■HHHH 8 IVEW/a i.inS? ^ W *■ & V ^ -n 01^ ^ :R% ^ kg t 01^ ^ £ 53? \ V c? 35. «•# ^ # . V ■#/ \ 3"** >S «- 30 CJ - a vm t w 1 1 i £> cz so LM W OTC ANTIQUITIES IN THE GENERALLY ACKNOWLEDGED CYNEWULFIAN POETRY. A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE PHILOSOPHICAL FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG FOR THE ACQUISITION OF THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY BY M. B. PRICE. LEIPZIG PRINTED BY ERNST HEDRICH. 1896. » . > > j > > . > i > j > > • > . > , . . . . ' > » , > ■> > > i > > > > > i > • JO , O 0#,0 » j » > > > CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION 1 I. MYTHOLOGY 5 II. RELIGIOUS CONCEPTIONS 9 1. God and Christ 9 2. The Holy Spirit and the Trinity IK 3. Virgin Mary 18 4. Heaven 19 5. Angels 22 6. Devil 25 7. Hell 29 III. THE STATE 33 >. 1. Ruler 34 | 2. Ruled 38 -J 3. Punishment 42 ^ 4. War and Warriors 44 en 5. Domestic and other Relations 49 IV. NATURE ' 58—65 .'540939 INTRODUCTION. JL present in the following pages the result of a study of the acknowledged Cynewulfian poems with reference to their Teutonic Antiquities. The fact that Anglosaxon poetry, even when based upon and closely following a Latin source, has a large element of native material which contributes in no small degree to a correct knowledge of the life and thought of the people themselves is generally recognized. Several pains -taking investigations have brought into clearer light the genuinely Teutonic side of a number of the longer Anglosaxon poems: among others that of Schultze, Altheidnisches in der angelsachsischen Poesie, specicll im Beowulf- liede, Berlin 1877, and of Kohler, Alterthumer im Beowulfliede, Germania XIII, 129 ff., of Ran, Germanische Alterthumer in der Angelsachsischen Exodus, Leipzig, 1889. and ot Kent, Teutonic Anti- quities in Andreas and Elene, Leipzig 18H7 and of Ferrell, Teu- tonic Antiquities in the Anglosaxon Genesis, Leipzig, 1893. To make this presentation of the Teutonic aspect ot the recognized Cynewulfian poetry complete it has been necessary for me to incorporate considerable material respecting the Elene in the essay, which has already been sought out and discussed by AI r. Kent in his dissertation upon Andreas and Elene. The inclusion of the Elene in the study has its justification only in the greater completeness of the presentation as I do not flatter myself to have found much in addition to what Mr. Kent has presented, however my views may differ from his on some minor points. But the omission of the Elene in a discussion treating this aspect of the Cynewulfian poems would leave the presentation most incomplete; for where in Cynewulfs literature are those favorite topics of the Anglosaxon poet, war-and sea-life, so vividly presented as in Elene V _ 2 — Respecting those poems which arc based upon Latin homilies or legends, those naturally yield the mosl to the end in view which are most lax in the use of their source, while those thai follow an original most scrupulously yield less of interest for our purpose. Crist, Juliana, Guthlac B and Elene are all based, to ;i greater or less extent, upon earlier Latin writings. Gregory's X and XXIX homilies and the Vulgate were freely used in ( 'rist cf. also Trot'. Cook, Modern Language Notes of America, IV, 171 ff., respecting the relation of the hymn De die Judicii to the third part of Crist). Juliana is based upon the legend of St. -lu- liana, which is found in the Acta Sanctorum. Feb. n;" 1 Vol. II. 873—877; Guthlac B follows the Vita sancti Guthlaci of Felix of Croyland, Acta Sanctorum. Apl. 11"'. Vol. II. p. 48 a — 50 1 ', and Elene follows, Avith a considerable degree of exactness, the vita Quiriaci 1 ), Acta Sanctorum, May J" 1 . I, p. It.V' lis. All of these poems are ecclesiastical in general and do not therefore offer the wealth of secular information that many Anglosaxon poems afford; yet we shall see that even in Crist, which "of all the Old English poems is that which reveals in the most com- plete and effective manner the spirit of Christianity and christian Latin poetry"-', there are slight traces of mythology and passages decidedly heathen in their coloring. The conservative reactionary movement of criticism in recent years respecting what poems are the work of the bard Cynewulf and what ones have been falsely attributed to him, I take it, warrants the use. in an essay designing to treal Cynewulfian poems alone, of only one poem, Guthlac B, in addition to those about whose authorship the poets own signature leave- no room for doubt. Whether or not the Anglosaxon Riddles, or a part of them, are to he attributed to Cynewulf, is still an unsettled question. The consensus of opinion respecting Guthlac B is quite harmonious in favor id' the Cynewulfian authorship. That the poem consists of two distinct parts no scholar denies. Charitius 3 ) ').Cf. Glode, Untersuchung iiber die Quelle von Cynewulfs's Elene. Anglia Bd. 9, 271 ff. -) Ten Brink's English Literature I, 55, H. M. Kennedy's translation. 3 ) Anglia Bd. II, 8. 265-3U8. — 3 — following the suggestion of Kieger 1 ) after a penetrating investigation of the subject first concluded that Guthlac A (i. e. 1. 1 — 79onne him jedemcd was. i(i. v. 1030 ff.) 1 ) Grimm's Deutsche Mythologie. S. 348. 2 ) Cf. for the Orendelsaga, also B. Symons in Paul's Grundriss der Germanischen Philologie, Bd. 2, Abtheilung I, S. 62, and Mogk, in Paul's Grundriss I, S. 1095. *) Grimm, Mythologie. S. 348, "auf den Namen bezieht sich oline Zweifel, dass in Ags. glossen earendel jubar ausdrfickt". 4 ) "Aus alien stellen ilea germanischen Alterthuins, WO Ur8d auftritt, geht hervor, dass es einst in der Vorstellung unserer Vorfahren eine Macht gegeben haben muss, in deren Gewalt sich der Germane das Geschick der Menschen dachte." Mogk in Paul's Grundriss, I, S. 1024. • We may assume here that the christian poet purposely refers in wyrd as being unable to do something, or ratlin- to prevent something from happening which has been decreed by another and higher tribunal thus bringing into unfavourable comparison the being whoso decrees were believed to rule gods as well as men. We have also one clear reference to a decree of Fate in the Cynewulfian poetry, and only one: hum Wvrd zescreaf |>;et lie swa jeleafful and swa leof ,v<>de in worldrice weorfian sccolde Criste ^ocweme; (E. v. 1046 fF.) Wvrd decreed that lie (Judas) should become so faithful etc- It is undoubtedly a direct allusion to the mythological Wyrd. Wefen wyrdstafum (G. v. 1325) recalls the spinning of the Parcse. There is nothing remarkable about the use of the word in Juliana v. 38, 538). The two references cited above to the wyrd of mythology are the only ones in the forty-four hundred lines of poetry ascribed to Cynewulf. As compared with Beowulf where eight or nine such uses occur in less than thirty two hundred lines, the Cynewulfian forms are comparatively free from this mark of heathenism, a fact which does not accord with Kemblc's remark respecting the conception and use of wyrd that: „in this respect there is no difference whatever between the practice in Beowulf and the more professedly christian poems of the Exeter and Vercelli codices, or Ca'dmon." 1 ) Several formulas recalling wyrd may lie pointed out: sivylt Killc fornam (J. v 675) is the description of the destruction of Heliseus and his followers: sume wij fornam (E. v. 131); sume drenc fornam (E. v. 136), cer pec sivylt nime (E. v. 447, J. v. 255); deaft in jefironj (G. v. 835); derft nealwcte, stop staljonjum .... sohte sawelhus(Gc.r. 1112 f.) (cf. also C v. 1603, J. v. 255) suggest a belief in Fate, and are varieties of impersonations of death. The old work of giants eald enta jeiveorc (Beow. 2775) and enta geiveorc (Beow. 2718), enta awgeweorc (Beow. 1680) of Beo- wulf finds but one example tha,t approaches a parallel in the Cyne- wulfian poems, burjenta (E. v. 31). Just what this word refers ] ) Kemble, S. in E. I, p. 401. — 8 — to is difficult to say, but as popular belief peopled England with giants in prehistoric times, we are perhaps justified in assuming that the reference here is to some old structure, castle or wall whose origin was unknown. • The Anglosaxon christian attributed to paradise, the con- dition of sinless Miss to which lie looked back in distinct ion with the heaven to wliich he looked forward, a sel of qualities suitable to ;i golden age. It was the Garden of Eden, the neorxna wonj, the plain resplendent with riches and brilliant with hues it 1 , v. L392), ;i glorious dwelling (.1. v. 503), where was neither waning of riches nor loss of life, nor disease of body, nor cessation of conviviality, nor coming of death, hut one might, without any >in's pollution, live in that home, long revelling in renewed joys, and arier a certain period fyrst might betake himself body, Limbs and spirit together to the everlasting joys of the kingdom of heaven (G. v. 800 ff.) where he should enjoy the light of the Lord's countenance. There are other words and allusions, as we shall see further on when we come to speak of the conception of the 'devil' and of 'hell', which are decidedly heathen and have a mythological background: but they are such as are so interwoven with christian conceptions that I deem it advisable to speak of them in connec- tion with the christian setting in which they are found. I pass therefore to consider in the next section the religious conception.^ presented in the poems. II. RELIGIOUS CONCEPTIONS. VV c arc employed with the most professedly christian poems of the Anglosaxon literature. They bear testimony in nearly every line to the christian zeal and enthusiasm of their author. The diction and form of expression are teeming with evidence «if the deepest religious fervour hut at the same time they are intertwined with a rich legacy of epic expression, and conceptions common to the Anglosaxon heroic poems. They bear all the marks of I icing — as they are in fact - the expression of a people buoyant in adherence to the principles of a new faith, from whose mind how ever the memory and constraining influences of the cults to which they had become apostate had not as yet disappeared entirely. The poems betray these characteristics not only as regards their author but also in respect to the purpose for which they were composed. They are adapted to a people prone to apostasy. The endless variation and repetition, the concrete setting of abstract themes, the recurrence of warning and admonition are all evidence of this. I purpose in the following sections to examine these christian conceptions, and to note how and to what extent they were moulded by older beliefs or influenced through effort on the poet's part to put truths, necessarily abstract, in a more comprehensive and concrete form. 1. GOD AND CHRIST. It is granted that God and Christ are not equivalent terms. There are instances where it is evident that the writer had in mind God the Father e. g. C. v. 355 ecan frean and here it is shown only by the context. There are too many instances where the reference is clearly to Christ: but apart from those instances where the text or context clearly shows of which the poet is — lo — speaking occur a great number of appellations of the Deity where it is absolutely impossible to tell which is meant. In general the usage warrants us in saying that all the attributes of the Father except of course his Fatherhood are ascribable to the Son and all the attributes of the Son excepl his sonship to the Father and the distinguishing characteristics of the one or the other in the text or context are the simple terms Father and Son, some allusion to fatherhood or sonship or reference to the Divine Life on earth. I otherwise they are treated as one Being with two equal personalities. It has therefore seemed best to me to speak of both together. The Anglosaxon fondness for synonyms, circumlocutions, variations and descriptive names is nowhere else so manifest in the poems as in the mimes given to the christian Deity. Mr. Gollancz' vocabulary 1 ) to his edition of Crist contains about eighteenhundred and seventy words: there are about eighty of these, or more than tour per cent, used directly as appellations ot Christ and God. Elene and Fata Apostolorum are also rich in this respect more so than Juliana and (iuthlac. 