It brings down quantities of soil along with it, which form dangerous banks at its mouth, extending far out into the sea. Its own channel also is choked with banks of mud and sand, and is so intricate that in the latest WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 281 times, with a regular pilot service and all the advantage of ^^j^^- buoys and lighthouses, the Company's ships never went higlier than Diamond Harbour, thirty-five miles below Calcutta. Admiral Watson's determination to sail up this then almost unknown river, was therefore one of the most gallant parts of the whole enterprise. The commencement was not auspicious. Before they got sight of the shores of the Hiigli, two of the ships struck on a bank, and though both ultimately got off, one was driven to leeward, and was obliged to sail for Yizaga- patam on the coast of Coromandel. This was the Cumberland of seventy guns, having on board Admiral Pococke and 250 European soldiers. The I'est of the fleet remained at anchor until they were joined by two European pilots from Ealta, and then made their way to that anchorage. They there found the remains of the Decem- English of Bengal, together with Major Kilpatrick and A^D.'r756 his detachment, which had already lost half its number from the unhealthiness of the climate. In the mean- time Mr. Drake had received despatches from England, appointing him and three of his former council a committee for the conduct of the Company's affairs in Bengal. They had already called in Major Kilpatrick to their board, and now added Watson and Clive to the number. They, however, protested against the powers en- trusted to Clive, and required him to be guided in all his operations and negotiations by their orders. This Clive refused, but said he never would act contrary to their wishes unless they forced him. Accordingly he never failed to attend the committee when within reach, and never took a step of importance without its previous sanction. The admiral attended the first meetins^s, which were held on board his ship ; after the taking 282 RISE OF Buirisii power ix india, CHAP, of Calcutta, he acted as a separate authority, but was treated with great deference by all parties. He kept up a correspondence of his own with the nabob, but always in the spirit of that of Olive and the committee. He was frank, honourable, and disinterested, capable of sacrificing even his prejudices to the public service, good-hearted, and no less beloved than respected by all connected with hiui ; but his opinions were strong, his disposition somewhat warm, and he entertained a jealousy of the laud service and a high sense of the dignity of his own station which might have pro- duced inconvenience if his military colleague had not possessed the complete command of at least as warui a temper. After the destruction of Calcutta, Suraj-u-Doula had returned to his capital and had marched against his rival at Purnia, who was defeated and killed in a battle with the nabob's troops under Mir Jaiir. All his apprehensions from the interior were therefore at an end, and such was his impression of the insignificance of his foreign enemies, that he declared he did not believe there were ten thousand men in all Europe. Manik Chand, a Hindu, had been appointed Governor of Calcutta, and had taken measures to streno-then the })lace as well as the neighbouring forts on the river. ]3oats loaded with bricks were also prepared to be sunk in a narrow channel of the stream, On the arrival of the armament, letters from the Government of Madras, from the Viceroy of the Deckan, and the Nabob of the Oarnatic, were forwarded to Surdj- u-Doula, with peremptory letters from Watson and Olive. As no answer was deigned to this communica- tion, the English authorities declared war, and published a manifesto giving their reasons. WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 28,3 They then set sail for Falta, and next day ap- chap. proached the fort of Bujbuj, ten miles from Calcutta. To cut off the escape of the garrison, Clive landed some ^^f^f 2™' miles below the place, with 500 Europeans and all the ^-d- it.'o. sepoys, and marched in the night to a point on the road to Calcutta. His march was through a tract full of swamps and rivulets, and the troops did not reach their destination till morning, when they lay down exhausted, without order or precaution, and in a few minutes were all asleep. In this situation they were surprised by Manik Chand, who had come to Bujbuj the day before, with 1,500 horse and 2,000 foot. He at first caused con- fusion and loss. In time, however, the English recovered their order and compelled the assailants to withdraw to Calcutta. In the meantime the fire of Bujbuj had been silenced by the ships, and next morning the fort was found evacuated. On December 30 the fleet proceeded to Calcutta, and on January 7, 1757, anchored before that place. Miinik Chand had retired to Hiigli, leaving a garrison of 500 men in the Enu'lish fort. These men returned the cannonade of the English ships, and killed seventeen sailors before their fire was silenced. They then quitted the place, which was taken possession of at eleven o'clock. The admiral sent Captain (afterwards Sir Eyre) Coote, of Adlercron's regiment, ashore, with a commission as Governor, but Clive, who arrived soon after, took the command as general of the land foixe. The admiral was much mcensed, and on Clive's perseverance, threatened to drive him out with his cannon. Clive replied that the responsibility of such a proceeding would rest with tlie admiral, but that he was determined never to give up the command to a 284 iiiSE OF BRITISH rowioii in india. ^}^,^f subordinate. The matter at lenii'tli was compro.nised : viir. . Clive gave u[) the keys to the admu*al, who hmded to receive them, and immediately made them over to Mr. Drake, the civil Governor. As it was found that the Nabob was not yet prepared to move from Murshidj'ibad, a strong detachment was sent by water to attack Hi'igli, the seat of the government of that division of Bengal, which it was of obvious political importance to reduce. An imperfect breach was made from the ships, and the troops carried the place by storm with little loss. During this expedition news arrived through private channels of the breaking out of war with France. There were at Chandernag6r 600 Europeans, of whom 300 were soldiers. They were well supplied w^ith artillery. One of Bussy's stations was wdthin 200 miles of the nearest part of Bengal, and he was himself not far from the frontier. It was therefore expected that the French would join the nabob, which would at once have turned the scale against the English. Even a protracted struggle would have been a great gam to the French, since a small de- tachment of theirs, aided by the nabob, would employ so laro-e an English force as would leave the Caniatic nearly defenceless. On no one did these considerations fall with more weight than on Clive. He for the first time saw the safety of liis army and of the British interests in India depend on his conduct, and the effect was such as could only have been produced on a mind of which the strongest passions were forgotten in the public cause. To the daring spirit which had ever characterised him were now added the stimulants of wealth and glory to be attained by military exploits, and by them alone. Every motive combined to urge him to an immediate AVAK IX BENGAL. PLASSY. 2(S5 appeal to arms, yet liis prudence during all the chap. subsequent transactions in Bengal, his caution in his '— movements, and his anxiety to effect a settlement with- out the risk of hostilities, were such as in another man could scarcely have escaped the reproach of timidity. Soon after the recapture of Calcutta, the nabob had sounded the Enghsh, through the French dejiuties then treating with them on their own account, as to the terms on which they were willing to make peace. The terms which they proposed, though even more moderate than those afterwards obtained, remained unnoticed, but a channel of communication was kept up through the great bankers of the house of Jaggat Set, of which Clive took advantage to endeavour to open a negotiation. Tlie nabob was not yet convinced of the power of his enemies, and was rather irritated than intimidated by the success that had attended them. He refused to listen to their overtures, but the Sets, foreseeing the possibility of a change in his counsels, sent an able agent, named Ranjit Rai, to accompany his army, which now began its march towards Calcutta. Omi Chand continued to be the object of a sort of superstitious dread to the English. To him Mr. Holwell ascribed his own ill-treatment, and observed that the three gentlemen pitched on to he his companions in captivity were all personal enemies of Omi Chand's. He was now more formidable than ever from his having gained the confidence of Suraj-u-Doula, but his interest was involved in the restoration of peace and the revi\'al of tlie trade of Calcutta, and from this motive he also accompanied the army, and was ready to do all in his ]io\ver to promote an accommodation. Colonel Clive had taken up and fortified a position 28j5 lUSE OF BKITISII POWER IN INDIA. ^^V^- which covered the only accessible part of the Company's territory, the rest being protected by an extensive lake of salt water. It was about a mile to the northward of the town, and half a mile inland from a point on the river not far beyond the redoubt which had formerly resisted the nabob's attack. As the nabob drew near, the villagers ceased to send in supplies to camp, and the whole of the native followers deserted. No cattle had yet been collected, and there was only one horse in camp. The nabob therefore had only to avoid an engagement, and he might have destroyed the force landed or have compelled it to reimbark. In these cir- cumstances Clive wrote to him through Ranjit Rai to Janu- propose peace. The nabob i»:ave a friendly answer and ary 30, I ^ ^ . . ^ . t , . A.D. 1757. kept up the negotiations, but continued his march. Three days after, his advanced guard was descried from the British lines. Unwilling to take any step that might interrupt his negotiations, Clive allowed them to pass within sight of his camp, when a s\\"arm of plunderers spread over the Company's territory, and one regular body, with nine heavy guns, took up and fortified a posi- tion about a mile and a half to the south-east of that of Clive. This seemed too threatening a movement, and Clive set out in the evening to dislodge the party ; but he was unable to effect his purpose, and returned after a camionade in which both sides lost some men. Next day the main body passed on by the same route. The sight was disheartening to the troops, and the result was to i)lace the nabob's army nearer to Calcutta than Clive's. The nabob himself halted for some time at a village in the rear of his army, and sent to Clive to re- quest that he would depute commissioners to treat. Mr. Walsh and Mr. Scrafton were immediately de- spatched, but before they arrived the nabob had WAR IN BENGAL. I'LASSY. 287 marched, and they overtook liim hite in the even- ing at a garden of Omi Chand's within the Maratta ditch, where he had fixed his head-quarters. After they had been searched for concealed weapons, and an attempt had been made to de})rive them of their swords, they were presented to the nabob. He received them in a full darl)dr, surrounded by armed chiefs, "who seemed to scowl defiance on the deputies. They nevertheless remonstrated with the nabob on the in- consistency between his acts and his professions, and afterwards presented a paper containing their proposals. The nabob lool:ed over the paper and said something in a low voice to his attendants ; he then referred the de- puties to his mmister, to whose tent they were ordered to repair. Their experience of the nabob's treachery of itself suggested the probability of a design to seize them, and, as they were leaving the darbar, Omi Chand drew near and whispered to them to take care of them- selves. On this the deputies ordered their lights to be extinguished, and instead of proceeding to the j^riine minister, made the best of their way to their own camp. On hearing their report, Olive resumed all his usual energy and decision. He received the deputies at eleven ; before midnight he was on board the admiral's ship ; by one o'clock a body of sailors was landed, and by two the troops were under arms ready to attack the nabob's camp.^ There were GOO sailors armed with firelocks, 750 Europeans, 800 sepoys, and six field-pieces which were drawn ])y the sailors. The choicest part of the nabob's army was round his own station at Omi Chand's garden, but the rest were scattered over a great extent ■'■' Olive's evidence, First Report of the Committee of the House of Commons, 1772, 147. CHAP. VllT. 288 RISE OF E1UT18II TOWER IN INDIA. CHAP, to the eastward of the Maratta ditch. The colnnin be- VIII. trail its march at four o'clock. It was intended to move straight on the head-quarters and the park of artillery, but, as the day dawned, one of those fogs came on which in their intensity are peculiar to Bengal. No guides were of use in such impenetrable darkness ; the column left Omi Chand's garden and the Maratta ditch on their riofht, and marched on to the southward, through the midst of the camp, firing by platoons to the right and left, and discharging their field-pieces obliquely towards the front. When they came in a line with Omi Chand's garden, but without knowing where they were, they heard the sound of cavalry approaching at full gallop. They opened a heavy fire in the direction of the noise, which soon after ceased. It proved to have been a body of Persians excellently mounted, who charged with great spirit, but were brought to a stand by the sharp- ness of the lire when within thirty yards of the line. When the column had advanced about a mile, it came to a high causeway running at right angles to its line of march, and forming the road from the country on the east to the fort of Calcutta. The head of the column was ordered to direct its march to the right, so as to cross the IMaratta ditch by the causeway and then turn back on Omi Chand's garden, but when they had proceeded a short way in their new direction, tliey came within the range of their own guns which continued iiriijo- from the rear. This threw theui into confusion, and tlie troops ran down from the road and took shelter behind the causeway. As the next part of tlie column pressed on, the whole were crowded into a disorderly mass, and at this moment the}^ received a discharge of grape from some heavy guns of the enem^^'s ui a bastion close at hand. W^hen order was restored, they marched WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 289 on to another road parallel to the first, where tliey at '^^.^J'- length crossed the ditch, but before this the fog began to clear away, other guns were opened on them from fresh quarters, a body of cavalry appeared in their front, and larger bodies pressed hard on their flanks and rear. The troops were exhausted with their march, which had latterly been through ricefields, two of their field-pieces had stuck in the mire of those enclosures, and, when they had repulsed the enemy, Clive found them too much fatio'ued for the attack on the •••arden, and marched them along the road to the fort of Calcutta, from whence, after some rest, they returned to their camp. They had only lost 174 men killed and wounded, but had failed in their main object, and were much more dispirited than encouraged by the general result. But the loss in the native camp had been a great deal more severe, and the nabob himself had been so terrified at the near approach of danger, that he was with difficulty prevented from ordering an iuimediate retreat. The utmost vigilance was kept up in his camp next night, cannon and musketry being fired on every idle alarm. He immediately revived the negotiation, and as if to show his sincerity, he moved to a safe distance from the English camp. The terms offered were such as he was February not likely to refuse. They were that he should restore ^^^ ^{jr^j the Company's factories and confirm all their former privileges to the fullest extent ; that they should receive the villages, thirty-eight in number, which they had been allowed to purchase by the Emperor Farokhsir, but of which they had never obtained possession ; that they should l)c permitted to fortify Calcutta aud to coin money ; and that all goods under their permits should pass duty free throughout the country.'' A dcniand bad * This article is modilicd by an agreement on the part of the C'uiiiiiauy, U 290 KISK OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. l)ceii iiijulc for compensation for all the property plun- clered, but the nabob would only agree to pay for that seized by his order and brought to account in his treasury. The Company on their part engaged to conduct themselves within the nabob's jurisdiction as formerly, to do violence to no one, and to give up defaulters and offenders. In a letter returning his ratification of the treaty, the nabob solemnly promised to esteem the enemies of the English as his enemies, and to assist the latter to the utmost of his powder, and he solicited a correspond- ing assurance on the part of the English Govern- ment. Separate engagements, expressed with equal solemnity, were sent to him by Clive and Watson, but no formal treaty of alliance was drawn up. The treaty concluded was neither honourable nor secure. It did little more than replace the parties where they stood before the war, and did not punish the nabob for the outrage by which that war was occasioned, or indemnify the Company for the expense at which it had been carried on. It afforded no secu- rity against the nabob's renewing hostilities as soon as the British forces were withdrawn, and did not make the least provision against a combination between the nabob and the French, or even against the operations of the French themselves. Nevertheless, in the Aveak state of the British land force, it was thought highly advantageous. Watson, however, could not be persuaded that the nabob would sign it, and, while it was yet pending, he sent his flag ill which they engage that tlie business of their factories shall be carried on agreeably to former practice ; and the nabob's orders for carrying tliis article into effect direct their goods to be passed duty free according to the king's grant and to previous usage. WAR IX BENGAL. PLASSY. 291 captain to uro;e Clive to strike another blow at the chap. . ... VIII. enemy, and even suggested his consulting his officers — if he himself had any hesitation about the measure. Some time previous to these last transactions, there had been hopes of maintaining a local peace with the French in Beno-al notwithstandiiiii^ the war between the nations. Soon after the recovery of Calcutta, they had sent deputies to propose a treaty, but it had been broken off apparently from the English insisting that they should take part agamst Sunij-u-Doula. The peace with the nabob now dictated a speedy settlement of the question with them. Clive had received repeated and urgent calls from the Government of Madras, who were themselves in irreat dancrer from the French, and was ardently desirous of returning to the coast, but durst not leave the government of Chan- dernagor unfettered behind him. An overture for a neutrality unclogged with the former stipulations had been made at his suggestion, but, as no answer had been returned, he concurred with Watson in the expediency of an immediate attack on Chandernag6r, provided the nabob's consent could be obtained ; without that, both parties agreed that no offensive operations could be thought of.^ The nabob was accordingly Pubm- applied to, on the ground of his engagement to regard ^^'^ ^^' the enemies of the Eni^lish as his own.^ He cave no direct answer, but announced that 13 ussy was about to march into Bengal, and that a large French fleet would soon be in the Ganges, and called on the British officers to assist him in repelling the invasion.'-' ' His luttfv (jf Fulnuary 1 to tliu Court of Directors. (India House.) ** Olive's letter to the Court of Directors, dated February 2*J. (India House.) The date is from Ornie, ii. 13(). '■' Onne, ii. 13(». Watson's letter in Ives. 117. Olive's kller of February 22. (India House.) u 2 292 RISE OF BrvITlSII POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. VIII. Febru- ary 18. March 8. Thougli this seemed an indirect attempt at intimida- tion, it was resolved to construe it into a consent, and to force the nabob to an explicit declaration by acting upon it without delay. With this view Clive crossed the river. But the nabob had previously made up his mind. He had sent a supply of 10,000/. to the French, and had ordered his governor of Hug'li (to whom he despatched a reinforcement) to support them to the utmost of his power. On hearing of Olive's march, he sent a peremptory prohibition to his advance, and threatened to join the French if the attack were per- severed in. On this Clive returned to Calcutta, and solemn assurances were sent to the nabob that no attack should be made without his consent.^ The negotiations for a local peace with the French were renewed at the same time, and terms which were to be guaranteed by the nabob were agreed on and drawn out for signature. So much was the question looked on as settled, that Clive made ready to embark with part of his troops for Madras.^ But when the terms were sent to Watson for his confirmation, he positively refused to accede to them until they should have been sanctioned by the Supreme Government at Pondicherry. He pointed out that without such a con- firmation they would not be binding even on the sub- ordinate government, still less on the superior one, or on any French commander, naval or military, who might enter Bengal under a separate authority ; he ridiculed the guarantee of the nabob, who he said liad not per- foi'iiicd one article of his own treaty, and ought himself ' Watson's letter, Ives, 121. Orme, ii. 137, 138. Clive's letter to Watts, dated March 1, in Malcolm's Life, i. 185. - Scrafton, 69. See also Clive's letter dated February 22. (India House.) WAK IN BENIJAL. PLASSY. 293 to be treated as an enemy if lie did not fulfil his engage- ^y.f f- raents within ten days. These objections were perfectly well founded, but they ought to have been brought for- ward before the terms were agreed to. In insisting on them now, Watson showed little regard to the honour of his colleagues, and made an ill return for the fidelity with which the French had acted in the preceding period. On these grounds they were indignantly repelled by Clive. He further urged that before a ratification March 4. could be expected to arrive from Pondicherry, the season for the departure of the British troops would have passed, and he insisted that the treaty should either be signed immediately and unconditionally, or that it should be broken off at once, and an attack made on Chandernagor. If neither of these plans was adopted, he announced his mtention of immediately returning to Madras.^ At this juncture Watson received official notice of March 6. the war with France, together with suitable orders from the Admiralty, and thought it became his duty to en- gage the French wherever he found them, unless he should be restrained by a protest on the part of the Company's Government.'^ He therefore agreed to an mimediate attack, provided the nabob's consent could be obtained. Strong remonstrances had been addressed to that ]:)rince on his non-performance of the treaty ; and Watson in particular had threatened war if the execution were delayed.'^ At the same time the nabob ^ In this remonstrance Clive notices the arrival of the missing ships and of a reinforcement from Bombay, but declares that those circum- stances do not diminish the necessity of immediately concluding the treaty. These letters are given at full length in the appendix to the First Report of the Committee itc. of the House of Connnons, 1772, 122. ■* See his letter in Malcolm's Clive, i. 18G. * Watson's letter in Ives, 124. 294 RISE OF BRITISIT TOWER TN INDIA, v^ni. CHAP, received intelligence, wliich he believed, that Ahmed Sh;ih DuiVmi had niarched from Delhi with the intention of conquering Bengal, and under the influence of this new alarm he had applied to the English for assist- ance and offered them 10,000/. a month for the co-opera- tion of their army. In such circumstances it seemed probable that the nabob would at length give his con- sent, and the majority of the committee determined to make one more effort to obtain it before they signed the neutrality. They resolved that their force should in the meantime advance on Chandernagor, but that if the nabob should still object to hostilities, the treaty with the French should be signed without further delay. ^ The nabob, thus pressed by fears on all sides, told Mr. Watts in plain terms that he should no longer interfere with any attempt on Chandernagor, and on the same day, March 10, he wrote to Watson, consenting, though in ambiguous language, to the attack. On the 16th he again changed his mind, and again issued a positive prohibition. But hostilities had com- menced on the 14th, and on the 23rd the garrison was compelled to surrender, chiefly by the gallantry of the naval force. The defence had been maintained with great bravery, and had occasioned heavy loss on both sides. ^ " Records at the India House ; Orme ; Scrafton. It appears from the records that Mr. Becher was for signing the neutrality at once, that Mr. Drake thought it would be nugatory without Watson's consent, and other- wise gave an indistinct opinion ; but Clive and Kilijatrick were for the line stated in text. From Olive's evidence it appears that Kilpatrick was at first for an immediate neutrality, but changed on Clive assuring him that the British force was sufficient to encounter the nabob and the French together. It was never proposed to attack the French without the nabob's consent ; but it was probably anticipated, as happened in eifect, that the nabob might change his mind after the siege had begun under his sanction. ■^ Watts's letters at the India House; Ives; Scrafton. Clive's own WAH IX BENGAL. PLASSY. 295 The success of the Eno-lish was promoted by Nan- ^^^^^l*- , . 10 VIII. comar, governor of Hugli (afterwards so celebrated from the ch'cumstances of his dcatli). He had been corrupted by Omi Chand at the thne of Olive's first march, and not oidy withheld the aid he was ordered to afford to the French, but continually misled the nabob with false intelligence. During the siege the nabol) had been alternately ordering and countermanding preparations for marching to the relief of Chandernag(')r. J5ut when the place fell he warmly congratulated Clive and Watson on their victory ; he set about fulfilling the articles of his treaty, and, before the end of the next month, except the re- storation of the guns he had taken at Casimbazar, the sanction necessary for the transfer of the thirty- eight villages, and the settlement of some pecuniary payments which he might in reality have thought doubtful, he had nearly accomplished the whole of his engagements.^ But he used every means to prevent any further reduction of the power of the French, he secretly took into his service a body of their troops which had escaped from Chandernagor under M. Law, he redoubled his applications to Bussy to advance, and he formed an entrenched camp under his Diwan Ivai Diilab at Plassy, between his capital and Chandcrnagcu*. Copies of some of his letters to Bussy were found after the taking of Murshidabad.^ The first is supposed to be written about the end of February, and presses Bussy to move to the defence of Chandernagor ; but this letter refers to an earlier one, in which the nabob had a})plied account in his evidence, though correct in the main, is, as might be ex- pected, inaccurate in particulars. » Watts's letters, April 9, also April 20 or 28. " These letters arc printed in Ap. V. to the First Report of the Com- mittee of the House of Commons, 1772. 29') KISE OF BKITJHII POWKli IX INDIA, CHAP. fQY r^Yi auxiliary force of 2,000 men, witliout any refe- VIII. -M , , . -, - — - rence to Cliandernagor being threatened. As M, Biissy, in the very beginning of the year, gave out that he was marching to settle ]jengal, it is probable this letter was written soon after the arrival of the Enoiish arma- ment in the Ganges. These invitations were continued (witli increased expressions of bitterness against the English) after the fall of Cliandernagor ; orders to his own officers, and recommendations to foreign states to assist M. Bussy in his march, were forwarded during the time when the nabob was professing the greatest friendship for the English and offering the aid of all his forces to repel Bussy' s invasion.^ Bussy had been induced by them to march to the point in his territory nearest to Bengal, and would probably have continued his advance if he had not been discouraged by the fall of Chandernagor and the irresolution exhibited by the nabob.^ These particulars had not yet come to the knowledge of the admiral and the committee, but they were well aware that a contmual correspondence was kept up with Bussy, and they were apprised by their friends at Murshidabad, that the nabob was only waiting his opportunity to gratify his favourite wish of rooting them out of Beno-al.^ The knowledge of these projects made them more eager to complete the extinction of the French power in the province, and likewise more indifferent to the offence that their proceedings might give to the nabob. They pressed that prince to allow them to attack the French factories at Casimbazar and other places, and ' Nabob's letters to Admiral Watson of April 2 and April 14. Ives, 140 and 142. ^ Orme, ii. 2G1. ^ Letters from Watts of February 25, 26, and April 28, WAR IN BENGAL. I'LASSY. 297 insisted on liis withdrawing liis protection from M. Law. chap. The nabob at first affected to agree to their demands, ■ but stipulated that the EngUsh shouki indemnify him for the loss of the duties paid by the French, and should become bound for the debts owed by that nation to his subjects. Contrary to his expectation, the British im- mediately agreed ; on which he retracted his offer and more openly showed his resolution to protect the French interests. As tlie demands were contmued he became more and more irritated, but wavered in his conduct according to his humours and expectations ; actuated alternately by his hopes from Bussy and his fears of Clive, and scarcely less by the rejDorts which he conti- nued to receive of the advance or retreat of the Diiranis. At one time he professed the utmost cordiality towards the British, and ordered M. Law to march out of Murshid- AhM, but supplied him with money and ammunition, ^r"^ ^'^■ and stationed him within call ; at another time he drove the English vakil '^ with ignominy from his presence, threatened to impale Mr. Watts,^ and avowed his de- termination never to rest till he had extirpated the British. The committee by this time began to see the impos- sibility of depending on the nabob, and to contemplate a renewal of the war which hitherto they certainly had been desirous to avoid. The admiral wrote a strong ^piii vj. remonstrance to the nabob, insisting on his fulfilling his engagements, and calling on him, as a proof of his sincerity, to desist from protecting the enemies of the liritish nation ; he declares that while there is a French- man in the country he will never cease pursuing him, but ends by conjuring the nabob to preserve the peace ■*. Native agent. •' Watts's lettci- of Ai)ril 14 in Malcolm's Clive, 229. 298 ]{ISE OF BUITISII POWER IN INDIA. ^vitf ^^y '^ ^i^i^^^fi^l adherence to his engagements. Clive ap- pears to have written in still stronger terms.'' April 20. But these letters had no effect either in soothing or intimidating the nahob. He publicly tore a letter from Clive ; declared that he could bear no more, but saw he should be obliged again to march down against the English ; and ordered Mir Jahr to reinforce lliii Dulab, promising him ten lacs of rupees if he would destroy the objects of his displeasure.' These violent measures were ascribed by Clive to some intelligence the nabob had received of the advance of Bussy or the retreat of the Durrdnis. They con- vinced the disaffected chiefs of the nabob's court that ^\ar with the English was become inevitable, and on the same day a principal member of their body made overtures to Mr. Watts for a secret alliance with that nation. The insolence and cruelty of Suraj-u-Doula had long since disgusted those about him. He struck Jaggat Set on the face not long after his conquest of Calcutta,^ and he afterwards often threatened to have him circum- cised.^ He insulted his Mahometan chiefs by taunts and scurrilous language, and kept them in constant fear of their lives from his suspicions, his treachery, and his violence.^ There was hardly a man among them whom ^ The admiral's letter is in Ives, 143. For Olive's remonstrance see the Memoirs of the Revolution in Baiyal (anonymous, but apparently written from Mr. Watts's information). The records at the India House are incomplete at this period, and no letter from Clive appeal's in them. ' Letter from Watts, dated April 20 (Malcolm's (Xwe, i. 232) ; Letter from Clive to AVatson (Malcolm's Clive, 234) ; Letter from Scrafton dated April 20. (India House.) ** Letter from a Dutch agent at Casimbazar in September 1756. (India House.) '^ Seir ul Mutakherin, i. pt. 2, 759. ' Seir ul MutaJcherin, 719, 724, 727, 7«2. WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 290 Jie had not menaced with death ; ^ and Mi'r Jafir told chap. Mr. Watts that he never went to tlie palace without ex- pecting assassination.^ The discontent of the old chiefs and ministers was increased by the ascendancy of two upstart favourites, M6hon I^;il and Mir Madan ; one a Hindii and one a Mussulman — one assuming; the control of civil busmess, and the other of the army.'^ The first to apply to the English (April 20) was Khuda Yar Khan Latti, an officer of some consequence connected with Jao;a:at Set." He made 2:reat offers through that powerful financier on condition of being placed on Suraj-u-Doula's masnad, but a few days afterwards (probably April 24), a similar proposal was received from Mir Jafir, who was married to Ali Verdi's sister, and was one of the principal commanders in the army. He proposed that himself, Rai Diilab, and some other chiefs whom he named should join the English, and set up as nabob whatever person should be thought most suitable.^ On receiving the first of these overtures the committee carae to a resolution that, as they might be forced into a war owins: to the fickle and uncertain temper of the nabob, they should authorise Clive to sound the dispositions of the great men at court, and learn how they stood affected in respect to a revolution. At the same time they resolved to withdraw the public property from Murshidjibad, and to send agents to the southward to watch Bussy and endeavour to prevail on the local chiefs to oppose his advance.^ On a subsequent day the committee received Mir ^ Scrafton, 175 and 176. ^ Watts's letter to the Committee, May 20 or 28. (India House.) ^ Seir ul Mntahherin, 720. '^ Scrafton, letter of April 20. (India Hoii.se.) « Watt's letters, May 2G and 28; Scraf ton's letter, May 28. (India House.) ^ Consultation of April 2^5. (India IIouso.) 300 KISE OF BUITISII TOWER IN INDIA. CHAP. JaHr's proposal, along witli letters from Mr. Watts of _1L_ April 26 and 28, and from Mr. Scrafton of April 28, ^^ ■ acquaintinn- them that certam accounts had been re- ceived of the retreat of the Diirrdnis, and that the nabob had broken out into fresh excesses. It had been determined to withdraw the ffiirrison alono" Avith the property from Casimbaz/ir, but as the men at that place were chiefly French deserters and unarmed, it was not thought prudent to entrust the escort of the treasure to them alone ; twenty sepoys, with some spare arms and ammunition, were therefore sent from Hiigli about April 24.^ This party had been stopped on its march by Rai Diilab, on which the nabob caught up the idea that Clive was secretly despatching a powerful force to the neighbourhood of the capital. He sent a body of troops to enter and search the factory, and issued orders to cut off the ears and noses of any soldiers or other persons belonging to the English who should be on board of boats in which ammunition should be discovered. He at the same time directed a reinforce- ment estimated at 15,000 men to march to Plass)'', ordered out his own tents with the intention of following, and sent instructions to M. Law to suspend his march and prepare to return when summoned. On the same evening a letter from Clive led him to countermand the latter part of his orders,^ but next day the reinforcement actually marched under Mir Jafir.^ All these subjects were fully discussed in the com- mittee of May 1, on which occasion Clive was present. They came to a resolution that no dependence could be placed on the friendship or honour of the nabob, and ^ Letter from Clive to Casimbazdr. Malcolm's Clive, i . 232. ^ Scraf ton's letter of April 28. (India House.) * Orme, ii. 150. WAR IN BEXGAL. PLASSY. 301 that a revolution in the government would be extremely chat. advantageous to the Company's affairs. They assign their reasons for promoting such an event at length, under three heads. 1. The nabob's original insincerity in his engagement ; proved by his non-fulfilment of the conditions, especially in the in- adequacy of his pecuniary payments.''^ 2. His evident intention to break it now ; proved by his favour to the French, his invitations to Bussy, his preparations against an attack, and the opinion of all men that he was resolved upon a rupture. 3. The general discon- tent, and the probability tliat a revolution would be effected without their aid, in which case they would lose all the advantage that might be obtained by taking a share in it. On these grounds they determined to support Mir Jtifir, and fixed the terms on which they were to promise their alliance.^ At this time all correspondence with Murshidjiljad was carried on through Clive, who usually resided in camp, but Avent to Calcutta when anything of importance came before the council. At other times he kept them acquainted with the proceedings at the nabob's court, and communicated their instructions and such as he himself thought expedient to Mr. Watts. It was there- fore by Clive that the above resolutions were notified to Watts. His letter is dated May 2, and gives authority to Watts to modify the terms in such manner as his - For one instance, he would only allow G7,8;]0L for the whole amount of property taken at Calcutta, while the connnittee alleged that the private losses of the Europeans alone amounted to ten times that value. He denied that he was responsihle for nicmey embezzled by the governor whom he placed in the town. ^ Proceedings of the Committee at the India House, and the letter of the Select Committee to the Directors, September 1, 210. 302 KISJC OF BKlTlyll ruWEK IN INDIA. CHAP, knowlcdo'c of the state of affairs on the spot may sno-o-est VIII. . '^ I J C--0 to him. The nature of the transactions with Mir Jafir required profound secrecy, and his proposals when first transmitted by Mr. Watts were accompanied by sua'ixestions that if the committee should determine on a rupture they should put off the appearance of it ; they shoidd withdraw their troops, and amuse the nabob with discussions about commercial matters and the fulfilment of the treaty, while they removed their property and perfected their plans. Accordingly, in his letter of May 2 Clive informed Mr. Watts that he had addressed a soothing letter to the nabob, and should retire to Calcutta next day ; and in the same letter he sent a message to assure Mir Jafir that lie would stand by him while he had a man left, and that he had no doubt of being able to seize the nabob's person or to drive him out of the country.'^ This system of double-dealing was kept up to the end. The Englisli continued to press the nabob to remove all fears about peace by withdrawing his troops and fulfilling his agreement, when they had resolved, and had engaged to Mir Jafir, that no act of the nabob's should prevent their making war. 