1 know ot no better way to present the various and manifold conceptions of the Divinity than by a presentation of them, along with their descriptive and qualifying adjectives, in the order of their fre- quency. .Most often we meet the word god which may designate either Father or Son. The Deity is the God of spirits jcesta god (C. v. 1:30). of hosts weoroda (C. v. 407, 631, J. v. 515, E. v. 114!)), of the powers of heaven heofon mcejna (C. v. 1218, materia (E. v. 80'.» . of heaven's angels heofonenrjla (C. v. 042), of the heavenly kingdom heofonrices (J. v. 239, E. v. 1124), of glory wuldres (J. v. 180, Gr. v. 1054 . of origins frumfia (E. v. 345, 502), of all glories ealra prymma (E. v. 519). of victory sigora I-:, x. 1307). Further he is a living lifeende (C. v. 273, 755), saving nerzende (C. v. 361), mighty meahtiz (C. v. 686, L 008), all- ruling alwcelda (C. v. L191), eternal ecne (J. v. 134), true sofhu (J. \. I T and holy 1„ilr s (E. v. 679) God. 1 Prof. Coot in Modern Language Notes of America, Vol. 8, p. 54, has shewn thai several words have I u inadvertently omitted from this let — 11 — The conception of God as king was a favorite idea and the manifold attributes which were ascribed to the Deity in this rela- tion may be seen from the following: King of heaven heofones cyninj (C. v. 61, E. v. 170, 367 etc.) ealra cyninja cyninj (C. v. 136, 215, J. v. 289), haslefia cyning (C. v. 372), heahenjla cyninj (C. v. 528), wuldres cyninj (C. v. 565, J. v. 516, F. A. v. 27), dmira gehwces cyninj (C. v. 703), ahvilita cyninj (C. v. 687), cyninj anboren (C. v. 618, E. v. 392), ividdoreynhij (E. v. 291, F. A. v. 74), radorcyninj (E. v. 624, C. v. 727, J. v. 447), cyninj celmihtij (E. v. 865, G. v. 794), tirmeahtij cyninj (C. v. 1166), cefielcyninj (C. v. 904), heahcyninj (C. v. 150), se mihtiga cyninj (E. v. 941), so8 cyninj (E. v. 444, J. v. 224), n'M q/wm? (C. v. 18), prymcyninj (E. v. 494), mcejencyninj C. v. 917, E. v. 1247), weoroda wuldorcyning (C, v. 161), gesceafta scircyninj (C. v. 1153), sijora sofxyning (C. v. 1229). Scarcely less often is the christian Divinity referred to as /rea and the following are variations of the conception which this word, which probably meant to Cynewulf nothing else than Lord, yields, Lord of victories sijora frean (J. v. 361, G. v. 1053), of angels (E. v. 1306), almighty Lord frea celmihtig (C. v. 395), mighty Lord frea mihtij (C. v. 475, E. v. 680, 1067), exalted Lord of heaven heofona heali-frea (C. v. 253, 424), true Lord of victory soS sijores frea (C. v. 404, E. v. 488) and Lord of all creation frean ealra jesceafta (C. v. 925 f). One of the commonest words to designate the Deity is drylden, Lord, Sovereign. As a simple word it refers invariably to the Deity, as a compound word it may refer to earthly rulers, (cf. G. v. 984, 1124 etc). That the word has any special reference to God as commander or general, as Kent remarks 1 ), I am unable to see. An examination of the twenty-two uses of the word in Crist or of its use in Guthlac or Elene itself will not, in my opinion, sustain this view. It is generally used unqualified to denote God as a careful examination of its uses shows, and although the expressions jorZ dryhten (E. v. 759) and drylden hcelend (E. v. 725) do occur, they are, in comparison with the scores of uses without such appositives, scanty ground from which ') Kent, Teutonic Antiquities in Andreas and Elene, pag. 11. — 12 — to infer that "this would seem to indicate a sort of necessity for designating more exactly the christian significance of the word". [Kent. p. 11.). We find this variation of the thought in connection with dryhten: everlasting ece (C. v. 272, 366, 396, Til etc.), true soft (C. v. 512), and mighly meahtij (C. v. 868) Lord: the Lord of heaven heofona (C. v. 348), of lords dryhtna (C. v. 405), of hosts weoroda (C. v. 428, E. v. 896), dwjwSa (C. v. 782, E. v. 81), of victory sigora (E. v. :>4G) and of all mankind ealra hceldba cynnes (E. v. 187 f.). The Divinity is thought of not only as king, invested with pomp and majesty, but also as a monarch exercising the authority in- vested in him, as a Ruler waldend: the One at whose control are events wyrda (E. v. 80): the Ruler of angels enjla (C. v. 474), of heaven (C. v. 755), of powers meahta (C. v. 823, .). v. 723), mihta (E. v. 337), of the skies rodcra (C. v. 866, J. v. 305, E. v. 206), of men weoroda (C. v. 1570, E. v. 788), peoda (E. v. i-Jii. mcejewa (E. v. 347), of victory s?'jora i K. v. 731); in short the Ruler of all ealles waldend (C. v. 577, E. v. 512). The Lord is too, often called vneotud, thus meotud moncynnes (C. v. 244, J. v. 182, 436), mcejen-cyninga (C. v. 943). In con- nection with the creation the word seems to mean Creator in C. v. II. 1380, E. v. 726). Christ is viewed from the standpoint of the various attributes of his character, and aspects of his mission, thus rescuing Chrisl crist nerjende (C. v. 157), almighty Chrisl crist celmihtig (C. v. 215, 331), savin" Christ hcelende crist (C. v. 250), Saviour Chrisl hcelend crist (C. v. 358) and finally the crucified Christ pone ahangnan crist (E. v. 797). It is singular that this word which has given its name to the longest of the Cynewulfian poems is not found once in the second part of the same, neither is it found in Guthlac B, although occurring quite frequently in the ether divisions of these poems and in .Juliana and Elene. As an offspring of God, Christ is the Son sunu (C. V. 94, 11:;. 197, 210, 451 etc.), son stum mrotnth* (E. v. 461, 474, 564 etc.), of the Father fcedei (C. v. 110), ol man monnes (C. v. 12oi. lie is, further, the bright beorhtne (C. v. 205), the dear se deora J. v. 725] and the sinle>s sijuiik leOS (E. v. 777 1 Son. The Son — 13 — co-dwelling with thy only Lord efeneardigende mid pinne engan frean (C. v. 237), the one-born Son ancenned sunu (C. v. 464), of the Lord dryhtnes (C. v. 297), of the Ruler waldendes (0. v. 635), (iod's spirit Son jode* ,ye.4snna (C. v. 660, E. v. 673). He is also the beam, one born, child. This relation to God is emphatically expressed in three instances by a coordinate placing of beam and sunu, thus; mihtig meotudes beam and se monnes sunu (C. v. 126); beorhtne sunn beam eacen jodes (C. v. 205); ancenned sunn, efenece beam ajnum feeder (C. v. 464 f.). He is also jodes ajen beam (C. v. 572, E. v. 179, 422 etc.) jodes ece beam (C. v. 744), po?t cefieh' beam (C. v. 1195): affielust beama (E. v. 476), sijebeam godes (E. v. 481, 862, 1146); eaZra sigebearna \)irl seleste and afteleste (C. v. 520 £), &earw waldendes (E. v. 391, J. v. 266), freobearn (C. v. 224, E. v. 672). frumbeam (C. v. 507), jodbearn (C. v. 499, E. v. 719) and limlubearn (C. v. 586, 754). Peo^ew, prince, sovereign, king often designates the Deity (C. v. 541, 553, G. v. 1230, E. v. 487, 776, etc). God is the King of angels engla peoden (C. v. 332, E. v. 857), an i the glorious Prince peoden prymfaist (C. v. 457. 944). As God was often designated as king and ruler so he is likewise often viewed as I Ireator, scyppend. He is the mild milde (C. v. 417) and radiant scinende (C. v. 1220) Creator of men h&lefia (C. v. 266), of powers wn'/ifo (G. v. 1131), of spirits gwsta (J. v. 18) jasfa (E. v. 790); and finally the bright Creator of all pone sciran scyppend ealra (E. v. 370). As the Anglosaxon king was the guardian of his people and realm so the Deity is the guardian of angels en^la weard (E, v. 1315) and of the heavenly kingdom heofonrices (J. v. 212), of the skies rodera (C. v. 134), of spirits jasta (E. v. 1021), of life lifes (C, v. L643), of heaven wuldres (E. v. 84), of victory sigores (C. v. 243), sijora (C. v. 1517), and of the folk fokes (C. v. 1648), /o/c« C. (v. 946). ^Efielin ( j : the one of noble origin, prince lord, applies to Christ. He is heaven's Prince wuldres cefielinj (C. v. 158). The expression aJSelinga ord (C. v. 515, E. v. 393) exalts Christ by making Him the chief of princes. He is also the fruma, the Prince, the Source, of life lifes (C. v. 44, E. v. 792 1, liffruma (C. v. 504. 656 etc.), of hosts herja (C. v. 845, E. v. 210). A stronger ex- — 14 — pression is ordfruma (F. A. 28) although almost tautological in itself: the noble Founder azfielne ordfruman (C. v. 402), tin- Source of blessing eades ordfruma (C. v. 1199); ere eadfruma (C. v. 532) tin' bright Prince of glory torhtes tirfruma(n) (C. v. 206) and the Prince of all peoples ealra foka fruma (C. v. 516). Viewing the Divinity in the aspect of a Protector who shields his own as the helmet shields the head of the wearer lie is the Helm of men wera (E. \. 175), of spirits (E. v. 176), of the holy ones halijra (C. v. 529), of heaven (J. v. 722). of the heavenly kingdom ( !. v. 556) and of all creatures alwihta (C. v. 274, 410). A,ynd views the Divinity in still another light; lie is the possessor of victory sijores ajend (C. v. 420). and of life lifes (C. v. 471), of heaven swegles (C. v. 543), and of glory (J. v. 223, C. v. L198). A relatively common appellation is hlaford Lord (C. \. 461, 498, 518, E. v. 175). As judge also dema is Chrisl represented and especially in connection with the Lasl Judgment. It is singular that the line fore onsyne eces deman occurs four times in the poems we are studying (C. v. 7 ( .u;. 836; a. v. 1161; E. v. 745), (cf. also (J. v. 7551. Nerjend, Savior, of peoples fdlca (C. v. 426), of souls sawla (C. v. 571, E. v. 461, 798), of men fira (J. v. 240, E. v. 1077, 1172), nS6a V. v, 503, 1085). A function of the Anglosaxon king was the giving of presents and the bestowing of gifts upon certain occasions and for ecu-tain services (cf. Judith v. B0 } 93 and Beo. v. 1488), and in this capacity he was the brytta, the distributor: doubtless in allusion to this custom of the earlv Teutonic monarch is it that the title of brytta is given to Grod. lie is the lifes brytta (G. v. 334) and the swejles brytta (C. v. 281) and tires brytta (C. v. 462). The same word applies to Constantine (E. v. L94). Bre, ;V/er m,^ (E. v. 783): feeder mancynnes (F. A 29) and yw/rr (Blmihtij (E. v. 1083). We have thus noticed more than one hundred and fifty different expressions, many of them very similar in thought and differentiating from each other often by very slight shades of meaning. Many of them doubtless as wigendra Ideo, sincjiefa, tires brytta, rices weard, helm wera were terms customarily applied to the rulers and leaders of the Anglosaxons themselves and recall the qualities and attributes of the overlord of the people who must be their protector (E. v. 99) and the guardian of his own realm. The monarch was also the dispenser of glory the tires brytta, to those whose services were distinguished by particular merit. The Anglosaxon poet was fond of almost endless variation in his terminology and this doubtless accounts for many of the — 16 — noted expressions, but besides this inclination which is noticeable everywhere in ADglosaxon poetry, the poet is here striving to make a necessarily abstract theme as concrete as possible; and so presents to liis hearers, to whom the idea of the Godhead must be still more obscure and abstract than to himself, the con- ception of the christian Deity in terms of the loftiest conception of a human being with which he or they were familiar i. e. pre- sents the Deity often in the guise of their own rulers, and ascribes to him the attributes and functions of an earthly king. The great majority of these expressions embody conceptions peculiar to the Anglosaxon. The only expressions whence the foregoing could have been taken, used in the Latin homilies which have served as a source of Crist and in the hymn Apparebi repentina dies etc. (If we accept it as a source of the third part of Crist) and in the selections from the Acta Sanctorum upon which Juliana, Gruthlac and Elene 1 ) are based are; dominus noster, dominus deus, deus homo, redemptor noster. Jesus Christus, deus pater, judex, judex altus. magnus judex. Justus arbiter, gloriosus rex, dens cceli el terrse, vitae dator, solus verus deus. unus deus omnipotens, creator omnium saeculorum, unus potens, deus bene- dictus in sajcula, pater, filius, Salvator noster. Filius dei. The multiformity of expression in the Anglosaxon as com- pared with the Latin is strikingly large: it betokens the poet's veneration for and devotion to the Source of the belief which is extolled in his song: and this very reverence, coupled with motives of a didactic character, aided, we may assume, in carrying him to an amplitude of conception which was not satisfied to clothe itself in biblical and ecclesiastical phraseology, bul takes on as well the mode of expression oi the heroic poems with which he was possibly acquainted 2 ). 2. THE HoLY SPIRIT AND THE TRINITY. 1 treat these two subjects together because of the scarcity of references to them ami because we can conceive of the Holy *) Cf. Glode, Anglia, Bd. IX, S. 271 ff. Qeber die Quelle iron Cynewulf s Elene. -) Cf. Sarrazin in Anglia I'll. [X,S.515ff. U eber Beowulf und Kynewulf. — 17 — Spirit as mentioned in a few instances only when we recognize it as constituting one of the elements of the Trinity. The Holy Spirit is alluded to much less often than the other members of the (iodhead: yet in several instances the references are distinct. I do not understand that a third member of the Godhead is meant wherever we meet tho word jcest but think that this word is often used metonyinically for the Godhead (cf. C v. 207, .1. v. 724, E. v. 1105). By the Spirit of heaven sivejles jcest (C. v. 203) we are in doubt as to whether the Holy Spirit as a distinct agent is meant. The reference is certainly to a distinct agent also in Crist v. 709 ff. where we are told that the welfare of the disciples continued, after their Lord's ascension, through the 1 & hwseSre foro bicwom purh jaestes jiefe jodes pejna blsed sefter upstije ecan dryhtnes. Juliana's constant companion was the Holy Spirit lii/re wees halij jcest singal jesift (.1. v. 241 f.). The expression bcem inc is jemcene heahjeest hleofast (C. v. 357 f.) is plainly a recognition of the third member of the Godhead. In C. v. 774, the Spirit is made cordinate with the Son of God. biddan beam jodes and pone blifian jcest. The Holy Spirit shall lock the fiends in hell (C. v. 1624); (Cf. also Andreas v. 1002 purh handhrine halites jcestex). The Holy Ghost was imparted to Judas him ayes halij jwst befolen (E. v. 935); it makes its abode in Helen's heart ond pa wic beheold halij lieoforilic jast (E. v. 1143 1'.). Numerous allusions to the gift of the spirit pastes giefe (E. v. 199, 1057, 1156) would seem to indicate merely a special manifestation of Divine Power. The above references indicate that the Holy Spirit was viewed in different lights, that it was personified (J. v. 241 f. C. v. 1624), that it was viewed merely as a means or agent (C. v. 709 f.. J. v, 724 f.) and last, it was a specifie manifestation or emanation from God (E. v. 199, 1067). These and the following- references to the Trinity leave no doubt as to the fact of the recognition of the three members of the (iodhead, though as occupying dif- ferent degrees of importance perhaps; for the attributes of the Father and Son which were seen to be very similar are very sparingly ascribed to the Holy Spirit. — 18 — The Trinity is seldom mentioned, li is once addressed ea la seo wlitije weorftmynda full heah and halij heofoncund f)rynis (C. v. 378 f.) It is invested with honor and glory, exaltation and holiness, and farther, to it are ascribed everlasting thanks: wuldor |>;es aje |>rynesso pr\ ni |)tnie liutan ende (C. v. 598 f.) In Elene there is one allusion and it is of little interest: hu se jasta helm in (irvni'ssc (u-ymme jeweoroad acenned wearo. ( E. v. 176 f. I In Juliana the Trinity is represented as sitting in .Judgment at the Last Day and ascribing to men reward according to their works, ponne seo prynis prymsittende in annesse celda cynne etc. i.l. v. 7*24 t'.). These are all of the references to the Trinity They are enough to show clearly that three members of the Grod- head were recognized and that they were thought of as acting independently and alone and also in unison as < >ue. 3. VIRGIN MARY. Crist alone of the poems presents traces of Mariolatrv. These traces too arc of the most pronounced character. The virgin is extolled as the young woman seo fwmne geong (C. v. 35), the maid without blemish meejtS manes leas (C. v. 36) and the puresl woman on earth of those who have lived through all ages seo claeneste cwen ofer eoroan |>ara [>e jewurde to widan feore C. v. 276 f.). She is glorified as the joy of women throughout the hosts of glory and the noblest maid o'er all the expanse of earth wifa wynn jeond wuldres fprym f;cmne freolicast ofer ealne folde sceal 0. v. 71 f.) She is recognised in heaven upon earth and in hell, for all those upon earth endowed with speech call her the bride hryd of the most excellent Ruler of heaven pees selestan swejles bryttan • v. 278 I'.): and likewise the mosl exalted thanes of ( ihrisi in heaven -peak and sing of her as endowed with holy virtues, the queen — 19 — of the hosts of glory, of the races of the world under heaven and of the inhabitants of hell, paet pu sic hlsefdije haljum meahtum wuldorweorudes and worldcundra hada under heofonum and helwara! (C. v. 284 f.). She is the recipient of worship and the answerer of prayer: the city-dwellers pray to her to make known the Comfort, her own Son, to the folk: hum pa?s biddao burjsittende pset pu pa frofre t'olcuin cyfie pinre sylfre sunu. (C. v. 337.) She is further represented as an intercessor. The inhabitants of the world are represented as requesting her to plead their cause for them that the Son may not leave them longer in this vale of death to follow error but that he may conduct them into the kingdom of the Father. Geoinja us nu pristum wordum pset he us ne laste len^ owihte in pisse deaSdene jedwolan hyran ac pait he usic jeferje in feeder rice. (0. v. 342 f.). 4. HEAVEN. Analogous to the foregoing concrete conception of the Deity we find in many instances that the Anglosaxon's conception of heaven was adapted to his way of thinking of governmental insti- tutions and national customs. Consistent with the conception of the Deity as clothed with the prerogatives of an earthly ruler, i^ the representation of heaven, his dwelling place, (C. v. 103, 506 etc.) as a kingdom rice (C. v. 353), the choicest of royal dominions cynestola cyst (C. v. 51), the hereditary abode of Christ eftel (C. v. 741), the bright dwelling places beorhtra bolda (C. v. 742) and the citaded of Christ cristes burjlond (C. v. 51), the bright city in pcere beorhtan byrig (E. v. 821), the eternal possessions ecra gestealda (E. v. 801). The representation of heaven as a citaded or city or as a bright abode is again a peculiarly graphic putting of an idea perhaps ill-defined but which the poet wishes to make comprehensible to his hearers: to do this he indulges in his — 20 — customary variation of the phraseology, designating it further as the hereditary abode of angels ewjifa eficl (C. v. 630) and the long home langne ham (F. A. 92) thus appealing t<> the instinctive love of family life and the value attached to personal possessions. The adaptation of the theme to the Anglosaxon'g way of thinking becomes more evident upon a consideration of the characteristics of heaven, of what it- joys are and how its inhabitants spend their time. Distinct reminiscences of Anglo- saxon customs are here carried ever into his portrayal of heaven's joys. To obtain almost a complete picture of all that the zealous Anglosaxon mind pictured to itself as awaiting the righteous soul in heaven perhaps we need to do little more than read carefully (C. v. 1640—1665). Before everything else the dream constituted one of the joys of heaven. In every essay of the character of this I believe that the discussion of the word by Grimm (Vorrede to Andreas and Elene, S. XXXVII) has been accepted as satisfactory. It is referred to the joy and mirth of drinking companions as, tree from care, they sat together in the merry circle of the mead-hall. This pleasure being perhaps the acme of all joys, according to the early Teuton's conception, was the more readily transferred to his conception of heaven which lie termed the dream uriliwilen iE. v. 1231) and the sindream (G. v. 811) and the dream after deafii V. A. v. 81), the true joy pone sd&an gefean (F. A. v. 80 . The expression is intensified where ( Yist is said to conducl bis folk into the joy of joys in dreama dream (C. v. 580). The loss of this joyous association is emphasized iii the paraphrase of Matt. "_'.">: II where Christ sentences the condemned to depart into everlasting fire: the poet not satisfied with the plain expression of the Vulgate inserts an idea of his own — of their own choice deprived of the joys of au-fd- wilhim bescyrede enjla dreames C. v. L520 t.i. This dream is in the nature of a reward too: it i> the reward of victory sijelean V. A. v. 81) which the victorious warrior receives after the tumult of battles and the fierce war-play (F. A. \. 