'Jlie nabob, however, was not deceived ; his fears kept him more than awake to the designs of his enemies. He kept his army in the field, retained M. Law in his pay, continued his corre- spondence with M. Bussy, and looked impatiently to the time when he should be an object of terror in his turn.^ Meanwhile the arrano^ement of the terms was sfoinsr on. Mir J;ifir on his departure for Plassy had left a confidential servant at Miirshidiibad, with whom Mr. W^atts continued to consult. He also kept up a cor- ' Malcolm's Clive, i. 240. '■' Letter from Watts, May 11. (India House.) WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 803 respoiidence with Clive, and by these means he had modified the terms sent from Calcutta in such a manner as to render them more advantageous to the Company, at the same time that several of the articles which were not acceptable to Mir Jj'iiir were struck out. But when things seemed tending rapidly to a conclusion, an unexpected obstruction arose which brought tLe whole plot to the very brink of discovery. Omi Chand, though vindictive and implacable, was still more avaricious ; and after he found his interests involved with those of the English, he cast aside the remembrance of the injuries he had received from them, and took an active part in promoting their views at the native court, not, however, without occasionally injuring their interests by petty frauds for his own profit. It was through him that overtures had been received from Jaggat Set and Latti^ ; and, although he was an object of distrust and aversion to Mir Jafir, who insisted that he should have no share in the negotiation or knowledge of its existence, yet Watts, judging it impossible to elude his suspicions, thought it best to entrust him with the secret, and admitted him without reserve into his counsels. So fully did Clive partake in this confidence, that in his instructions to Watts he desired him to consult with Omi Chand on any modiiications that might be required in the treaty ; and so well was he disposed to reward .his services that he suggested tlie insertion of a separate article in the treaty to provide a compensa- tion for his losses at Calcutta,^ and afterwards authorised a promise to him of five per cent. ' on whatever money he might r(;ceive on the new coutrnct.' '^ The iKil lire and extent (»(" this hist gi-aiit are not clear, '■' Scrafton's letter of INIiiy 2(1. (Iii.li;i ll(.u«o.) ' Malcolui's ('live, i. 240. " Mr. WuUb's letitr of May 1-i ; Fjr.st Report, 2l;t. T liave retained CHAP VIII. 304 KISE OF BRITISH r0WP:K in INDIA. ^vm ^^^^ ^^ ^"^ ^^^^^ certain tliat the intention of conferring it Mas communicated to Onn Chand ; but if it bad been offered to him at the largest interpretation, it would have fallen far short of the expectations he had already formed. Tlie demand he made on Watts was for five per cent, on all Suraj-u-Doula's treasure, and one-fourth of all his jewels ; and to give a colour of public zeal to his own rapacity, he also required that the taxes should henceforth be limited to the rates at which they were levied under Jafir Khan. Suraj-u-Doula's treasure was estimated by ]\Ir. Watts and the ])est informed English, as well as by the generality of the natives, at forty millions sterling,^ an amount which it seems extraordi- nary that people of common sense should have believed, but which would have raised Omi Chand' s expected receipts to two millions sterling,^ independent of the jewels. Whatever his receipts might have proved in reality, the lowest estimate formed of them at the time would, with the jewels, have fallen little short of one million sterling.^ Of these demands he could not be Mr. ^Vatts's words, being in doubt as to the meaning. If tJie promise im- plied five per cent, on the money to be received under the new treaty, the amount would have been equal to that of the same commission afterwards granted to Rai Diilab, which was 590,998 rujiees (upwards of CO,OOOZ.). First Report, 2G2. » Mr. Watts's letter of May 14, First Report, 219 ; Scrafton's reflec- tions, 91. ' Watts in the letter above referred to, 219. ^ Orme says that the common people rated the nabob's treasures at forty-five millions stei'ling, but that better incpiirers sup2>osed them to be four millions and a half sterling, on which, he adds, ' Omi Chand's share would have been (>7o,000l. sterling ' (ii. 151). It is not clear how this sum is computed, but it may be taken as that at which those who, like Orme, took the most moderate view of the nabob's treasure, fixed the share of Omi Chand. The jewels were supposed by the English, after they had opportunities of ascertaining their value, to have been worth one million sterling (Olive's evidence, First Report, 155), of which Omi Chand's fourth would be 250,000/. Thus his demand at the lowest was for 925,000/. It is possible, however, though certainly not reconcilable to his expres- sions, that Orme may have included the fourth of the jewels in the WAR IX BENGAL. PLA8SY. 305 prevailed on to abate one tittle, and he threatened chap. I ' \rTTr that if they were not complied with he would reveal the whole conspiracy to the nabob. Habituated as he was to the risk of discovery, Watts was dismayed at this new dans^er, which seemed about to involve himself and his friends in common destruction. The agitation of his mind may be inferred by his sending three hundred notes to Clive on the day when the threat was held out to him ; ^ and the nature of his alarm is shown in a conversation of the same day with Mr. Sykes.^ But fearful as was his situation, he did not lose his energy and decision. Findmg Omi Chand inflexible, he determined to conclude the negotiation without further consultmg him. At an mterview with Mir Jafir's confidential agent, he drew up eleven articles which comprised all the objects desired for the Company, and to which the agent assured him Mir Jtifir would agree. Among those stipulations was one for 300,000/. to Omi Chand. Watts probably found that this sum was the utmost Mir Jafir would have admitted, and took his 675,000?., which would occasion a reduction of 250,000L in the total amount. 3 Malcolm's Life of Clive, i. 295~G. ■* Watts's corresjjondence with Clive has never been published, but the substance of it appears in Clive's evidence (First Report, 14!)), where he states that AVatts wrote to him ' that Omi Chand had insisted on live per cent, on the nabob's treasure and thirty lacs of rupees in money, and that if he did not comply with that demand, he would immediately ac- quaint Serajah Dowla with what was going on, and Mr. Watts should be put to death.' Mr. Sykes's evidence gives more particulars. He says (First Report, 145), that 'in the year 1757 he was stationed at the subor- dinate factory called Cassimbazar, in council ; that he does not know par- ticularly the terms demanded by Omi Cliund ; but, being on a visit to Mr. Watts, he found him under great anxiety ; that he took him aside and told him that Omi Chand had been threatening to betray them to Serajah Dowla, and would have them all murdeied that night luiless ho would give him some assurances that the sum promised him (by Sir. Watts) should be made good,' and, 'that he was under the greatest anxiety liow to counteract the designs of Oun Chand.' X VIII. 306 RISE OF BRITISH ^O^VI•;R IN INDIA. ^3jfF- cliiince of Omi Chanel's acquiescing, or of dive's finding out some other way of averting the danger. These terms accompanied- his despatch of May 14, and reached the council on the 17th. The treachery of Omi Chand excited equal surprise and indignation. They immediately struck out the article giving him 300,000/., declaring that his behaviour rather merited disgrace and punishment at their liaiids than such a stipulation iii his favour. They then agreed to the other terms with some modifications, and afterwards pro- ceeded to consider ' liow^ to deceive Omi Chand and pre- vent the disclosure of the whole project.' For this purpose they adopted a plan suggested by Clive, that they should prepare two treaties, one containing all the stipulations demanded by Omi Chand, and the other omittino; all mention of his name.^ Both treaties w^ere to be signed by the contracting parties, but that with- out the stipulations was to be tlie only one really binding ; the other was only to be made use of to de- ceive Omi Chand, and was to be written on red paper to distmguish. it from the true one. Admiral Watson refused to sign the false treaty, declaring that ' lie would have nothing to do with it ; he was a stranger to de- ception ; they might do as they pleased.' ^ It is doubtful whether anything else ever passed on the subject, but the gentleman wlio had carried tlie treaty to Watson understood him to mean, that though he would not sign the false treaty himself, he had no objection to his name being put to it by some other person. Clive, on •^ Proceedings of tlie Committee. First Report of the Committee of the House of Commons, 1772, 220. Clive's suggestion is in Orme, and in his own evidence. •^ Captain Brereton's evidence (First Report, 151). Much of his evi- dence is at second hand, and a good deal of it is inaccurate ; but the words quoted he says he heard from Watson himself. WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 307 this, ordered his signature to be affixed, and afterwards, chap. . . . VIII. in his evidence before Parliament, dechired that he understood the admiral to have given his consent, but that he would have ordered his name to be put there, whether he had consented or not/ Wliile the answer from Calcutta was still in suspense, May le. Omi Chand was contriving how he might make the most of the nabob. hi spite of the remonstrances of Watts, to whom he imparted his design, he alarmed Suraj-u-Doula by dark hints of an impending evil, which it might cost him his life to make known. AVhen the nabo1> was blinded by fear and curiosity, he revealed to him that the English had sent two gentlemen to Bussy, and that the French and English had agreed to unite their forces and divide Bengal between them. The nabob was thunderstruck at this intelligence, and Omi Chand so artfully worked on his gratitude and his anxiety for further information, that he prevailed on him to give orders for the immediate restoration of all the money found in liis house at Calcutta (which Orme fixes at 40,000/.), for reimbursement for his losses in merchandise and eflfects, and for the discharge of a debt of 40,000/. owed him by the Raja of Bardwan.^ The first sum he received that very night, the second he set to work to ascertain and recover without a moment's delay, the third was equally secure to him whether tlic allies effected their purpose or not.^ ' Evidence before the Committee of the House of Commons, 1772; and Orme. » Watts's letter of May 17 in Malcohn's Clive, i. 245 ; Orme, i. 156. He had before received some compensation ; Orme, 128. The Memoirs of the Revolution in Bengal (the materials of which appear to have been furnished by Mr. Watts), give the particulars of this transaction and tlie date, May 1(5 (04) which agrees with Watts's letter, but is totally silent on the subject of Omi Cliaud's demands and the double treaty. '-• The extent of the concession made to Omi Chand in the false treaty X 2 308 RISE OF Burnsii power in india. cnAr. When the treaties arrived it was evident that the VIII. precautions against detection were no more than were lias been thrown into obscurity by a statement of Ornie's, which has been followed by other writers, but which I tind it difficult to x-econcile with the printed documents. He states (ii. 153), that in the articles drawn up by AVatts, three millions of rupees (300,000?.) were mentioned for Omi Ch;ind, of which he supposes Mr. Watts had informed him ; and (in page 154) he says tliat in the fictitious treaty the sum allotted to him was two millions of rupees. Why a fictitious treaty drawn up for the express purpose of satisfying Omi (Jhand should fall a million of rupees short of what had been promised him, is not apparent. Indeed, if Omi Chand had so far receded from his extravagant pretensions as to come down to the comparatively moderate sum of two, or even three millions of rupees, which Mir Jafir also had agreed to pay, there hardly seems a sufficient motive for incurring the danger and discredit of forming a fictitious treaty at all. Most of the writers who have followed Orme in other respects fix the sum stipiilated for in the fictitious treaty at 300,000?., and appear to regard it as the sum agreed on between Omi Chand and W^atts. But the papers laid before Parliament show inconte.stably that Omi Chand never came to any compromise with Watts, and never receded from his original demand of five per cent, on the nabob's treasures ; and that the stipulation in the false treaty went to the full extent of that demand. The follow- ing is Mr. Watts's account of the transaction, as communicated in his despatch to Clive dated May 14 (First Report, 219). 'I showed the ai-ticles you sent up to Omi Chand, who did not approve of them, but in- sisted on my demanding for him five per cent, on all the nabob's treasure, which would amount to two crore of rupees, besides a quarter of all his wealth ; and that Mi'r Jafir should oblige himself to take from the zemin- dars no more than they paid in Jafir Cawn's time. . . . These and many other articles, in which his own ambition, cunning, and avaricious views were the chief motives, he positively insisted on, and would not be prevailed upon to recede from one article. Perceiving his obstinacy would only ruin our affairs, and that we should alarm the jealousy and lose the good opinion of all i)eople, and that the accomplishment of his treaty (if agreed to) would take some years — Mir Jafir likewise having expressed an utter distrust and disgust at his being anyways concerned in the treaty, and as delays are dangerous — I therefore, with Petrose, had a meeting with Mir Jiifir's confidant, who sets out to-day with the accompanying articles which, he says, he is sure Mir Jafir will comply with.' Of the articles just mentioned, the eighth stipulates for thirty lacs of rupees in favour of Omi Chand. From tliis narrative it is evident that there had been no concert with Omi Chand in preparing the article in his favour, which is confirmed by Olive's statement that Watts never promised him any specific sum (First Report, 140). That Watts was far from thinking that he had come to an adjustment with Omi Chand is also manifest from his earnest entreaties at the close of his despatch, that the part relating ^VAII TX bent; A L. PLASSY. a09 rendered necessary \)y the wary temper of Onii Cliand. ^yjjj^' He continued to doubt and scrutinise to the last, and it was not till afterwards, when he had returned to Calcutta, May 25. and had bribed the native secretary who copied the treaty to let him know if there was anything wrong in the ratification, that he at length rested satisfied. Watts, who still thought his life and those of his associates insecure as long as Omi Chand remained at ]\Iurshidabad, used every argument to convince him that it was for his own interest to withdraw to Calcutta ; but, as the insatiable extortioner had money to collect in the city, it was difficult to draw his attention to any other consideration, and when he was at length per- suaded, all his skill was necessary to induce the nabob to part with him. He at length set out in company with Mr. Scrafton, then returning to Calcutta from a May 31. to that individual may be kept inviolably secret, ' the critical situation of our affairs rendering such a precaution indisjjensable.' We possess no copy of the false treaty, but the evidence of Lord Clive, who framed it, shows the extent of the stipulation in favour of Omi Chand. He says (First Report, 150), that ' the fictitious treaty, to the best of his remem- brance, stated thirty lacs and five per cent, upon the treasures,' and in answer to a question added, ' it might be fifty lacs for ought he knows.' The statement regarding the thirty or fifty lacs is obscure (it may per- haps have been Olive's own estimate of the value of Omi Chand's share of the jewels), but that relating to the five per cent, is clear and j^ositive, and shows that the lowest sum which Omi Chand would have accepted was still, according to the most moderate estimate at the time, about one million sterling. Sir John Malcolm, who had access to all Olive's corre- spondence, speaks of the limitation to .100,000?. as a thing certain ; and on one occasion (i. 295-G) seems to quote three uiipublislied notes of Watts's as proofs that such was the sum insisted on. But the real intention of his quotation is only to prove the fact of Omi Chand's threats, for in another place (247) he says expressly tliat he finds ' no details of wliat passed with Omi Chand in any of Mr. Watts's- letter's ; ' and his other proofs quoted along with the three notes, refer to the danger alone, and not the amount demanded. In other places relating to Omi Chand, Sir John confines his references to authorities already printed ; and it is probable tliat the whole narrative would have been more clear and consistent if it had undergone the last revision of its distinguished author. 810 RISE OF I5KITTSH POWEll IX INDIA. CHAP, mission which he had just accomphshed, and, after ^-^__ alarming his fellow-traveller by several disappearances, which however were prompted by avarice and uncon- nected with any treacherous design, he at last reached Calcutta. He was received with ever}^ appearance of cordiality by Clive and the select committee, and con- tinued to be treated as a friend and confederate until the fall of Sunij-u-Doula rendered all further dissimula- tion unnecessaiy.^ The object of Scrafton's journey to Murshidabad de- serves mention. A letter had been received by Mr. Drake, purporting to be from Balaji, the Peshwa, offering the alliance of the Marattas and proposmg a confederacy against the nabob. The sagacity of Chve suggested at once the probability of this being a contrivance of the nabob's, and the best means of defeating it. It was determined to communicate the letter to the nabob himself, who, if he had sent it to try the sincerity of the English, would be deceived by his own stratagem. At the same time the committee were at a loss how to explain the circumstance of the double treaty to Mir Jdfir. Tliey therefore resolved to despatch Mr. Scrafton on a special mission, as if to communicate Balaji's letter in the most secret and solemn manner to the nabob, ' by which,' they say, ' we may gain the nabob's confidence and incline him to think us sincere in our friendship for him,' but in reality to visit the camp at Plassy and procure Mir Jdtir's signature to the real and fictitious treaties.^ This avowal, without hesitation, softening, or apology, is a pla'n proof of the conviction of the com- mittee that they were perfectly justified in employing ' Orme, ii. 157. 2 Proceedings of the Committee, May 17 ; First Report, 220. WAR IX BENGAL. PLASSY. 311 against Sumj-n-Doiila tlie same deception that he had chap. attempted to practise on them ; as if, by degrading them- selves to the level of a barbarian, they could shake off the responsibility imposed on them by tlieir superior knowledii'e. They were disappointed in both their objects. The nabob's vigilance prevented the interview with Mir Jatir, and the letter from Balaji made no great impres- sion. The only effect of their proof of confidence was to induce the nabob to withdraw his troops from Plassy.^ The return of Mir Jafir, who arrived before the rest, afforded an opportunity for consulting him through his native agent, when he declared his approbation of the draft submitted to him, and Scrafton set off with it for Calcutta, as has been mentioned. But the treaty, though accepted, had not been signed, nor was there any proof of Mir Jafir' s consent to it except the word of his confidential agent. It was there- fore indispensable for Mr. Watts to have a meeting with him, and such intercourse was now become nearly impos- sible from the new or revived suspicions of the nabob. Though he had received no information of the plot agamst him, it is not unlikely that vague surmises were afloat of what was going on underhand, and from these or some caprice of his own, he had received Mir Jafir on his return with marked distrust and displeasure. A few days after, Mir Jdfir was removed from his office and command. Mutual jealousy was now avowed. Jdfir ceased to go to court, and assembled his retainers in his palace, wliile the nabob surrounded him with spies, and secretly posted guards on all the communica- tions with his residence. Such was the state of things in wliicli AYatts liad to ^ Scrafton's letter of May 25. (India IJousd. S12 IJISE OF BlilTISII POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. Vlll. attempt an interview. Trusting his life to the fidelity of some of his servants, he set out m a close litter, such as is commonly used by women, passed the guards and spies unsuspected, and reached the apartment where he was expected by his confederate. A full conference then took place ; Mir Jafir signed the treat}', swore on the Koran to observe it, and, laying his hand on his son's head, devoted him to the divine vengeance if he June 5, liimself ijroved unfaithful to his eno-ao'ement.'* A.D 1757. rm The terms of the treaty were — 1. The articles agreed to by Suraj-u-Doula to re- main in force. 2. The enemies of the English, European or Indian, to be the enemies of the nabob. 3. The French factories to be transferred to the Enoiish. and the French never to be allowed to return to B enseal. 4 to 7. Compensation to be granted for losses at Calcutta &c. — To the Company .... £1,000,000 To the European inhabitants . . 500,000 To the native inhabitants . . 200,000 To the Armenians .... 70,000 8. The tract within the Maratta ditch and 600 yards beyond to be ceded. 9. The country to the south of Calcutta as far as Calpi to be granted to the Company as a zemindari, sub- ject to the usual payment of revenue to the nabob. 10. The nabob to pay for any assistance he may require from the English. 11. To erect no new fortifications on the river below Hdgli. * Orme, ii. 161; Memoirs of tJie Revolution in Bengal, 98. I have pre- ferred the date in the latter to Orme's, which is probably calculated from that in the treaty. WAR IN BENGAL. TLASSY. 313 12. Tlie above sums to be paid as soon as Mir Jafir ctiap. VIII. is established in the o-overnment. These engagements are all on the part of Mir Jafir ; on the part of the Company there is only one — 13. The Company to aid Mir Jafir in acquiring the government, and to assist him to the utmost against all enemies.^ Along with the treaty a private engagement was obtained from Mir Jafir, by which he promised to give 200,000/. as a donation to the army, 200,000/. to the navy, and from 120,000/. to 150,000/. to the Governor and members of the committee. In addition to which, after his accession he gave 160,000/. to Chve, 10,000/. each to such of the councillors as were not of the committee, and considerable sums to other persons, tlie particulars of which have never been made public.^ ^ Treatiea coid Grants to the East India Company, 73. ^ The history of the pecuniary demands is cnrioiis, as showing their progress and the individuals in whom each originated. The draft of May 1 merely stipulated for compensation to the Company and the Euro- peans (India House records, and Memoirs of the Revolution, in Bengal, 88). On May 2 Clive wrote that any gratuity the nabob might bestow on the troops must be left to his generosity and to the management of Mr. Watts and Omi Chand. (Malcolm's CUve, 239.) Mr. Watts, desirous of introducing some precision into the articles, appears to have consulted Clive regarding the sums to be demanded, for on May 5 Clive writes to him suggesting 500,000^. for all private losses except Omi Chand's, for whom he recommends a separate stipulation and ' ten lacs ' of rupees, e(iual to 100,000?. (qucere 100 lacs, equal to 1,000,OOOL /) to the Company for the expenses of the war, including a donation to the troops (Malcolm's Clive, i. 241). The specitication of the sums in tlie treaty was made by Mr. Watts after ascertaining Mi'i" -Jatir's disposition {Alcmoirs, 8G). They were in his draft as follows : To the Company .... £1,000,000 To the European sufferers . . 300,000 To the native sufferers . . . 300,000 To the Armenians .... 150,000 To Omi Cliand .... 300,000 (First Report, 2l!>). The proportions were afterwards altered in the final draft 1iy the committee ; and in the treatj' itself, which was made out 314 RISE OF BKITISII TOWER IN INDIA. ^vm' '^'^^ whole of this private agreement was higlily reprehensible. Whatever gratnity was proper for the troops shonld have been inserted in the treaty ; the other demands shoidd never have been made at all. Clive and Watts, perhaps Kilpatrick (who alone had any claims), should have trusted to Mir Jatir's gratitude, which his subsequent liberality to Clive shows to have been a solid ground to rely on. The stipulations for the members of the committee and the council were warranted by no merit, and set an example which afterwards led to still more diso;raceful exactions. The only palliation lies in the sordid economy of the Court of Directors, by which their servants, deprived of honourable means of subsistence, were compelled to look to indirect ones. Trade on their own account was under Olive's directions, a blank was left in the demand for the Company which Watts was authorised to reduce to 500,000/. if Mi'r Jafir objected to the larger amount. (Proceedings of the Committee, May in ; First Report, House of Commons, 1772, 220.) As in Watts's draft the 100,000/. for exi^enses and donations to the troops was omitted, it was probably he who suggested a separate arrangement for the latter object. Whether he also indicated the amount does not appear ; but at the same meeting of the committee at which the final draft was prepared (May 17), the grants to the troops inserted in the private agreement were decided on, and Mr. Becher, one of the members, observing that it was but reasonable that the committee who had set the whole machine in motion should also share in the reward, it was at once resolved that a donation for them should be stipulated for along with the rest. (Mr. Becher's evidence. Report, 145. ) Ko notice is taken of these gratuities in the recorded proceedings of the committee ; but two days after (May 19) Clive writes to Watts to get a l)rivate engagement for 200,000/. each to the army and navy, and 120,000/. to the committee. (Malcolm's Clive, i. 253.) It does not appear how this last sum came to be increased, but the actual payments are stated in Mr. Becher's evidence to have been 28,000/. each to Mr. Drake and Colonel Clive, and 24,000/. to each of the other four members, which would make the whole amount to 152,000/. This was all that was stipulated for in the agreement. The other presents made after the nabob's accession were not in consequence of that engagement. Some of them are stated by Clive in his evidence from imperfect recollection : 80,000/. to Air. Watts ; 50,000/. to Mr. Walsh ; 30 or 40,000/. to Major Kilpatrick ; 20,000/. to Mr. Scrafton, besides smaller sums. WAR IN BENGAL. TLASSY. 315 the usual source of their emohuiients, but no source was forbidden that did not interfere with the mterests of the Company/ In such circumstances some allow- ance may Ije made for needy men, disposing of wealth which they thougitt inexhaustible, and which at the moment had no recognised owner.^ After tlie signing of the treaty there was no call for Mr. Watts's services or presence at Murshidabad, but, as his flight would have opened the nabob's eyes, he continued his residence notwithstandino- the urgent advice of Mir Jafir, and, even after reports of an English plot began to circulate, he still maintained his " Major Kilpatrick, one of the best officers in their service, was ap- pointed Commander-in-Chief in Bengal and third in council, with a salary, in full of all demands, of 2o0l. a year. Yet he had an important trust to execute and some dignity to maintain, and he had no other emoluments, avowed or secret. Sir John Malcolm justly observes that a person in Clive's situation in later times would have had 30,000/. a year for his salary and a grant from the Company for his services equal to that which Clive received from the nabob. [Clive, when his conduct was assailed in the House of Commons yeai's later, defended his conduct on the ground that presents -were authorised by the practice of the service at the time, and justifiable under the con- ditions of a service whose emoluments were so poor. {Life of Clive, iii. 351.) The same line of defence was taken in his letter to the Court of Proprietors when his rights were called in question. (Ibid., i. 308.) Malcolm, in his Political India (ii. 245), while vindicating Clive's conduct on this occasion, gives a remarkable instance of similar payments so late as in 1702, when, on the conclusion of the peace with Tijjpoo, thirty lacs of rupees were demanded and given as darbdr khurutch, or darbar ex- penses, to be distributed among the officers concerned in settling the treaty. It seems from the same author that the usage was recognised by tlie Court of Directors in their letter of March 1758, when they direct tliat the surplus of the sums received, after the reimbursement of losses, should be paid into the Company's treasury. They add, ' We do not intend by this to break in upon any sums of money which have been given by tlie nabob to particular persons by way of free gift or in reward of their services.' {Life of Clive, i. 308.) The defence would be complete were the sums stipulated for under the so-called treaty with Mir Jilfir, then only commander of the nuwab's forces, presents in any sense of the word. They were moneys bargained for the sale of a province under a transaction stained with falsehood and treachery throughout. — En.] CHAP. VIII. Juno 12 June 13 olG IJISK OF ClUTLSIl roWER IN INDIA. ^y/lF- ground, resolving not to leave his btation till he learned from Clive that all was ripe for a disclosure. When sucli a notice reached him, lie went out in tlie cool of the evening on pretence of hunting. Three Englisli gentlemen, wlio formed his suite, had previously repaired to a country residence from whence they joined him, and all four set off for camp accompanied by an old Tartar soldier who had long been in the service of Mr. Watts. They had about seventy miles to ride without guides, and had to pass the nabob's guards and to find boats for crossing the river, but they got through their journey with few adventures, and next afternoon reached Olive's camp at Calna, fifteen miles north of Hugli.^ Clive had marched from Chandernagor on the day when Watts joined him, and at the same time had de- spatched a letter to the nabob, stating all the grievances of the British, and in fact declaring war.^ On the 19th he took Catvva, a town which the nabob had been strengthening since his alarm from the English, but up to this time he had received no accounts from Mir Jafir, who had promised to join him at that place. ^ When Mr. Watts left Murshidabad, the nabob had gone to such extremities against Mir Jafir as sho\Yed that henceforth his hostility could only be restrained by liis fears. He had brought cannon ag-ainst the residence of his refractory subject, and might probably have soon obliged him to surrender, when he was arrested by the intelligence of Watts's flight. This event changed his resentment into alarm and trepida- tion. He saw that he was to be attacked by the English, and feared that they might be joined by the malcontents in his own army. He immediately opened a negotiation ^ Orme, ii. 105. WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 317 with Mir Jiitir, and, as that experienced intrio'iier was chap. all-aid to trust himself in his power, he went himself, L^ almost unattended, to Mir Jafir's palace, and, l)y his entreaties and professions, brought about a seeming reconciliation.- This took place on the loth, and so elated the nabob that he wrote a letter of defiance to Clive, and a few days after marched towards Plassy with at least IT), 000 horse, 35,000 infantry, and upwards of forty heavy guns. Clive's force was 75.0 European soldiers and 50 seamen, 2,100 sepoys, and eight field- pieces.'^ Mir Jafir had written to Clive to explain the real nature of his reconciliation, but his letter was long in arrivmo- and before it was received, a messeno-er who had been sent by Watts returned from Murshidabad, and reported that he had seen Mir Jafir and his son ; that the first admitted him alone, and expressed good hopes and wishes but promised no assistance, while the son received him before witnesses, disclaimed all connection with the Eni»'lish, and si)oke the lanu'uajxe of an open enemy. Intelligence had also been received throuo'h Omi Chand that the reconciliation with the nabob was cordial, and tliat the whole plot was at an end.^ Clive was perplexed by these accounts and by his own situation. It had never been intended that he should engage the nabob unsupported ; the rains were setting in ; his next march would carry liim across the river into the presence of the enemy. If he once crossed he ^ It is given at large in Sci'afton's Reflections, 82. ' Clive's evidence, First Report, 149. - Onne, ii. 107. ^ The nabob's force was ascertained by Clive after tlie taking of IMurshidiibad (Malcolm's Clive, i. 204). Onne and Scrafton make it much more considerable. Clive's numbers arc stated, seemingly frum otiicial returns, in Rlalcolm's VUre, i. 'IhiS. ' Clive's evidence. First Report, 149. Letters from Clive. (India I louse.) 318 RISE OF BlUTiSll POWER IN INDIA. ^^J^f- would not be able to return, unci he would soon be — equally unable to advance or to procure subsistence for his army. Urged by these considerations, he wrote to consult the committee. He first proposed the alterna- tive of a halt till after the rains, during which interval the British might strengthen themselves by certain alli- ances, and, after the report of the messenger, he again wrote suggesting the possibility of an honourable peace with the nabob. The committee answered the first letter like men not called on to act ; they boldly de- cided for an immediate action in their first paragraph, but neutralised the decision by a qualification in the second. The other letter they submitted to the admiral and his captains, and concurred in the opinion they gave, that a decisive action was the only expedient left.^ But before either of these answers arrived, Clive had won his victory. After writing to the committee he had received Mir Jafir's letter, but though assured of his sincerity, he still saw the strongest reason to doubt both his courage and his power. On the 21st he summoned a council of war to decide between an immediate attack, and delay till reinforced by some of the native states. He himself gave his opinion for delay, and was sup- ported by eight ofiicers, among whom was Kilpatrick ; but seven others, headed by Coote, were for an imme- diate attack.^ The minority saw only the military ques- tion, but Clive knew that a defeat would be ruinous to the English Government, and was the only thing that could preserve the nabob's from dissolution. At the breaking up of the council he retired into a neigh- Ijouring grove, and walked about for an hour reviewing '■^ This correspondence is on the records at the India House. ® Sir Eyre Coote's evidence, First Report, 153 ; Malcolm's Clive, i. 258. WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 319 VIIT. the question in all iU bearings. At the end of that '^^^^f^^- time he returned to the lines, and, without further dis- cussion or explanation, gave orders for a march.^ The army crossed the river next morning, and a little after midnight they arrived at Plassy, and could hear the music of the nabob's band which played, as is usual, at the commencement of every watch. The British occupied an extensive grove or orchard of thickly planted mango-treea, surrounded, as is common in I5engal, by a bank of earth inste^ad of a wall. l^he nabob Avas in the entrenched camp formerly occupied by Eai Diilab. At daybreak his army issued out, and drew up in a long line, with the guns and elephants at regular intervals. In this order it advanced, and presented a splendid and formidable appearance, sufficient of itself to awe all but experienced soldiers. Clive, probably to encourage his confederates, drew up outside of the enclosure, but seeing no signs of support, and suffering from the fire of the enemy's guns, he after some time withdrew into the grove, Avhere the heavy shot, though they crashed among the trees and scattered the branches, did little damage to the men, w^ho were protected by the bank. The greatest amioy- ance they suffered was from a small party of forty Frenchmen, who took up a position, at a distance of oOO yards, behind the high bank of a tank, and kept up a sharp and well-directed fire from four field-pieces. This post could not be attacked without exposiug the flank of the assailants to the nabob's wliole army, and the other guns were so scattered that no attempt to storm them could have been decisive, while any disorder among Olive's own men, such as he had experienced on a recent occasion, would have placed him at the mercy ' Ormc, ii. 171 ; Sir Eyre Coote's evidence as above. 320 I^ISE OF BKITISII rOWEK IN INDIA. CHAP, of an overwbehiiino; cavalry. He saw therefore no VIII o «' ' resource, when aLandoned by Mir Jafir, but to main- tain bis position durini^ tbe day and attack tbe enemy after dark. About noon there was a heavy fall of rain, which wetted the priming of the enemy's guus and compelled them to slacken their fire. The English field-pieces had been actively employed, and with great effect for their number, but the damage told little in so dis- proportioned a body. About this time, however, a shot struck ]\Iir Madan, the favourite and military adviser of Suraj-u-Doula. He was carried to a tent, where the nabob sat out of danger, and expired m his presence. The nabob had passed the mornmg and the preceding night in despondency and perturbation, and this sight quite overthrew all remains of firmness. He sent for Mir Jafir, who came reluctantly and strongly guarded, laid his turban at his feet (the most abject manner of Indian supplication), and entreated him to protect the grandson of Ali Verdi. Mir Jafir answered him by un- meanino' promises, and either he or Rai Diilab advised him to withdraw his troops within the entrenchment. This advice proved fatal. The first sight of a retreat was perceived by Kilpatrick, who instantly sallied out ^vith two companies of Europeans to attack the French post at the tank. Clive, ^vorn out with fatigue and watchmg, had lain down and perhaps fallen asleep. He started up on hearing what was ^^^ssing and sharply censured Kilpatrick for deranging his plan, but he no sooner perceived the extent of the enemy's movement than he determined on a general and decisive effort, and ordered his own Ime to advance. After driving the French from the tank, he moved on against two emi- nences nearer to the camp. This new aspect of the battle WAR IN BENGAL. TLASSY. 321 drew the enemy's army back into the fiekl. Notwith- ^1?|^- standing the want of a leader, and the distrust pervading both the chiefs and soldiers, the cavalry exposed them- selves with great spirit and lost many men, the infantry also were returning to their stations, and attempts were made to Ijring back the guns, but the long train of white oxen by which each was drawn afforded an excellent mark to the lield-pieces, by which they were soon either disabled or dispersed. Beyond the eminences which had been carried was a place where tlie two faces of the nabob's entrenchment formed an angle. This was the most important point in the whole Ime ; it was defended by a redoul)t with a battery of guns, and was occupied among others by the Frenchmen who had retreated from the tank. Against this work Clive directed all his efforts. He advanced in three columns, and expected a resolute opposition, but when he gained the redoubt he found it had just been evacuated, and entered the camp about five in the afternoon. The evacuation was occasioned by the sudden flight of the nabob, who, struck with a panic, leaped on a running camel and fled with precipitation in the direction of Murshid;ibad. His disappearance led to the dispersion of his army. The rout was complete. The English pursued ; they found the plain strewn with tents, carriages, arms, and baggage of all descriptions, and they took immediate possession of forty pieces of cannon. The troops, being promised a donation, sliowed no disposition to plunder, and after yoking some of the nabob's oxen to their own field-y)ieces, they continued tlieir march for six miles furtlier to a village called Daudpur. During the ad- vance of the English towards the camp, they jicrccived large bodies of horse lianging on tlioir (lank ; tliese were Mir Jiifir and liis confederates, but as lliey neither Y 322 laSE 01'^ BKITISII POWEK in INDIA. ^y/^f' assisted the Enolish nor hung out white flags as had — been concerted, they were taken for enemies and were kept at a distance by the fire of the field-pieces.^ The loss of tlie English was insignificant ; only twenty Europeans and fifty-two sepoys killed and wounded. The bank which had covered them from the cannon had also prevented their being charged by the cavalry until the fate of the action had been decided. June 23, Qn the mornincr after the battle, Mir Jafir joined the A.D. 1757. . . ? ' . •; victors ; his consciousness of demerit made him doubt- ful of his reception, and he started at the clash of arms as the guard saluted him. But Clive received him with a cordiality that speedily reassured him. He con- gratulated him on his accession to the government of Bengal, and hurried him off to the capital to secure the treasures and j^revent the escape of his rival. ^ June 24. Mir Jafir reached Murshidabad on the evening of the next day, and found the city in a state of confusion June 25. .|nd aiiarcliy. On the following day the English army marched to within six miles of the city, when Mr. Watts and Mr. Walsh were sent on to confer with the intended viceroy. Whether Mir Jafir, when no longer under the excitement of hope, was really alarmed at the emljarrassments before him, or whether he merely affected modesty and forbearance, it was some time before the two deputies could prevail on him to assume the dignity which he had so anxiously desired. He at length consented, and was proclaimed A'iceroy of Bengal, Behdr, and Orissa.^ June 20. CHve allowed things to settle before he himself made his entry into Murshidabad. He was joyfully welcomed ** Cli\c's letter to the Court of Directors (Malcolm's Clive, i. 263); Orme, i. 172 ; Scrafton's liejlcctions, 87 ; Memoirs, 109. » Scrafton, 89. ' Scrafton, 91. WAR IN BENGAL. TLASSY. 323 by the population of that great city, who crowded every ^^.^J*- avenue to catch a ghmpse of him and his army. Ac- companied by the nabob's son, who had met him on entering the city, he proceeded to the pahice, and was there received with the utmost respect by Mir Jafir, and conducted by him to the hall of audience. Here all the nobles of the court and army were arranged in a full darljiir, and between their ranks the two principal actors advanced to the upper end of the hall. Mir Jafir afFectmg to decline the seat of dignity, Clive led him up to it, placed him on the masnad, and presented a salver of gold coin as an acknowledgment of his authority. His example was followed by the other persons present, and Mir Jafir's government was recognised throughout the three provinces. The next step was to fulfil the obligations of the treaty, and those of a pecuniary nature came first in order. At the time of the discussion of the first agreement with Mir Jafir, Rai Diilab declared that the whole wealth of the government was inadequate to supply the sums demanded, and proposed that the new nabob and the English should share equally in whatever was found in the treasury. To this Mr. Watts, who believed in the alleged extent of the nabob's hoard, immediately gave his consent. But when Ilai Diilab recollected, that from his office he was entitled to five per cent, on all the money issued in the usual manner from tlie treasury, and that he would get nothing in a sunnnary division of tliis kind, he retracted his objection and agreed to the stipulated payments. His first state- ment proved true ; the whole amount to be paid was 2,340,000/., and the money in tlic treasury was not sufficient to meet even a moiety of the deniand."- * Lord Clive, in his letter to the Court of Directors, reckons it about T 2 324 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IX INDIA. CHAP. It was tlierefore settled that the Enoiish should for VIII. . ^ the present forego one half of the sum due to them ; that, of the half which they were to receive, two-thirds should be in money and one- third in jewels, and that the remainin"' half should he discharijed within three years by three equal payments. This adjustment was made by the mediation of Jagg'at Set, whom Clive had strongly recommended to Jafir, and who was now admitted to a share in the administration ; Mir Jafir, Clive, Ivai Diilab, and he entering into mutual engage- ments on oath to support one another. Omi Chand was present on this occasion, but as he was not invited to join the conference, he sat down in a distant part of the apartment. When the party rose Clive moved towards him, and said to Scrafton that it was now time to undeceive Omi Chand, on which Scrafton abruptly told him that the red treaty was a trick, and that he was to have nothing. Omi Chand sank down fainting, and was obliged to be supported by those around him. He was conveyed to his own house, where he remained for some hours in a state of stupor ; he afterwards betrayed signs of derangement, and died at the end of a year and a half in a state of imbecility.^ During the first uncertainty caused by the revolution the great men and rich merchants, anxious about their fate, sent messages to Clive tendermg their submission, and made offers of large presents, all which he refused, one million and a half pounds (Malcolm's Clive, i. 269). Tliis would have been more than half the avowed demands ; but Jafir had donations to his confederates and his own troops to make, with many other expenses absolutely indispensable to a new government. ^ Orme, ii. 182. This account of the eilect of his disajipointnient on Omi Chand has been disi)utt'd on the ground that Clive, more than sixweeks later, speaks of Omi Cliand as a man still capable of being of use to the Company. This shows that Clive was not aware of his hopeless condition, but does nothing to shake a fact so emphatically asserted by Orme. WAK IX BENGAL. PLASHY. 325 assurinof them that he desu'ed notliini>- but then* assist- ^^Vr^f- aiice in settlino- the government.'^ He, however, })romised his protection to some, and wrote to cahn the apprehen- sions of others who were at a distance from tlie capitah All that ^vas wanting to complete the settlement was the seizure of Suraj-u-l)oula, and this consummation was not long withlield. He had reached Murshidabad early on the nii«-ht of the battle, but could not brmgr himself to decide on the course he was next to pursue. He was advised to give himself up to the English, Avliich he rejected with horror. He meditated another trial of his strength in the field, and he at last determined to make his way to M. Law and retreat with him into Beliar. There, he thought, he might still hold out against his enemies until he could be assisted by M. Bussy or by Shujti-u-Doula, whose provmce was contiguous. He made some preparations to act on this plan, and sent off his wife and most of his women on elephants towards Behar, but his irresolution again came upon him, and he remained distracted by doubt and terror until the next evening, when the arrival of Mir Jafir compelled hun to accelerate his flight. He embarked on l)oard a boat, disguised in a mean dress, accompanied l)y a * Scrafton,91; Olive's evidence. During his examination Clivc read part of a printed letter to the Proprietors of the East India Coni])any, of which the following is an extract. ' Had I accepted these offers I might have been possessed of millions which the present Court of Directors could not have dispossessed me of. But preferring the reputation of the English nation, the interest of the nabob, and the advantage of the Company to all pecu- niary considerations, I refused all the oilers made to me, not only tlien but to tlie latest hour of my continuance in the Company's service in Bengal ; and 1 do challenge friend or enemy to bring one single instance of my being influenced by interested motives to the Company's disadvan- tage, or to do any act that could rellect dishonour to my country or the Company in any one action of my administration either as Covcnior or conmianding officer.' (Report of the Committee of tlie House of Commons, 148.) 326 KISE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. CHAP. VIII. favourite concubine and a eunuch, and carrying with liim a casket of his most vakiable jewels. He had reached Eaj Mahal, about seventy miles from Mur- shidabad, and was withm twenty miles of M. Law's party, when his rowers became so much exhausted that they were obliged to put to for rest and refreshment. Durinii: this interval he concealed himself in a deserted garden, and was there discovered by a fakir whose nose and ears he had formerly cut off in one of his fits of passion. This man immediately gave notice to the governor of Raj Mahal, who was Mir Jafir's brother, and Suraj-u-Doula was seized and taken back with every mdigTiity to Murshidabad. He arrived there on the night of July 2, and was carried into the presence of the new nabob. He prostrated himself before his former servant, and begged with tears and {)rayers for life alone. Mir Jafir hesitated and desired that he might be kept in confinement, but his son Miran, a violent and unprincipled youth, ordered him of his own authority to be put to death in his prison. The particulars were not known to the English till many months later, and it is still uncertain whether Miran really acted without his father's knowledge. Such, however, was Mir Jafir's assertion, and on it rested his apology to Clive.^ Suraj-u-Doula was only twenty-five years of age, and had reigned thirteen months. His youth was some excuse for his insolence and misconduct, but none for his treachery and cruelty.^ '' Orme ; Scrafton ; Seir ul Mutakherin. ^ Orme (185) makes him only twenty, in wliicli he is copied by Stewart {Hidory of Berujal, 531), although the latter writer has stated (495) that he was born at the time of Mir Jafir's appointment to the government of Behar, which by his own account (421) was in 1729-30. This would make him twenty-six. The Memoirs of the Revolution in Bengal say he WAU IX BENGAL. PLASSY. 327 The news of the victory was received by the En2,iish chap. . . . VIII. in Calcutta with unbounded joy, and their delight was increased soon after, when the first advance of the treasure arrived. It amounted to near a million sterling, perhaps the largest sum ever received at once into a British treasury. It was conveyed in two hundred boats, was escorted by a body of soldiers, and accom- panied by all the boats of the squadron in triumphal procession, with music playing and colours flying. Those who, little more than a year before, had been reduced to the lowest extremity of humiliation and ruin, now saw riches pouring in on them beyond the dreams of their most exalted flxncy, while their oppressor was crushed and their own disgrace effaced by the glory of the present successes. The effect of this influx of wealth, and of the other advantages of the treaty, soon showed itself in the altered state of Calcutta. Trade revived and increased, new houses were erected on a larger scale than before, and the city by degrees began to assume the appearance of the splendid capital wdiich it now presents. The joy and exultation of the public were first checked by the death of Watson, which happened on August 16. His place was well supplied by Admiral Pococke, who had been second in command ; but his courage, integrity, generosity, and other virtues had endeared him to all, and his loss spread a gloom over every rank and description of his countrymen. Whatever may have been the conduct of the English on particular occasions, it must be acknowledged that Surdj-u-Doula brought all his misfortunes on hunself. His unprovoked attack on Calcutta led to retaliation, was tvventy-fivo ; and the sliorfcnr pcruxl is quito incoiiaistent with tho part he filled during tho latter years of Ali Verdi. 328 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. ^viif' '^^^^^^ ^^^"^^ ^^ mutual distrust, and liis siimmons to Bussy, with his avowed partiaUty to the French, de- stroyed any cliance that remained of a return of confi- dence. He had engaged in liis letter accompanying the ratified treaty to look on the enemies of the English as his own, and ought therefore to have joined against the French as soon as hostilities broke out. If tliat letter he not regarded as equally binding with the treaty, he had a right to protect the French within his own pro- vinces, and might wish to maintam them as a counter- poise to the English, but even in this case his object might have been effected without rendering peace impos- sible by calling in a force which he would never have been able to restrain. The English were certainly sincere in their promises not to attack Chandernagor without his leave. If he had behaved with common steadiness and common honesty the neutrality would assuredly have been signed, the course of events might have turned the force of both parties towards the Deckan, and Beno^al mio-ht not for a lono; time have suffered from the rivalry of Europeans. But although the irreconcilable enmity which he showed towards the Eno'lish entitled that nation to insist on securities, and to destroy his power if none such could be foimd, it could never entitle them to make war on him, under cover of apparent frankness and cordiality, nor to plot with his own servants for his destruction while professing to put him on his guard against the machinations of foreign enemies. As the acts and fortunes of individuals eno^a^^e our sympathy more than those of states, the case of Omi Chand has led to more discussion than the important event out of which it arose. The conduct of Clive, who was the prime mover of the whole, has by some been WAR IM BENGAL. TLASSY. 329 tliouo-lit worthy of entire approbation, and by others of ^^^j- unmitigated condemnation and reproacli. When impar- tially considered, it appears not to be capable of justifi- cation, but to be accompanied by as many circumstances of extenuation as can attend any departure from prin- ciple. Clive believed that the success of his enterprise and the lives of his friends depended on his making the pro- mise ; he believed that it was impossible to carry it into effect, and he was transported with a just resent- ment at the perfidy of his confederate and his own subjection to the dictation of such a traitor. Can we wonder if, under the influence of such feelings, he fell into an error which has misled the learned in their closets and the unlearned in their disinterested judg ments ? '^ He gave the promise with his mind made up not to perform it, and was thence led almost necessarily into a long train of fraud and deception which he pro- bably never foresaw.^ With the honourable exception of Watson, all Olive's contemporaries tliought his conduct not only blameless but meritorious. Had there been a dissentino- voice it '' Some of the best writers on ethics maintain that as a forced promise gives no right to the exactor, it hiys no obligation on the promiser ; and the general opinion justifies a person who refuses to discharge a bond signed under duress, or to pay a sum promised to a highwayman. In these judgments it seems to be forgotten that there is a duty to society as well as to the other party, and that by it the promiser is bound in all cases to adhere to the general rules of morality. But in support of the doctrine, sec the numerous authorities in Pullcndorf 's Lmv of Nature and Nations, Book iii. chap. vi. sects. 11, 12, and 13, with Barbeyrac's notes, Kennett's English translation, 285. ** The double treaty and the fictitious signature were done in the first heat, and probably with alacrity ; but the long course of dissinuilation towards Omi Chand after he returned to Calcutta must have given suffi- cient time and more than sufficient motives for feelings of humiliation and almost of repentance. 330 KIvSE OF BKITISII 1'0\YER IN INDIA. ^}^^^- would have been in the fleet, and Watson's own suro-eon VIII. ' . ° assures us that ' all classes of people, from their know- ledge of Omi Chand's avarice and treachery, applauded the artifice by which he was so dexterously outwitted.'^ No number or agreement of opinions can make wrong right, but where an error is general it should fall with less wei2:ht on each individual. dive's first object, after seating Mir Jafir on the masnad, was to disperse the French party under Law, and withm four days of the death of Suraj-u-Doula, a detachment was sent off for that purpose. It consisted of little more than 500 men, more than half sepoys, with two field-pieces, and was commanded by Captain Coote. Though this officer reached Patna, 200 miles from Murshidabad, in eleven days, he was unable to overtake Law, who had much the start of him from the first, and was favoured by the governor of the province. Coote, however, continued the pursuit to Chaprah, forty- four miles from Patna, where he learned that the French party had passed the frontier into Benares in the terri- tory of the Viceroy of Oude.^ Ptim Ndrain, the governor of P)ehar, had remamed faithful to Suraj-u-Doula, and it was towards Patna that the flight of that prince was directed. On the death of his master he proclaimed Mir Jafir, but was suspected of disaffection, and was even accused of a design to massacre Coote's detachment while halted at Patna on August 12. their advance. On these grounds Coote was ordered to ^ Ives's Voyage, 147. ' M. Law seems to have been a man of considerable abilities. He was probably brother to the officer of the same name in the Deckan, who was nephew to the famous financier and father of the French general, the Man^uis of Lauriston. He was at length taken i^risoner while in the service of Shah Alain, and returned to France. {Biogrivphie Universelle, end of the article Law.) WAIl IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 331 dispossess him of his government. He returned to '^yf^f- Patna for that purpose, and was on the point of attack- ing the town when he received a counter-order, A re- conciUation took place with the govermnent, and Riim Narain remained in his office, but without any confi- August 22. dence between him and the nabob. Coote returned to Murshidabab, and on the day after his arrival Clive set septem- out for Calcutta. He left the detachment under Coote at Casunbazar, but removed the rest of the army to Chandernagor. After so violent a revolution, it was natural to ex- pect temporary disorders, but before Clive left Murshid- abad, there were already signs of permanent weakness in the new government. The great claims of the English had left Mir Jafir no means of gratifying his old adherents or rewardino* those chiefs Avho had taken part with him in the late conspiracy ; the transfer of so much money to a foreign territory was of itself unpo- pular, and the ascendancy of Europeans, hitherto only known as humble merchants, was odious to all classes, especially to the Mahometans. Mir Jafir' s own character was little qualified to remove these bad impressions. He was feeble and irresolute, indolent and insincere ; he wasted his time in frivolous amusements, and embittered the disappointment of his unrewarded friends by lavish expenditure on his own pomp and pleasures. His son Ml ran, though so young, had, from his reckless energy, an ascendancy over him. This young man was rather ]wpular with the soldiery, from a notion that he was unfavourable to the Enghsh ; but his treachery and cruelty, his licentious and profligate character, made him detested by all other classes of the people. Neitlier father nor son understood the Englisli, the most corrupt of whom despised habitual fraud and falsehood. If those 332 KI.SE OF BRITISH rOWKR IN INDIA. CHAP, iiround were discontented witli tlie nabob, he was not VIII. . better pleased with them. He had expected to step at once into the situation of Ali Verdi, and he found him- self not only controlled by his alhes, but tied up by engagements to his own subjects which he was not allowed to break. The first object of his jealous}?^ was liai Diilab, who till the moment when he mounted the niasnad had been his equal, and who from the agree- ment sworn to by himself and Clive, was still beyond the reach of his power. To deprive Rai Dulab of this protection Jtifir brought forward all the accusations to Avliich he gave credit, and others which he invented or did not believe. Ram Narain having formerly been a dependent of Rai Diilab, was supposed to be under his influence ; insurrections broke out in different places which were attributed to him ; a body of Marattas, who threatened Bengal from Cattac, were thought to have l)een invited by Rai Diilab, and the troops more than once mutmied for pay, which was supposed to be at his in- stigation. How far Rai Diilab was concerned in any of these machinations is doubtful, but he did the nabob as serious an injuiy, by endeavouring to impress on the English that he had formed a regular design for freeing himself by force from their control. He himself was alarmed for his life, and several times shut himself up in his house, suspending all the financial busmess of the state and depriving it of the services of the large body of troops which was under his personal command. This state of things kept the city in continual agitation and alarm. On one occasion durins^ the nabob's absence a cry was raised of an extensive conspiracy headed by Rai Diilab to put the infant nephew of Suraj-u-Doula on the masnad, on which Miran ordered the unfortunate child to be murdered, and imprisoned the ladies of Ali WAli IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 333 Verdi's family. Teini)orary reconciliations were me- chap. "^ . "^ . VIII. diated by the Ei\i^-li.sli, but did not last, until Clive, judiciously availing himself of a period of embarrass- ment, convinced the nabob of the injury he was doing to his own affairs, and brought about an agreement which was effective for a considerable time. The first of the insurrections alluded to was at Mid- napiir, where the farmer of the revenue resisted the new government, but was brought to obedience by the in- terposition of Clive. The next was a plot at Dacca, to set up one of the family of Sarafiaz Khan, but that was quelled by the local officers. The most serious was that of Achal Sing, the farmer of Purnia, who set up a connection of Ali A^erdi's family and raised a great body of troops. The nabob went in person against this in- surgent, accompanied by Clive and the British troops. Their approach broke up the rebellion, and an officer of the nabob's, named Khadim Husen, who was sent in advance, took possession of the district and made Achal . Sing prisoner. The nabob, thus freed from his other ene- mies, was eager to dispossess Ram Narain, while Clive, who knew that he had collected an army, and feared that if driven to despair he would call in the Nabob of Oude and tliiow the whole country into confusion, was very averse to proceeding to extremities. Pie complied with the nabob's wish that he shoidd march towards Patna, but he obtained his leave to attempt by fair means to obtain the submission of Ram Narjiin, and wrote to that officer undertaking to guarantee the terms proposed by the nabtjb. On receiving this letter Riini Njirj'iin set out from Patna, and came without hesitation to tlie camp, when he was presented to tlie nabol) and was confirmed in his government. Rtini Niiniiii on this occasion was quite sincere, and was effectually })rotccte(l 334 lUSE OF BRITISH TOWEIl IN INDIA ^i^^P- as long as Clive remained in India, but the nabob gave such proofs of sinister intentions during the transaction as to create a great degree of alienation between him and Clive, and even to excite some suspicions of hos- tile designs against the latter. When all was at last adjusted, the army returned to Murshidabad, Mir Jafir following by a circuitous route. When the army reached the capital, Miran affected alarm at the power of Rai Diilab and fled to a country house, an act of folly which though m some degree repaired by his early return, revived the old estrangement of Rai Dulab, and even implied distrust of Clive, A considerable portion of the first payment to the English, which it had been agreed should be made in ready money, w^as still outstanding, and the expense of the present expedition increased the debt. Before the march of the army, Clive required that districts should be set aside from which the amount mio-ht be collected on account of the English, and the nabob at this time conferred a further favour on the Company by allowing it to farm the saltpetre monopoly in his province, though at the highest rate ever paid on any former occasion.^ After a short stay at Murshidabad, Clive proceeded to Calcutta. Despatches soon after arrived from England setting aside Clive, who had first been nominated as head of a committee for the settlement of Bengal, and appoint- ing a council of ten, the four senior members of which were to preside for four months each in turn. This absurd arrangement was the result of a compromise between conflicting interests in the Court of Directors. It had taken eiiiht months to reach Bens'al, and had been " The districts wei'c subsequently restored before the whole debt had been liquidated, and a deposit of jewels was accepted as security for the remainder, which amounted to 200,000?. WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. ,335 drawn up before the news of the battle of Plassv had chap. . . VIII. been heard of in England. Had that victory not taken 1_ place, the plan must have occasioned the immediate de- struction of the P>ritish power in Bengal. Even in the actual state of affairs it was so pregnant with danger, that the members who would have formed the rotation government, to the great honour of their disinterested- ness and patriotism, at once determined to waive the appointment, and with the consent of the rest of the council, offered the -government to Clive. Clive, though greatly offended at the treatment he had received, did not withhold his services, but accepted the charge without hesitation. This was the first in- stance of open disobedience to the orders of the Court of Directors, which was afterwards so often the theme of invective against their servants. The extreme impor- tance of subordination, and the unnecessary breaches of it which sometimes occurred in India, make the general clamour on this subject natural and commendable, but in fact the distance of the Court of Directors, their ignorance of India, then only gradually becoming known to persons on the spot, their liability to local influence, and the necessary inapplicability of orders arriving at least a year after the exigency to which they related, made it often impossible to carry their instructions into effect. In the present case disobedience saved the provmce, and on many subsequent occasions the most useful and necessary measures were carried througli in India, in direct opposition to the Court of Directors. In this instance a revolution of parties in the court led to a speedy correction of tlieir error and confirmed Clive's appointment. The nabob paid a coinplimoutary visit to Calcutta soon after C/live's accession, and, in liis absence, the long 336 RISE OF BRITISH ROWER IN INDIA. ^yJ\j- disputes with Rui Diilab were brought to a crisis. That minister was desired to exhibit his accounts to be ex- amined l^y Miran's diwan, and seeing the snare pre- pared for him, he requested to be allowed to retire to Calcutta. Miran refused, and at the same time insti- gated a body of troops to raise a mutiny and threaten the life of the minister. Eai Diilab stood on the defen- sive until he was relieved by Mr. Watts, who returned from the nabob with a permission which he had obtained for the mmister's departure. The removal of so power- ful a subject was a great triumph to the nabob, but he did not feel safe while his enemy was at the ear of the British Governor. He had recourse therefore to new devices. Soon after his return to his capital he gave out that as he was going to perform his public devotions he observed a commotion among the troops whom he passed, and on reaching the mosque found that Khoja Hadi, who was posted there with his personal guard, was engaged in a plot to murder him, and to join in an extensive mutiny for which his death was to be the signal. No attempt on his life was made, and the threatened disturbance was quelled with miaccountable ease ; but Khoja Hadi was dismissed from the service, and soon after the nabob pretended to have gained pos- session of a letter to him from I\ai Dulab. In this letter that veteran conspirator was made to avow his own share in the plot without reserve, and to say that he had obtained Clive's consent to it ; and this was addressed to a man wIki, as the letter shows, required no such encourage- ment to induce him to go through with the plot. The intention of the letter was to irritate Clive against I\ai Diilab, but the forgery was too palpable to deceive any- l)()dy, and Clive contented himself with remonstrating a<^i^amst the nabol)'s giving ear to a story in which his WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 337 name was so dishonourably introduced. How much of chap. . VIII the whole plot was real and how much invented by the ' nabob was never fully ascertained, for Khoja Hadi was allowed to depart with a small escort, and was murdered by a party of the nabob's troops in a defile through which he had to pass. ]3efore tliis, the French liad sent such a force to Coromandel as obliged the English to stand on the de- fensive, and about this time intelligence arrived that they had taken Fort St. David and were threatening Madras. Earuest and repeated entreaties and injunc- tions had from time to time been received from tlie Madras Government for the return of Chve and his detachment to that Presidency. The course of the narrative has already shown the utter impos- sibility of compliance up to this period, and even now it was not competent for Clive to abandon his govern- ment, if he could otherwise have been spared. Even to weaken his force for a time was dangerous, and to do so permaneutly would have been ruinous. He, however, discovered a plan by which one part of the evil was avoided, and resolved to send an expedition into the French districts nearest Bengal, by which, if he did not effect a diversion, he would at least strike at the most important of the enemy's resources. This resolution was opposed by the whole council Avithout exception. Besides the perilous state of the interior, they still looked to the possibility of a descent by the French, and they thought, not without plausible reasons, that it would be an act of uupar(I()ual)le rash- ness to weaken a ])i"ovinc(' wlici-c tlicir jjowci- was so precarious, and which was of so uiiicli inoi'c Aaliie than all the Company's old possessions. Tlic expedition, however, sailed on Olive's sole responsibiHty. It was z 338 EISE OF BKITISH TOWER IN INDIA. CHAP. VIII. End of Sep- tember, A.D. 1758. January, A.D. 17"i>9. commanded by Colonel Forde, and consisted of a full half of tlie troops. The successes of the French opened new views to the nabob, and he was. heard to say that if that nation were to come to Bengal, he would assist them, unless the British T\ould agree to renounce all their pecuniary and territorial claims. But although the reduced num- bers of the English was favourable to any design against them, none seems to have been formed. Jafir was greatly irritated by the restraints imposed on him, and felt the increasing pressure of the Company's claims, and he was at first disappomted to find that the muni- ficence of his presents to Clive produced no disposition to relax on public questions ; but he perceived how insecure his power would be without the English, and he still felt reverence and perhaps regard for their chief. Clive owed these sentiments as much to his steady con- duct as to his services and station. He treated the nabob with frankness and temper, as well as with firm- ness ; trusting in general to reason and sometimes to time and patience for attaining his objects, seldom peremptory and never arrogant. Not long after the departure of the expedition, intellio'ence was received which showed in a strono; lio-ht the danger of leaving Bengal so ill defended. Prmce Ali Gohar, after his escape from Delhi,^ remained for several months in dependence on Najib-u-Doula, but hearing of the distracted state of Bengal, he thought he might have some chance of supplanting the present occupant of that province. Shuja-u-Doula, to whom he next repaired, had a secret motive for encouraging Inm to make the attempt, and for inducing his own ^ ii. 608. WAR IN BENGAL. PL ASSY. 339 cousin Mohammed Kiili, Viceroy of AllaMbad, to eml)ark chap. with the greatest zeal in liis cause. ;_ If the Empire had still been in existence, Ali Gohar was a rebel, for sucli he had been proclaimed by his father at Delhi ; his claim to Bengal was a fresh offence against his sovereign, for the king's patent for that province had not long before been sold to Mir Jafir. But the Emperor was known to be a tool in the hands of Ghazi-u-din, and as the right of the house of Teimur had become a mere matter of feeling, it would have been idle to scrutinise the legal pretensions of any of its members. Ali Gohar' s name, supported by the power and resources of Mohammed Kuli, drew toirether a force which was at one time estimated at 40,000 men. He wrote to Clive, promising whatever he chose to ask withm the compass of the Empire ; but Clive j^lainly stated his relation to the nabob, whom he had reco«»'nised as master of the country, and, though in general very respectful, he on one occasion, when dismissing the prince'.s agents, told them that if they should return with similar proposals, he would put tliem to death as disturbers of the pul)lic peace. This conduct did much to quiet the mind of the nabob, but his knowledge of his own unpopularity, his fears of treachery from J\am Narain, and his doubts of the fidelity of all his troops and officers, kept him still in great alarm. He even thought of l^uying off the ])rince with a sum of money, but Clive convinced him of the dano-er as well as dis- grace of such a course, and. in compliance with the earnest entreaties of the nabob, he agreed to take the field nloug with IMinni to oppose the invader. Tliough his force consisted of no more than 500 lMir()])eans and 2,500 sepoys, he left Calcutta nearly stripped of troops. While he was preparing, and the nabob providiug pay 340 KISE OF BKITISII POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. nil. Marcli 23 for his army, the prince and Mohammed Kiili had ad- vanced into Behar, and Shuja-u-Donla, the Nawab Vizier of Oude, was making open pre[)arations to follow. Ram Naniin wrote urgent letters for assistance, and Clive gave him the strongest assurances of support ; but the enemy at last reached Patna, and Ram Narain had no expedient left but to temporise. He waited on the prince and made the fidlest submission, and so far won on Mohammed Kiili, that he promised to make him Diwan of Allaluibad. But he allowed nobody to enter the city, and when at length the patience of the confederates was completely woni out, he shut his gates and stood on the defensive. It was never doubted at Murshidabad that he was sincere in his defection. The nabob was filled with fresh alarms ; even Clive was misled and wrote to reproach him. But Ram Narain was quite in earnest in his defence, and held out steadily against repeated attempts to breach and storm the walls. At the end of a fortnight the British army drew near, and he was still looking to their arrival for deliverance, when his difficulties were at once removed by an act of unparalleled treachery committed by Shuja-u-Doula. Having embarked his cousin in the invasion of Behar, he made a show of joining him, and obtained leave to de- posit his family in the fort of Allaluibad ; when admitted he made himself master of the place, and, in the absence of their chief and his army, the whole country speedily submitted. Their recent repulse, followed by this cala- mity, disheartened Mohammed Kiili's men, who were afraid to face a force of Shuja's sent to attack hiui, and in the end he threw himself on his cousin's mercy and was immediately put to death. When he left Patna, the prince, who depended on him for his daily bread, Apiii 5. was obliged to retire with him. WAK IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 341 At the time of tliis retreat, Clive's advanced guard chap. was witliin a march of Patna, and he himself, with the young nabob, made his entry into the town five days after it. 'Jlie prince repeatedly applied to Clive for an asylmn, but CUve, though he replied in terms of sympathy, warned liim that it would be his duty to make him prisoner if ever he came into his power. The end of their intercourse was a present of 1,000/. from Clive to relieve the prince's urgent necessities. After reducing some zemindars in the hilly part of Ijeliar, who had declared for the prince, Clive returned to IMurshidiibad, where he was received with joy and gratitude by the nabob. As an unequivocal proof of those sentiments, he conferred on him as a jjigir tlie rent reserved from the districts held by the Company, the value of which was 30,000/. a year, llie magnitude of this gift, and the dependent condition of the nabob, naturally suggest a suspicion that such a sacrifice must have been extorted by the receiver, or must have been made with the expectation of obtaining some advantage in return. But on a close inquiry it appears that the only application made by Clive was an expression of disappointment, in a letter to the Sets, that the nabob, when he procured him a high title from Delhi, had not assigned him a jagir for the support of his dignity ; he begged the Sets to apply to tlie nabob on this subject, as he had no intention of brino-ins; it forward hiuiself. The nabob returned an evasive answer, after which six or seven montlis ehapsed, and Clive b}^ his own account thought tlie affair forgotten. It is certain that he took no further steps relating to it, for the S(5ts, wlieii they report their ultimate success, and take credit for having kept the nabob in mind, still refer to Clive's first letter as tlie only commmiication they have had VIII. 342 RISE OF BRITISH ROWER IN INDIA. CHAP, on tlie siibiect from liini. Mr. Sykes, the Resident VIII. . ' ... at Mursliidabad, states in his evidence that he had received no apphcation directly or indirectly from Clive, and had never heard of the intended grant till it was notified to him by the nabob. No urgency had been shown under apparent neglect, and the amount to be given was left entirely to the donor.* The nabob no doubt expected some advantage from conciliating Clive, but he knew from former experience how little effect presents had in mollifying his strictness in public matters, and that he required no extraneous motive to induce him to show his gratitude to Clive is apparent from the circumstance of his leaving him a large legacy in his will. The transaction therefore was as free from corruption as from extortion ; whether it was equally free from indelicacy on Clive' s part is a very different question. Not long after Clive's return to Calcutta, he had to encounter a new enemy. A strong expedition was fitted out by the Dutch at Batavia, professedly for the purpose of reinforcmg their settlements on the coast of Coromandel, but really destined, for Bengal. It sailed in the middle of June, touched at Negapatam on the coast, where it left no troops, and arrived in the Ganges in October. Its arrival placed the British Government in imminent danger. The absence of the force under Colonel Forde, the chance of renewed disturbances in the interior, even the uncertainty of the nabob's dis- position, made its situation critical, and threw those at the head of it into o;reat embarrassment. To allow the Dutch to establish themselves was to give up Bengal, and to oppose them during peace with their •* Letters from the Sfjts, First Report of 1772, 224; evidence of Clive, ibid. 153 ; evidence of Sykes, ibid. 153 ; Clive's Letter to the Proprietois, 35. VIII. WAR IN BENGAL. PLASSY. 