20 — a reward of victory sijores to leane V. A. v. (Hi which w.-is in store in the glorious dwelling beorhtne boldwelan — 21 — (F. A. v. 31), and granted by the lord of the dwelling as meed of battle tr/^^cs lean (E. v. 824, F. A. v. 74), selust sijeleana seald hi heofonum (E. v. 527). Many other instances might be cited to show that heaven was thought of often as a guerdon for valor and victory in tight, that as a gracious and beneficent sovereign granted rewards and honors and life of peace to his faithful followers, so heaven is the place where the same blessings in a greater degree and for a longer time are granted by a greater Sovereign as reward for victorious and faithful life. It is hardly necessary to call attention to the similarity of this conception to the old Scandinavian conception of Walhalla the blessed abode for which the brave warrior longed and whither he expected to be conducted in case of death on the battlefield, there in company with brave comrades to be a child of Woden and participate in the various jovialities of the abode of joy. The characteristics of heaven are enumerated most fully in Crist v. 1640 ff. a passage which, though interesting in itself, contains little that is not strictly biblical. The conception that locates the abode of Christ in the East could well have been suggested by Matth. 24:27, but as this is not the usual teaching of the Bible, I take it, that the frequent reference to heaven as located in the Fast is due to some existing tradition or belief which has been brought into the service of the christian worship. We are told that preceding the Lord as he comes to Judgment shall come a ray of the sun from the Southeast stiftan eastan mnnan leoma cyme® (C. v. 901 f.); then the Child of God shall appear through the gates of heaven purh heofona jehleodu hider ci&ywed (C. v. 005): then the countenance! of Christ shall come gloriously, the radiance of the noble king from the East of heaven cymeo wunderlic Cristes onsyn seoelcyninjes wlite eastan from roderum (C. v. 906 f.). This corresponds to the narrative in the Genesis where God's abode is located in the South and East pel is sift and east (Genesis v. 669): it is in harmony also with the custom of the christian of that time who worshipped with his face to the East and with hands lifted toward the rising sun in contradistinction — 22 — with the praying heathen who faced the North during his worship. i< rrimm, Mythologie, S. 30). The perpetuity of the coveted heavenly blessedness as com- pared with the transient unenduring pleasures of this life worked especially forcibly upon the mind of the Anglosaxon poet and he seldom tails to allude to this aspect of heaven when opportunity is afforded. Some of his variations of the expression are a to worulde forft (C. v. L01), wide ferh?> iG. v. 1(515), a butxn cinic (C. v. 271), ealne ividan feore (C. v. 439), in ecnesse (C. v. 1204), to widan feore (C v. 1344, G. v. 812), awo (C. v. 1664), awo to ealdre (C. v. 1646), to worulde (G. v. 786), a, (G. v. 1163, 811). 5. ANGELS. The poet displays a fondness of thinking of the angels as existing and' moving in collective bodies as they perform the service of the Father in heaven or go on his missions to the world. They act in multitudes or throngs as the following designations of their collective bodies show: preat (G. v. 1288), jedryht (C. v. 942), weorud (C. v. 493), heap (C. v. 554), jelac (C. v. 896), scolu (C. v. 929), here (C. v. 930), afteldujuti (C. v. 1012), |)////// (C. v. 1069) and corftor (C. v. 494). They are often introduced individually also in the role of messengers of God. It was an angel of God that miraculously saved the holy Juliana as she was about to be cremated; it was a divine angel enjel ufancunde (G. v. L216) that communed with Guthlac every morning and evening, imparting to him spiritual -i length: likewise Gabriel the archangel of heaven heofones heahenjel {0. v. 202) was God's errand-bearer godes spelboda, the transmitter of the divine tidings to the Virgin; it was also a gleaming ambassador of heaven wlitij widdres boda (E. v. 77) that brought the injunctions of the King of Heaven to Constantino. God promised to send his messengers aras (C. v. 759) to protect the righteous against the dart-showers of the evil workers. In the capacity of emissary or representative of the Heavenly King the angel is a thane pejn (G. v. 1217 1. hedhboda (C. v. 295), spelboda (C. v. :5:;G). boda (C. v. L49), messenger of joy wilboda i(i. v. L220), ami ar <'. v. 192) These words spelboda, boda, — 23 — nr etc., are elsewhere applied to the ambassadors of earthly kings and perhaps their use here may justify the assumption that the poet pictured to himself the angels as the honored courtiers and servants who were ever present at the court of the Monarch of Heaven, ready to do his bidding. The angels are gleaming in appearance in signification of (heir holiness, exaltation and purity of character in comparison with evil spirits which are often represented as sombre or black in appearance (cf. C. v. 896 f.). The messenger to Constantine is described as wlitescine (E. v. 72) hwit, and hiwbeorhte, and as he appeared his own radiance dispelled the shadows of the night nihfhelm tojlad; and the light disappeared with the angel. Several descriptions in Crist also represent them as radiant wlitescine (C. v. 554, 493), or white hwite (C. v. 545; or exceedingly bright celbeorht (C. v. 548, 929, 1277). The angelic messenger to Juliana was gleaming with trappings frcetwum blican (J. v. 564) and the same words describe the appearance of the two angels which the disciples saw at the ascension of Christ (C. v. 507), though here it may well be considered a paraphrase of the expression Acts 1:10 "two men stood by in white raiment". The multitude of the heavenly host mcegenprym (C. v. 352 f.) have the care of the glorious dwelling of the Prince in the kingdom of heaven — and do his offices — , a conception which suggests strongly the relation of courtiers to the monarch and to his royal abode. They are his thanes that speak and sing the praise of the Virgin, cristes pejnas cwefiaft and smjao (C. v. 283). They voice songs of praise to lifes Creator (C. v. 502 f.) and their song shall constitute one of the joys of heaven (C. v. 1650). Very noticeable is the Anglosaxon coloring given to the description in C v. 545 — 557 where we are told that angels robed in splendor came to meet the Prosperity-giver of earls as he returned to the sky, bands of heavenly messengers descended in the sky to meet him and thereupon followed the greatest of banquets symbla mcest in glory: fitting Avas it that thanes thus brightly clad should come to this joy in the citadel burj of the Prince. How nearly suitable is this to what we should expect the description of the return of a monarch of Mercia or Northumbria to be, after he had led — 24 — bis subjects to a glorious victory over their old toes rim Britons or over a rival neighbor of Teutonic blood! The thanes that remained at home would go oul rejoicing to meet him as lie returned bearing the spoils and trophies of victory. We can imagine them bidding him a hearty welcome to bis city, his burg, as it is here represented, and afterwards celebrating his success and victories in a mighty jubilee symbel. References to the angelic hierarchies also are not wanting. The faithful race of the Seraphim scfofceste Seraiiliinnes cynn ( '. v. 386 f.) in a description bearing many similarities with Isa. G: 2, .'> are represented as having the noblest office in the service of the King habbafi foljdfta cyst mid cyninje] it is granted them to guard his presence with their wings and to disport in glorious rivalry as to which may come nearest to the Lord. In E. v. 7.")'.i ff. the Cherubim and the Seraphim are mentioned. The Cherubim are furnished with six wings each and it is theirs to sing continually the praise of the heavenly King and to perform his service, ever in his presence. There are two which are called Seraphim and their duty is to guard the approach to the Paradise and the tree of life, with flaming sword: they brandish the dangerous blade heardecj an/niTi. beofafi brojdenmcel, are armed with geunine Anglosaxon battle armor. It is peculiar that the same offices are assigned to the Seraphim in Crist that the Cherubim are spoken of as performing in Elene. Kent i]>. 20 has noted that the order in which the hierarchies are mentioned in both Andreas and Elene, it' intended to indicate relative rank. is just the opposite of that usually given ; lor the firsl order of the hierarchy was Seraphim and the second Cherubim: moreover in the Oenesis account (Gen. 3:24) it is the Cherubim which guard the approach to Paradise and tin" fee of life. It were perhaps bold to affirm that the poet contused here the two words fur a moment, vel when we consider the points ill similarity in the description of the Seraphim in Crisl and the Cherubim in Elene. the indentity of the two seems mosl natural. The reference to their service of the King, their flighl about him. their continual enjoymenl of his presence, their radiance and their song, beginnini' in Crist halig eart pu halig heahengla brejo, and in Elene halij — 25 — is se halja heahenjla jod, are five points of similarity — . charac- teristics common to the two passages. They seem to me too striking to be the work of chance and too natural to make it at all improbable that the poet had in mind the same order of tin 1 hierarchy of angels in the Elene as in the ( Yist. The con- tradiction between the Elene narrative and the Genesis account (Gen. 3:24) which the poet would naturally try to reproduce is further proof of this. The Angels are the victorious race sijorcynn (E. v. 754 1. The hosts of angels that accompanied the miraculous phenomena that were manifest at Gruthlac's death sang the song of victory, enjla preatas sigeleof) sungon (G. v. 1288 £). May not this concep- tion of the angels as a victorious host, a triumphant race, which has overcome the machinations of evil and enjoys the compen- sation of victory have been suggested by the blissful condition of the heroes who receive their reward amid the joys of Walhalla? 6. DEVIL. From the angels the messengers of God and of Light we turn our attention to the devils, the messengers of Evil and Darkness. The devil presented in these poems was the ambitious rebel in heaven before he fell according to God's decree: he became, after the fall, the enemy of human happiness and the constant opposer of God's beneficent plan on earth. He is given a large number of descriptive and characteristic names, each of which designate-, him by emphasizing some particular phase of his character or by making prominent some part of his nature. He is called by the christian poet the accursed wolf 1 ), the beast of dark deeds se aivyrjda wulf .... clear dcedscua (C. v. 256 f). He is the baleful one se bealofulla (C. v. 259) who severely oppresses christians and holds them in confinement: further, he is the dark spirit which at first seduced and misled man, se swearta gcest (C. v. 269 f.), the injurer of the people $am leodsceaftan (C. v. 273). the malig- nant destroyer sceffiendum sceafian (C. v. 1396), hellsceafian (E. v. 956). The devil that appeared to Juliana is addressed by her l ) An interesting parallel to C. v. 256 f. is found in the Marien Himmel- fahrt, Hauptjs Ztschr. V, S. 520, z. 190 f. 