343 nation was a violent step for a subordinate autliority. chap War with Holland was indeed expected, but it had not been proclaimed and in fact never took place. A prodigious responsibility was thus thrown upon Clive, and, to add to his perplexity, a great part of his private fortune was in the hands of the Dutch. He, however, gave no signs of hesitation, but acted with firmness and consistency from first to last.^ The nabob sent repeated prohibitions agamst the force landing, which were answered by promises of compliance by the Dutch. Hostilities were commenced by the invaders, but the English had previously deter- mined to oppose them by force of arms. The British troops took the field, to the number of 320 Europeans and 1,200 sepoys, leaving Calcutta in charge of 250 militia. They were commanded by Colonel Forde, who had returned after the conquest of the French districts on the coast, suffermg severe ill-health, and just superseded in his command by the Court of Directors. His zeal and spirit were not the least abated ; he took the Dutch post of Barnagor, dispersed an ambuscade which lay in wait for him in the ruins of Chandernagor, and took up his station near Chinsura to await the arrival of the Dutch force. He soon after learned that it had landed on the preceding day and was at no great distance.*^ It consisted of 700 Europeans ^ He said to a friend who remonstrated against his incurring so great a responsibility, ' A public man must sometimes act with a halter round his neck.' •* It is said with every appearance of truth, that he applied to Clive for final orders, which might be required for his justification in so ques- tionable a case. Clive was playing at cards when the note was delivered to him, and without rising from the table he wrote with a pencil, ' Dear Forde, — Fight them iuimediately. You shall have the order of council to-morrow.' 344 lUSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA, CHAP. Vlll. February 5, A.D. 1760. unci 700 Malays, with some Indian foot soldiers. The Europeans were mostly Germans, and the commanding ofiicer was a Frenchman. From their composition they were very superior to Forde's force. The action was short, bloody, and decisive ; the Dutch had 300 killed and 150 wounded. A body of the nabob's cavalry which had joined Forde took an active part in tlie affair, especially in the pursuit. On tlie same day the seven Dutch ships which had brought the troops were taken by three English Indiamen after an action of two hours. The Government of Chinsura immediately came to terms. They engaged to pay for the damage done to the British merchant vessels and villages, and to restrict their military establishment for the future to 125 European soldiers. The Dutch well knew when they began that they would have to fight the British. Their expedition was an aggression against the nabob if he were a substantive power ; if he were not so, it was an ao'»'ression aouinst the Eno-lish whose ascendancy in Bengal had, from circumstances beyond their control, become necessary to their existence in that province. The nabob was supposed by the English to have invited the Dutch, but to have changed his mind after the war with Ali Goliar. It is probable that though he would have been glad to see a counterpoise to the power of the English, he never went beyond some underhand assurances of favour in an early stage of the affair.'' This was the last transaction of Olive's government. He sailed for England early in the next year. ' See the letters of the Dutch Governor ; First Report of tlie Com- mittee of the House of Commons, 1G2. KEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 345 CHAI?TEJi IX. Prince Ali Gohar assumes the title of Shah Alam — Is routed by the English under Caillaud— Operations of Caillaud — Death of Miran — Crisis in the affairs of Murshidabad — Arrival of Yansittart — Decides on supporting Casim Ali — Terms of the treaty — Jafir Ali deposed — Remarks on the revolution — Presents to members of the Government — Defeat of Shah Alam by Carnac, and his surrender to the English — Disputes with Casim Ali — Private trade of the Company's servants — Its abuses— The Nabob abolishes all inland duties — Violent resolu- tions of the Council — The Nabob seizes boats with supply of arms for Patna — Cajiture of an English detachment — Murder of Mr. Amyatt — Treaty with Mir Jafir and advance of the English army — Defeat of Casim Ali — Massacre of the English at Patna — Casim Ali takes refuge in Oude — Insubordination in the British force — Defeat of Shuja-u-Doula by Carnac — Another mutiny in the British army — Battle of Buxar — Shah Alam joins the British camp — Capture of Allahabad and occupation of Lucknow — Shuja-u-Doula seeks assist- ance from the Marattas — Surrenders to Carnac. Before Olive's departure news had been received of the chap reappearance of the Prince Ali Gohar on the north- western frontier. He was not now supported by any of the great chiefs of Hindostan, but was invited by some zemindars and some military officers who thought themselves aggrieved by Mir Jtidr. In his present state of want and despondency, however, any adven- ture was worth the trial. ^ The chief of the malcontents was Cdmgar Khdn, a zemindar of Belidr, and to him the prince entrusted the duties of prime minister and commander-in-chief during the whole of the expedition. Before he reached the frontier he heard of the mui-der ' 'The forlorn prince wlio had no house nor home of his own, wanted no better.' (>'t'/'y vl MvtKlhniii, ii. !I2.) A.D. 1759. 346 ]{ISE OF BRITISH rOWER IN INDIA. CHAP, of his father at Delhi, and immediately assumed the IX. November A.D. 1751). title of Emperor''^ and the name of Shah Alam. His right was incontestible, and was generally recognised, and although it added little or nothing to his power and influence in the Empire, it made some impression in his immediate vicinity. Single adventurers joined him in greater numbers, and the neighbouring zemindars began to think better than they had done of his chance of success. He before lono; obtained a more solid advantage by the indiscretion of Ram Nariiin, who was still governor of Patna, and who quitted the city for the purpose of meeting him in the field. Ram Narain had a native force estimated at 15,000 men,^ with twenty guns, but his own part of it was dis- contented for want of pay, and he had reason to doubt the fidelity of the zemindars who composed the other portion ^ [The sovereigns of Delhi are usually described as kings in the English versions of the grants to the East India Company. The title, which is rendered Emperor in the text, is probably that of Padshah, which was uniformly borne by the members of the Mogul dynasties and by Shah Alam himself at the lowest point of the fortunes of the family. (See the Essay on ' Imperial and other Titles,' Journal vf the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. ix. N.S.). Eastern titles are very various, as Malik, Sultan, Shah, or Khan, differing in linguistic origin and in the importance attached to each at different times. The title Khan was brought by the Mogul conquerors of Asia from the north, but on the decline of their power it drops out of history as a royal appellation. The title of Sultan was com- monly borne by the early Mahometan conquerors of India. Baber was the first to take the title of Padshah. He says in his memoirs that he assumed it after his conquest of India. ' Till this time the family of Timur Beg, even though on the throne, had never assumed any other title than that of Mirza. At this period I ordered that they should style me Padshah.' The Imperial title now borne by our sovereign is that of Kaiser-i-Hind. The new designation steers clear of all controversy as to the employment of a title of Aryan or Semitic origin, and it is said to be one still recognised as Imperial in the East. — Ed.] ■' MS. letter of Mr. Amyatt, dated Patna, January 17, 1760, ' the narrative of what happened in Bengal in 1700,' reckons Rtim Narain's force at 40,000 men, and Shah Alam's, at a later period, when at its highest, 00,000. EEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 347 of his array. He was accompanied by seventy Euro- chap. peans, a battalion of sepoys, and two field- j)ieces, which ' Clive had left as a garrison in the town."* The prmcc's ariiiy was probably not so numerous, and had no guns. Ram Naram drew up his troops at too great a distance to allow of his receiving support from the English. Two disaffected zemindars chanKITISlI POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, much loss, confusion, and terror, that the enemy with- __L__ drew fifty miles to the southward of the city, and remained there, for a lono; time inactive. t-i From the heginning of Shah Alam's invasion, Khadim Husen, governor of the district of Purnia, though a creature of Mir Jafir's own, had, on some offence or alarm, carried on a correspondence with the Emperor, whom he promised to join. Had he done so at an earlier period, the fate of Patna would have been sealed. Even now it was of importance to prevent his forming a junction with Shah Alam, and when he marched from Purniji along the left bank of the Ganges, May 23. Caillaud and Miran set out from Raj Mahal in pursuit of him. They themselves kept on the right bank, but wrote to Knox, as soon as Khadim Husen got near Patna, to cross and intercept him. Knox accordingly crossed when he was nearly opposite to Patna, and June iG. found himsclf wdth 200 Europeans, a battalion of sepoys, five guns, and 300 irregular horse, opposed to an army wdiich the lowest account transmitted to us reckons at 12,000 men, with thirty guns. He was therefore obliired to act on the defensive ; but so effectually did he repulse the repeated attacks of the enemy, that in the end he drove them from the field and captured eight of their guns. Kluidim Husen now retired to the northward towards Batia and the nei2:hbourino: forests. . Miran and Caillaud followed in pursuit, but the monsoon now set in with its usual violence, and, while the army was encamped on the River Gandac, it was overtaken by a storm such as is common at that season ; during the height of the tempest a flash of lio'htnino; struck Miran's tent and killed Inm wdtli two of his attendants. The news was speedily and secretly conveyed to Caillaud, who concealed it from all but the REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 351 principal chiefs until the necessary arrangements had chap. been made and the army was on its return towards __J__ Patna, at which place it took up its quarters for tlic rains.^ The death of Miran brought on a crisis in the affairs of Bengal. The mutual irritation between the nabob and the Company's Government had increased rapidly within the last few months. On Olive's departure the nabob lost all remains of his confidence in the English, and all the reverence which he had hitherto felt for their chief. Mr. Vansittart, Governor of Madras, had at Olive's re- commendation been appointed to the government of Bengal. He had not yet reached Calcutta, and his place was filled for the present by Mr. Holwell, tlie senior member of council. The temporary nature of * The campaign against Shah iVlam is taken from Caillaud's evidence before the Committee of the House of Commons, First Report, 158 et seq. , and from an anonymous Narrative of what happened in Bengal in 1700, pub- lished in England in the same year, and reprinted in the Asiatic Annual Begister for 1800, as communicated by Colonel Ironside, who was pro- bably the author. Further information is derived from the Selr nl Mi-h treatment which the nabob received from the military commanders was respect and courtesy compared to what he subsequently met with from the civil servants. One of the last acts of Clive's o'overnment had been to sign a letter to the Court of Directors, pointing out the bad consequences of the harsh language in which they were accustomed to address their servants, and of the influence of private favour and enmity which ap- ■' Coote's letters in Vansittart's Xarrativc, i. 238 and 243, and his evidence, First Report, 106. Nabob's letter, Narrative, i. 210. EEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 373 peared in their dispensations of censures and rewards. ^5^^- This remonstrance was not itself a model of the urbanity which it inculcated, and it gave such displeasure to the Court of Directors that they dismissed all the members of the councU who still remained in India, and positively ordered them to be sent home by the first ships. This measure, together with the previous retirement of some of the councillors, threw out those who had concurred with Mr. Yansittart, and introduced others vehemently opposed to him. Mr. Hastings, who was one of the new councillors, alone supported the Governor in the subsequent transactions. Above all, the removal of Mr. McGwire necessarily conferred the chiefship of Patna on Mr. Ellis, a man of strong prejudices and ungovernable temper. He had scarcely taken charge of his office when he Novem- gave signs of his disposition towards the nabob, but itgi. his first act of open violence was about two months later. An Armenian named Antoon, who held the January, A.D. 1762. office of collector of a district, either purchased or took by force a small quantity of saltpetre, for the use of the nabob, from one of the people whose business it was to make it. This was seized on as an infringement of the Company's monopoly, and Antoon was apprehended and sent down to Calcutta in irons. He was cousin to Gregore, another Armenian, who was in high favour with the nabob, and was supposed to be hostile to the English. His offence was therefore treated at Calcutta as a most serious aftront to the nation. Some of the council thought he should be publicly whipped, and one (Mr. Johnstone) strongly urged cutting ofi' liis ears ; ^ but common sense at last in some degree prevailed ; he ' Vansittart's Narrative, ii. 11. 374 RISE OF BRITISH ROWER IN INDIA. 1762. CHAP, was sent back to the nabob to be pnnisbed, and was IX. . . . . . ____^ made over to him and dismissed from liis service, after a confinement of three months and a journey of 900 miles. ^ About the same time, Mr. Ellis having received information (which proved to be unfounded) that two European deserters had taken refuge in Monghir, the nabob's principal fortress and the place he had fixed February on for his usual residence, sent a company of sepoys to demand the deserters and to search the fort if they were not given up. The commandant refusing to admit an armed body into his fort, Mr. Ellis exclaimed against his insolence and declared that he would not withdraw the sepoys until a search had been allowed. The nabob remonstrated in terms of the highest indigna- tion, but the British Government took no step for about three months, when it interposed a sort of mediation between its own servant and the nabob, and the dis- pute was with difficulty compromised.^ Mr. Ellis withdrew his sepoys, but from this time the nabob refused to have any farther communication with him. It is obvious that Mr. Ellis ought now to have been removed to some other station, but he was supported by the majority of the council, and the representative of the British Government remained in open hostility with the ruler of the country. Alarm was added to the nabob's disgust by the unguarded language of Mr. Ellis and other members of council, who foretold his early deposition as a consequence of orders from England. Their threats were in some measure supported by the vacillating despatches of the Court of Directors, which April 27, A.D. 1762 ^ Correspondence in Vansittart's Narrative, i. 300-305 and 323. ^ Vansittart's Narrative, and correspondence inserted, i. 305-14 ; also 32G to the end, and ii. 1-11. T^EVOLUTIOXS IN P.EXGAL. 37a were privately circulated among the natives and neces- chap. sarily reached the nabob * ' These altercations made an impression throughout the country. A conspiracy against the nabob was dis- covered, the 2^1'incipal actors in which were put to death ; and among the .letters intercepted on. that occasion was one encouraging a powerful zemindar to engage in it, on the ground of the ap]3roaching hosti- lities with the English, in which the nabob was sure to be driven out of the country.^ All these evils were magnified by the nabob's fears, and perceiving, as he thought, an intention to force a quarrel on him, he became apprehensive of an open and immediate attack. Aware of the dangerous consequences of a continu- ance of such divisions, Mr. Yansittart prevailed on the board to depute Mr, Hastings to Patna, for tlie purpose of attempting a reconciliation between Mr. Ellis and the nabob. He failed, as might have been expected, but his mission brought to a crisis a question which had long been rising, which affected the interest as well as the pride of the parties, and which soon ran to a height that almost precluded reconciliation. The Mogul's grant to the Company exempting their goods from customs was couched in general terms and accompanied by no limitation, but its obvious meaning was to confine the exemption to exports and imports. It was given, like Queen Elizabeth's grant to the same effect, for the purpose of encouragmg foreign commerce, and not for that of conferring on an alien Company a monopoly of all the internal trade of the ■' Correspondence in Yansittart's Narrative, ii. Gl-70, with liis own remarks. * Vansittart's Narratirc, ii. 13-lG. Oib RISE OF BRITISH POAVER IN INDIA. CHAP. Empire. In this sense it had been understood by both '. j^'^^'ti^s, and had been acted on up to the deposition of Surdj-u-Doula.*" i^fter the ascendancy of the British was estabhshed, Lord Chve used to obtain from the nabob exemptions from internal duties in favour of particular persons, but those were always conferred by special passes from the nabob, and were never (unless secretly) assumed as a matter of right, or claimed under the Company's passport. In the weaker Government which succeeded, the Compan3'"'s servants and other Europeans began to claim exemption without the nabob's passes ; their agents did not always produce even the Company's pass, but hoisted a British flag which, from the awe inspired by it, was a sufficient pro- tection to any cargo, even when used without authority, and by natives unconnected with the English. This abuse was often complained of by Mir Jafir, but it had now risen to such a pitch as to eat up all that part of the nabob's revenue that was derived from customs and transit duties, and to throw out of employment all of his subjects who had been accustomed to live by the internal commerce. The privilege had only existed (even under the nabob's passes) smce 1756, and in 1762 every attempt to question it was received with as much surprise and indignation by the council as if it had grown venerable under the sanction of ages." ^ An attempt was made almost at the outset to apply it to internal trade, but this pretension was at once put down by the viceroy of the day, and was never after renewed. (Orme, ii. 25.) '' For tlie recent origin of the trade, see Orme, ii. 25 and 26 ; Mr. Hastings' correspondence in Lord Olive's time, and other papers in the first section of Vansittart's Narrative ; Scrafton's observations on Van- sittart's Narrative, the minutes of Vansittart and Hastings, and the nabob's letters in the above Narrative. On the other side I know nothing but the minutes of the councillors given in Vansittart's Narrative and in the Appendix to the Third Report. Their argument generally is that the EEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 377 A still worse consequence of tlie interference of ^5^^- Europeans with the internal trade was that it tilled the country with commercial agents (gomashtas) of private persons. Each of these was as proud and as rapacious as his master ; he sold custom-free passes to people unconnected with the Company, he took the goods of the manufacturers and other dealers at his own price, and beat or imprisoned anyone who attempted to resist him ; he interfered in all atfairs in the village where he was stationed, and, being sure of support from the British authorities, he set the greatest of the nabob's officers at defiance. If any of those functionaries had spirit enough to maintain his authority, a detach- men of sepoys from the nearest factory soon put a stop to his interference and often carried him off as a prisoner to answer for his insolence. In addition to these licensed harpies, another swarm carried on the same oppressions under their name. They pretended to be gomashtas of English gentlemen, and dressed up people like the sepoys and the badged messengers of the Com- pany to enforce their orders. The consequence was that the whole country became a scene of confusion and alarm, as if it had been suffering from the occupation of a hostile army.^ Mr. Yansittart had before this received many complaints of these disorders and had entered on a plan for restraining them, but he does not seem to have laid king's grant gave the Company the privilege of tlie inhmd trade custont free ; and that they were wrongfully kept from the enjoyment of it by the nabobs until they became strong enough to do themselves justice. * For the proceedings of the gomashtas and of the European agents, see the statements of the nabob and his officers in Vansittart's NarraUve ; the letters of Serjeant Brego, ibid. ii. Ill, and those of Mr. Gray and Mr. Senior, iii. 412-13 ; Lord Clive's letter to the Court of Directors, par. 12, Third Report, 394 ; Scrafton's Observations on Vansittart, 38 ; and n»any other authorities. On the opposite side the accusations are only met by a flat denial. 37iS inSE OF BRITISH rOWKR IN INDIA. ciiAF. anything' before council. Mr. Hastings had warmly L_ o})posed them from the very beginning in the time of Mir Jj'ifir and Lord Clive, and had ahvays maintained that the Company's passport should only be given to exports and imports, and that the nabob should be allowed to do himself justice in all cases where goods were not protected by that passport, and where agents in the country belonged to anyone except the Company.^ On his present journey, or rather voyage to Patna, he was surprised to see British flags in many villages and on almost all the boats that he met on the Gano'es. He considted Mr. Yansittart on the subject, and by the time he had to encounter the nabob's complaints, he was prepared to lay a paper before him in which were specified the points on which he might direct his own officers to check abuses without interfering with the rights of the Company, The nabob approved of the terms, but said it would be impossible to carry them into effect as long as every chief of a factory had the powder to employ force to resist his authority. He therefore required that articles should be drawn up in a proper form luider the seal of the Company and the Governor, and if necessary those of the council.^ A long and dangerous illness of Mr, Yansittart pre- vented the preparation of such a document, and as the decree of control which he had hitherto been able to keep up over the abuses it w^as to remedy was removed by his absence from council, they multiplied wdth aston- ishing rapidity, and complaints poured in from every part of the country. The number of agents and of private European adventurers increased ; they extorted presents, decided causes, interfered in public business ; ^ See his letters written in 1758-9 in Vansittart's Narrative, i. 2G-30. ' Mr. Hastings' letters, Vansittart's Narrative, ii. 78-96. DEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 379 in short were going on to usurp the whole administra- chap. tion of the province. Some of them also, who held U offices or farms from the nabob, refused to obey orders, or to pay what was due from them to tlie treasury. At the same time as loud complaints came in from the chiefs of the Company's factories. They said the in- solence and outrages of the nabob's officers had in- creased to such a degree as to put a total stop to their business ; Mr. Ellis threatened to oppose force to force, and others applied for reinforcements and called for supplies of ammimition, as if they were on the very brink of a war.^ These indications of a rupture alarmed even the council at Calcutta. They sent orders on all sides to forbid the use of force ; they agreed that Mr. Vansittart, accompanied by Mr. Hastings, should repair to the nabob and endeavour to bring about an adjustment; and even after those gentlemen were gone they con- tinued for a time to conduct themselves with a laudable moderation. In fact the council was as yet composed of comparatively reasonable members ; four only were })resent, the rest being employed, according to the custom of the day, as chiefs of the different factories, Mr. Vansittart therefore set out with strong hopes October of effecting an arrangement, and with an impression on 1%^^' his mind that he had full powers to enter on the re- quisite engagements with the nabob. The meeting took place at Monghi'r, when the nabob renewed all his complaints and produced some letters from Company's servants expressed in disrespectful and menacing language towards his- government. To give weight to his demand for redress, he announced that if it was not speedily granted he would abolish all internal 2 Vansittavt's i^arm^ir^ ii. 100 101 80 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. cListonis throngliout bis dominions, since at present ^__ they scarcely yielded any revenue and only served as protecting duties in favour of the English monopoly. It appeared also, by reports received by Mr. Vansittart, that the nabob's officers and the people of the country showed a marked spirit of resistance and hostility to the Europeans and their agents, and that three or four sepoys had been killed in one place and a gomdshta in another. The times seemed therefore to admit of no delay, and after frequent consultations with the nabob, Mr. Yansittart agreed to terms which were comprised m nine articles, and which he forthwith reported to the council. The substance was that the Company's passport should only be granted to goods imported or mtended for exportation ; that all other goods should take pass- ports from the nabob's custom-houses, paying the duty beforehand, and being liable to no detention afterwards ; that boats furnished with the Company's passport should in no case be detained, but if it was suspected that the goods on board exceeded the amount specified in the passport, a complaint should be made to the nearest English officer ; that all boats without passports should be confiscated, even if sailing along with those provided with the Company's passports, and that the same rule should apply to boats carrying articles of in- ternal traffic under the Company's passport clandestinely procured ; that the gomashtas should trade like other merchants, and should be fully protected by the native government, but that all acts of oppression or other off*ences which they might commit should be punish- able by the nabob's magistrates. Regulations were also included for the protection of the gom^ishtas from REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 381 023prcssion, and severe punisliment was promised chap. aofainst any of the nabob's officers who should offend ' in that respect. The duties to be paid were fixed at nine per cent., which was that nominally paid by the Mussulmans ; but as these last paid at a variety of different places and were liable to detention, imposition, and exaction, it was reckoned that their real payments did not fall short of fifteen per cent, at least. A letter containing the above terms was written by Mr. Yansittart to the nabob, and everything being settled to the mutual satisfaction of the parties, Mr, Yansittart set out for Patna. At Patna he met Mr. Ellis and inquired into some differences between him and the nabol)'s p'overnor of Behar. They were unimportant, and Mr. Yansittart passed a decision on them which he thought had been acquiesced in by both parties. As he passed Monghir on his return he stopped one day to see the nabob, who was just setting out on an expedition against Nepal, the mountainous principality which has since stood so stubborn a contest with the British.^ On January 2(S he arrived at Calcutta. Januaiy . . 2X, A.D. Plis report on the agreement (including the sub- lib. stance of the terms but not the letter to the nabob) had some time before reached the board, which determined to defer the discussion of it until the Governor should arrive. But this reasonable intention was rendered fruitless by tlie folly of the nabob. It had been settled between Mr. Yansittart and liim, that no use was to be made of tlie agreement until the Governor should liave reached Calcutta. It was ^ Vansittart's Narrative (including the correspondence), ii. 141-194. 382 inSE OF BKITISII POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, then to be laid before couneii and instructions framed IX ' on it were to be sent to the different factories ; at the same moment the Governor was to forward circular letters from the nabob to his chief officers, with which he was provided for the purpose. Yet no sooner was Mr. Vansittart gone, than the nabob, either from im- patience to assert his own independence or from a wish to tix the terms on the British Government before there was time for the council to object, sent copies of Mr. Yan- sittart's letter in all directions, together with injunctions to his officers to carry it into immediate effect. This precipitancy defeated the whole arrangement. Not only did it set aside the authoritj' of the council, but it sanc- tioned the confiscation of the property of those persons who had embarked their fortunes in the internal trade before they knew that it w^as to be forbidden. As if to complete the ruin of his own cause, the nabob in one of liis letters directed that the present instructions should not be enforced against any trade carried on by Mr. Yansittart or Mr. Hastings. The first intelligence the board received of Mr. A^ansittart's letter was through a Persian copy sent by the nabob to one of his own officers at Dacca, who triumphantly communicated it to the chief. The council, naturally indignant at the slight put on them, determined to take every means of revers- ing Mr. Yansittart's proceedings. They called in Major Carnac, though he was not entitled to a seat at their board except when military affairs were under discus- sion, but who was one of the most active, though not always the most prominent, of the opponents to the Govcimor's measures.^ Plis admission to the council ' It is alleged by Mr. Vansittart that Major Carnac wrote all the minutes recorded by Mr. Amyatt, the ostensible head of the opposition in council {Narrative, ii. 272) ; and that he and Mr. Ellis were the REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 383 had a material effect at this crisis. He concurred in a chap. resolution that the regulations made by the Governor __!_!_ were dishonourable to the council as Englishmen, and o ruinous to their trade and the Company's ; that the issue of them by the Governor Avas a breacli of their privileges, and that instructions should be sent to all the factories to suspend acting on them. A still more decisive stroke was suggested by Major Carnac himself; it was to call in all the absent councillors, except Mr. Ellis and the chief at Chittagong, who were at too great a distance, and by this means the persons against whose proceedings Mr. Yansittart's measures had been directed, and who each regarded him as a personal enemy, were brought together to judge of his conduct. A council was thus formed which Clive himself might have proved unable to control, and to which Mr. Yansittart could scarcely offer aii};^ resistance. He was ill fitted by nature to bear up agamst the reckless counsels and vehement language of his opponents, and he was ren- dered feebler than usual by the consciousness of his pecuniary obligations to the nabob, and by his being himself eno-awd in the inland trade, though without partaking in the abuses.^ tlis colleagues pressed liini leaders of a party whose object it was to force a rupture with Casim Ali (ibid. 233). It is true that Major Carnac corresponded witli Mr. Ellis in cipher, and was the centre of all the correspondence of tlie mal- contents throughout the civil service, but it does not apjjear that he and Mr. Ellis had any plan for bringing on a rupture, though like all the rest of their party they looked to it with pleasure. ^ He had in fact just received the 50,000L promised to himself, and the 20,000L for Colonel Caillaud. The money was paid to him at Monghir, though the circumstance was not then known to the Board. See Third Report of the House of Commons (1773), 310, and the appendices referred to. See also Caillaud's evidence. First Report, IGl, and the extract from Yansittart's letter there quoted. It must, however, be remembered that Mr. Vansittart had long before taken his line on the question of the inland trade. 384 RISE 01' BRITISH POWER IX INDIA. CHAP. IX. February 15. February 11), A.D. 17G3. February 22 to ^[arch 1, A.D. 1763. liard on those points, treating him as the hired advocate of Casiui Ali, and accusing him of oppressing their trade to promote his own. When the full council met, Major Adams, whose claim to a seat rested on the same ground as IMajor Carnac's, was admitted to the board, which tlien consisted of twelve members. At the first meeting of the full board, Mr. Amyatt brought forward an appeal from Mr. Ellis against the Governor's decision on the disputes at Patna. On the same occasion Major Carnac presented a letter representing the hardship of his removal from the command at Patna, and requesting to be re- appointed. The first subject of consideration was Mr. Ellis's appeal from Patna. There were three points in dispute. The first related to a privileged bazar set up some time before by' the English, and this the council ordered to be done away. The other two arose from a plan for completing the fortifications of the town. It included shutting a small gate in one ]:)lace and carrying the wall down to the river at another where there was a large space entirely open. Both of these alterations were inconvenient to the English residents, and tlie second of them woidd have protected the town against the factory no less than against other assailants. It was decided that the nabob should be requested to open the gate and throw down the new part of the wall, and that if he did not comply, Mr. Ellis should be instructed to do it by force. The discussion of the customs on inland trade next came on. As this was the great question on which the existence of the nabob's government was to depend, it is worthy of observation that it was one in which the REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 385 Company had no interest whatever ; their deahngs chap. were in exports and imports, and the internal trade was ! entirely in the hands of private individuals. The board first came to a resolution, that in his letter to the nabob the Governor had exceeded his powers ; a decision which if it had not been accom- panied with violence and invective, would have been justified by the fact. They next resolved, the Governor and Mr. Hastings alone dissenting, that the King's grant entitled them to trade in all articles customs-free. Seven out of the twelve, however, were of opinion that a small duty on salt (two and a half per cent.) should be allowed to the nabob, it being carefully explained to liim that it was granted of favour and not of right." With regard to native agents (gomashtas) it was resolved that they should not be under the control of the nabob's government ; that, with respect to weavers, petty traders, and all others who received advances of money for goods to be provided, or were indebted for goods bought, the agents should retain their power to call such persons to account ; but that, in the event of their having complaints against the officers of government or their dependents, they should first apply to the local officer, and if they did not receive immediate satisfaction, they should forward their case to the chief at the factory, wlio should take cognizance of it and demand, or exact if necessary, the satisfaction the case required. Complaints against agents, from whatever quarter, were to be made to the chief, whose decision was to l)e final. In sliort, tlie agents were to be the only judges in all their disputes ^ The minutes on this ([uestitin will bo found in Vansittart's JN^arra- tive, ii. 309 429. C C 386 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CJiAP. with private persons, and the chief of the factory in ' those with the nabob's dependents. This resolution was opposed by Mr. Hastings alone, even the Governor admitting the necessity of it. The great argument was the known injustice and corruption of the native officers, which would make it impossible to carry on trade under their authority. To this Mr. Hastings replied that we had carried it on formerly, Avhen we had much less chance of redress than at present, and added the following striking testimony. 'As I have formerly lived among the country people in a very inferior station, and at a time when we were subject to the most slavish dependence on the govern- ment, and have met with the greatest indulgence, and even respect, from zemindars and officers of govern- ment, I can with the greater confidence deny the justice of this opinion ; and add further, ; from repeated experience, that if our people, instead of erecting them- selves into lords and oppressors of the country, confine themselves to an honest and fair trade, they will be everywhere courted and respected.' ' February Whcu tlic iiabob heard of the rejection by the mvs. ' council of Mr. Vansittart's agreement, he did not attempt to conceal his indignation. In answering some remonstrances which he received at the same time, he retaliates by setting forth his own wrongs ; he complains that his affairs are transferred from the Governor with whom he used to negotiate, to a body of gentlemen many of whom he understands are inclined to seat another person on his masnad ; he says that he had ceded territory to pay the English troops to tight for him, and now he was told they were '' For tlie debate see the minutes just quoted, and for the resolutions Vansittart's Narrative, iii. 1-5. REVOLUTIONS IN BENGxVL. .387 to be employed against liim ; that he was to bear the chap. IX. expenses of the province, and the English agents were to eat lip the revenue ; that every complaint against his officers was believed, but that no attention was paid to his complaints against the agents. ' I must cut off my officers' heads,' says he to the Governor, ' but you have no power to punish any person that creates mischief under your administration. Your order is absolute with respect to my people, but you have not the least command over your own.' He concludes by saying that, for as many boats as there are at Patna, he cannot get one to cross the Ganges ; the very boats he had provided for himself had been seized by the factory. In the course of his letters he more than once declares his readiness to give up the government, which he says it is impossible to carry on on such terms. The council answered the nabob's remonstrance March 7, through the Governor (whom they compelled to ex- plain that he was only their organ) by announcing the resolutions they had come to regarding the customs, and at the same time renewing the statement of their grievances, demanding the punishment of the offending officers and reparation for their own losses, and stating that they have referred the nabob's complaints to the gentlemen of the factories, and whatever injustice they may have conunitted the board will take care to see they make amends for.^ Things were now so obviously tending to a crisis, that the board resolved to try what could be done by a personal commmiication with the nabob, and they determined on sending Mr. Amyatt and "Slv. Hay to Monghir for that purpose. ® Correspondence in Vansittart's Narratice, iii. 30. cc 2 A.D. 1703. .')88 lirSE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. CHAP. But before the mission set out, the peaceable settle- ' merit of disputes had become more improbable than ever. The effect of the nabob's orders to his officers to act on Mr. Yansittart's letter, and of those of the l)oard to resist them by force, began to be felt. In many places the goods of Europeans were stopped by the local authorities, in some the nabob's officers were made prisoners by the English, and at a few, affrays and bloodshed occurred between the parties. But the most serious contest was in the neighbourhood of Patna, where the nabob in person was opposed to Mr. Ellis. He was at this time on his return from his expedition to Nepal, where he had been defeated, and had just passed Patna on his way to Monghir. Obstruc- tions such as were generally complained of having taken place in his neiglibourhood, Mr. Ellis detached March 6, three companies of sepoys ' to clear the Company's business ' — •' and seize all who have interrupted it.' ^ Their first acts were to apprehend a collector of the nabob's, to send him off to Patna under a guard, and to place a party of twelve sepoys in the village where he resided. The nabob, incensed at such an outrage, almost under his own eyes, sent 500 horse to release his officer. They missed the escort, but attacked the village ; the sepoys defended it gallantly and lost four men, but were at last overpowered. The Company's native agent there was taken prisoner and sent to the nabob, who released him.^ The nabob complained to the council, and (on March 24) they answered him through the Governor, highly approving of Mr. Ellis's conduct, declaring that they should insist on a com- pliance in every point with their resolutions and de- ^ Mr. Ellis's letter, Vaiisittart's Narrative, iii. 36. ^ Vaiisittart's Narrative, iii. 44 and 51. REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 389 mands, and that if the nabob opposed their people in chap. the execution of their orders, they would look on it as .^_ll__ a declaration of war.'"^ Before this letter was despatched iutellio-ence arrived March 22, that the nabob had fulfilled liis former threat, and had abolished all internal duties for two years, thus throw- ing open the trade of the country to his own subjects on the same footing with that usurped by the British. This intelligence transported the ruling part of the council beyond all bounds of reason. All declared it a violation of the Company's rights ; some pronounced, it an act of usurpation to remit the Emperor's customs without his leave, though they had themselves accepted both exemjitions and territories as little sanctioned by the Emperor ; others denied the right of a nabob whom they had raised to the subahdarship and supported by force of arms against the King, to employ the power ' with which they had been pleased to invest him ' to undermine their royal privileges and ruin their trade ; and one member derided the notion of the nabob's possessing any independence in his own territory, and treated the assertion of such a right as more worthy of his hired agents than of members of that board. All agreed that he should be required to recall his remission and collect the duties as before.^ This was the tone adopted by men who seven years before had lived in slavish dependence on the nabob's government, and who by their subsequent treaties had acquired no right or jiretence for interfering in his internal administration. The motives they af- fected were proportioned to the greatness of their pre- tensions. No one hinted at the danger to their illicit 2 Ibid. 58 GO. ^ Minutes in Vansittart's Narrative, iii. 02-77. 390 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, gains 5 it was the honour of the factory, the dignity of the dustuck,^ above all the glory of the nation, which were to suffer by the suppression of smuggling'. Soon after this angry council, accounts were received of another engagement between one of Mr. Ellis's detach- ments and the nabob's troops ; ^ and about the same time the result of a former dispute led to still more irritating proceedings. The nabob's deputy in charge of the division of Dacca had put a stop to all the Company's trade in that district, and had been guilty of outrage and oppression towards some of their dependents. The council ordered three of his subordinate officers, who had been the instruments of his violence, to be sent prisoners to Calcutta. On their examination at that place such proofs came out of the deputy's active and inveterate enmity to the English as would have justified a war with Casim Ali if he failed to punish the offender ; but instead of insisting on this atonement, the council adopted their usual practice, and ordered the deputy to be sent a prisoner to Calcutta, and this treatment of one of the most considerable persons in his dominions was deeply resented by the nabob.*' In the midst of these transactions, the nabob's ansAver to the Governor's letter annoimcing the resolu- tions relating to customs and gomashtas was received. Though written in the usual style of compliment, it was filled with cutting reproaches to the council for their rapacity and breach of faith, and pointed out the inutility of a mission relating to the customs, as those imposts no longer existed. This letter was pronounced by the majority of the council to be insolent, improper, and ' Pass or permit. ■"' Correspondence in Vansittart's Narratifc, in. 88. '' Vansittart's Narrative, iii. 136-140. REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 391 indecent, and it was debated whether the deputation *^^^^- shoidd proceed or A\diether preparations for war should be made without dehiy. The lirst course was adopted, and Mr. Amyatt and Mr. Hay set out on their mission.'' The choice of Mr. Amyatt for this duty was un- fortunate. He appears to have been an amiable man in private life, but the nabob knew that he was the first to protest against his elevation and had headed the oppo- sition ever since ; he could not therefore expect much favour or candour from such an envoy. The best selected embassy could scarcely have had a better prospect, for the instructions authorised no negotiation or concession, and confined the functions of the deputies to enforcing and insisting on the demands already made, with the addition of some very unacceptable articles.^ The nabob also had by this time, in all probability, made up his. mind to go to war ; his letters, as remarked by Mr. A^ansittart, are ' those of a despairing man,' and show throughout his conviction of a design to force him into: a" quarrel so as to afi'ord a pretext for deposing him. Hostile intentions had been imputed to him from the moment of his accession ; his exertions to improve his army, his attempts to call in the dues of his treasury, everything that had a tendency to increase his own efficiency, was supposed to be designed against the English. Yet his conduct in other respects wns irre- concilable to such a notion. He carried on no intrigues with European powers, made no overtures to the Ma- rattas, and was less conciliating towards Shab Alam and Shuja-u-Doula than the British themselves desired. He made enemies of all his zemindars, and, at the crisis of his dispute with the English, he undertook the distant ' Vansittart's Narrative, iii. 80 124. « Ibid. iii. 128 135. 392 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, uiid dangerous exj^edition to Xepal. Except in pre- ' maturely acting on the agreement regarding customs, lie conducted himself under innumerable provocations with temper and forbearance, only showing as much firmness as seemed likely to repress encroachment, and it was not till the disappointment of all hope of support from England and the unqualified submission of Mr. Vansittart to his enemies, that he showed the least in- clination to resort to the desperate expedient of taking up arms in his defence. The state of his inmd is shown by two letters which he wrote to the Governor some days after the departure of the mission. In the first, dated April 11, he expresses his uneasiness at Mr. Amyatt's visit, and requests that his escort may not exceed one or two companies, and in the other (April 15) he exclaims against the duplicity of the Government, which, while professing peace and friendship, have sent their troops in several divisions through hills and forests towards his capital. At this time not a soldier had moved, but he was prepossessed with the idea that Mr. Amyatt's mission was like Mr. Vansittart's to Mir Jafir, and that the scene which led to his own elevation was about to be repeated at his downfall. Had he known the resolutions taken by the board the day before that of his last letter (April 14), he would have had some ground for his apprehensions. On that day a force was ordered to be prepared for service, and Mr. Ellis was warned that he might expect orders to take possession of the city of Patna.^ April 21, Before the embassy reached him the nabob addressed a letter to the Company which he sent for transmission to the Government of Calcutta. It stated his grievances in very moderate language, and appealed to the Com- ® Vansittart's Narrative, iii. 157. EEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. pany for protection. But although its professed object chap. was to procure their orders for the preservation of quiet, it is probable, from the state of the times, that it was really intended to justify himself in the event of war. About the same time he ordered the two Sets to be brought by force to Monghir. These were the great bankers who tigured in the first revolution, and were under the guarantee of the Ens^lish. Their seizure led to remonstrance and to an angry retort on the part of Casim Ali. The interview with Mr. Amyatt and Mr. Play at May 15. length took place at Monghir ; and, although the nabob at first declared that he conceived himself to be already at war and was making preparations for his defence, yet he was so much soothed by finding that no immediate step was about to be taken against him, that a faint hope was entertained that a reconciliation might yet be eflPected. But this hope disappeared when the deputies May 25, presented their demands in writing. They were eleven ^'^' ' in number, and included a w^ritten recognition of the council's decision about customs and agents, a reimpo- sition of the duties on the nabob's subjects, com- pensation to all who had suffered by the interference with the English trade, punishment of the nabob's officers, and many other unpalatable articles, all couched in the most peremptory language. The nabob replied to each article, but all in a contemptuous and sarcastic tone, and it became evident tliat an accommodation was more distant than ever. On the day after this correspondence, an accidental May 2(i. circumstance cut short the discussion. Some boats with a supply of arms fortlie troops at Patna arrived at Mongliir and revived all the nabob's alarms. He ordered the boats to be detained ; said he had certain informa- 394 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, tion tliat Mr. Ellis intended to suri^rise Patna, and IX. ' declared that he would not release the arms unless the troops were withdrawn from that city, or unless Mr. Ellis were removed, and Mr. Amyatt himself, Mr. ]\IcGwire, or Mr. Hastings, appointed in his room. The question of peace or war now turned on the de- tention of the boats, and at a meeting of the council at June 0, Calcutta on June 9, it was resolved that if the nabob did not immediately release them, Mr. Amyatt and Mr. Hay should quit his court, either formally announcing a rupture or in such other manner as was most con- sistent with their safety. The subsequent letters of these gentlemen show that the nabob, when war was inevitable, began to look with more confidence to the result. His language became more haughty and imperious, and the envoys found themselves neglected, and the gentlemen w^ho attended them insulted in the streets. Casim Ali had by this time commenced negotiations, which, if he had meditated war, would have been long since matured. He had as early as March despatched an emissary to sound Shuja-u-Doula on the subject of an alliance ; ^ early in June he received a formal apj)ointment and investiture as subahdar from Shah Alain ; and not long after he withdrew his troops from the country of the zemindars of Behar, and moved them all towards June 14. Patna. When the alternative resolved on by the council on June 9 was made known to him, he at once replied that ' it was war.' He said that he should dis- miss Mr. Amyatt as was desired, but that he would keep Mr. Hay as a hostage for the safety of his officers who had at different times been made prisoners, and were now in the hands of the English. Four or five 1 Seir ul MvtalheHn, ii. 218. REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 395 days later lie seemed to have suddenly altered liis views, chap. for lie announced to Mr. Amyatt that he had released the boats and that he was prepared to give up his de- June 19. mand for the evacuation of Patna. But these appear- ances were probably assumed to delay the breaking out of hostilities at that city, for which he nearly at the same time despatched a strong reinforcement of regular troops under an Armenian officer named Marcar. His ])roceedings on the following days seem to have varied according to the reports lie received from Patna. On the 20t]i lie complained to Mr. Yansittart that Mr. Ellis was constructing scaling-ladders and preparing to attack the town. On the same night he ordered Mr. Amyatt's boats to be closely surrounded by guards, but a day or two later he removed his guards and allowed that gentleman to depart, furnishing him with passports and a person of his own as a safeguard, and assuring him of the security of his life and honour.'-^ He was June 22. perhaps sincere at the time, but things almost immedi- ately took a turn which may have led him to forget his promise. As early as the beginning of June the governor of Patna had begun to tamper with the sepoys there, and had induced as many as 200 to desert.^ This was the most dangerous sort of hostility he could em- [)loy, and, combined with the subsequent direction of the nabob's detachments towards Patna and the state of the negotiations at Monghir, afforded a full justiiica- tion to Mr. Ellis for tlie attack on the city which he had so long and so eagerly desired. On the 24th he received intelligence of Mr. Amyatt's jmie 21. dismission, and on the same night he surprised the ^'^' '^'^' ^ Mr. Amyatt's transactions, and those which took place elsewhere during his mission, arc from the twelfth section of Vansittart's Narrative and the correspondence contained in it. ^ Mr. Ellis's letters in Vansittart's Narrative, pp. 273-5. 396 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. GHAF. city and carried it by escalade.'* The force consisting '- of nearly 300 Europeans and 2,300 Sepoys,*^ oiiglit to have been sufficient to keep the city in all circum- stances, but they unfortunately dispersed to plunder, and the reinforcement under Marcar arriving while they were thus scattered, drove them out of the city in their turn and forced them to take refuge in the factory. That place was not tenable even if they had not been weakened and dispirited by their recent defeat ; they therefore embarked on boats and got as far as Chapra (upwards of thirty miles west of Patna and not far from Shuja-u-Doula's frontier), but their retreat was retarded by some local officers until Marcar came up with his battalions, when they surrendered at discre- tion. Mr. Ellis and the other Europeans were sent to the nabob at Monohir.^ Casim Ali was as much elated o with this success as if it had been decisive of the w^ar. He wrote a letter full of taunts and insults to Mr. Yansittart,'' and issued orders for the destruction of all the Europeans throughout his dominions. It is uncer- tain whether any more specific orders were sent for the July 3 or murdcr of Mr. Amyatt, but his boat was stopped as he was passing a body of troops who were encamped near Murshidi'ibiid, and he was murdered by people belonging to Taki Khan, tlie commander-in-chief of tlie nabob's horse, who happened to l^c in the camp in person. It is uncertain whether the murder was premeditated or was the result of his resisting an attempt to make him prisoner.^ Some of the scattered English were killed, but most were kept prisoners by the local * Vansittart's Narrative, iii. 390. ^ Return in Vansittart's Narrative. ^ Seir ul MutaJclierin, ii. 243 et seq. "^ His letter, in Vansittart's Narrative, iii. 330. ** Third Report, p. 357 ; Seir ul Mutaldierin, ii. 248. REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 397 officers and released on the victory of their country- chap. Intelligence of the murder of Mr. Ainyatt, together with a rumour of the breakino- out of hostilities at Patna, reached the board on July 4. They had determined as early as June 20, that in the event of a rupture Mir Jafir should be replaced on the masnad ; and they now concluded a treaty with him. Although the majority July 7, treated the reinstatement of this prmce as a restoration to his just rights/ they did not scruple to impose new and severe terms upon him. All the concessions made by Casim Ali were retained, the whole of the commer- cial privileges claimed by the Company's servants were insisted on, the force to be kept up by the nabob was limited to 6,000 horse and 12,000 foot, and he was to indemnify the Company and individuals for all the damage occasioned to them by the usurper whom their own Government had set up to supplant him.^ By a separate agreement he was to grant a donation of twenty-five lacs of rupees to the army, and some gratification to the navy, which was not fixed at the time.^ The treaty was signed on July 7 ; Mir Jafir was proclaimed on the same day ; and on the lltli he set out to join the army, which had marched on June 26. Mr. Vansittart and Mr. Hastings, though they declined voting on the question of reappointing Mir Jafi.r, signed the proclamation. Casim All's force was reckoned by the English to consist of 15,000 horse, ten or twelve battalions of ^ Seir %d Mutakhenn, ii. 253. ^ For the whole debate see tlie minutes in Yansittart's Narrative, iii. 279 et seq. and 321 et seq. ' Treaties and Grrants, p. 113. ' Yansittart's Letter to the Proprietors, p. 125. 398 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, sepoys, seventeen guns well moinitetl, and 170 Euro- ' peans. The strength of the army lay in the regular infantry, most of Avhicli had l^een formed by Gregore, nnd had Armenian commandants to the battalions ; the rest was under Sombre or Soraroo, afterwards so notorious in Indian history/ Greo:ore was an Armenian of Isfahdn. His nation are in general entirely given up to commerce, and destitute of all turn for military affairs ; but Gregore was a man of another stamp. With the aid of some continental Europeans and some native deserters, he brought his sepoys to a state of discipline that sur- prised his English antagonists. He acquired a great ascendancy over the nabob, and was the chief means of encouraging him in all his disputes with the British Government. A portion of the cavalry was also in a liigh state of efficiency ; though irregular, it was well organised, and commanded by Taki Khan, an officer of courao'e and abilities. The British took the field with 650 Europeans and 1,200 sepoys, and were joined after the taking of Mur- shidabad by 100 Europeans and a battalion of sepoj^s from 800 to 1,000 strong. The relation between their power and the nabob's was the reverse of what it had been. They had lost half their army at Patna, and the result of that contest had dispelled the terror with which they were previously invested ; they were ill provided with carriage, and they marched at the height ^ The real name of this adventurer is vmcertain, as is his country. By one account he was a Frenchman, by another a German and a Pro- testant ; a third reconciles the others by making him a native of Alsace. He was originally a cari)enter, and afterwards a sergeant in the French army. After his desertion of Cdsim Ali, he carried his disciplined bat- talions from service to service, and after his own death they were held togetlier by his widow, a Avoman of talent, and finally were received into the pay of the British Government in 1803. KEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 399 of the rains, when in Bengal it is generally thought chap. impossible to move at alh Adams's military talents " seem to have been adequate to the emergency, and bnt for the shortness of his career, his name mio-ht have stood with those of Lawrence and Coote among the founders of our Indian Empire. Mir Jafir joined the army on the 17th ; it marched on the next day, and on the 19tli engaged the enemy's army under Taki Khan at a place opposite Catwa. The battle w^as well contested, but was gained by the English; Taki Khan was killed. The English marched on, stormed an entrenchment erected for the defence of Mnrshidabad, and took fifty guns. Mir Jafir made his entry into his capital ; but in four days the army marched again, and on August 2 they found the whole of the nabob's force drawn up at Gheria, not far from the main stream of the Gano;es. A severe action ensued. Part of the British line was broken, and two of their guns taken. His Majesty's 8Jth regiment was attacked in front and rear at once, and it was not till after a contest of four hours, that victory declared for the British. It was then complete; all the enemy's guns were taken, and 150 boats loaded with provisions. After a halt of several days the army again marched forward, and on August 11 reached the neighbourhood of a brook called Udwa Nalla.^ At this place the southern hills approach the Ganges ; the pass they formed was defended by a fort, and was now entirely closed up by entrenchments thrown up for the occa- sion. July 19, Here Casim Ali had determined to make his last and desperate stand, lie had assembled all the troops he could draw from every quarter, until, by the reports * Oudanulla in the maps, and Outahiiulla in the Tliird Report. 400 KI8E OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, that reached the Eno-lish tliey anionnted to GO.OOO men. IX • • ^^^ Up to this time he had remained in safety at his forti- juiy 24. fied town of Monghir, but he now determined to advance towards the scene of action, though he could not bring July 28. himself to join the army. He had sent liis family to tlie fort of Rotas, and before he left Monghir he put all his own subjects whom he liad in confinement to death. He saw his power escaping from him, and was deter- mined not to be frustrated in his revenge. Ram Narain and his rival Raj Balab, the Rai Raran, and several other ministers, with some zemindars of consequence, were murdered on this occasion. Bags of sand were fastened I'ound tlieir necks and they were thrown into the Ganges. For some reason, the Sets were passed over at this time, but were afterwards put to death. The Europeans were spared as giving a liold on their Government, and were dragged along with the camp. The lines at tJdwa Nail a were protected by a deep wet ditcli fifty or sixty feet broad, extending from the liills to the river, and were defended by upwards of one hundred guns. In front of them was a morass, impassable at all points except for a breadth of one hundred yards close to the river. Of this space Adams feigned to avail himself for his attack ; he began to erect batteries, and though much pressed by the enemy's cavalry, carried on his approaches for several days, until the whole attention of the enemy was drawn to that quarter. He then marched before day- break, and turned the entrenchment by the foot of the hills before the enemy had time to oppose him. They nevertheless offered an obstinate resistance, and lost many killed, besides 1 ,000 horse who were shut in by a morass and taken prisoners. These were immediately released. This was the last stand in the field. The liEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 401 nabob fled with precipitation to Mongliir, and after some chap. days continued his retreat to Patna. Signs of ' defection had appeared among his troops, and Gregore, whom he always kept near his person, had been killed in a mutiny. He wrote to Major Adams threatening scptem- to put his prisoners to death if the army continued to 1763.' advance, and not long after came a noble letter from Mr. Ellis and Mr. Hay, requesting that no consideration for them might impede the operations of the army. Adams replied to the threat by the most solemn appeals and denunciations of vengeance, but they made no impression on Cdsim Ali, whose hatred and cruelty were rendered fiercer by despair. Before he left Patna, he ordered a massacre of all his prisoners. Several native chiefs are said to have declined the duty,® but it was accepted with alacrity by Somroo, and carried into effect without mercy. After having every October o means of defence removed (even to the knives and forks), -^■^- ^''^'^• he went himself to the outer court of the prison and sent for Mr. Ellis and a few of the principal persons ; they were immediately cut to pieces, and their mangled bodies were thrown into a well. The other prisoners, about one hundred and fitty in number, were assembled in an inner court, Avhere they were fired on and bayonetted by Somroo's sepoys, and were destroyed to a uian. Mr. Fullarton, the surgeon at Patna, who had gained the friendship of many natives of rank, was alone spared from the massacre. Casim Ali sent for him and spoke of an acconunodation with the English, but two or three days afterwards he put to death seven more Europeans who were in a separate place of confine- ment and had been forgotten.^ 6 Seir ul Mntakhcvin, ii. 282. ^ Mr. Fullarton afterwaixls escaped and joined the ann3\ 1) I) 402 insE OF BRITISH tower in india. CHAP. Meanwhile the British army advanced to Mongliir, which capitulated after a practicable breach had been Beginning made. The army then marched on to Patna. The ber, A.D. garrison made a gallant defence. On one occasion they ^ ' ■ took possession of one of the batteries, and held out till November thc placc was Carried by storm. 17G3. Cdsim All had retired towards the Caramnasa, which forms the limits of his territory. Adams followed him up, and on December 4 he crossed into the dominions of Shuja-u-Doula. His flagitious character and the atrocities with which he closed his career deprive him December of the Sympathy which might otherwise have been 1763. ' excited by the tyranny and injustice of which he had been the victim. The hardships of this campaign were fatal to Major Deoember Adauis. He left the army as soon as the service was 1763^" completed, and died before the expiration of a month. Major Knox, who succeeded him, was likewise obliged End of to retire from illness a few weeks later.^ be^r^TiD. C^sim Ali did not enter Sliuja u-Doula's territory until he had received assurances of safety and protec- tion from that prince, accompanied by a Koran as the most solemn pledge of fidelity to those engagements.^ ** The whole of the operations of the war are from the evidence of Major Grant, Third Report, p. 303, with additions from the Seir xd Mutakherin. ^ Seir ul Mutakherin, ii. 292. [The author of the Seir ul Mutakherin, whio accompanied Mir Casim in his flight to Benares, gives the following description of the allied forces in their advance to attack the English. They had been recently joined by the troops of Balvvant Sing, Raja of Benares. ' This addition, great as it was, was hardly perceived in an army which proved so very numerous that, as far as the eye could extend, it covered the country and plains like an inundation, and moved like the billows of the sea. But there was so little order and discipline among these troops, and so little were the men accustomed to command, that, in the middle of the camp, they fought against each other, killed and murdered each other, plundered each other, and went out a plundering and marauding, without 176 REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 40o vShiija was at that time on his march towards Allahabad , chap. accompanied by Shah Alam, his object being to put .^^__ down some disturbances on the borders of Bundelcand. Casim Ali followed and was received with great mag- nificence, and a treaty was concluded by which Shuja enofafi^ed to restore Casim to his masnad, and Casim to pay a subsidy of 110,000/ a month during the time that the army was employed. In furtherance of this design, the two nabobs marched to Benares, where they were February, within three or four marches of the British army on ^'^' ^'^^' the Caramnasa. Shuja's wisest counsellors advised him to avoid a general action, to cut off the supplies of the English, to make incursions into the country in their rear, and thus compel them to retreat to Patna if not to Bengal. But Shuja himself was for an imme- diate action. In the midst of their consultations they received the unexpected intelligence that the British army had retreated of itself.^ Casim Ali had been tampering with the foreigners in the British service, and before Major Knox left camp three of them had attempted to desert. They were overtaken and seized, but the change of commanders and the want of authority to hold general courts-martial prevented their being punished." Their impunity en- couraged further offences ; two months of inaction gave time for discussing grievances, and the donation pro- tlio lea.st scrtiple or the least control. No one would inquire into these matters, and these ungovernable men scrupled not to plunder to the right and left with impunity, and even to strip and kill people of their own army if they chanced to lag behind their main body, or to be found in some lonely spot. They behaved exactly like a troop of highwaymen. It was not an army, butaAvhole city in motion, and you could have fi)und in it whatever could be found in Shahjehanaoad (Delhi) itself whilst that city was the capital and the eye of all Hindustan,' ii. 30G.— Ed.] ^ Seir ul Mntahhenn, ii. liOO :10!I. "^ Major Grant's evidence, Third Report, p. 304. 40-4 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, iiiiscd by the nabob, but not yet issued, was a groinid ___!__ fur discontent to the other troops as well as to the February foreigners. The result was that one day the whole of iTw^ the luiropeans fell in with the utmost regularity, and marched off with their arms and cannon towards Shnja- u-i)oula's frontier. Captain Jennings, on whom the temporary command devolved, followed the deserters and endeavoured to persuade them to return. The nabob was brought up, and promised to issue 10,000/. immedi- ately, but neither threats nor promises had any great effect until the mutineers reached the Caramnasa. They were there prevailed on to halt and take a dram and a biscuit ; and Captain Jennings and his officers made so good a use of this delay that most of the English agreed to return to their duty ; 300 Europeans, however, held out and dashed across the river, where they were fol- lowed by many sepoys belonging to a detachment pre- viously stationed on the spot. Many of these returned on that day and the next, and the total loss only amounted to 150 European foreigners, mostly French, and 100 sepoys. Three days later the sepoys mutinied in consequence of the very unequal share of the 10.000/ Avhicli had been allotted to them. The Europeans were by this time thoroughly ashamed of their former conduct; they got luider arms of their own accord, and were with difficulty restrained from attacking the mutineers. All was settled by a further issue of money. Captain Jen- nings judiciously employed the troops in marches within the frontier (there being still peace with Shuja-u-Doiila), February and lie was soon able to report the restoration of order mi.^ '"ii^d contentment, notwithstanding the high price of provisions, which began to be felt in camp.^ •"' Captain Jennings's despatches, Appendix to Third Report, pp. -304- OGO. DEVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 405 Tliin2:s were in this state when Mai or Carnac took chap. ° . . IX. the command. He had been appointed to succeed Major Adams, and now arrived from Calcutta. He March 7 reported to the Government that he had reason to 17^4' think the nnitinous spirit of the troops not extin- guished, and that further demands wouhl be made for the donation. Soon after he received intelligence of the advance of Shujd-u-Doula, and marched to tlie frontier to oppose him. On this occasion he made a further issue of money, and, some of the sepoys showing discontent, he punished two or three as an example, and dismissed them from the service. At a subsequent period (March 26) a native officer was discovered attempting to induce his company to desert and was blown from a gmi, which was the last symptom of mutmy durmg Major Camac's com- mand.^ Shuja's intentions being no longer doubtful, Major March is, Carnac was anxious to advance and meet him within his own territory, where Balwant Sing, Raja of Benares, had promised to come over to his side. But being threatened with a failure of liis provisions, he deter- March 22, mined to meet the enemy on the Ganges, then to receive him at Baxar, and at length fell back on Patna, April ;), where he finally took his stand.^ Shuja-u-Doula, who seems to have entertained no doubt of an easy victory, crossed the Ganges and pursued his march to Patna, spreading the most destructive ravages throughout the country as he passed.*"' He found the British drawn up under the walls and immediately attacked them. Tlie May 3, battle began with a cannonade, after which Shujji made a •^ IMajor Camac's letter, Appendix to Third Report, pp. 3G6 3C8. = Ibid., pp. 3G7 3G9. ^ Seir ul Mutakherin, ii. 309. A.I). 17(51. 1()() EISE OF BUITISII POWEli IN INDIA. CHAP, vigorous attack with Ciisini All's regular troops (now __1__ under Somroo) and his own cavalry. When this was repulsed he turned his attention to attempts on the rear. The contest lasted from noon till evening, when Shuja drew off his o;uns and retreated. His loss was thouo;ht to be immense ; that of the English was inconsiderable. The troops behaved admirably, but were kept strictly on the defensive. A few days after the action, Shuju-u-Doula withdrew to a distance of four or five miles from the town, but continued in the neighbourhood for about three weeks. During this time Major Carnac remained in his position, from which the most pressing letters of the Government could not induce him to move. Shuja-u-Doula kept up the impression of his being on the point of another attack, but in reality was engaged in attempts to de- bauch the troops and to gain admission into the city by corrupting the nabob's officers. The failure of those attempts and the advanced state of the season at length May 23, iuduced him to retreat. He retired to the Son, about ((, . ^j^jj.j^y miles from Patna, where he remained for about a fortniofht. When the Government of Calcutta heard of his leisurely retreat they became more urgent than ever for the advance of Major Carnac. They had begun whWe the army was still on the frontier by earnest but respectful suggestions ; these were changed during the nabob's halt at Patna into peremptory orders to fight without delay ; and they rose before the end of the campaign to sharp reproaches and repeated directions to submit the question of an immediate attack to the judg- ment of a council of war. Major Carnac defended his delays on the ground of the opinion of his officers, of the failure of supplies, of the mutinous disposition of his troops, of the difficulty of ascertaining Shuja's posi- REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL, 40 7 tion, and tbe (lansfer of his o-ettino; into the rear and chap. taking Patna or carrying off the nabob. All these arguments, except the first (which they wished to have clearly ascertained by a regular council of war), appeared to the Government to have exactl}^ the opposite ten- dency from that ascribed to them by Carnac, and to point out the necessity of bringing things to a speedy decision. Their opinion did not induce Major Carnac to move his main body, but he sent a detachment imder Major Champion to get into Shuja's rear and invade his country. The progress of this detachment, which before long june 5, crossed the river Gogra or Sarju, induced Shuja to fall ^'^' ' ' back on Baxar, a town near his own frontier, though still within Mir Jafir's territory. Here he took up liis cantonments for the rainy season, leaving Champion at liberty to pursue his operations beyond lhe Ganges. This success did not satisfy the Government, which kept up a constant pressure on Major Carnac to advance, re- quiring him to explain how it could be safe for a small detachment to act in the enemy's country, and unsafe for him. But Major Carnac had now good reasons for his inactivity : his troops having suffered too much during their last campaign in the rains to undertake another in that season, his decision not to move had the decided concurrence of Major Champion and all the other principal officers to whom, in compliance with the orders of the Government, he submitted the question. Soon after Shuja's retreat, he applied for leave to come to Calcutta, that he might prejDare for going to England, to which the Government readily assented.'' " The whole of the proceedings in the war with Shujd-u-Doula are from the correspondence in Appendix G7 to the Third Report, pp. 3G3- 383. A few particulars are from the Scir id Mutakherin. 408 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. ^t i\^Q same time with the military operations some political transactions were likewise going on. After the breaking out of war with Cdsim Ali, and the cala- niities which attended it, a great change took place in the spirit of the conncil ; three new members came in to replace those cut off, several of the old opposition were gone back to their stations, and those who remained gave their zealous assistance to promote the public business. The time having arrived which Mr. Van- sittart had fixed for returning to Europe, the seven members present (including Major Carnac and three others of the old opposition) unanimously requested him to remain till the country was completely settled ; and to this spirit is to be ascribed their consistency and firmness during the subsequent transactions.^ Before Casim Ali had crossed the Caramn^sa, Shujd- u-Doula made offers of his friendship to Major Adams^ and proposed that the British should guarantee the payment of the revenues of Bengal to the King, in return for a patent conferring that province on Mir Jafir. The British Government rejected this proposal, but the nabob gave in to it, signed an agreement to pay 280,000^. a year, and took measures for remitting half the money immediately. The Government put a stop to this proceeding, pointing out to the nabob that such an expense was useless in any circumstances, and at present pernicious, as supplying Shuja with funds to employ against the nabob himself. On this Shuja laid aside his pacific views, if they ever were sincere, made his treaty with Cdsim Ali, and marched to invade ]^>ehar.° ^ Letter in Vansittart's Narrative, iii. 421. ^ Appendix 67 to the Third Report, pp. 363 and 365. Seir ul Mutak- hcrln, ii. 300-304. REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 409 Mir Jafir's anxiety to propitiate Shuja and to pro- chap. cure an appointment from Shah Alam might in part be _ ' ' _ owing to timidity, but in a greater degree to a wisli to strengthen himself in the event of any future dispute with the English. It was attributed by the Govern- ment of Calcutta to the influence of Nandcomar, of whose intriguing and unprincipled character they had lonoj entertained srreat distrust. At the time of IMir Jafir's restoration, this man was in confinement on account of some correspondence with the French, but the nabob made it a condition of his accepting the government that he should be allowed to employ him in his service. The majority of the council, though with great reluctance, thought it necessaiy to yield this point, and Nandcomar was now the nabob's prime minister. The Government's suspicions of Nandcomar were increased after the breaking out of the war with Shuja. To him they ascribed the sudden emptiness of the nabob's treasury when the year's revenue had just been collected, the failure to provide grain for the army in an unusually abundant season, and the nabob's delay in returning to Calcutta where his presence was much required. The same opinions had occurred to Major Carnac, who had further reason to suspect a correspon- dence with the enemy, and he anticipated the wishes of the Government by earnest ap})lications to the nabob to remove the suspected minister. They were, however, entirely unavailing, and Carnac judiciously withheld a direct demand of the same nature from the Governor himself, which it was obvious could have no good effect.