'do der vil vngehore hellewolf etc. — 26 — in a list of derogatory designations each of which seems to vie with all the others in tin- expression <>t' base and despicable qual- ities. II"' is not only tin' rebel against God but the oppressor of men as well hcelefia gewinna (J. v. 243), and of souls (.1. v. .").').">): ho is oxperienced in evil yfles andwis (J. v. 2 111, iho prisoner nt' lioll Jielle hceftling (J. v. 246). As the one deprived of his heavenly abode he is the banished one se wrcecmcecja (J. v. 260), as the one who raised opposition in heaven lie is wuldres wffii i hreca (J. v. 269), the originator of sin fyrnsynna fruman (J. v. .".I7i and the worker of evil wrohtes wyrhtan (J. v. 346). His genera] hostility to all things good and to mankind is summed up in the term feond (E. v. 953) of mankind mancynnes (J. v. 630), of souls sawlct i.I. v. 348). Ho is further the perfidious exile wrcecca wcerleas (J. v. 351), the wretched unclean spirit earmsceapen unclcene gcest (•'• v. 418), the covenant breaker pam wcerlojan (J. v. 455), the abject spirit of hell hean helle jcest (J. v. 457). Satan himself is the ruler of his cohorts, he stands at the head of his kind, is the king of hell's inhabitants cyning hellwara (J. v. 544), the malicious lord of murder manfrea morfires i,l. v. 546), the instigator of crime manes melda (J. v. 557) and tin' synna brytta (E. v. 957), as the Deity was the boldes bryttd (E. v. 162). In antithesis t<> the angels which were white, gleaming, and glorious in appearance, the devil is a hateful, dark, black spirit (C. v. 269, 897 f.i. and as the former were the messengers of God to perform his missions so the latter are the servants of their lather, satan. The devil which approached the holy Juliana was a subject, a son indeed, delegated by his overlord and father to make this journey to her: llw.ct nice min heder on |>as furc to pe hellwarena cyninj hider onsende (J. v. :}21 f.) The devil relates to Juliana that the king of the inhabitants of hell sends his messengers out on their missions of evil and that unless successful in the task assigned them, they return with greal fear to his presence because of the punishment that there awaits them (J. v. 325 If. i. As Juliana's faith was anchored to the God of glory, bo the devil's hope was established in the in- — 27 — fernal king (J. v. 436 f.). The devil, clutched by Juliana and interrogated, relates a long series of crimes and evils which he has instigated and adds that he may not, though he sit the summer- long day, relate all the crimes which he in the course of time has, in sin, performed: I asecjan ne msej peak ic jesitte sumerlonjne dsej eal pa earfeou pe ic asr and si?) jefremede to facne (J. v. 494 ff. ). Not only the individual devil but also the hosts of hell's in- habitants helhvarena heap (C. v. 731) are mentioned. The enmity existing between the King of Heaven and the king of hell and his subjects is strong and centers about the spiritual rule of the earth as the prize of the contest. The description of the strife for authority, the retaking from the power of the devil the hosts of those who had been won through deceit, bears many character- istics of a real strife in Anglosaxon military life. Christ wages a personal combat against his old foes edldfeonditm (C. v. 507) and robs hell of the tribute pas gafoles which it in the days of old basely gorged in the strife. He bore off the greatest booty hufta mceste (C. v. 568) from the city byrij (C. v. 569) of his foes; an unnumbered folk: He bound their king in fiery bonds and left him imprisoned in fetters and bars (C. v. 732 f.) 1 ). The whole narrative here is teeming with such war terms as are common to the description of such conflicts as are depicted in Judith and Byrhtnoft's Death, and the description here must be admitted to posses all the characteristics of the description of an actual visible conflict between mortal physical foes. The devil that came to Juliana had the form of an angel hcefde enjles hiw (J. v. 244), and was an air- navigating being lyft lacende (J. v. 281). These characteristics may or may not evince his former character as an angel, for in Elene the devil that appeared to Judas was also a flying being on lyft astdh (E. v. 899), and the devils that came to St. Guthlac were able to assume various forms (G. v. 866 ft'.). Special stress is laid j ) For a representation of Satan bound in fetters see the illustration to the Caedmon Mss. published by Ellis, Archeologia XXIV. — 28 — iipoo three things respecting the devils that came to St. Gnthlac: they came in crowds; they were noisy and uproarious; they were able to change their forms. They came to him in a host (vs. 866), in troops thronging (v. 868); they were a death-bearing crowd vs. 867) and spoke in a variety of ways and with many voices (v. 870), sometimes uttering a scream, a lend war cry hludne herecirm (v. 872), sometimes raving like wild beasts luvilum wedende siva wilde deor (v. 879). Sometimes they assumed the appearance of human beings hwilum cyrdon .... on mennisc hiw (v. 880 f.); sometimes they changed themselves into the form of a worm or serpent hwilum brugdon .... on wyrmes bleo and spal poison attre spioin/oH (v. 884). Komble cites two passages from Salomon and Saturn in which the same characteristics of the devil are noted which we find here, and adds that the passages are redolent of heathenism ' . The designation of the devil as se aglceca (J. v. 268, 319, E. v. '.Mil) probably conveyed the conception of a monster, or mighty evil-working spirit: the same word designates the dragon in Beo. (v. 2535, 2900). and also refers to Grendel (v. 593). Attention has often enough been called to the similarity of the role which Loki plays in the Baldr myth and that which Lucifer plays in the story of the rebellion in heaven against the authority of God. I need only note that the parallelism called attention to by kemlilr -) and others has been minutely investigated by Bugg< in connection with the christian Early English poems among which are noted especially Crisl and Juliana. Bugge has compared carefully the parallelism in the general narrative and in the traits of character of the two beings and his conclusion is that the christian poems are the source of those colorings in the myth which bear similarities with christian teaching, "Denn Loki ist seinem Qrsprung nach dr\- Lucifer t\o,s christlichen Mittelalters, doch so, dass dieser al> Loki in sich Elemente von Merkur, Apollo. Eris and mehreren andem antiken Mythusfiguren aufgenommen hat".. 1 Kemble S. in E. I. p. 388 f. - [bid. p. 382. Bugge, Eutsteliung der aordischen Gotter ami Heldensagen S. 53 ff 29 — The devil of these poems, whether represented as ruler, fiend, son, monster, fallen angel or air-navigating being in the form of an angel; a creature able to assume the form of a repulsive serpent or an animal of hideous proportions; a spirit striving to accomplish all evil and work all harm against God and men, is, in its main outlines, the devil of Judaic teaching, but with the addition of such traits and elements as the enthusiasm for the new religion coupled with gross fanaticism would naturally pro- duce. To make more prominent the salient features of his Satanic majesty, to clothe him with all imaginable hideous traits - some of them doubtless interwoven with untraceable heathen beliefs — , was to bring into the service of the new belief a more striking, more concrete, more real devil the product of both Scriptural teaching and the devices of a prolific phantasy. 7. HELL. The hell which may be depicted from material found in Crist Juliana and Elene bears some characteristics of the Norse con- ception of Hel. the cold and cheerless region over which the goddess of the same name held sway 1 !, the region of death: hades, the invisible. It is too in some respects like Nastrond. the place tilled with torments for the perjurer and the secret murderer 2 ). Biblical teaching of course furnishes most of the material whence the whole conception is drawn. In general we may say that the biblical conceptions are more prominent in Crist, the heathen con- ceptions in Juliana and Elcne, while Guthlac and Fata Aposto- lorum furnish little of interest to the theme. Hell is represented as the narrow home paw engan Ham (J. v. 323. E. v. 920). referring doubtless to a state of confinement, a condition especially abhorrent to the Anglosaxon mind: the expressions hceftned (E. v. 297), and helle hceftling J. v. 246) are in accord with this significance of engan limit. It is further the dark, gloomy home piim pystran ham (J. v. 683), the dwelling of the condemned wearhtreafum (E. v. 926). the court of darkness heolstorhofn (E. v. 763), the court of sadness parn jromhofe (J. v. J ) Kemble S. in E. I, p. 392. «) Ibid. p. 393. — 30 — 324). Hell is conceived of as a bouse susla 1ms (C. v. 1604), untehus <\ \. 1536). entered by a door helle dura (E. v. 1 !