^ ' Vansittart's Narratire and the Minutes of the Cinmril, iii. 347-355 ; Ai)peiulix 07 to tlie Third Report, pp. 367- 370. 410 IlISE OF B1UTI8II rOWEU IN INDIA. CHAP. XliG iieii'otiations broken off as above mentioned ^_11_ were renewed after Shuja's retreat. At the time of his invasion, he had written a letter to the English Govern- ment in the highest strain of Oriental arrogance, com- manding them, on pain of the severest punishment, to send back their troops to Europe, and to return to their usual obedience to the Emperor. After his repulse at May 12, Patna, he addressed a letter to Mir Jatir in which he proposed that Jaiir should hold his provinces as deputy for his (Shuja's) son, on whom the Emperor had con- ferred them ; the English also, if faithful and obedient, were to be allowed to retain their districts. To this insulting proposal the nabob sent a sub- missive answer, saying that he had consulted Major Carnac, and that the English objected to any arrange- ment unless Shujd would either deliver up Casim Ali and Somroo, or imprison them himself; that if this were done he would himself be ready to give every sign of his obedience and attachment, and the English would show equal devotion. The first account of these negotiations received by the Government was an indistinct one through a private channel. As soon as it reached them, they wrote to Major Carnac to forbid all negotiations ; they said the only terms they could accept were the sur- render of Cdsim Ali and Somroo ; and that these could not be hoped for but through military operations, which they desired might not be delaj^ed for a single hour. They disapproved of the nabob's solicitude to obtain a commission from Shdh Alam, and positively forbade his carrying on any negotiations without Major Carnac's concurrence so long as the war continued. The correspondence was afterwards transmitted to the Governor by the nabob, as were some letters in REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 411 which it was kept up. These last mentioned were from chap. two of Shujd's ministers, who professed to intercede U with their master in the nabob's favour. They related his extreme displeasure at the proposal for surrender- ing his guests, but represented him as somewhat paci- fied by their entreaties, and at last induced to declare that if the province of Behar were ceded to him, he would take the demands of the English mto considera- tion, otherwise they must be totally rooted out and destroyed. The cession of Beluir was too much even for the nabob, who rejected the proposal with many complaints of its unreasonableness. On the arrival of these letters the Grovernment ex- pressed its surprise at having received no information respecting them from Major Carnac, and appointed Mr. Batson Resident with the nabob, directing Major Carnac to proceed in conjunction with him. Major Carnac explained his silence regarding the negotiations by saying that he had given himself no trouble about them, as they were carried on through an irregular channel. He defended the nabob's attempts to procure a commission from the Emperor, and, as he had before retracted his bad opinion of Nandcom 'r, he was now at variance with the Government on all subjects.'*^ The negotiations above described took place during Shujas halt at Patna. After his retreat he found it necessary to lower his tone, and (to save his own dignity) he made use of the Emperor as a channel for his overtures. It was now proposed to imprison and punish Cdsim Ali, but it was doubtful whether Behar was not required as tlie price of this concession.^ - Appendix 07 to the Third Report, pp. 373-378. ^ Mr. Batson's letter of June 10, Third Report p. 379. 412 insE OF BRITISH rowEii ix india. IX. CHAP. Major Carnac replied that notliing would satisfy tlie English but the actual surrender of Casim Ali and Somroo. The negotiation, however, went on until the ]>ritish Government repeated tliat they Avould not treat unless Casim Ali and Somroo were first delivered up, and that even then they would not agree to any cession or payment, nor to any sacrifice beyond desisting from their invasion of Shuja's territories. They also di- rected that Shujd should be apprised that the bearer of any overtures from his camp made without the sur- render of the two delinquents would be treated as a spy.* By this time ^Ir. Batson had arrived in camp. Though formerly one of the most violent in opposition, he now concurred in the views of Government, and thenceforward there were no further negotiations on the part of the English, though a correspondence with the enemy was still kept up by the nabob.'' In the first of Shuja's overtures (May 12) he dis- claimed all connection with Casim Ali. It is probable he never intended to do more than use him as the means of acquiring the whole or a part of the Bengal provinces for himself. After his retreat, he took measures for getting rid of the engagements he had formerly entered into. He called on Casim Ali to pay up the promised subsidy, and on Casim's de- claring his inability, unless he were allowed to go and levy contributions on his former territory, he announced that the Emperor intended to insist on the immediate payment of the arrears of the revenue due to him, and that he should not interfere to prevent his Majesty's enforcing the demand. Casim Ali, who perfectly un- derstood the real meaning of this message, abandoned "» Appendix to Third Report, pp. 379-380. ^ Mr. Batson's letter of June 14, Third Report. REVOLUTIONS IN BENGAL. 413 his tents and property and assumed the dress of a fakir, chap. To remove this piibUc scandal, Shnja desisted from his importunities, and went himself to persuade Casim Ali to return to his natural character. But he only changed his mode of attack, for a few days after Somroo marched with his battalions and surrounded Casim All's tent, demanding his arrears of pay. Casim Ali produced the money from a concealed hoard, but declared himself unable to retain so large a body, and desired Somroo to restore the guns and muskets of the battalions, which were his property ; but Somroo (probably on some pretext of unsatisfied claims) refused to give them up and carried them over to Shuja-u- Doula with whom he had already taken service. Whether the disclosure of concealed resources seemed to Shuja to afi*ord a pretext for renewing his exactions from Cfisim Ali, or from whatever other motive, he now threw off the mask of moderation, placed Casim Ali in confinement, and seized on all his property.*" This was the state of things when Major Munro End of arrived in the English camp. He had been on the 1764.' point of embarking for Europe from Bombay, when repeated expresses arrived from Bengal requesting him to come and take the command of the troops of that Presidency. On reaching Calcutta he was immediately ordered up to Patna, and arrived there some time in the month of Jidy. He was accompanied by some reinforcements, native and European, which he had brought from Bombay. The army, no longer occupied by the presence of an enemy, had again shown a mu- tinous disposition. Immediately after Munro's arrival a battalion of sepoys marched off from Cluipra to join the enemy. Munro had arrived at that station tlie day ® JScir III Mutakherin, ii, 320 336, ■114 KISK OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. CHAP, before, with a detachment of Europeans. He sent them IX. with a battalion of sepoys who could be depended on to pursue the fugitives. They surprised them in the night and brought them back to Chapra, where Munro had the troops drawn up to receive them. He directed the officers of the battalion to pick out twenty-four of the most active ringleaders, tried them by a drumhead court-martial of native officers, and ordered them to be immediately blown away from guns. While four of the men were fastening to the guns, four others represented that they were grenadiers and entitled to the lead, and claimed their privilege on this occasion. Their demand was acceded to, for pardon was impossible, after which the officers of all the battalions of sepoys reported that their men would not suffer any more executions. If Munro had before thought of sparing any of the prisoners, it was now out of the question. He drew up the Europeans in front of the sepoys, loaded his guns with grape, and ordered the sepoys to ground their arms on pain of being treated as enemies. They grounded their arms, and the remaining prisoners were executed to the last man. Munro now prepared for movement, allowing the violence of the rains to pass, but before the end of the bef\T season he was in motion to engage the enemy. After A.D. i76t. some slight opposition at the Son he advanced to Baxar, where he found Shuja-u-Doula entrenched, with his left on the Ganges. While he was considering how to turn these lines, to his surprise he saw the enemy march out to attack him. The English had about 7,000 regular troops, of whom 840 were Europeans and 900 irregular horse. Shuja's army was not less than 40,000, includ- ino^ Somroo's re'ht chap. XI with them amomitecl to only 180 men, and the treasure ^ to somethmo- more than 400,000 livres m dollars. Some Septem- . . . berl6, diamonds, which had been taken from an English ship, a.d. itoo. valued at 400,000 livres, were added to this supply.^ The disappointment was great in the colony, and it broke mto consternation when they found the fleet pre- paring for immediate departure. A public meeting was held, and attended by the officials and inhabitants of Pondicherry. They remonstrated m the strongest terms against the proposed desertion, mvolving, as they be- lieved, the rum of the French settlement. In the pro- test which was drawn up, D'Ache was held responsible for its loss, and a threat was held out of addressmg an immediate complaint to the King and the mmistry. Alarmed at this resolution, D'Ache consented to land some of the force, consistuig of 400 CafFres and 500 Europeans, but adhered to his resolution of leaving the coast. Whether more could have been eff"ected seems doubt- ful. The English fleet confronted their opponents while they lay off Pondicherry, and although the latter got under way, no engagement ensued. Orme says the English fleet was driven by the current to the north ; the French admiral says he was becalmed. Neither of them was eager for an encounter, and in the state of their vessels this is not surprising. So straitened were the French at Pondicherry that they could neither supply provisions for the fleet nor the means of refit ; and their cordage and timber had been largely used up by the artillery ; and so D'Ache bore away to the distant isles iu tlic ludian Ocean." ' Lally, Memuire, etc., p. 128. - This is D'Ache's statement {Meniuiir, p. 2()). His defence of his 496 KISE OF BIUTISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. If Lally ever entertained an}- hopes of bringing his ^ enterprise to a successful issue, they were now dashed for ever ; and he not unreasonably refers, in his subse- quent defence, to the act of D'Ache as giving a final blow to his policy. From this time the coast was occupied by the fleet of the English, and the prospect of any material relief from France was cut off. The moral effect of the departure of the fleet now manifested itself in a most alarming form. Complamts were openly made by the troops, whose pay was more than a year in arrear, and the officers could not venture to check them, because they were incontestable. At length the attempts to punish some acts of insubordina- tion brouo'ht matters to a crisis. Withm an hour the Oct. 17, drums of the Lorraine regiment beat to arms, and in an instant every man was on the parade.^ The commis- sioned officers, and every sergeant except two, were excluded, and the regiment marched to a neighbourmg mountain, lately occupied by the English force. The two other regiments, on hearing the drums of the Lorraine, also beat to arms as if expecting an attack. A party from the Lorraine was sent to confer with them, and invited them to join m redressing their wrongs. These words ran like fire ; a cry was raised to march, and in spite of the exhortations of their officers, who were desired to retire, they marched off with seventeen pieces of cannon, their bazar and market, to which they appointed the usual guard. On conduct during the campaign shows him to have been very irresolute ; but he may be credited in what he says of the want of jjreparation for a naval campaign, and the straits to which he was driven to relit his ships, for they had no port or magazines in the Eastern seas, except at the Isle of France. * Lally's biographer says that this was the tenth mutiny, but that the others Avere partial. FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 497 reaching tlie mountam of Yanclewasli, tliey appointed chap. tlie sergeant-major of the grenadiers of Lorraine their ' commander-m- chief, and he in turn appomted another sergeant his major-general, and others of the rank and file to the command of companies, with the usual titles of commissioned officers. The most perfect order was mamtamed. The camp was pitched, and every detail of duty and discipline strictly observed. Some of their officers were allowed to enter the camp, but they were forbidden to attempt to exercise any authority, and on fears bemg expressed that they intended to go over to the enemy, they pointed to their guns, which were ranged in front of the camp in the direction from \\'liich the English army might be expected. When the news of the revolt reached Pondicherry, a council was held, and Lally advanced 10,000 pagodas from his own chest, and his example was followed by members of the council, who sent their own plate to the mint. The alarm was so great that many of the inhaljitants came forward with similar offers. Viscount Fumel was sent with full powers to treat with the mutineers, and after considerable negotiation, which was at one time broken off by the violence of some of their number, they were mduced to accept half the pay due at once, with the promise of the rest in a month, and a free pardon for the past. The army then marched back to Yandewash under their old officers, where the even- ing was passed m dances and merriment as after some signal success.^ So complete a triumph confirmed the nnitineers in their belief that Lally had purposely withheld the money he had received by the fleet, and he had henceforth to experience the alienation of the army m addition to that " Orme, ii. 528. K K 408 mSE OF BRITISH POWEK IN INDIA. CHAP, of tlie civil and military authorities of Pondicherry. ^ His differences with the latter now broke out afresh, owinsf to the unfortunate action of the home ""overn- o mcnt. His early successes had made them sanguine of future triumphs, and the despatches which reached Pondicherry from the Company and ministers, compli- mented him on the fall of Cuddalore, Fort St. David, and Devi-Cottah, which, they added, ' T^dll render for ever memorable your arrival at Pondicherry.' They added some instructions to carry on his inquiries into the state of the Company's affairs, to which they had attached so much importance on his appointment to the command. The confusion which reigned in the finances of these settlements had already led to the appointment of a special commission charged with the control over the territorial revenues and the disbursement of funds required for the war. Monsieur Clouet, who was charged with this duty, after passing several months at Pondicherry, gave up the attempt in despair and quitted tlie settlement. The Company m their despatch charo-ed the council with refusmo; to eive the informa- tion M. Clouet required, and evading the inquiry. They now ordered him to return, and charged Lally with the task of mquirmg into the whole administration of the Company, and tracing the origin of what they pro- nounced to be abuses without number. Reference was specially made to the collection of the revenues of ceded districts and the system of rentmg, regardmg which little information, and that of an unsatisfactory kind, had reached France.^ A more unfortunate appointment could not have been made to carry out such an inquiry, even if Lally ^ Memoire pour le Comic de Lally, Pikces Justificatives, pp. 21, 28. FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCPL 499 had been supported by colleao-ues familiar with details chap. of Indian administration. Charged as he was with the ' conduct of a war, and l^roken in health and worn w4th anxiety, it remained a dead letter, and only served to point the sarcasms he addressed to those with whom he was henceforth in constant collision. Well miglit Voltaire say, referring to these instruc- tions, that had Lally been the mildest of men he must have been hated. This unfortunate step on the part of the authorities at home rendered co-operation next to impossible, and contributed to the downward course of subsequent events. The same despatches invested Bussy with the rank of second in command, and for a time brought these two generals into some accord. Lally made advances to his colleague, but their views were discordant, and in the conferences which followed, Bussy reverted to his old views of reviving the alliance with the Viceroy of Heiderabad. After the fall of Masulipatam Saldbat Jang hastened back to the capital, and came to terms with his brother Nizam Ali, who was reinstated in his high office. The younger brother, Basalut Jang, alarmed at this combi- nation, made open advances to the French, and marched southward accompanied by the small French force of 200 Europeans and 2,000 sepoys, that had been dignified wdth the name of the army of observation. Bussy urged Lally to enter into alliance with the Viceroy, and in the straitened state of the French fortunes Lally made no objection. A meeting took place between Bussy and Basalut Jang in the neighbourhood of Cuddapa, about 100 miles distant in a direct line north of Arcot. But so low was the reputation of the French that the Mogul prmce made it a condition of his alliance that the K 2 500 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. French should surrender to him Arcot and other ' possessions in the Carnatic, subject to the payment of one-third of the revenues, assist him in his war with liis brother, and that after the peace he should be placed in possession of the whole Carnatic. As a climax, Bussy was to advance four lacs of rupees for the payment of the troops.^ These proposals rendered all negotiation impossible, and Hussy returned to the Carnatic to meet the taunts of his commanding officer, and their estrange- ment was greater than ever. While these difficulties gathered round the French colony, the affairs of their rivals continued to improve monthly. In the month of March the resources of the Eno;lish had been so much straitened that the Presi- dency, when pressed by Colonel Forde to send rein- forcements of men and money, inclined to bring their troops into cantonments and send 200 men to the force before Masulipatam. From this they were dissuaded by Lawrence, who, while satisfied of the imprudence of attacking the French in the threatening position they occupied at Conjeveram, was equally persuaded of the danger of retreating before them. The army was kept in the field. Having given this counsel, Lawrence, whose health was much impaired, resigned the connnand of the army and returned to England.^ In the latter ® Memoire pour le Sieur de Bussi/. Lettrcs, p. 144. "^ Since these pages were in type I have found among Mr. Elphinstone's papers the following fragment on the close of the career of Lawrence : — ' Lawrence now went home, worn out by ill-health and long and severe service. In addition to his many honours he went home poor ; there was then no provision for retired ofhcers, and the Court of Directors, who but for him would have seen the Company end its career at Trichinopoly, voted him a pension of 5001. Clive, in gratitude to his old commander, had previously begged his acceptance of an annuity of the same amount from his private fortune. The Court of Directors would have been liberal in rewarding a captain who had saved one of their merchant ships, but they were incapable of appreciating the merits of soldiers or statesmen.' FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. OOi part of June three vessels reached Madras from Enghmd chap. with 200 recruits for the Company's re- the welcome intellio;ence that the 84th re";!- ment in the King's service, consistmg of 1,000 men, would arrive shortly on the coast. Colonel Coote, in command of the regiment, was appointed to tlie command in Bengal, but with permission to stop and serve on the coast of Coromandel if his services were required. The satisfaction arismg from this intelligence was damped by the mformation that accompanied it, that no more treasure would be sent till the following year. The wealth of Bengal, it was assumed, w^ould supply the wants of the other Presidencies. The expected reinforcements did not reach Madras till the following October, wdien 200 men were detached to Bengal, and Coote took the command of the force on the coast. This distinguished commander, who had served under Clive in his campaign against Suraj-u- Doula, was an able and wary warrior, and soon earned the confidence of the troops who served under him. His first act was to call a council of war at Conjeveram, where the largest portion of the troops were in canton- ments. The utmost harmony prevailed, and it was determined to strike a blow at Vandewash. The fort of Vandewash, on which turned the chief interest of the campaign, was about equidistant from Madras and Pondicherry, and commanded a rich extent of country on the Paliar. and was, with the exception of Arcot, the most im})ortant place in the occupation of the French in the Carnatic. It had been attacked by the Englisli in 1757, but wdien the French concentrated their force rapidly fjr its relief the sieixe was abandoned. A more determined attack was made in September of the year 1759. The 502 RTSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, enterprise had l^een meditated for some time by the ' authorities of Madras, who collected a force for the pur- pose. It was suspended when they heard of the arrival of the French reinforcements. Major Brereton, however, who was in command, on hearing of the expected arrival of Coote, would brook no delay and insisted on carrying out the enterprise, from which he expected to win laurels before he could be superseded ; and the Presi- dency gave way. The assault was made at night by two columns, which advanced from the south and west. The pettahs were entered and traversed, and an irregular conflict ensued, but as the French rallied rapidly and were well sup- ported by artillery, the advance was checked and the column which made the attack on the west parted from their commander and became confused ; and as the day broke that fi-om the south bore the brunt of the fight. The French advanced their artillery into the streets and took the English in flank, and a retreat was then ordered. Upon this a grenadier company in passing through the gateway quickened their pace and began to run. Major Calliaud, who was at hand, instead of calling to them, rapidly ran past and stopped short before them, crying halt. The instinct of discipline prevailed, and they formed again and followed him into the pettah. It was too late, however, to rally the troops for a new attack. They w^ere drawn off* in good order, and no attempt was made by the enemy to pursue them. This gallant attack, and the skill with which the force was drawn off" in the face of a powerful artillery, is said by Orme to have increased rather than diminished the confidence of the army, but the victory remained with the French, and when the news reached Pondi- cherry Lally was so elated that he ordered a salute to FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE IRENCH. 503 be fired in celebration of the victory. It was his last chap. XI success, and was follow^ed by new disasters. " Vandewash W'as now to be attacked again, and at last with success. The urgent w^ants of the French compelled them to scatter their forces with a view to mamtenance and for the collection of their revenues. An expedition w^as organised to the neighbourhood of Trichinopoly for the protection of some territory from which they derived a considerable revenue. This led to a strong remonstrance from the council of Pondi- cherry, and formed one of the most severe charges brought against Lally at the close of the w^ar. He jus- tified himself in his defence on the plea of necessity, and added that one of his objects was to remove to a distance the battalion of India, which he accused of taking a leading part in the recent mutinies.^ Such were the difficulties of his position. He relied at the time on being joined by the army of Basalut Jang, but we have seen that this resource failed him, and the garrisons of several forts w^ere weakened to maintam a show of force in the field, and Vandewash was defended only by a small force of less than 100 Europeans and about the same number of sepoys, besides the native garrison under the killadar. Coote moved agamst Arcot wdiile Brereton proceeded with a strong detach- a.d. 1759. ment against Vandew^ash, and the following day, No- vember 27, assaulted the pettah,^ which fell after a slight resistance. On the 29th a Ijattery wdth two eighteen- pounders opened against the fort, and a breach was effected on the same day. Coote arrived with the remainder of the army, and the killadar offered to ^ MSmoire, &c., p. 472. ^ Pettah, from the Tamfl word Pettdi, the suburb of a fortress. It is often separately fortified. — Yule's Glossary of Indian Terms. 504 EISE OF BRITISH POAVER IN INDIA. CHAP. suiTender, stipulating for terms apart from the French. ' This getting wind, the French soldiers appeared on the walls and offered to surrender the fort. Coote, who was in the battery, ordered a company of sepoys to enter the breach, and the place was won. This success, m which not a man was killed on the side of the English and only five wounded, was followed by the capture of the fort of Carangoli, which lay thirty- five miles to the south-west of Vandewash. The pettah was attacked on December 4, the battery opened fire and breached the walls on the 6th. Colonel O'Kennedy, an officer of reputation m Lally's regiment, refused all terms, and a hot fire was continued for two more days, when there remained shot for only two more hours in the besiegers' battery. A flag of truce appeared un- expectedly on the walls, and Coote, to whom time was of the highest importance, granted nearly all that was asked. The garrison, which consisted of one hundred Europeans besides sepoys, marched out with their arms, colours flying and drums beating. These successes raised the reputation of the English army m the southern provinces, and the King of Tan] ore sent horse and foot to the nabob at Trichinopoly. Lally became sensible of his error m detaching so large a force to the southward, which nothing but the sternest neces- sity could have justified. He therefore sent orders to recall them all with the exception of 300 Europeans who were left in the pagoda of Seringham. January, J^e French force was at this time concentrated in A.D. 1760. the neighbourhood of Arcot, and the two armies re- mained facing each other for several weeks without either of the commanders venturmg to strike a decisive blow. Coote's hesitation was justified by the superiority of the enemy's cavalry. Lally had better reasons for FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FIIENCIL 505 avoiding an action in his distrust of his own troops, and chap. he was moreover in expectation of an early return of the force under Moracin from the northern provmce. Both leaders were during the interval in treaty for aid from Maratta soldiers of fortune who were ready to sell their services to the highest bidder. Lally oiFered terms which brought to his side a detachment of more than 1,000 horse, and his superiority in the field was so established that Bussy, who ^vas advancing rapidly to join him, ventured to offer hmi a piece of counsel which might have averted the disaster that followed. He urged him to engage m no more enterprises which would divide his forces, but keep them concentrated on the Paliar, detaching the Marattas to lay waste the English districts, when they would be reduced to the necessity of either givuig battle under disadvantages, or retiring for sub- sistence on Conjeveram, where they would be hemmed in, and leave the French m command of the neighbour- ing districts.^ The wisdom of this advice is confirmed l)y what we are told by Orme of the shifts to which tlie English were now driven by the clouds of native horsemen that surrounded their camp and cut ofi" their supplies, while plenty poured into the enemy's camp. It was enough for Lally that this proposal came from Bussy, against whom his feelings were so embittered, and it was set aside. Lally decided on the step which proved his ruin — the attempt to recover Vandewash. Here again the warning voice of l)nssy was raised, lodging him to return to the policy he adopted on his first arrival in India, and to concentrate his forces and occupy a position * Lettres de Messieurs de Bussy, de Lallij, et autres ; Letter of October 6, 1759. 506 RISP] OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. Jan. 16, A.D. 1760 ^xi^" 'between the enemy and Madras, which would force tliem . to fi<>-ht at a disadvantage, but the advice was proffered in vain. The facility with which Coote had gained possession of the place encouraged Lally in the belief that he would carry it before Coote could bring relief. The first dash was attended wdth success. Some hesi- tation was shown by the French troops when they approached the wall of the pettah, whereupon Lally rode up, and, calling for volunteers, ran forward to the ditch and mounted the wall, followed by the troops. The English were driven out and batteries erected against the fort. Coote, who had long expected this movement, now prepared for action. His measures were soon taken. A breach had been made on the 20tli, and on the follow- ing day Coote was at hand with his cavalry to recon- noitre the position. Receiving a message from Shirlock, who w^as in command of the garrison, that a breach had been effected, he ordered the main body of the army to advance from Outramalore, a distance of about fourteen miles. The mountain of Yandewash extends for about a league from the north-east to the south-west, the fort lying at a distance of about two miles from the western extremity. The French attack was made on the south front by a portion of the army, and was covered by the remainder, which lay at three miles from the eastern end of the mountain, and at about two from the fort ; the left of its camp was protected by some tanks and en- closures. The plain was hard and dry, and admitted Jan. 22, of the advaiicc of the troops in order of battle. After reconnoitring the position, Coote rode back to his troops and announced his intention of leading the army to a general action ; this was received with acclamation, and the troops formed in line of battle. As this was followed A.D. 1760. FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 507 by no corresponding movement in the Frencli camp, chap. Coote decided on an operation which seems hazardous in ^ tlie face of so active an adversary. He drew his army off, coasting tlie mountain along some stony ground at its foot where tlie enemy's cavalry could not act, with the object of forming afresh when he arrived opposite the fort, whence he could either throw new troops mto the fort or engage the enemy, supported on his flank by the fire of the fort. This skilful manoeuvre determined the action of the French general. The camp immediately beat to arms, and soon after the troops were seen issuing from the lines to take up their position on the field chosen by the British general for the decisive conflict. The accounts which are presented to us of the relative strength of the two armies differ materially. Accordmg to Orme, the French force, mdependent of those in the trenches, consisted of 2,250 Europeans and 1,300 sepoys. The English army consisted of 1,000 Europeans and 2,100 sepoys, besides native cavalry. Lally says {Memoire, c^c, p. 476) that he had only 1,100 Europeans agamst 2,600 English. It is admitted by Orme that the English had a superiority m field artillery. While the two lines were approaching, and before they were within cannon shot, the French European cavalry, taking a large sweep on the plain, came down on the left wing of the English army. The British native cavalry attempted to wheel to meet this attack, fell into confusion, and left the British horse, only eighty in number, to bear the brunt of the attack. The division of sepoys on the left being ordered to fall back in an angle, also got into confusion, but Captain Barker brought two guns to bear upon the approaching horsemen when they were within point blank range ; 508 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, the (|iiick tirinfr of the ^juns broimht down ten or fifteen men and horses, and threw them into such confusion that they went off in a gallop. This is the account of the aiFair as described by Orme, from, it may be presumed, eye-witnesses of what occurred. It appears from Lally's account that he headed the charge, and throws the blame of the failure on the regimental officers who refused to follow him, one of whom he suspended on the spot. The troopers whom he harangued then advanced, but only for 150 yards, when they were dispersed by the fire of one of the enemy's guns, leavmg their general alone on the field.'-^ The result of the battle, he says, would not have been doubtful if his European cavalry had not refused to follow hun m the charge of the enemy's left ArtTiig, which began to give way. In the same spirit he taunted Bussy with bemg the only prisoner made by the Eni>iish. The English army halted while this attack was repulsed, but now advanced to close mth the enemy. Their artillery fire was better directed than that of their adversaries, and the Lorraine regiment on tlie French right was much galled by it. Tally, who had joined them, ordered them, with his usual impetuosity, to close with their enemy. They advanced in column, and broke through the opposing British line ; but the rest fell on their flanks, a hand-to-hand encounter ensued, and the Lorraine regiment was scattered and ran in disorder to regam the camp. This was followed by a scene of confusion on the left. The explosion of a tumbril in the entrenched tank blew up eighty men and drove the ^ Memoire pour le Comte de Lally, p. 163. Lally says in a previous page that none of the Maratta auxiliary horse left their camp with the exception of 40, and this is confirmed by Orme. This may explain the hesitation of the French cavalry. FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 509 survivors from the tank, who were followed by 400 chap, sepoys, who were m its rear. Coote instantly sent an " aide-de-camp to order Draper's regiment to take pos- session of the entrenched camp before the enemy could recover from the confusion. Bussy was m command on the left. After attemptmg in vain to rally the fuo-itives, he endeavoured to check the British advance with L ally's regiment. Both French and English accomits agree that Bussy was ill- supported, and as two pieces attached to Draper's were brought to bear on the flank of Lally's regiment, the men began to waver, and Bussy found himself with only twenty men, his horse was shot under him, and before he could extricate himself he was a prisoner. This decided the battle. The wino-s beino; broken, the centre fell back, but not m disorder, followed by the English regiments, which re-formed and entered the enemy's camp without meetuig any opposition. The French cavalry, 300 in number, alone prevented the victory being converted into a rout. When they saw the confusion, they formed in the rear of the camp and checked the English horse, who were too few in number to venture an attack. The field-pieces in the rear of the camp assisted in covering the retreat, and the whole army moved off, passing the pettah of Vandewash, where they were joined by the besieging troops from the trenches, leaving twenty-four pieces of cannon in the hands of the English, besides eleven tumbrils of am- munition, tents, stores, and baggage. The loss of the French, including prisoners, was estimated by Orme at 600 Europeans. In Lally's own account of the engagement the loss of European troops is said to ha^'e been equal on both sides. This is denied by Orme, who gives the English 510 lUSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, loss in killed and wounded at 1 90, while the French ^ left 200 dead on the field besides 160 prisoners, chiefly wounded, who fell into the hands of the victors. The moral effect of the victory was incalculable, and the un- fortunate French general, with a demoralised army and at war with all around him, and deserted by his own Govern- ment, was unable henceforth to attempt any operations in the field, and confined himself to taking up a defen- sive position at Valdore, within a mile of Pondicherry, from which he could keep open his communications with the southern districts. It is contended by Lally that the French resources were now so low that if Coote had followed up his success by movmg on Pondicherry he would have become master of the place in eight days, inasmuch as it did not contain a single magazme.^ One receives with some distrust statements intended to convey a charge that the council of Pondicherry, and not the general, was answerable for the fall of the place and the extinction of French power in the Deckan ; but there seems every reason to believe that no provision had been made for a siege, for the eftorts of the French were directed durmg the several months which followed to collect supplies and prepare for a struggle which was inevitable. The field was now open to Coote to strike successive blows at the French fortresses throughout the Carnatic. In tlie course of three months Chittapet, Arcot, Tri- nomali, Permacoil, Alamparvah, and Cdrical. Valdore, and Cuddalore fell into British hands. Of these Carical ^ Tableau hisiorique de Vexpedition de VInde, p. 32. The general says that he had for two years addressed orders and menaces to De Leyrit to form magazines. The same charge is retorted on Lally by the council, and forms one of the seven capital indictments they framed against him. FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH . 511 alone, an important port on the coast, offered any spirited chap. resistance. ' The sacrifice of these small garrisons, including several hmidreds of European troops, increased, if pos- sible the odium with which Lally was regarded, though most unjustly, for had not the progress of the English army been delayed by these operations, Pondicherry w^ould have been at once hemmed m and cut off from all supplies. In these desperate circumstances an un- expected ally appeared in the field, and checked the progress of the English for a tune. Hei'der Ali had in the preceding year acquired the whole power of the government of Mysore. Mahomed Beloly, his great-grandfather, was a native of the Pun- jaub, and settled m the Deckan as a fakir. He acquired some reputation for sanctity, and with it some property. His descendants became successful soldiers, some of them takmg service with the Raja of Mysore. Heider's rise was rapid. He showed such ability and resources that he eclipsed or destroyed his rivals, acquired posses- sion of the powerful fortress of Dindigul, and aspired to a lead m the politics of the country. The occasion was afforded by a mutiny of the troops of the Dalwai or regent, the raja's uncle. Heider used the authority of the raja to reduce that of the regent, and compelled him to retire to a Jagir. The raja was now brouglit forward, l)ut, being young and unequal to the burden of the government, the whole power fell into the hands of Heider Ali, who readily entertained the overtures made to him l>y Lally. Negotiations were opened through a Portuguese monk of the name of Noronha, titular Bishop of Halicarnassus, who had resided for many years in the south, and ac(|uired some knowledge of the politics of tlie country. A treaty was arranged, 512 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, by wliich Heider was to supply a force of 2,000 horse ^^' and 4,000 sepoys with artillery, to be subsidised by the French, and to have the important fortress of Thiagar made over to him. Terms were also arranged for the division of future acquisitions by the allies. By this treaty Heider found employment for a large force, and ^A'hat was at the time more important, the possession of a fort beyond the territory of Mysore, where he could store his treasure and find a refuge in case of any turn of fortune. He therefore engaged in the enterprise with great alacrity. A force of 1,000 horse and 200 sepoys arrived at Thiagar early in June, and began to press on Kisnarao, the Maratta auxiliary of the English. They were joined after an interval by a French detachment, and as they increased in number they began to sweep the territory of the Nawab, and collected a large herd of cattle. Their first attempt to throw supplies into the French camp was successful. The negotiation had been con- ducted with such secrecy that Coote received no mtelli- gence of the alliance till the army was in motion, and he had no force at hand to check their advance. A mixed force under Major Moore of less than 3,000 men, 230 of whom were English, encountered the Mysore army near Trivadi, which lies south-west of Pondicherry, and were repulsed with severe loss, and the convoy reached Pondicherry in safety. Another convoy was collected at Jinji, but the English were now on the alert, and the French force at Pondicherry experienced great diffi- culty in keeping open the communication with their new allies. The marauding portion of the Mysore army was very active, and the revenues of the Nawab were lost wherever these parties appeared. The French took up a position several miles from Pondicherry, to XI. FINAL STEUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 513 cover the action of their allies, but avoided an encounter chap. with the enemy. These plundering enterprises were attended with very moderate success, and the provisions collected were largely consumed by the Mysore force who had joined the French camp. Several months were consumed in this irregular warfare, in the course of which an incident oc- curred which serves to illustrate the disorder which pre- vailed at the head-quarters of the French. The ill-feeling which had long prevailed was heightened, if possible, by the successive losses of the detached garrisons, and gave rise to charges of incompetence or treason, to which Lally retaliated, complaining to the council of the cabals and intrigues against which he found it impossible to contend.^ In this state of feeling an English squadron suddenly appeared in the roads. There were only 600 European soldiers, invalids, in the town ; but there were, in addi- tion, 500 European residents, a large number of whom were the covenanted servants of the East India Com- pany. Orders were given to parade the whole number on the strand in view of the squadron, but a short time before the hour, the servants of the Company proceeded in a body to the court of the Government House and flatly refused to move, unless ordered to do so by the Governor and council. De Leyrit, to his credit, offered to place himself at their head, but the other coun- cillors declared that none were obliged to bear arjns out of the walls of the town. Lally confined himself to arresting the two spokesmen of the council and two of the most forward of the iiuitineers, and after dis- arming and dismissing the rest, he Avent on with the review. Such- was the temper in which the French ^ Letter of February 9, 1700. liecucU des Icttves par Mcsars. de Leyrit et de Lally, p. 423. L L 511 KISE OF BKITISH POWER IX IXUIA. CHAr.. colony were prepared to enter on their final struggle ' for existence.'' The town of Pondi cherry — the prize for which the English were contending — lies about seventy yards from the sea, and was defended by several low bastions which commanded the road. On the three sides to the land it was fortified by a wall and rampart, flanked by eleven bastions, and surrounded by a ditch and imperfect glacis. At a distance of a mile from the walls ran a hedge of large aloes and other thorny plants, intermixed Avith palm trees, forming a defence impenetrable to cavalry, and of very difficult passage to infantry. This enclosure began at the north near the sea, and ran for five miles and a half, till it joined the river Ariocopang at a point a mile and a half from the sea. The river, which has two arms enclosing an island, completed the barrier to the south. Five roads led from the town, and at each of the openings in the hedge was built a re- doubt mounted with cannon. Beyond the river was a fort of the same name, capable of holding a garrison of 300 men. The area enclosed by the hedge comprised nearly seven square miles, and afforded pasture for a number of cattle.^ The strength of the works had been tested by the English attack in 1748,^ and Lally was confident that with the aid of the Mysore troops he might keep the English at bay and secure the arrival of occasional convoys till relieved by the French fleet. Five hundred Europeans were detached to secure the fortresses of Jinji and Thiagar, and keep open their communica- ti(ms. Their plans were frustrated by the defection of the ' Orme ; Memoire pour le Covite de Lally, p. 140. ^ Orme, i. 104 ; ii. 655. '' See ante, p. 113. FINAL STEUGGLE WITH THE ^EENCII. 515 Mysore general. The alliance was not very cordial frum chap. the be2:inninor. On the arrival of his brother Mnkdiim _^11_ Sahib at Pondicherry he became aware of the disunion that prevailed. Lally says that De Leyrit disapproved of the convention, and warned Heider Ali of the disfavour with which it was regarded, Jidding that Lally might soon expect his recall ; whereupon the Mysore chief refused to take any part in the struggle until the signature of the Governor and council was added to the treat}'. De Leyrit bemg thus obliged either to dismiss the auxi- liaries or support the measures of Lally, reluctantly consented to the latter alternative, and the measures for provisionmg the town proceeded. Difficulties, however, arose in Mysore which brought that alliance to a close. When Major Smith, who commanded at Trichmopoly, heard of the arrival of the iNIysore force in the Carnatic, he proposed to the Government of Madras to create a diversion by invading Mysore. This met with its approval, and he now pre- pared to carry this out with a force consisting of 50 Europeans, witli two guns and four cohorns, 700 sepoys, 600 horse, and 1,000 peons armed with match- locks, drawn from the territory of the Nabob of Tanjorc. Besides these were 3,000 coleris from the neighbour- ing Poligiirs, who joined in the hope of plunder. With this motley force he advanced boldly to attack the fort at Cariir, within the territory of Mysore, only fifty miles from Trichino2)oly, and occupied by a strong garrison equal in number to the attacking force, exclu- sive of the coleris. Under cover of their field -j)iece.s they crossed the i-iver on which the pettah is placed, occupied it, and from this approached to within forty yards of the fort, and thence proceeded by doidjle sa[), with eartli and gabions on each side, to the edge of the L L 2 516 RISE or BRITISH power in INDIA. CHAP, ditch and blew in tlic counterscarp. The hitter 0])era- ' tion, owing to the small number of Europeans, was tedious, and seven days were employed in carrying the sap ; but the success Avhich attended the advance alarmed the garrison, who saw their enemy approaching under cover to the foot of their walls, and fearinii; the fort might be entered by the same means, they proposed terms. The Governor disavowed any participation of the King of Mysore with Heider Ali, whom he styled a rebel, and offered to surrender the bastion attacked, the rest of the English force remaining in the pettah, until orders arrived from Madras, with whom would rest the decision whether the fort should be surrendered. As one eighteen-pounder of the besiegers burst during the negotiation. Captain Smith accepted the terms which placed British troops in a coumianding position in the fortress, and his conduct received the approval of the Presidency, who were now satisfied that Heider Ali and the King of Mysore were at variance, ordered Smith to hold possession, disavowing at the same time any hostility to the King. While this little campaign was in progress events occurred in Mysore which determined the alliance of Heider Ali with the French. Balaji Rao, the general and regent of the Marattas, crossed the Kishna early in the year to levy chout in the Deckan, and in the month of June appeared on the confines of Mysore. At this critical movement Heider Ali, as if by disgust, resigned his post of general and mmister, in the full expectation that the approach of the Marattas would lead to his reinstatement in increased power. The artifice nearly proved fatal to him. He discovered that the ]\Iarattas had engaged to seize his person, on which he mounted in the dead of night and lied witli a hand- FINAL STEUGGLE WITH THE rEP:KCIT. 517 ful of liorseinen from the neiglibourliood of Seringapatam, chap. where he was residing with his family in fancied seen- ' rity, and reached Bangalore the next day, and having secured the garrison, he sent orders to his brother to quit the Carnatic without delay and join liim at Banga- lore. Mukdiim Sahib hesitated to sacrifice the prospects of plunder and of cessions of territory from the French alliance, and remained in the Carnatic till he received more peremptory orders from his brother at the begin- ning of September, when he retired from the Carnatic with all his troops, restoring to his allies the fort of Thiagar. Such were the ups and downs of public life in India in those days. Lally now experienced a more serious defection than a.d. izgo. that of the usui*per of Mysore. The French squadron at the Isle of France encountered at the end of January a hurricane which mflicted serious damage on the fleet, swept the island, and destroyed the magazines of grain. Months were employed in repairing the damages to ships, and in their crippled condition very little could be done to supply the fleet with the provisions they usually procured at the Cape or at Madagascar. On June 8 a vessel arrived from France with intellioence o that an expedition was being fitted out in England to attack these possessions, and that a regiment would be sent from France for their defence. The squadron was ordered to remain there. The news of the storm reached Pondicherry in July, with dubious assurances of the return of the squadron to the coast of Coromandel. Lally put little faith in these promises, and when he received intelligence concerning the supposed attack on the Mauritius, he abandoned all hope of relief, though he concealed his opinion, and gave out that the ships which had 518 EISE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. CHAP, left for Madagascar might shortly be expected on ' the coast. Many months had elapsed ere the French had re- ceived any reinforcements. They were abandoned by their own Government and unable to form any alliance with any native power. Under such disadvantages, and at war with those around him, Lally maintained a determmed front to the attack of his besiegers, and com- pelled them to resort to the slow process of a blockade, protracting his resistance for nearly a twelvemonth from the battle of Vandewash. A.D. 1760. The last day of August brought to the English camp the welcome intelligence of the arrival on the coast of six Company's ships, with 800 men drafted to replace the deficiencies m Draper's and Coote's regiments. The British general now made preparations for an attack on Pondicherry. In this he received the hearty co-opera- tion of Mr. Pigott, Governor of Madras, who represented m a memorial to Admiral Stevens the necessity of getting possession of the bound hedge* audits redoubts without delay, and with a view to the completion of the mvest- ment of the place, he urged the attack on the fort of Ariocopang which lies to the soutli.'' He therefore pressed the admiral to land all the marines of the fleet to support the attack, and to remain on the coast through the approachmg stormy season to complete the blockade. The admiral was loth to deprive himself of the marmes m case of the approach of the enemy's squadron, but readily acquiesced in the unportance and benefit of the service *^ I use the name which is applied to the fence by Orme and other English writers. It is properly the hedge of the bounds or limits of the French possessions, when they first established a factory on the coast. ' Ce n'etait d'abord qu'un comptoir entourj d'une forte haie d'acacias, de palmiers, de cocotiers, d'alofes ; et on appelait cette place la haie des limites.' (Voltaire, Fragment snr VInde.) ' See ante, p. 113. FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 519 they might render ashore, and landed the whole force at chap. Ciiddalore, amoimtmo' Avith then' officers to 423 men. ^ Five days later there arrived at Cuddalore three King's ships with a convoy of several Company's ships, and an addition to the land forces of part of a Highland regmient. The fleet before Pondicherry now amounted to seventeen sail of the Ime. Some difference of opuiion existed between the two English commanders as to the pomt to which the first attack should be directed. Coote attached the first im- portance to the possession of the fort of Ariocopang which guarded the approach on the south, while Monson urged an immediate attack on the bound hedge, which mth its redoubts covered the east and north fronts. The pertmacity with which the latter pressed his views caused some delay, and Lally hearuig of move- ments m the besiegmg camp, and suspecting that they intended to take the mitiative, determmed to be beforehand with them, and marched boldly out to attack the enemy's camp. The enterprise was well planned, and the surprise was complete. The French were divided mto three columns, which a.d. lieo. advanced along two avenues that led from the west of the town. One of the attacks, delivered against a redoubt on some elevated ground to the left of the English position, was repulsed. Another division passed to the left, and carried a redoubt on a hillock in front of the English camp. A sharp encounter occurred at a retrenchment m the avenue to the left, but the promptitude with wliicli Coote brought down troops to defend the position checked the enemy, and the French officers, hearing nothing of the main attack on the left and rear of the Englisli camp, which had been repulsed, 520 RISE OF BKITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHA.P. drew off, and the enterprise collapsed. The failure ' was attributable to a mistake made by the column on the right, which did not arrive at its appointed place till the otlier attempt had either been repulsed or ceased — not an uncommon event m midnight enterprises con- ducted by different forces under a common design — but it furnished Lally with the means of makmg a sharp attack on the commander of the Company's troops who led the column. At this critical period a change took place in the command of the English troops which is imperfectly explained. The ships which last arrived brought com- missions from the War Office promoting Majors Brere- ton and Monson to the rank of lieutenant-colonels, with dates prior to that of Colonel Coote ; but they were ordered not to assert their commission while he re- mained on the coast. The latter officer, however, rightly assumed that it was mtended to remove him to his orio;inal command in Beno-al, and decided on de- livering over the command at once to Monson, notif}dng his intention to proceed with his whole regiment to Bengal. The President remonstrated against this, and Monson declared that if this part of the force were with- drawn, he must abandon the siege. Coote, thus appealed to, consented to their remaining, and himself left for Madras. Coote's supersession did not last long. Monson, on taking the command, seized on the opportunity to de- liver the attack on the bound hedge which he had lately pressed ineffectually on his superior in command. The redoubts which covered the Ime of defence guarded the avenues which led to the town from the west, and were held by the prmcipal part of the French force, some of which was advanced to the villao-e of Oulgarry which FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 521 lay between tlie hedge and the English camp, but the chap. numbers \v^ere unequal to the defence of such a position, '. . and it was not conducted with vio;our. The English force was divided into two brigades ; that to the left, which was commanded by Monson, had to take a laro-e circuit throuoh some rismo; orround, and fall on the extreme right of the French position. The right attack, which was commanded by Major Joseph Smith, the senior officer of the Company's troops, ad- vanced direct from the English camp on the village of Oulgarry, A sharp encounter took place at this post, which was defended by an entrenchment. This work was stormed by two companies of the attack, and the main body passmg to the left through some gardens came on the force in the village which now opened fire from the field-guns. The English guns were drawn out to reply, but Major Smith, who enjoyed the confi- dence of his men, ordered an instant attack, and the enemy who were dispirited by the loss of the entrench- ment, offered only a slender resistance and were driven . out of the village. A scene of confusion now arose similar to that Avhich had marred the French attack and nearly proved fatal to the enterprise. The left attack wandered among the sand-hills, and the officer who led to the right also lost his way and sent back to Monson for instructions. When day broke Monson found his troops in disorder, but pushing boldly on through ground broken by enclosures, he came suddenly on the redoubt and received the fire from a twenty-foiu* [)ounder which killed eleven of the assailants and ^rounded twenty-six, among whom was Monson himself, whose leg was broken in two places. This did not check the advance of the grenadiers, who made their way through 522 lUSE OF BRITISH rOWlOK IN INDIA. CHAP, the embrasures, and the o-arrisoii ran out at the fforo-e, " and those who defended the hedge, which was attacked at the same time, abandoned their posts also, and hurried in disorder to gain the glacis. Meanwhile Monson's rearguard, which had lost its way, advanced between the two attacks, and its sudden appearance equally startled both friend and foe. Major Smith, who commanded the left attack, sent messenger after messenger to discover who they were, but the French who were in advance of the hedge lost heart and returned to the redoubt, into which they were followed by Major Smith with such vigour that the English passed the hedge and the garrison of the redoubts returned to the town. On the ensuiug night the enemy made a vigorous attack on the iorts which they had abandoned, the gorges of which were open to the town, but they were defended with resolution, and the attacking party was too small to make an impression. Sept. 3. The judgment with which the enterprise was planned was confirmed by the abandonment of the Ariocopang fort. Two days after the fall of the western redoubts, the French retreated from the south side, and as they were leaving it they sprang a mine which blew in the bastions to the west, and laid the whole place open. When the news of these successes reached Madras, Coote was still on the coast, and as Monson was disabled by his wound, Coote was urged by the Presi- dent to assume the command. lie accordingly returned to the camp before Pondicherry on September 20, and followed up the attack which Monson had initiated with such vigour that in the course of ten days the enemy were driven out of the two redoubts that FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FREXCH. 523 remained in tlieir possession, and the bound hedge was chap. converted from a line of defence to one of investment, '. . which eftectually closed the approach on the land side, except where a small island in the Ariocopang river kept open the communication with the south. The lasi redoubt was carried on September 27. a.d. itgo. The rainy season was drawing to a close, and tlie besiegers, distrusting the results of a blockade, which might at any time be terminated by the return of the fleet, decided on takins; advanta2:e of the chanc-e of season to press the siege with vigour. Battering guns and ammunition were brought from Madras ; a battery was formed on the north-east angle of the works, and opened fire on November 10. Some more batteries were completed at the beginning of December, but the work of landing stores was slow, and the fire was ineffective. Frequent attempts were made by the French to keep open the communication mth Thiagarand Jinji, where the garrisons were active in collecting provisions, and frecj[uently skirmishmg with the English force in the field. Their efforts were supported by three French ships, which lay under the command of the guns of Pondi- cherry. Two of them, however, were cut out by the boats of the English fleet ; a spirited enterprise in which 2G boats with 400 men were eno-aoed, and carried off tlie ships in spite of a heavy fire from the French batteries. As the resources of the garrison became more limited sio:ns of the straits to which the "-arrison were reduced became frequent. At the begmning of November an attempt was made to force the English lines by a detachment which was sent to reinforce the troops in the field, but they were intercepted and driven back. Later in the month, about fifty horse, the remains of the (24 RISE OF BIUTISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, cavalry, for whom no forage could be found, were sup- ' plied with picked riders, and thrown across the river, and the men were ordered to make their way to Thiagar. They were accompanied by 200 grenadiers who, passing the river on rafts, advanced and delivered their fire, and under the confusion which arose, this small band dashed off across the plain. In October, when the want of provisions began to press hard, Lally assembled a general council and pro- posed the immediate expulsion of the black inhabitants. The proposal was resented by the Europeans as depriv- ing them of their domestics, and the assembly broke up Avithout coming to any decision. But on November 27 the garrison was reduced to such straits, that this act of authority was put m force by Lally without remon- strance, and a motley crowd of 1,400, of both sexes and of every age, w^ere expelled from the gates. On reach- ing the English lines they were stopped by the advanced sepoys, and compelled to retire ; they returned to the foot of the glacis, and some of them who attempted to pass over to the covered way were fired upon and killed. For six days these wretched people wandered in bands over the plain, till at length Colonel Coote, finding the French general mflexible, allowed the whole multitude to pass. The French troops were now put on an allowance of a pound of bread a day, with occasionally a little meat ; but as the provisions^ became scanty, strict search was made in every house, and wdiatever could be found was brouo-ht to the common store. At the close of December the public store did not exceed the con- sumption of three days. At this conjuncture an event occurred which pro- mised for a tune a prospect of deliverance. There were FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 525 at this time eii'-lit sail of tlie line besides frio-ates Ivino- chap. XI in the road. On December 30 a lars^e swell came in " from the south-east, giving warning of an approaching storm. During the following day the wind blew in squalls, every one stronger than the last. At ten at night Admiral Stevens' ship cut her cable, and fired a signal for the other ships to do the same, but the signal guns were not heard, and the ships rode till theu- cables parted with the strain, and with some difficulty got before the wind. About midnight the a.d. irei wind veered from the north-west, w^here it beo^an to blow, to tlie north-east, and fell dead calm, and then flew round to the south-west, and blew with such fury that one line- of- battle ship was thrown on its beam ends, and only righted after cutting away her mizen and main- masts. Three others rode it out, one after cutting away all its masts. Three other vessels drove towards the shore. The roaring of the surf was not to be distinguished in the tumult of the elements ; they ^vere driven ashore two miles to the south of Pondicherry. Two other line-of- battle ships and a store ship survived the shock and pre- served their masts ; but this constituted a new danger, for m bringmg them up for the purpose of anchoring, they were overset and went to the bottom, and 1,100 7uiropeans perished with them. The ravage on land was scarcely less severe, though not accompanied by so great loss of life. All the tents and temporary casernes in the camp to the north and at the outposts were blown to pieces. The ammunition served out for service was destroyed ; nothing remained uninjured that was not under the shelter of masonry. The soldiers left their muskets on the ground, and sought shelter where it could be found, and many of the natives perished in the inclemency of the liour. 526 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. The foUowiiiir mornini>- the sun rose hrii>'ht, and XI o <^ . " showed the havoc spread around. When the garrison looked out on the scene of destruction, it was proposed to march out to attack the English army ; but the sea had everywhere broken over the beach, and overflowed the country as far as the bound hedge, destroying the batteries wherever raised. No artillery could move through the inundation, nor could the troops carry their ammunition dry, and the attempt to move from the walls was pronounced impracticable. Otherwise, it is said, for three hours after daylight scarcely a hundred men of the attack ino- force could have been collected together in a condition to resist them,^ The opposing armies now looked earnestly to the sea ; the garrison in the expectation that the Madagascar fleet might at last make its appearance, the besiegers in their anxiety for tlie missing ships of the squadron. All that Lally could now do was to send messages to Tranquebar and Negapatam to send supplies at every risk and on any vessel that could be found. Even this resource failed. Within seven days the English ships which had put to sea returned in a shattered state, and the four dismasted A^essels were rigged in a condition to keep at sea, and thus the garrison, whose minds had been elevated l)y * A recent historian of these events, who takes the most favourable view of Lally's conduct throughout, contends with confidence that the sortie ought to have been made, and assumes that it would have been made had not Lally been prostrated by illness. Orme, who was a fair if not a good judge of military matters, affirms that any such attempt was ' impracticable ; ' and this was the opinion of Lally himself, against whom the charge was afterwards preferred that he had not seized on the occasion to attack the enemy. In reply he confirms what Orme says of the extent of the inundation, and says that the garrison was too reduced by famine to make the attempt, and refers to the evidence of Landivissau, who was in command of the garrison, and said it would have resulted in a useles-s sacrifice of troops. (Memolre pour le Comte de Lally, pp. 34, 35.) FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 527 the hope of deliverance, found the road agam blockaded chap. l^y eleven sail of the line, though three were only of ^ fifty guns, but strengthened by the crews of the stranded vessels, and their boats swept the coast and drove away all the coasting vessels that came with provisions. Durmg the confusion which followed the storm some boats escaped from the town, one of them carrying the son of the unfortunate Chanda Saheb, who since the defeat of Yandewash had resided at Pondi- cherry. It was known to the English general that the French to the last were carrying on negotiations with the ^larattas. Lally's sanguine spirit clung to the hope of aid from this quarter when all other resources failed. The Marattas made overtures to both sides, and at one time threatened to join the French. It became there- fore of importance to push on the Avorks, and not trust to the slow process of the blockade. The breaching batteries when repaired were advanced mthin 500 yards of the north-west angle, and opened a fire which was returned hotly from the town. Still the attack was carried on, and preparations were made to ad\'ance the batteries nearer to the walls when this protracted contest was brouo:ht to a close. On the evenmg of January 15, Coote, while making '^•^- ^"^'^' his way to the batteries, observed a flag approachmg which preceded a deputation that came on foot, as the town had neither horses nor palanqums. They con- sisted of Colonel Durre, the commander of the artillery, Father Favour, superior of the Jesuits, wdio played a prominent part in the politics of the community, and two members of the council. The messai^e Avhich was delivered by Colonel Durre, and wliich bore Fally's signature, was liaughty and uncompromising. It 528 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, chai'ii'ecl the Enii'lislj witli liaviii'X taken Chanderiiairur ■yrj O O O O ' against the faith of the treaties of neutrality which had always prevailed among the European nations in Bengal, thouoh the French settlement had rendered the English the most signal service in succouring the inhabitants of Calcutta when surprised by Suraj-u-Dowla. It de- noioiced the Government of Madras for refusing to fulfil the conditions of the cartel concluded between the two crowns. This conduct, the message proceeds, ' puts it out of his power to propose a capitulation for the city of Pondicherry. The troops of the King and Company surrender themselves, for A\'ant of provisions, prisoners of w^ar to his Britannic Majesty, conformably to the terms of the cartel which Mr. Lally claims for the in- habitants, as also for the exercise of the Roman Catholic religion, the religious houses, &c., referring to the two courts to decide a proportional reparation for the viola- tions of treaties so solemnly estal^lished.' A special demand was made m fa^'our of the family of Chanda Saheb, which was as follows : — ' From a principle of justice and humanity alone, I demand that the mother and sisters of liajahsaheb be permitted to seek an asylum where they please, or that they remain prisoners of the English and be not de- livered into the hands of Mehemetalikan, which are still stained with the blood of the husband and father that he has spilt, to the shame indeed of those who gave him up to him, but not less to the connnander of the Eng- lish army who should not have allowed such barbarity to have been committed in his camp.' A separate mes- sage was delivered from the Governor and council of Pondicherry, with a series of requisitions claiming pro- tection for the inhabitants for themselves and property, and for the exercise of their religion ; no buildings to be FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 529 demolished until the decision of their respective sove- chap. reigns should be taken. ' These impossible demands from the military and civil authorities were smiply set aside by the English general, who, m his reply to Lally's message passed over the reference to Chandernagor and the dispute re- gardmg the cartel as havmg no bearing on the surren- der of Pondicherry, but insisted that the garrison should surrender as prisoners of war, to be treated at his dis- cretion, which should not be deficient in humanity. Assurances, however, were conveyed that proper care should be taken of the family of Raja Salieb, and that they should not be delivered mto the hands of Mahomed All. On the following day the citadel was delivered up, and the garrison drew up on the parade facing the English troops, and 1,100 men, exclusive of commissioned officers and invalids, whose faces showed marks of the privation they had undergone, took a part in this sur- render. It was found that not two days' provisions, at the scanty rate to which they had been reduced, were found in the stores. The dissolution of authority in the town was fol- a.d. itgi. lowed by a scene of violence and outrage. Whatever were the faults and shortcomings of the unfortunate general, it could not be denied that he had kept the English at bay for nearly twelve months from the battle of Vandewash, and for four months from the commence- ment of the blockade, and that the place only surrendered under the extremity of famine ; but so strong was the feeling in the settlement that he was the author of their calamities, that he was assailed l^y the most violent menaces. A party of officers, chiefly of the French Company's battalion, endeavoured to force their way to M M 530 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. Lis apartment, and were kept back only by the guard, ' and when he prepared to leave the place a still larger number assembled "v^dth demonstrations of violence. After the menace of the morning, he had applied to the English general for an escort. It consisted of fifteen English hussars, and they conveyed him in safety be- yond the walls. An hour afterwards, M. Dubois, the King's commissioner, made his appearance, but on foot. The same assembly was at hand, and assailed him with similar menaces. Dubois put his hand on his sword, and was instantly assailed by one of the number, who on the second pass ran him through the body. Such was the temper of the community that his body lay for four hours on the door step, and the cur6 of the parish refused to assist in his interment, which was performed in the garden by his servants. The unfortunate inten- dant was the depository of all the complaints that had been addressed to Lally against the officers and em- ployes of the Company, and of all documents comiected with the admmistration of Masulipatam. Immediately after his death a seal was placed on his papers by the procureur du roi, but none of the documents were afterwards produced. On the fourth day after the surrender, the harmony which prevailed between the English civil and military authorities was broken by a dispute which, under other circumstances, mi^ht have been attended with serious consequences. Mr. Pigott demanded of Colonel Coote that Pondicherry should be delivered over to the Presidency of Madras under the King's patent of January 14, 1758, which regulates the Company's share and title to captures. Colonel Coote summoned a council of war, composed of the chief naval and mili- tary officers, ^vho disputed the pretension ; whereupon FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FEENCII. 531 Pig'ott boldly declared that unless Pondicheny were de- chap. livered up to liiiii lie would not furnisli the money for ' the subsistence of the King's troops or for the prisoners. Neither the admiral nor the commander of the Kino-'s troops were authorised to draw bills on the government at home, and acquiesced in the demand, declaring the Presidency answerable for the consequences. The first use that the council of Madras made of this authority was to demolish the fortifications of Pondi- cherry. It was part of Lally's instructions to destroy the maritune possessions of the English which might fall into his hands. The instructions were intercepted, and the Directors of the East India Company gave instructions to deal out the same measure to the settlements of the French should they fall into their power. The demolition was carried out without delay, as the English fleet had to repair to Bombay to refit, and apprehension was felt that the French might arrive on the coast during their absence. The fall of Pondicherry virtually brought the war to a close. There remained only on the coast of Co- romandel two fortresses in possession of the French, Thiagar and Jinji. They occupied the crests of elevated mountains, the latter being of great extent, the walls of the works measurmg more than 12,000 yards, and the forts being supposed to be unapproachable. The garrison of Jinji consisted of only 150 Europeans and 600 sepoys, Ijcsides irregulars, and that of Thiagar was but little more. After some show of resistance they capitulated on terms. The fort of Mahe and its dependencies, on the coast of Malabar, was also reduced, and on April 5, 1761, the day of the surrender of Jinji, there remained not a fortified post in the possession of the French, thus terminating a contest which had lasted with scarce an M M 2 532 RISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, intermission of a year for fifteen years, from the date of '^^' La Boiirdonnais' attack on Madras in 1746. For more than five years after these events was the struggle between Lally and his enemies carried on, till it was closed by the sword of the executioner. Two months after the fall of Fondicherry, he sailed for Eng- land, a prisoner of war, and arrived in London in Sep- tember of the same year. He there heard that a storm was gathering in Paris, and that the complaints of the council of Pondicherry had already reached the capital. He instantly asked and obtained permission to return to France on his parole, to meet the charges on the spot. He was soon followed by his enemies, and a series of printed volumes were launched on either side, and circulated freely in the city. It would not appear from the statement of Lally' s biographer that the ministers were disposed to make him answerable for the loss of the Lidian possessions.^ His reception was not discouraging. The Duke de Choiseul sought to reconcile him with Bussy ; D'Ache made open advances to him in the full court ; the Minister of Finances stood by him, and pressed Lally to submit himself to the decision of the Kmg, a proposal tending to crush the whole dispute. In the temper in which Lally returned to France, conciliation was impos- sible, nor were his adversaries more inclmed to moderate counsels. Lally had enemies in the ministry who were ready to take advantage of the storm that broke on his liead, and screen themselves under the cover of those attacks. A war had now ended, in the course of which the armies and navies of France had been worsted, and it had been stripped of important possessions in all parts of the world. On November 3, 1762, terms of ® LiugrapJile Utdcevselle, xxiii., article 'Lally.' FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 533 peace were signed under which these cessions were chap. acknowledged. On the 1st of the same month the " Minister of War signed the lettre de cachet, by which Lally was to be consigned to the Bastile. Intimation was conveyed to him by the friends of the Mmister, in the hope that he would quit the scene. He was too proud and too conscious of his innocence to act on the suggestion. On the contrary he hastened to Fontain- bleau, and wrote to the Duke de Choiseul, bringing, as he said, his head and his innocence, and he surrendered himself to the prison which he was not to quit till he was dragged to the scaffold. In the petition which the Governor and council of Pondicherry presented to the King m reply to the attacks of Lally, they urged him to name the tribunal to which they should be referred. A difficulty now pre- sented itself to the Government as to the court T^dlich should take coofnisance of these mixed charo-es of mill- tary and civil crimes and misdemeanours. They were ulstituted in the first instance in the Chatelet or criminal court, but tlie letters patent of the King removed them to the grand chamber of the Parliament, and the charges were drawn up m general terms which involved inquiry into the conduct of all parties. They were there re- quired to i]ivestigate all criminal acts in India both before and after the arrival of Lally in the settlement.^ This show of impartiality was set at naught in tlie sub- sequent proceeduigs. The Procureur-General directed the proceedings agamst Lally alone, and as the terms ' These are the terms of the reference as (jiiotcd l>y the autlior of tlie article in the Bloiirap}tie. The court was instructed to take cognisance ' de tons les delits conimis dans I'Inde, tmtt avant que (kpuia VeAivoi du Comte (h Lally.'' The words italicised do not appear in the terms as (juoted by Voltaire, but he adds words which make them equally general: 'Four etre le procos fait et parfait aux auteurs desdits delits, selon la rigueur des ordonnancfcs.' 