_>:;*> and as a hall of death deaftsele (G-. v. 1048) whose inmates berefl of all joys and plagued by various torments drag out a sorrowful existence. As the angels and their king inhabited a Imr^. so the abode of the devils is graphically called the city of fiends in hyrig feonda (J. v. 545, C. v. 569). Perhaps the description in Julana v. 681 ft', lias as little of the christian conception of hell as any in the poems. The narrative is of the disastrous voyage of llelisous and his thirty-four com- panions, after the martyrdom of Juliana. The poet says: deprived of jo> and without hope they sought hell, not - may the thanes in that dark home, the assembly of companions in that deep cavern expect from their prince the rich possessions of the living — that they in the wine-hall at the beer benches shall receive rings appled gold Iiroora bidseled hyhta lease belle sohton ne Jxtrftan f>a f>ejnas in pain Systran ham seo jeneatscolu in [>am neolan scrsefe to |)am frumjare feohjestealda witedra wenan. |>a-t by in winsele ofer beorsetle beajas f)ejon, applede jold! (J. v. 681 If. This is not the hell of christian teaching, but that joyless state characteristic of the heathen realm of Hel. It is noteworthy that here one of the woes and the one made most prominent is the lack of that which was so highly prized by the loyal Anglo- saxon, viz. the possibility of meeting with his companions aboul the drinking benches in the mead-hall and of there being recog- nized and honored liv his lord in token of particular merit or distinguished services. The hell to which the unrighteous are condemned after the l>ay of Judgmenl does not show so much evidence of the influence of lieathen beliefs, yet is liv no means free from traces of them. It is represented as a deep abyss ilntfw tin I ,■('. v. \b'.V2\. sushi jrwid (E. v. 943 containing n swart flame sirartm lij (C. v. L533), — 31 — a leaping flame lacende 1'ig (E. v. :)*o) which shall dissolve the bodies of" those coming in contact with it lira bryttafi (E. v. 579). Those condemned to boll shall not escape their sins but bound in the flames they shall suffer death teje jebundnp : / swytt fyrcnviafi M'. v. 1539:. Such stress is laid upon the perpetuity of' this death and the horrors of its consummation, and so vivid is the whole picture that I cannot forbear to insert the lines from ( '. v. 1541 — 49 which afford one of the liveliest descriptions in the whole poem. The content is this: That is eternal death: nor may that hot abyss throughout the everlasting night to all eternity avail to burn away the sin from that infernal race, the stain from their souls: but there the deep pit nourishes the sad ones, bottomless, it guards the spirits in its gloom: it burns them with its old name and with its terrible cold, consumes them with its hateful serpents and many punishments, with terrible nourishment (?) inflicts injury upon the folk. p;et is ece cwealm! ne msej p?et hate dsel of hooloocynne in synnehte synne forbaernan to widan feore, worn of pa-re sawle ac fuer se deopa seao dreorje ledefi jrundleas jiemeS jaesta on J)eostre aleft hy mid J>y ealdan lije and mid [>y ejsan forste, wraoum wyrmum and mid wita tela frecnum feorhjomum folcum scenden. Here are distinct traces of heathen beliefs. Such antitheses as are contained in the idea of the presence of heat and cold, flame and darkness in one and the same place are not biblical teaching. The same idea is found elsewhere in Anglosaxon poetry e. g. Genesis (v. 43): Salomon and Saturn (v 467 f.) exhibits thoughts parallel with those in the lines above cited, but with more prom- inence give to the feature of coldness in the enumeration of hells torments. The subjects for punishment suffer the hottest of fires hattost heafiowehna (E. v. 579) in a place of destruction forwyrd (E. v. 7G4). endure slavery pecnvned polian (E .v. 769), in a place of the blackest and most terrible punishments in \ui sit'eartestan and fw 3* — 32 — wyrrestan witebrojan (E. v. 930 f.); they suffer the qualms of death in the embrace of the dragon dreojaft deaficwale in dracan fcefinie (E. v. Tti I it '. This occurs in the description of the fall «it' the angels and obviously drawn cannot refer to the devil as he did nol as yel exist. The expression i> here doubxless the conception adopted by popular fancy, of the mouth of a monstrous beast which served as the entrance to the place of torment. 'This appears from the illustrations of the Caedmon MSS 1 ). Tito doomed s shall dwell in the hath of fire Ofl fyi'bcefti K. \. 948), and placed on a lighted funeral pyre, they shall endure the curse and misery without cud ( K. v 950 f.) Yet notwithstanding tin- fart that they arc in the surge of the tiro wylme (E. v. 764), the inmates of hell are at the same time in shadowy darkness peostmm forfiylmed I ti- v. 7<>| {'.). The statement that hell shall then take the host of the per- fidious ones ponne hel nime^ wcerleasra weorud (C. v. 1613 f.) recalls the goddess whom mythology names as the governess in hell. In the lines above inserted sea$ is also in like manner personified and is spoken of as having the care of the spirits in its darkness. 1 Arcbajologia, XXIV, Plates LV and LXII. III. THE STATE. J. he Anglosaxon political and social condition in the eighth century Mas at such a degree of primitiveness as to make the application of the modern term 'state' to it almost unsuitable: yet we arc at a loss for a hotter term to designate in a compre- hensive sense the civic community of that period: and we may perhaps so divest ourselves of our modern ideas that the application of the word state may with sufficient clearness designate the collective civic relations of that primitive society — the whole forming in a generic sense a state. With this generic significance then we use the term and shall collect in this section of the essay whatever we may find relative to the state, or more specifically, the suggestions relative to (lie ruler and the ruled, the functions of each, their reciprocal relations, their conjunctive action to meet national ends, as in war, assemblies etc. We shall note here too whatever suggestions we may find relative to the social and family life of the AnglosaxOn, as being integral factors in the collective body we are pleased to call the state. It is to be borne in mind that the Cynewulfian poems arc poetical elaborations of prose; Latin legends and homilies and that whatever appears in the Anglosaxon without addition or diminution as it stood in the Latin does not properly form a part of our theme. Juliana, Guthlac and Elene, based upon selections from the Acta Sanctorum, are not of a character to yield very ex- tensively to our purpose, while Crist from the nature of the whole will yield even less, for there is almost nothing except the allusions to the character and attributes of a ruler in the anthropomorphic references to Christ, and the reciprocal relation of king and sub- ject as transferred to Christ and his disciples. — 34 — RULER. We consider first the tribal or national ruler, the king; and here vvc are restricted alinosl exclusively to material in Juliana and Elene, to what is said of Maxiniian. Heliseus, Constantine and Helen. The Anglosaxon monarch was before all else a military hero. It could scarcely be otherwise in a land divided into potty prin- cipalities each striving for prominence and able to win and maintain such prominence only through excellence in military operations. Under such circumstances the head of each principality must of necessity be a warrior able to lead and command men. An examination of the titles given to th< ruler proves the high estimation in which military qualities were held. Maximian's Latin title is imperator and is translated simply cyninj, but immediately alter is added the title hildfruma (J. v. 7) as though naming him from his most important attribute. Constantine is given the same name (E. v. 10) and from this hildfruma he was raised to leader of the army hereteman (E. v. Hh. The word used here ahcefen, •raised' alludes perhaps to the ceremony of installing the king when he was raised upon a shield and exhibited to the multitude which greeted him with acclamations 1 ). The king was skillful on the battle Held, nimble in the use of the shield lindlwvata (E. v. 1 1 i, actively engaging in the pitched battle Jieafiofremmencle (E. v. L30), himself displaying bravery nifflieard cyrivng (E. v. 195). aide in the fight juftheard (E. v. 204), hold with the spear jar^rist (E. v. 204). Thus, although he was leader of the host licrrrn'sini (E. v. 994), he possessed the valorous qualities of the common soldier as well and took active part in the contest. As a distinguished military hero Cynewulf gives him many appellations drawn from war, its preparations and result-. lie is the protector of the people leodjebyrga (E. v. LI, 203), the battle guardian for his men ji&weard gumkna (E. v. i I . and their protection wijena lileo (E. v. lot"' aftelinja him (E. \. 99), the kin- famous in battle beadurof cyninj (E. \. L52). lie was the helmet of the army herija helm (E. \. 148, 223) whose presence was a surety and «) Kemble S. in E. I. p L54. — 35 — protection to the army as the lielmel rendered the head of the warrior secure. The king was the guardian of his own realm rices hyrde (J. v. 66). After the din of battle had ceased the king bestowed presents as rewards or tokens of esteem and honor upon subjects who in some manner had merited his royal attention, and from this custom lie is given such titles as beorna beagjifa (E. v. 100, 1108) the spender of rings, <»r the gold-distributing friend of the men goldmine jumerta (E. v. 201), the distributor of treasure sinces brytta (E. v. 194) and the granter of wishes wiljifa (E. v. 221). The Cynewulfian poems do not present in this respect any example of the generous king as e. g. Hroojar is represented in Beo. 1021 ff. The foregoing have been Avar titles: what were the civil titles of the Anglosaxon monarchy Constantine the emperor casern (E. v. 42, 70, etc.) is called the riht cyninj (v. 13) of mighty tame tireadij (E. v. 104): as significant of the dignity and wisdom of age he is the folces or secja akior (E. v. 157. 97): considered as the acme of the social and political classes of his state he is the first of men leodfruma (E. v. 191): representing him as one sprung from the ranks of his own people, he is the prince peoden (J. v. 82, 86, etc, E. v. 267): he is also the hlaford of his people (E. v. 265. J. v. 129). The foregoing war and peace titles are all given to Constantine, a king, highest officer. In Heliseus we have an under-officer perhaps the second in rank to the king. His Roman title is generally prsefectus. The Latin narrative runs: erat quidani Senator in civitate Nicomedia nomine Eleusius: and again: dedit munera Imperatori Maximano et suecessit Prsefecto alio administranti, seditque in carruca agens ofticium Prsefecturse. These references to the Acta Sanctorum give us the official position of Heliseus which was that of Prefect or Governor of a province holding his position of civil and military leader at the pleasure of the emperor and representing the latter in the far-off Asia minor province. < >ur poet often speaks of him in terms elsewhere applied to the king himself, but the terminology usually implies that he is a subordinate officer. He is the reeve of the kingdom — 36 — rice xerefa^ J. v. l'.». 530), n warrior * » t " lofty personal courage sr hererinc (J. \*. 