534 KISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. ciiAr. high treason and Icse-tnajeste had been introduced into ■ the act of accusation, he was deprived of the aid of counseL The accused now became accusers and wit- nesses in their owai cause, and the disgraceful spectacle was produced of a general officer being confronted with officers of the lowest rank before a civil tribunal of the highest instance, to meet the accusations of a monk and a party of merchants regarding the operations of a campaign. The scandal of the procedure did not rest there For nineteen months he remained m prison before he was subjected to the usual interrogations. Through the wdiole of the proceedings he was deprived of counsel, though on three several occasions he made the demand to be allowed the assistance afforded to the meanest crimmal. For two more years did this dis- graceful process drag on, durmg wdiich he w^as con- fronted with a troop of witnesses, against thirty-four of whom he entered charges of incompetence. With his usual mdiscretion he had brought charges agamst Bussy and D'Ache — against the latter with some reason, as havmg by his abandonment of the coast been the chief cause of the fall of Pondicherry ; though the charge really bears more against the Government at home for their long neglect of the settlement. These officers published volumes in vindication of their conduct, and contributed to sw^ell the proceedings and confuse the case. During the w^hole process the general maintamed the same haughty and m temperate bearing, retorting charges against one and all of his accusers, and even attacking his judges. This last con- duct was calculated to provoke an adverse decision, but neither the violence of the attack nor of the defence serve to clear the conduct of the court m their sentence. The Parliament of Paris when in full court consisted FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 535 of upwards of 100 persons, and by its constitution was chap. independent of the crown. It had been on some ' memorable occasions in conflict with its authority. It had sympathies with the people and had partaken of the passions of the multitude. Two French historians, Voltaire and Sismondi, referring to these transactions, attribute their conduct on this occasion to their hostility to all officers in military command, and reference is made by the latter historian to various instances where this spirit was shown. The charges agamst Lally resolve themselves into three heads ; abuses of his authority in his treatment of public servants in the East, pecuniary corruption, and military misconduct. The council of Pondicherry, in framing this indictment, did not pretend to specify any acts of malversation, but held him accountable for the receipt of revenues and contributions, leaving the pecuniary question to the investigation of the Govern- ment, and nothing but vague suspicions were alleged against him on that score. It was on the last charge that they laid the principal stress, and they were em- bodied in nine articles, which in their words proved ' something more than mere want of capacity.'^ They cover the whole campaign, which was marked by many blunders, but none of them warrantmg the malignant accusations agamst him, and embraced such questions as the conduct of the siege of Madras, the division of the French army before Vandcwash and its dispersion after that event, the imprudence of keeping the Mysore forces inactive on the glacis of Pondicherry, to the exhaustion of the stores of the place ; and finally the rejection of every expedient and counsel that was incessantly offered to him lor the relief of the place ^ Lally, Mcmoirc, Pieces Justijicalivcs, No. 98. 536 I^ISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP. These were questions for a military tribunal, which " Lally in vain demanded. The Parliament of Paris, after admitting every frivolous accusation, specimens of wdiich may be found in Voltaire's narrative,^ gave a deliver- ance which stands as a monument of judicial folly. No specific acts of misdemeanour are alleged, the military misconduct is entirely passed over, but he is declared attainted and convicted of having betrayed the interestn of the King, the State, and of the East India Company ; of abuse of authority, and exactions and vexations agamst the subjects of King and foreigners, inhabitants of Pondicherry ; in expiation of wdiich he w^as condemned to be deprived of his honours and dignities, and to be beheaded by the public executioner. Voltaire, in recordmg this sentence, takes pams to inform his readers that the expression ' betray interests ' signifies m French no more than to neglect or mjure interests, and not fraud, and that it has no analogy to the high treason of England, the corresponding words in French law being lese-majeste. The terms m the sentence were employed deliberately to give colour to the malignant cry that w-as raised m France that he had sold Pondicherry to the English, and they w^ere so understood by Lally himself, who, wdien the sentence was read, mterrupted the officer of the court when he came to the words betrayed the interests of the King, and exclaimed ' It is false ; never, never ! ' He then broke out mto violent language against his judges and the mmisters, whom he accused of being the authors of his fate ; then recovering himself he suddenly seized a compass that w^as lying on tlie table and plunged it into his bosom. The blow' did not penetrate the heart, and he submitted with fortitude to the sentence, which w\is ^ Fragmens aur VTnde, article xix. FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FEENCH. 537 attended with circumstances of unusual ignominy. The chap. execution was hastened by six hours, in order to antici- ' pate, so it was supposed, any appeal to the crown ; a common cart was prepared, and a large gag was placed in his mouth, and m this state he was dragged to the place of execution. So perished, in the sixty-seventh year of his age, a man whose faults of temper and want of judgment are conspicuous in the narrative of the struggle m which he took a part. The national historians of these events take pams to pomt out the extravagance of the charo-e against him of having sold Pondicherry. They do not deserve a serious refutation ; and yet it was to the belief in his guilt m this respect tliat he owed his fate, and this sentence was pronounced by a tribunal composed of public functionaries of the highest dignity, not m the first burst of passion which followed the announcement of the national dishonour, but upwards of five years after the events to which they refer, and nearly four years after the signature of the treaty of peace. Orme closes his narrative of the career of Lally with a brief review of the military questions which would have been submitted to a board of general officers had his request been complied vdth, and points out that, of the many errors attributed to hun, some were venial, and others capable of justification in the difficult circum- stances in which he was placed, and all would have l^een viewed with discernment and judged with unpartiality. His narrative closes with a well-merited encomium on the sagacity and enterprise displayed by Coote through- out the campaign, in which he won the confidence of his troops, and was seconded by the civil authorities. It is to be remembered throughout that Lally was confronted by public servants of the highest abilities 538 RISE OF BRITISH rOWER IN INDIA. CHAP. (Clive, Coote, and Pigott) wlio acted together with the utmost harmony, in marked contrast to the wretched bickerinfi:s of the French. Ten years later this iniquitous judgment was annulled by an act as formal as that which had pro- nomiced the sentence. Lally left a son to whom he gave a parting charge to vmdicate the memory of his father. On his coming of age he presented a petition to the Council of the King to annul the judgment. So complete was the change m public opmion that the petition received the unanimous assent of eighty magistrates, and after thirty-two sit- tings of the court the unanimous decree of seventy-two magistrates was declared, not merely on the injustice but the illegality of the former sentence. The violati n of legal forms which had preceded and accompanied this judgment was so glarmg that the reporter, Lambert, in drawing up the decree of cassation pronounced emphati- cally that there were no witnesses and no crune. The memory of Lally was now vindicated, not merely in public opinion, but in the technical language of the court. The young Lally, to make his victory complete, resorted to another process, not unusual in French history, by which the attaint which attaches to those who have suffered for the crime of U'se-majesie has been removed by subsequent judicial proceedings. He demanded his honourable acquittal of the crime of lese-majeste. This appeal w^as also accepted, and the procedure was closed by a royal edict in which a high eulogium was passed on the conduct and services of the unfortunate Governor.^ The death of Lally did not restore life to the French East India Company. On the termination of the war, * Biographie Universclle, article 'Lally.' FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 539 wlien tlie settlements were restored to France, it became chap XI a question with the Government whether the exchisive " privilege of trade should be renewed. A review of the disastrous career of the Company was drawn up by the Abbe Morellet, who spoke on this occasion, according to Voltaire, as the mouthpiece of the ministry, and in opposition to the renewal of those privileges which it was contended had been the cause of their ruin, and which ought never to have been confirmed. It would be harsh to pronounce with this writer that there was something in the genius of the French character, if not its Government, which rendered them incapable of association for such commercial enterprises. The failure of the French, as contrasted with the success of the English, the Dutch, and even the Danes, is pointedly referred to by the Abbe Morellet, with the apparent approval of Voltaire ; but this failure is rather attributable to the acts of the Government than to the servants of the Company. The Company of France had been pampered from the time of Richelieu, and between the years 1727 and 1769 they had been supplied with funds from the State amounting to the enormous sum of o76 millions of livres,^ while the treatment of men ^ Voltaire, Fragmens sur VInde. He contends that were it not for the monojioly they possessed of the sale of tobacco, their bankruptcy was inevitable. The Abbe' Raynal (Hiduire rhilosophique, ii. 479) concludes his history of the French settlements in the East with a review of their finances, and concurs with Voltaire in attributing their failure in a great degree to their dependence, or, as that author expresses it, to their servi- tude to the Government, more particularly after the year 172.3, when the Directors were ajipointcd by the Court, but overshadowed by the King's commissioner. But Raynal attributes far more to the corruption that pervaded every branch of the administration. The local government was tainted by the irregular gains which the wars of Dupleix and the alliances with native princes gave rise to, and the peculation was unbounded. Men of quality with ruined fortunes flocked to the East, and the Directors who profited by the patronage were obliged to shut their eyes to the disorders that prevailed. Many of the charges detailed by Raynal are a repetition 540 KfSE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. CHAP, like La Bourdonnais, Dupleix, and Lally, would have ' destroyed any State however prosperous. The French settlements never recovered from the ruin of their affairs in the war which closed in 1762. Pondicherry was restored at the peace a heap of ruins. The council of Madras, in their dread of the revival of French influence, had destroyed not merely tlie fortifications but the interior buildings. It was again occupied by French forces, and when the war broke out ui 1778 it was defended for forty days, when it again succumbed, with other French settlements, to the now well-established power of the English. In the course of the war which proved so disastrous to England in America, a \dgorous effort was made to re-establish French influence in the Deckan. When Heider Ali invaded the Carnatic in 1780, and reduced the British power m the Deckan to the lowest ebb, overtures were made to France to join in the attack on their common enemy. A fleet was despatched to the Eastern seas in March 1781, conveying a considerable land force under Bussy. In a campaign which lasted about eighteen months the French fleet under Sufl'ren, one of the most able and enterprising sailors tliat ever served in the French navy, encountered the English on four several occasions in 1782, though the latter were superior in numbers of vessels and guns, and wrested from them Trincomalee. of those that had been advanced by Lally in his Memoires, and which the Directors, in their zeal for reform, had commissioned him to redress. Similar charges, we know, were brought against the early English admin s- trators of their Indian possessions, who were exposed to and succumbed to the same temptations. The contrast between the treatment by England and France of their Indian rulers has been often remarked upon. Voltaire was the first to institute the comparison. The parallel which he draws between the career and lot of Lally and Clive is forcibly drawn, and in no respects more marked than in his concluding remarks : ' The one was a. conqueror, the other conquered. The one was beloved, the other hated. FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 541 A final encounter took place off Cuddalore, wliich chap. was occupied by the French under Bussy. The English ' had commenced the siege of the place with an inferior land force, but with the support of their fleet. Suffren, by a skilful manoeuvre, interposed between the English fleet and the fort, and as harmony now reigned between the naval and military commanders, he borrowed 1,000 men fi'om Bussy, and attacked the English fleet, now seriously reduced in numbers by the scurvy. In the encounter wliich followed both suff^erecl severely. The English found themselves so seriously weakened that they bore away for Madras, and Sufiren returned to the forces ashore the men he had borrowed, and added a corps of sailors from the fleet, which established their superiority over their opponents, whose numbers were so wasted by casualties and sickness that their position became very critical. In these circumstances intelligence reached the ^•^- ^''^^• belligerents of the signature of the terms of peace at Versailles, and terminated a war which had assumed proportions dangerous to the stability of British power in the south of India. In this struggle the relative position of the French and English was completely reversed. Unseemly struggles broke out among the English authorities both in Calcutta and at Madras, which was carried so far that Pigott, who had been honoured with a peerage, and was sent out to India to reverse the decision of the Madras council regardmg the Raja of Tanjore, was, in a dispute arising out of the claims of the notorious Paul Benfield, arrested and confined in a prison, where he languished and died. General Stuart, who was the instrument of the civil government, was in his turn arrested by the order of Lord Macartney, Governor of 542 RISE OF BRITISH TOWER IN INDIA. CHAP. IMadras, and sent home. When the war broke out with • IJ eider, the Governor of Madras was suspended, by the orders of Warren Hastmgs, and Coote employed the extensive powers conferred on him with effect and di<>-nity ; but on his retirement to Bengal, on account of his health, the want of harmony between the civil and military authorities agam proved disastrous to our affairs. This was summarily terminated by the arrest of General Stuart, who had been the instrument of the Council on a former occasion m the arrest of Pigott, and was sent home. Though no imputation rests on Sir Edward Hughes, who commanded the fleet in the Eastern seas, for any want of zeal m co-operating with the land forces, and he fought five actions wdth his adversaries ; yet on one occasion, when he left for the coast of Malabar to refit his shattered vessels, he experi- enced the same reproaches which assailed D' Ach^ in the former war, when he left the coast in possession of the enemy. Two duels arose out of these contentions ; Hastmgs challenged and shot Francis, and Lord Macartney was challenged and wounded by General Stuart when he returned to England. So closed the last effort of France to contend with its rivals for empire in India. Dreams of Eastern con- quest, we know, passed through the mind of Napoleon, and excited a temporary alarm in the councils of Eng- land, but they had little influence on the politics of India itself; and from 1783 until the British armies passed the Indus in 1839, all the wars of the English arose from their relations with the native states only, and with no reference to the affairs of Europe. From the close of the struggle with France we enter on a period distinguished by a new class of events. England FINAL STRUGGLE WITH THE FRENCH. 543 became tlie first military power on tliat continent, and chap. its government took a firmer tone in its dealings mtli iJ the native powers ; but its history is not that of wars and brilliant conquests only, but of the admmistration of a great empire, embracing the conduct of its gover- nors and the well-bemg of the people, and mvohdng questions which for more than a hundred years have profoundly mterested the people and parliament of England. Here, therefore, naturally closes the first chapter in the history of the rise of British power m the East. INDEX. ALB Albuquerque, Alphonso d', his attack on Calicut, 17 ; con- quest of Goa, 18 ; attempts on Aden, 19 ; expedition to Oniiuz, death, 20 Ali Gohar, Prince, arrives on the frontier, 338 ; overtures to Olive, 339 ; retreat, 341 ; reappears on the north-wes- tern frontier, 345 ; assumes the name of Shdh Alam, 346. See Shah Alam Ali Verdi Khan succeeds to the viceroyalty, 262 ; cedes the province of Cattac to Ragoji, 264 ; his pure life, 264 AllahaMd, capture of, 416 Almeyda, Francisco d', esta- blishes the Portuguese autho- rity on the west coast of luflia, 13 ; his son Lorenzo attacked by the Turkish fleet at Choul, 15 ; barbarous reprisals to avenge his loss, 16 ; death, 17 Amyatt, Mr., sent to negotiate with the Nabob, 391 ; dis- missed, 394 ; murdered, 396 Antoon, the Armenian, accused of infringing the Company's monopoly of saltpetre, 373 Anwar-u-din, Governor of the Camatic, 90 ; defeat and death, 130 Arcot occupied by Clive, 160 ; siege of, 161-164 Ariocopang, Major Lawrence taken prisoner at, 113 Asof Jdh imprisons his son Ndsir Jang, 89 ; settles the future BRA. administration of the Carnatic, 90 ; extent of his territories, 92 Aurangzib, Emperor, expels the English from his dominions, 64 ; Sir J. Child sues for peace, 65 B.VLAjf Rao, his league with Ghd,zi-u-din, 185 Balasor, factories established at, 39 ; attacked by Capt. Heath, 64 Basd.lut Jang makes terms with Bussy, 499 Baxar, battle of, 414 Bengal, invasion of, 58 ; its failure, 60 Best, Capt., his expedition to Surat, 34 ; stationary factors there, 35 'Black Hole,' the, at Calcutta, 273 ; sufferings of the priso- ners, 274, 275 Bombay ceded by the Portu- guese to England, 42 ; given up to the Company, 43 ; Pre- sidency transferred to, 46 Boscawen, Admiral, at Foit St, David, 112 ; at Pondicherry, 114 Bourdonnais, M. de la, sent to India, 97 ; siege and capture of Madras, 98 ; treaty of ran- som, 99 ; dispersion of the Fi'ench fleet, 100 ; imprisoned in the Bastille on liis return to France, 101 ; death, 102 Brazil, discovery of, 7 N N 5^6 RISE OF BRITTSII TOWER IX IXDTA. BUS Bussy, M. , accompanies Mozaf- fer Jang to Heidercibdd, 181 ; places Salabat Jang on the throne, 183 ; connnands the Viceroy's army, 187 ; makes over Condavir to the French nation, 212 ; his difficult posi- tion, illness, 213 ; marches for Avu-angabad, 21G; removes Seiad Lashkar and appoints Shah Ndwaz Khan, 217 ; re- commends Dupleix to make peace with the English, 218 ; joins Salabat Jang in an ex- pedition against Mysore, 238 ; marches against tlie Nabob of Savanore, 240 ; dictates the conditions of peace, 241 ; compelled to depart, 243 ; encamps at Heiderabad, 244 ; attacked by Jafir Ali, 245 ; conflicts and difiiculties, 247, 249 ; happy termination, 249 ; Oriental splendour, 255 note ; at Aurangabad, 470 ; ordered to Pondicherry, 476 ; taken prisoner at Vandewash, 509 Cabral, Alvarez, his expe- dition to Calicut, 7 ; bar- barous act of reprisal, 8 Caillaud, ^Colonel, attacked by Shah Alam, 347 ; accusations against, 351 )iote Calcutta attacked by Suraj-u- Doula, 2G9 ; surrendered to him, 272 ; retaken liy the English, 283 Calicut discovered by Vasco da Gama, 4 Canoji, Angria, his piratical de- predations, 233 ; failure of the confederates to take his strongholds, 234 Cape of Good Hope, the, dis- covered by Bartholomew Diaz, 3 Carnac, Major, attacks Sh'ih Alam and escorts him to Patna, 365 ; superseded, 367 ; . succeeds Major Ad..ms, 405 ; defeats Shuja-u-Doula, 406 ; reasons for not advancing, 406 ; explains his silence re- garding the negotiation with Shujii, 410 ; succeeds Munro ; 416 Carnul stormed, 184 Casim, Ali, cause of his popu- larity, 3")6 ; installed and pro- claimed Nabob, 359 ; reforms in the finances, 363 ; threatens to abolish tlie inland duties, 382 ; indignation with the Council, 386 ; abolishes the inland duties for two years, 389 ; complaints of the Coun- cil's rapacity and breach of faith, 390 ; his temper and forbearance, 392 ; interview with Mr. Amyatt and Mr. Hay, 393 ; detains the boats with arms, 393 ; declares war, 394 ; defeat at Udwa Nalla, 400 ; puts all his prisoners to death, 401 ; assurances of pro- tection from Shuja-u-Doula, 402 ; tampers with the fo- reigners in the British service, 403 Castro, Don John de, his triumph after the siege of Guzerat, 22 Chanda Sahe'b, 85 ; besieged at Trich'nopoly, 87 ; confined at Sattara, 88 ; liberated, 124 ; unites with Mozaffer Jang, 127 ; enters Arcot and is made Governor of the Carnatic, 131 ; negotiations with the Raja of Tanjore, 133 ; at- tacked by the Marattas, 134 ; adheres to the French, 138 ; receives the government of Arcot, 150 ; his struggles at Volconda, 154 ; deserted by his chiefs and men, 175 ; be- trayed by Manikjf, 177 ; im- prisoned and beheaded, 178 Chandernagor, fall of, 295 Child, Sir John, Governor-Gene- ral of India, 52 ; charged with cruelty to the interlopers, 53 ; temporises with the IMogul governor, 61 ; terms of agree- ment with the Governor of INDKX. 547 cm Surat, 62 ; sues for peace, 05 ; death, 66 Child, Sir Jusiah, 52 Cliout, the perquisite of the zemindars, 452 Chuta Natti, the site of Calcutta, 59 Civil servants, regular system for, 47 ; inadequate remunera- tion, 49 and note Clive, Lord, his early career, 159; character described by Law- rence, 159 ; occupies Arcot, 160 ; besieged by Rezza Saheb, 161 ; gallant defence, 162, 164; pursues and defeats him, 164; occupies the great pagoda of Conjeveram, 165 ; victory at Coverip;lk, 168 ; at Saniia- veram, 170 ; night attack, 171; wounded, 173 ; returns to England, 193 ; back in India, 232 ; his share of the prize money, 236 ; sent to Calcutta, 279 ; his full military powers, 280 ; recaptures Calcutta, 283 ; proposes peace, 286 ; the Na- bob's treachery to the deputies, 287 ; attacks the Nabob's c;vmp, 288 ; terms of peace, 289 ; re- newed negotiations for a local peace with the French, 292 ; enters Murshidabad, 322 ; re- fuses large presents, 324, 325 note ; set aside by the Court of Directors, 334 ; accepts the government, 335 ; expedition to the French possessions, 338; his jagir, 341 ; returns to Eng- land, 344 ; reception, 424 ; contestwith Mr. Sullivan, 426; payment of his jagfr wihhcld, 427 ; imderta,kes the ofticcs of Governor and Commander-in- Cliief in Bengal, 429 ; is subor- dinate to Lawrence, 430 ; state of the Government on his arrival, 431 ; investigation re- garding presents, 434; restores Sliuja-u-Doula to all his do- minions, 437 ; treaty with Sli;lh Alam and grant of the Dfwclni, 438 ; remarks on it, 444 ; defends his arrangements cou with Shujd-u-Doula, 447 ; his policy vindicated by its success, 450 ; indignaticm at the sur- render of Fort St. David, 468 note Cochin attacked by the Zamorin, 12 Coleris, the, 230 ; attack on Heron's army, 231 Coleroon, naval engagement at, 474 Company, the East India, formed, 30 ; first three voy- ages, 31 ; increased import- ance, 36 ; jealousy of the Portuguese, 37 ; their profits, 39 ; get possession of Bombay, 43 ; mutiny of the troojjs, 51 ; the interlopers, 54 ; invasion of Bengal, 58 ; loss of their factories, GG ; renewal of their charter, 67 ; foraiation of a new company, 70 ; struggles with the old, 72 ; union and incoi'poration of the two, 73 ; concessions obtained from the Emperor Ferokhsi'r, 74 Company, the French East India, rise of, 92 ; thuir settlement at Pondicherry, 93 ; rela- tions with the Gcjvernment of France, 93 ; success and ex- penditure, 95 Condavir ceded to the French, 212 Confians, M. de, defeated in Masulipatam, 478 Ccjnvicts, respited, sent to the East Indies, 253 Cooke, Mr., succeeds Sir A. Shii)man, 42 ; takes refuge with the Jesuits at Goa, 43 Coote, Sir Eyre, at Patna, 367 ; investigates Rilm Naraim's claims, 368 Cope, Capt., advances to the Coleroon, 119 Coromandel, affairs on the coast of, 337 Correa, Caspar de, his Lawlaa da India, 1 note Council, the, violent resolutions about the inland duties, 384- 386 ; Mr. Amyatt and Mr. 548 RISE OF BRITISH ROWER IN INDIA. COU Haj- sent to Monghir, 387 ; treatment of the Nabob's de- puty at Dacca, 390 Courten, Sir W., new company formed by him, 38 ; average of profits, 40 Covelong and Chinglipvit garri- sons defeated bj' Olive, 193 Criminal jurisdiction in native hands, 455 D'AcHK, Count, encounter with the English fleet under Po- cocke, 494 ; departure of the fleet from Pondicherry, 495 Dacoity, or gang robbery, 456 Dalton, Capt., left in charge at Trichinopoly, 192 ; dis- covers the Dalwai's conspira- cies, 198 ; his diminished troops, 198 ; scarcity of pro- visions, 200 ; arrival of Law- rence, 200 ; return to Europe, 208 Dalwirli, the, affords assistance to Mohammed Ali, 166 ; claims the fulfilment of the condi- tions, 190 ; attempts to gain possession of Trichinopoly, 15J6 ; his intrigues detected, 197 ; returns to his own coun- try, 229 Deckan, the, important events in, 211 ; difliculties in, 237 ; attempts to re-establish French power in, 540 Devi Cota, capture of, 122 Diaz, Bartholomew, discovers t he Cape of Good Hope, 3 Diu attacked by the Portuguese, 21 Divvani, the grant of the, 438 ; remarks on the transaction, 442 Dost All's succession to the go- vernment of the Carnatic, 83 ; h's death, 86 Drake, Mr., his answer to Siu-fij-u-Doula, 266 ; abandons Calcutta, 271 Duboia, M., killed at Pondi- cherry, 530 Dupleix, M., the governor of FEE Pondicherry, 90 ; disputes with La Boui'donnais, 98- lOO ; violates the treaty of ransom with the English, 104 ; organises an expedition against Fort St. David, 106 ; friendship with the Nabob, 108 ; attack on Cuddalore, 111 ; ambitious schemes, 123 ; gains the Maratta chiefs and the Patan nabobs, 145 ; made governor of the Carnatic, 187 ; exertions to restore his mili- tary force, 189 ; negotiates with Mr, Saunders, 218 ; created marquis, 223 ; super- seded, 226 ; his character, 226 ; death, 227 Dutch, the, their activity and energy in the East, 29 Dutch expedition, the, from Ba- tavia, 342 Eastern Islands, the voyages to, 31 Ellis, Mr., Chief of Patna, 373 ; disputes with the Nabob, 374 ; takes Patna, 395 ; sent pri- soner to Monghir, 396 ; mur- dered by Casim Ali, 401 FiREBRASS, Sir Basil, represen- tative of the interlopers, 68 Forde, Lieut. -Col. , expedition to the Northern Circars, 478 ; defeats the French under Couflans, 479 ; siege and as- sault of Musalipatam, 490 ; makes terms Avith Salabat Jans, 492 Fort St. David built, 67 ; M. Pai'adis' expedition against, 106 ; attacked by Lally, 466 ; surrendered, 468 Fort St. George erected at Madras, 32; attacked by the French, 483 Foudjaree, the, or Court of Cri- minal Jurisdiction, 452, 455 French, the, ascendancy of, 151 French and English, the, com- INDEX 549 FRY mencement of struggle be- tween, 8L Fryer, Dr., on the salaries of the Company's servant;*, 49 note Gama, Vasco da, his voyage of discovery, 3 ; at Calicut, 4 ; jealousy of the Arab traders, 5 ; detention and pursuit, G ; return to Portugal, 7 ; second expedition, 9 ; cruel acts, 10, 11 ; insists on the expulsion of the Moors, 11 Ghazi-u-din claims his inherit- ance, 194 ; receives his com- mission, 195 ; appoints Mo- hammed Ali Nabob of the Camatic, 195 ; death, 19G Goa taken by Albuquerque, 18 Godeheu, M., succeeds M. Du- pleix, 224 ; releases the Swiss prisoners, 225 ; concludes a treaty with the English, 228 ; leaves India, 229 Gomashtas, or commercial a- gents, thtir abuses and rapa- city, 377 Guzerat, siege of, 22 Hamilton, Capt , his charges against Sir John Child, 53 note Harrison, Lieut., his gallant de- fence of Trichinopoly, 210 Hastings, Warren, 373 ; sent to Patna, 375 : endeavours to adjust the inland duties, 379 ; memorandum on dacoity, 457, 458 Hawkins, Capt., at Surat, 32 Hay, Mr., his mission to the Nabob at Monghi'r, 393 ; murdered, 401 Heath, Capt., sent to Bengal, 63 ; burns Balasor and destroys forty Mogul vessels, 64 Hei'der All's alliance with the French, 511 ; defection, 529 Heron, Lieut.-Col., sent against Madura and Tinivelly, 230 ; attacked by the Coleris, 231 ; dismissed the service, 232 Hijeli, its climate, GO Hindostan, its comparative tran- quillity due to Clive's policy, 451 Holwell, Mr, commands the garrison at Calcutta, 271 ; capi- tulates, 272 ; sufferings in the 'Black Hole,' 274; loaded with fetters and sent to Mur- shidibad; 276 ; released, 277 ; act'ng governor of Bengal, 352 ; proposes to depose the Nabob, 353 ; attempts to re- vive the M)gul Government, 354 Hvigli, capture of, 59 Inland duties and tlicir abuses, 37G ; agreement on the terms, 380, 381 ; abolished by the Nal'ob, 382 Interlopers, or illicit traders, 40; reappearance of, 50 ; their treatment by Sir John Child, 53 ; criminally prosecuted, 54 J.vFiR Ali Kha'n head of a party against the French, 242 Jinji in the possession of the French, 144 Keigwin, Capt. , proclaimed governor of Bombay, 51 Khoja H'di accused of a plot to murder the Nabob, 33G ; assassinated, 337 Kidd, Caiit.,his system of piracy, 69 Kil Patrick, Capt , left in coMimand at Trichinopoly^ 227 Lally, Count dr, his early ca- reer, 4GI ; sent to India, 4G3 ; siege and capture of Fort St. David, 465 168 ; com])lains of the want of support from the 550 r.ISE OF BRITISH POWER IN INDIA. LAN council of Ponclicherry, 471 ; his peculiar character, 472 vote ; expedition to plunder Tanjore, 473 ; failure and re- turn to Pondicherry, 474 ; recalls Bussy and Moracin from the Deckan, 477 ; be- sieges Madras, 481 ; failure and retreat, 487 ; alienates the army, 497 ; appointed to enquire into the finances of the Company, 498 ; defeated at Vandewash, 508 ; violent treatment on the fall of Pondi- cherry, 529 ; charges against him in Paris, 532 ; imprisoned in the Bastille, 533; execution, 537 ; his memory vindicated, 538 Lancaster. Sir James, his treaty with the King of Achi'n, in Sumatra, 31 Law, M., capitulates to Mo- hammed Ali. 179 ; taken pri- soner by Major Carnac, 365 Lawrence, Major, sent from England, 109 ; his stratagem to save Cuddalore, 111 ; taken prisoner at Ariocopang, 113 ; storms Devi Cota, 121 ; joins Dalton at Trichinopoly, 200 ; gallant attack on the French, 204 ; saves the town, 205 ; second attack and retreat of the French, 207 ; g(^es into winter quarters at Coilndi, 208 ; operations before Trichi- nopoly, 220 ; returns to Eng- land, 500 note Legal condition of Europeans in India, 70 80 Madras, siege and capture by the French, 98 ; Mahfiiz Kh;in sent to disposse.'-s them, 102 ; prepaiations for the siege, 481 ; the Black Town occu- pied by the French, 484 ; arrival of the British fleet, 486 ; retreat of the French, 487 Mahfiiz Khan invesis Madras, 102 ; attacked by the French, MOR 103 ; retreats to Arcot, 104 ; sent with Heron to reduce Madura and Tinivelly, 230 ; remains in possession, 232 Mangoes cultivated by the Por- tuguese in India, 23 Manik Chaiid appointed gover- nor of Calcutta, 282 Marattas, the, war with, 87 ; assist Nasir Jang, 134 ; peace concluded, 211 Marlborough, Lord, sent to Bombay, 42 Middleton, Sir H., detained prisoner at Mocha, 33 Militia organised at Bombay and Madras, 47 Mir Jafir, his secret overtures to Mr. Watts, 299 ; goes to Plassy, 302 ; removed from his command, 311 ; terms of the treaty, 312 ; pretended reconciliation with the Nabob, 317 ; joins the English, 322 ; proclaimed Viceroy of Bengal, 322 ; his weakness and irre- solution, 331 ; accuses Rai Dvilab, 332 ; insurrections and plots, 333 ; deposed, 361 ; pro- claimed Nabob in Casim All's place, 397 ; joins the army, 399 ; endeavours to propitiate Shuja, 409 ; severe terms im- posed on him, 418 ; death, 419 Miran orders the death of Suraj- u-Doula, 326, and that of the Nabob's infant nephew, 332 ; killed by lightning, 350 Mogul Empire, the, anarchy and confusion in, 219 Mohammed Ali, 133 ; escapes to Trichinopoly, 147 ; gets assist- ance from the English, 153 ; alliance with Mysore, 107 ; his engagements with, 190 ; suc- cess at Trinomali, 208 Mohammed Kiili put to death by Shujci-u-Doula, 340 Mohammed Said, 89 ; assassi- nated, 91 Moor, origin of the name, 7 note Mortezza Ali poisons Safder Ali, 88 ; acknowledged as Nabob ISDEX. 551 MOZ of Arcot, 89 ; accused of the murder of Mohamined Said, 91 ; succeeds Rezza Siiheb and takes Arcot, 202 Mozaffer Jang unites with Chanda Saheb, 127 ; his com- mand of the army, 129 ; enters Arcot, 131 ; deserted by his friends and followers, 137 ; imprisoned, 138 ; released, 147 ; rejoicings at Pondicherry, 148 ; marches towards Heider- abad, 181 ; death, 183 Munro, Major, at Calcutta, 413; quells a mutiny, 414 ; battle of Baxar, 414 ; of Allahabad, 410 Mutiny of the troops at Bombay, 51 Mutiny of the French officers, 137 ; and of the army, 493 Mysore attacked by the French, 238 ; amount of arrears claimed, 239 ; invaded by Major Smith, 515 Najum-u-Doula succeeds Mi'r Jafir, 420 ,' objects to the treaty, 421 Nandcomar, suspicions of his fidelity, 409 ; sent prisoner to Calcutta, 421 Nasir Jang's rebellion and im- prisonment, 89 ; succeeds Asof Jah, 120 ; advance on Pondi- cherry, 135 ; joined by Major Lawrence and (iOO Europeans, 13G ; Dui)leix's negotiations, 139 ; character, 141 ; inactivity, 143 ; assassinated, 140 ; divi- sion of his treasures, 149 Niizim, the, authority of, 453 Norris, Sir H., ambassador for the new Company, 71 Nueva, John dc, sent to rein- force Cabral, 9 Omi Chand, 200 ; suspected by the Government of Calcutta, 208; gains the couhdcncc of Suraj-u-Doula, 285 ; cousulted about the treaty with the REZ Nabob, 303; his exorbitant demands 304; the Red Treaty, 300 ; goes to Calcutta, 309 ; death, 324 Ormuz, capture of, 37 Paradis, M., sent to Madras, 103 ; annuls the treaty, 104 ; expedition to Fort St. David, 100 ; at Sadras, 100 ; second expedition to Fort St. David, 109 ; death, 115 Patan nabobs, the, Dupleix in- trigues with them, 135 ; their defection, 140 ; murder of Nasir Jang, 140 ; share of his treasures, 149 Patans, the, of Carniil, 184 Patna, massacre of the English at, 401 Persia, trade with, 37 Pirates, increased number of, 08 ; suppression of, 75 Pischard, Ensign, his gallant defence of Calcutta, 209 Pitchanda, surrender of, 175 Plantain, the last pirate of note, 75 Plassy, battle of, 319-322 Pondicherry, French settlement at, 93 ; sieges of, 115, 110, 514-529 Portuguese, the, amicable rela- tions with, 39 Portuguese dominion, character and extent of, 24 ; policy, 25 ; forts and factories, 25 note ; internal government, 20 ; de- cline of power, 20, 27 Ragonat Das assassinated, 187 Rai Dulab accused of conspiracy against Mi'r Jatir, 332 Rdm Ntirain suspected of dis- atiection, 330 ; submits to Clive's projjosals, 333 ; be- sieged at Rehar, 340; defeated by Shall Alam at Patna, 340 ; his claims investigated, 308 ' Regencies,' the Company's scheme of, 55 Rezza Saheb before Arcot, 100 ; 0.)2 EISK OF r.KITISri POWER IN INDIA. retreats and takes refuge in Jinji, 1G4 ; surprise and de- feat near Coveripilk, 1(18 Roe, Sir T. , ambassador to the Great Mogul, 3(3 Safder Ali, 85 ; invests Trichi- nopoly, 87 ; poisoned, 88 Saliibat Jang chosen Viceroy, 183 ; storms Carniil, 184 ; enters Heiderabcld, 185 ; forces a patent from the Great Mogul apjjointing him Vice- roy of the Deckan, 18G ; ac- knowledges M. Dupleix as his protector, 187 ; alliance witli the English, 490 ; reinstates his brother, Nizam Ali, 490 Saunders, Mr., Governor of Fort St. David, 152 ; negotia- tions with M. Dupleix, 218 ; completes the terms of peace with M. Godeheu, 227 ; leaves India, 229 Scrafton, Mr., his mission to Mir Jafir, 310 Seiad Lashkar Khdn made mi- nister to Salabat Jang, 189 Seiaji applies to the English for assistance, 119 ; failure of his cause, 120 Sepoy force, rise of the, 251 ; their dress, 252 Seringham, the great pagoda of, 157 Severndriig taken by Commo- dore^ James, 234-236 Shah Alauj, 346 ; defeats Bam Niirain near Patna, 347 ; routed by Col. Caillaud and Mi'ran, 348 ; besieges Patna, 349 ; withdraws, 350 ; taken prisoner by MajorCarnac, 365 ; removes to Oude, 370 ; joins the British camp, 415 ; grant of the Diwani to the English, 438 Shah Nawaz Khan, his flight on the death of Nasir Jang, 147 ; a))pointed minister to Salabat Jang by Bussy, 217 ; co-ope- rates with Jafir Ali Khan against the French, 242 TOU Shipman, Sir A., sent as go- vernor to Bombay, his death, 42 Shujd-u-Doula shelters Casim Ali, 402 ; marches to Patna, 405 ; defeated, 406 ; negotia- tions, 411 ; battle of Baxar, 414 ; sues for peace, 415 ; joins the Marattas under Holcar, 417 ; surrenders to Major Carnac, 417 Sircars, tlie Northern, ceded to the French, 217 Sombre, or Somroo, in the Nabob's service, 398 note Souoire, M. de, arrives in India, 463 ; retires to Pondicherry, 4!)5 Sullivan, IMr., his rupture with Clive, 426 Sur4j-u-Doula, his weak and licentious character, 264 ; takes the factory of Casim- bazar, 267 ; proceeds to Cal- cutta, 267 ; commences the attack, 269 ; enters the fort, 273 ; cruelty to the prisoners, 274-277 ; treachery to the deputies, 287 ; attacked by Clive, 288 ; peace concluded, 289 ; consents to the attack on Chandernagor, 293 ; his prohibition, 294 ; applications to Bussy, 295 ; insolence and cruelty, 298 ; disaffection of the chiefs, 299 ; orders and counterorders, 300 ; atPlassy, 319 ; flight to Murshidabad, 321 ; taken captive and killed, 326 Surat, stationary factors at, 35 Tan.toue, English expedition to, 119 ; siege of, 473 Territorial possessions, expedi- ency of, in India, 43, 44 Thome, St., seized by the Eng- lish, 131 Titles of Native princes, note on, 256-259 Topasses, the, 253 Touche, M. de la, takes Jinji, 145 INDEX. 553 TEA Trading Company, the English, established, 29, 30 ; formation of a new Company, 38 Treaty, terms of, between the French and English, 228; with Mir Jatir, 312 Trichinopoly, projected attack, 132 ; operations before, 157 ; French attack on, 165 ; se- cond attack and defeat, 209 Trivada taken by the French, 202 Vandewash, French mutineers at, 497 ; siege of, 502 ; se- cond assault, 503 ; battle of, 607 Vansittart, Mr., Governor of Bengal, 351; at Calcutta, 355 ; interviews the Nabob, 357 ; deposes him and appoints Casira Ali his successor, 359 ; at Patna to adjust the inland duties, 381 ; letter to Clive on the siege of Madras, 488 Oiute Venice, its trade with India, 2 Yolconda, struggles before, 155 Watson, Admiral, reaches Ma- dras, 223 ; sails u}) the Ganges, 281 ; death, 327 Watts, Mr., taken prisoner, 267 ; secret overtures from the chiefs, 298 ; consults with Oaii Chand, 303 ; terms of agreement with Mir Jatir, 306, 312; leaves Murshidabad, 316 Winter, Sir E., imprisons Mr. Foxcroft, 46 Zemindars, their perquisites, 452 rniN'TED BY epoTTiBwoonis and co., nuw-stkeet sqpark LONDON ME. 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