180), the folkleader folctoja (J. v. 225) closely allied to lieretoja which Kemble observes is the proper aame for the officer next in rank t< > the king 2 ): heret'oga is his name however as ruler and leader of tlie army and is often replaced by ealdorman t<> denote his civil position. Nowhere in the poem is Heliseus spoken of as ealdorman though this is the name we might expecl the poet to have given to the rider of a ducal estate or ealdordom as his estate is called hosfde ealdordom mice-hie and mcerne (J. v. 25, 190). Significant of the attachment and esteem felt for the ruler is the title monnct leofast (J. v. 84). To Heliseus is ascribed yel another prerogative in the title se dema (J. v. 594, 602). The prerogatives just noted are such as have been shown elsewhere to bo connected with the idea of royalty 8 ). The judicial function was rarely ascribed to the king. In Juliana se ileum is not a translation from the Latin but an appellation voluntarily assigned by the poet. That the king did exercise the function of judge sometimes and that he may. in a sense, be considered to have been the highest judicial officer we learn from Kemble: but the exercise of his right except in extreme cases or in answer to a last appeal, was unusual 1 -. The ealdorman was the principal judicial officer in hi> province or shire 5 ) and so the poei in his use of dema employs a term which is not only decriptive of the part which Heliseus acts in the narrative but is also consistent with the office of ealdorman or ruler of the shire to whom in a general way the Roman prefect corresponds. The term dema may have been associated in the poet's mind with geref'a an officer who undoubtedly exercised the prerogatives of judge. Almost inseparable from position of honor and dignity was wealth and high birth. Heliseus is wealthy whtivelij (J. v. 18), sr ivelija (J. v. 38, 569) joldspedij jama (J. v. 39), has riches 1 t' hreasure mwjiefa (C. v. 460), ;i term associated with the custom previously alluded to of bestowing presents upon warriors, courtiers or minstrels: u-ilgiefa (C. v. 537) granter of desires, referring probably to the same custom; guardian of the kingdom rices weard (C. v. 1528), of the people (>>U-7, 58, 164), so is Con- stantine the emperor also (E. v. 12, 202). The Anglosaxon nomenclature carried into the realm of religious thought gives to Christ the same title (C. \. L58, 448, 627 etc.): the dignity of his rank is still further exalted by making him the afteUnja ord C. \. 515, 846 etc.): to Constantine is assigned the rank afoelinja Jdeo(E. v. 99). Who are meant by the wftelinjas in these instances? In Elene \. 845 If. (efirlinjas seems to be used synonymously with /< (V gestas and rutins, those in immediate attendance upon the queen herself. This would naturall) justify the conclusion that they were ;i -elect few, chosen npon some principle of birth. — 30 natural endowments or excellence achieved through skill or industry forming a class whoso head was the monarch himself. The term eorl varies in its meaning in our poems, signiiying, 1 take it, as well one of distinguished rank as men in general without exacter reference to station. In .1. v. 542 we may under- stand it as applying to the ruler and his surrounding attendants, while J. v. 510, C. v. 546, 875 exhibit its use as a term for men in general. ( !. v. 510 it is a translation of hominibus. Gruthlac is the eorl elle nl beard (v. 1138) and is yet further distinguished among earls as the eorla wyn (v. 117'.)). In Elene those about the queen are named eorlas as well as afteliujas. The band that accompanied the queen in search of the cross consisted of earls (E. v. 225, 275.) The three thousand dews constituting the first assembly which Helen called are also called earls (E. v. 321) but those were selected upon a principle of excellence \xi pe deoplicost dryhtnes geryno reccan action (E. v. 280 f.). The second assembly of one thousand Jews was likewise a body of earls (E. v. 332) and these again were distinguished by some trait. - were wisfceste weras wordes crceftije etc. (E. v. 314). The third assembly of five hundred consisted also of earls (E. v. 404), those who best kneAv the writings of old \xi pe fyrnjewritu j purh snyttro <-nt j ft selest cunnen (E. v. ;>73 f.). Judas the eorla Meo was of noble stock afoeles cynnes (E. v. 59), wordcrceftes ivis ond irit.^tni sunu (E. v. 592). The same word designates the Jews in general (E. v. 435 i. In all these uses of the word the idea of excellence of some sort is the constant factor. They were subjects whose privilege apparently it was to be near their monarch, often doubtless in the capacity of stalwart warriors, famed for prowess in war. and in time of peace occupying a social position of superior rank forming a step in the existing germ of the Feudal System, although in these poems there arc no hints at a mastery over a lower rank of society. Respecting the relative raids: of earl and etheling our data affords small means of determining, yet the frequency with which ajftelinj is applied to Heliseus Constantine and Christ while earl is rarely so used implies strongly the preeminence of the former class. The allusions to other ranks of society are little more than — 40 — verbal. The courtiers, perhaps menials, aboul the king who await his will in the performance of service are the pejnas (J. v 12. 683) a hand of followers whom the poel characterizes as prijbfulh i.l. v. 12): they constitute an escort geneatscolu (J. v. 684) and are often the recipients of his generosity ,J. v. 684 f. t. It is their privilege in event of certain celebrations to assemble aboul their lord in the wine-hall at the tables and then' to pass the time in festive drinking, and to receive tokens from the hand of their lord himself commending their services and at the same time clothing them with honor, as we are warranted in inferring from the negative assertion in J. v. 683 ff. The same custom is re- ferred to in the words of Affricanus to Heliseus cet pe pine hyldu mnburgum in (J. v. 82 f.) which contains also an occult suggestion of the worth attached by the subject to the approbation and favor of his prince. In Elene the pejna heap is spoken of as being present at the assembly of people lieremeftle (E. v. 549). This was the assembly of .lews which was afterwards dismissed and Judas alone retained to answer the queen's questions (E. v. 598 t'.). Helen then directed her conversation to him alone pam anhajan (E. v. 604): he replies, and she again speaks openly before the earls for eorlum (E. v. 620). Who is meant by the earls here is not clear, but mosl likely the reference is to her continual escort consisting probably of thanes i. e. servants, and of earls, aoblemen; and this body, her retinue is called once the pejna heap (E. v. 549) and once the earls \ H. v. 620). Constantine had such an escort pejna preat (E. v. 151), this, however, was a war-hand. Designating the great body of the populace of which we learn little are werpeod (E. v. it. 643), folc (E. v. L094) hod (E. v. 128, 168 : and signifying men in general are firas id. v. 218, Gr. v. \u\\. C. v. 35): celde id. v. 727. Gt. v. 793, C. v. 582); wer is the in- dividual with fixed value as in (J. v. 300, i and to he oppressed with hunger hunjrfi ^r\)ir,ilinl v. 695), he was moreover hound in fetters rlommum hpchmgen, and on the seventh day he was weakened with pain, tired and hungry. Kent p. 1 \ ) justly affirms "that the lack of an\ sustenance mrteleas is particularly emphasized as the mosl intolerable feature of the torture, for this is given as 1 Cf Kemble II. p. 200. — 43 — the ground of Ins desire for release, that he was worn out by the enmity of hunger heanne from hunjres jeniftlan and that hunger prevents him from resisting longer"; hut 1 can not sec that his (Kent's) conclusion that 'this varied and repeated reference to hunger as a parr of the punishment by confinement must have In 'i 'ii based upon an existing actuality in the punishment of the day' follows cither as a necessity or even as a clear probability. Kent seems to have overlooked the Latin source to which. I take it, the references to hunger are due rather than to the reflections on the poet's mind of any "existing actuality in the punishment of the day'. Helen took an oath to starve Judas to death "per crucifixum, fame te interficiam' Ic pcet jesweiije pcet \mi himjre scealt civylmed wem^an (E. v. ti8i\) if he did not reveal to her the truth about the cross. This is part of the Latin narrative and in his development of the plan of the poem it is only natural that the poet's mind should revert especially to the means, viz hunger by which Judas was to he put to death if he persisted in his stubbornness: for in both the Latin and the Anglosaxon the imprisonment seems to have been the means of executing the punishment by hunger rather than that the hunger was an incident of the punishment by imprisonment. Perhaps Grimm's omission of hunger in his list of the punishments among the German races need not after all be considered so '"strange". Respecting capital punishment also there is an interesting reference in Juliana where the deviation from the original is such as »ives a strong suggestion at least about some things respecting the manner of an Anglosaxon execution. The poet says that Juliana was conducted near to the landmark londmearc neah (J. v. 635), to the place where they intended to put her to death etc. Kemble in his discussion of the Mark 1 ) points out that it was. as the name denotes, a division of land maked out, having settled boundaries, inhabited and cultivated by freonien. In its restricted sense it was a boundary and was under the protection of the gods' 1 ) and also under the safe guard of public law 3 ), vigorously *) S. in E. I, r . 35 f. -) Kemble, I, p. 43. :: ) Ibid., ]». 4ti. — 44 — shielded from violation li had a certain sanctity thai might not with Impunity be violated, for on the maintenance of that sanctity depended the safety of the community and the regular service of the deities thai presided over the common weal. II" as Kemble thinks 1 ) the execution among early Germanic peoples was in the nature of a sacrifice to the gods, where could that sacrifice be with more propriety offered than on the land-mark, the ground especially sacred to them? [n Juliana's case, whose .sin was partially. at least, in the obstinate adherence to a god not recognized among the deities of her people, the execution Oil the ground associated with rejected deities woifld lend emphasis to the example of which she was made. The method of inflicting capital punishment here used. \)iiih sweordshje (J. V. 671) is one of the methods discussed by Grimm 2 ) as being in vogue early in England. I. WAR AND WARRIORS. The military or war force was very closely identified with the state in the thought of the Anglosaxon: its efficiency might indicate the relative rank of the petty Anglosaxon kingdoms whose prestige dated from a single successful campaign or whose history (dosed with a military disaster. The large number of terms descriptive of different aspects id' war. diffused so generally throughout the whole range of Anglosaxon poetry, is clear and convincing proof of the important role it played in the life and thought of the race. That it was so important and that the poetry so distinctly reflects it is a natural consequence of the relations existing among the Anglosaxon principalities at the period when poetical literature flourished. The ( 'ynew ulriaii poems with tin' exception of the Elene yield as little perhaps to this subject as any of the longer poems in the literature - a natural resull of the themes treated. Aside from the contest with the barbarians depicted in Klene the p (M 't depicts no war preparat ioi is, describes no actual compaign, portrays no real light and presents no warring hero as such to afford scope for the war vocabulary and the vi\id narration which occur in many other pieces; hut in spite of this, ') Kemble I. ]>. 47, n. ■>. -) Deutsche RecbtsalterthUmer S. 889. — 45 — a theme with which lie is so intimate must show itself at times and so Juliana and Ghithlac offer many war terms and suggestions. The second part of Crist is also relatively rich in them 1 ). We have seen that the ruler was a war chieftain engaging actively in the battle and accepting the dangers of the common soldier. The earls and ethelings were the attendants of his standard acting in the capacity of the common soldier (E. v. 66). So also on the expedition of Helen which was in many respects equipped as a war expedition, the immediate attendants of the queen are designated as o>Rcrofe eorlas (E. v. 275). Thus the king, ethelings, earls, were fully represented in the rank and file of battle. Designating the great mass of warriors are often the ordinary ternis for man as secgas, irons etc., but more specifically the man as warrior is cempa (J. v. 17, 290), wija (C. v. 985, E. v. 150), wigend (E. v. 106). Bine and beorn have the stronger meaning of hero (E. v. 46, 114). Collectively considered the army is the here (E. v. 32), the battle host beadupreat (E. v. 31); the fe'ban (E. v. 35) primarily the infantry, and this meaning suits very well here if we accept Korner's translation of eoredeestum 'ausgewahlte reiterschaar". The warriors are variously named from some attribute or incident as the lancewarriors dearefilacende (E. v. 37), the war-companions guftjelcecan (E. v. 43): those who stand shoulder to shoulder in the rank of battle sharing a common weal or woe eaxlgestealna (E. v. 64): the battle heroes hiMerineas, fyrdrincas (E. v. 261, 263), the shield-bearers lindwigend (E. v. 270), the Briinnenkampfer byrnwigend (E. v. 224, 235) and the cescwijan (E. v. 259). Besides these so variously named warriors who fought on foot we are *) It is worth while noting that the epithets and titles suitable to an earthly prince and warrior occur much more frequently in Passus II of Crist than in Passus I and III of the same poem: thus sincjiefa, hlaford, Ae5elin^a Ord, beorn, Wiljiefa, do not occur elsewhere in the poem. Moreover some appellations which are elsewhere common in the poem dp not occur in Passus II e. g. Crist, Scyppend. Further the terms frea, weard, dryhten, and nerjend occur but once each in Passus II of Crist. The most frequent appellations of the Deity in Passus II are hlaford, geSelinj, a?"Selinja ord, peoden etc. Has this perhaps any significance respecting the unity or authorship of the poem? 4 — 46 — also reminded that then' was as well a body of cavalry that responded to the summons of the heralds as the Roman army gathered to defend Roman boundaries mearh moldan treed (E. v. 55 . The battle array thus consisting of king, earls, nobles, common infantry and cavalry is furnished with hornblowers fiornbwan E. v. ."> I i and Avar heralds fricran (E. v. 54) to summon the participants to and encourage them in the tiaht. Before describing the fight itself we notice the armour of the warriors that the character of the fray may be the better under stood. First the defensive armor. The shield was perhaps the most important piece of armour of this kind, judging from the frequency with which Ixyrd and Und occur (the last only in com- pounds in Elene . cf. lindhwwt (E. v. 11), lindwered (E. v. 142), Hndwijend (E. v. 270), bordum and ordum (E. v. 235), rand (E. v. 50): the latter word designates primarily the edge of the shield and then by metonomy the shield itself which is once designated as yellow jeolorand (E. v. lis). The shield was of wood as the words Und and bm'd d>rett imply. Next to the shield which served as a protection in general was the helmet of importance for the special protection of the head. This designated a-^ eof&rrumbol (E. v. 259 . jrimo (E. v. L25) jrimhelm (E. v. 258) has been excellently discussed and described by Hans Lehinann 1 ). In addition to this armour was the corselet byrne (E. v. 257) and the coat of mail hildesera (E. \. 234), wcelhlenc (E. v. 24), which is described as wrifirnr: these together constituted the splendid war-apparel geatol'w jnfisrrud (E. v. 258) an expression indicating that these pieces of armour were sometimes of great splendour -i. Of the offensive armour the sword was tin' most useful for the close fight; Inlih (E. v. 122, 257 sweord (E. v. 757) and brojdenmcel E. v. 757): the latter, the exact meaning of which is doubtful is designated as hoarder $ and was the fiery weapon of the angelic guardian of Paradise. As missiles for hurling are J ) Hans Lehmann, Briinne and Helm im Angelsachsischen Beowulfliede ; Gcittinger Dissertation 1885, p. 2o il'. Cf. Lehmann p. 13 ft'.: iiber die Briinne and his plates of Illustrations el' both I [elm and Briinne. Cf. Lehmann, p. 25. Also Boo. L021 ff. — 47 — the spear jar (E. v. 23, 118); ord (E. v. 235) used of the speai though really meaning the point. Darcficesc (E. v. 140) is the lance with shaft of ash wood The arrows are graphically called the battle-adders hildencedran (E. v. 141, 119) and the flanas which came down upon the fated folk in showers scuras (E. v. 117). As the hosts assemble for the approaching contest, the din of armor and the commotion of moving hosts is accompanied by the dismal howl of the wolf as he sings the battle song fyrdleofo ajol { E. v. 27 i : the scream of the dewy- feathered eagle also resounds as he rejoices in the prospects (E. v. 29). The terror of the hosts. conscious of their numerical inferiority to their barbarous foes, is increased by the uncanny cry of the fell raven as he mingles his voice with the sound of the horn and the trumpet call to battle (E. v. 52 f.). The king upon beholding the barbarian host is doubly terrified at their vast numbers, but is still resolute to defend his kingdom (v. 62 f. ). The night brings him divine assurance of ultimate victory, and encouraged he gives command for the onset at the break of the following day. The war standard and the emblem through which the promised victory was to conic are both raised and borne before the king: the trumpets resound loud before the attacking army hlude for herjum (v. llOt.' The wolf, eagle, and raven lend their cries to increase the battle terror. Then comes the attack itself paer wses borda gebrec and beorna jeprec heard handjeswinj and herja jrinj (E. v. 114 f.) The crash of shields, the throng of men, the discharge of Aveapons, the fall of the hosts are thus presented in short expressive clauses which themselves remind us of sword strokes. Showers of arrows fall upon the people doomed to death: the spears tly over the yellow shields into the crowd of the hostile ones: the arrows, the battle-adders, are impelled by the power of the lingers (v. 117 f. ). The impetuous warriors still press on, the hostile hosts clash together, the shields break and finally hand to hand they strike in with the sword hil indufan (v. 122.). In the midst of the contest the standard puf (v. 123) is raised, the segn i. e. the cross the sign of victory, and the song of victory resounded sijefeoS jaleu (v. 124). The gilded helmets and the spears gleamed 4* — 48 — on the Hold. Many of the heathen fell on the field, others fled in hot haste as they saw the symbol of the cross raised: sonic perished in the flight, others narrowly escaped with their lives as they fled along the banks of the Danube. The pursuit of the Romans from early morning until lato at night destroyed many mere until the disaster to the barbarian host was almost complete, lyfhwon becwom / huna herjes ham eft panon (E. v. 142 £). There are in the other poems more or less desultory allusions to warfare and the incidents of hostile life. Pieces of armour are frequently mentioned, though generally it is offensive armour as the bow brcejdboja (C. v. 76o) and the arrow street (0. v. 7Gf>. 779 with i^ poisonous point attres ord (G. v. 7G8): the spear or dart jar id. v. 17), the javelin for hurling dardfs id. v. G8) cf. Death of Byrhtnoth (v. 149), dardt of handa fteojan etc. The sword is referred to in one instance (C. v. 679). As the use of these terms is entirely figurative, it is natural that those terms should be employed which are most expressive in the figure and thus we tiud references to missiles such as darts and spears mosl frequent, since by the sudden and unexpected piercing of the dart the wily attacks of the devil are more accurately portrayed than by the hand to hand stroke of the sword and not because the sword was a less common or less important part of the offensive equipment. The noise of the bonds that assail Guthlac is likened to the shout of an army herecirm (G. v. 872): the threats held over Juliana are called war terror hildewoman (d. v. L36): the piercing of murderous arrows wcelpilum (Gr. v. 1127) typifies the violence of Guthlac's pain; and the increasing severity of his last day's agony is powerfully represented as the piercing of the heart with showers of flying darts hildescurum flacor flaripracu < ; . v. 1116 f.). The warrior of the Lord must stand against the showers of missiles " ''o. fiattprwee id. v. 384) v ). The siege of the heart as described by the devil to Juliana, the Anglosaxon ) t represents as the ') This adaptation of the language to the Ags. way of thinking ami interpreting through the application of literary figures in vs 111", 1 lL'7. L259, of Guthlac, relative to war has been pointed oul by Lefevre, Anglia Bd. VI. S. 229. — 49 — siege and capture <>t' a city (J. v. 398 ff.) First a careful survey of the defences, then an opening of the wall-gate through strategy and finally an entrance to the tower itself is obtained A/'o' se fori' pyrel injong geojyenad and the missile discharge follows. Tn the same manner in Crist v. 758 ff. the representation of the strife between the good and the evil naturally falls into description of an Anglosaxon light in which our attention is called to the terrible dart shower, the cruel wounds, the drawn how, the bitter arrow, the sudden shot, the shielding and the treacherous weapon stroke. In Crist 558 — 585 the poet's mind seems to have been upon some actual victorious compaign of his own acquaintance under- taken for the adjustment of an old fend: the besieging party deprives the besieged of the tribute jafol which had of yore been unjustly exacted; the oppressor is overcome and imprisoned: those who had previously been captured are rescued and the besiegers take leave of the enemy's city feonda byrij with a rich mass of booty hufia mceste and return amid their own hosts to their own city, rejoicing in victory, having established a lasting peace. 5. DOMESTIC AND OTHER RELATIONS. A feeling of strong family attachment and high regard for the ties of relationship is evident wherever these relations are mentioned in the poeins. Likewise a high appreciation of an honorable and lofty lineage may be inferred from several expres- sions referring directly to this. Mary addressing Joseph (C. v. 164 f. ) is careful to call him child of Jacob Iacobes beam and relation of David the famous king hhijj Davides mceran cyni/njes. Mary's relationship to David is also emphasized (C. v. 191). Christ is repeatedly called a noble or free-born child freo-bearn (C. v. 223, 643, 788). Affricanus urges his daughter to yield to the solicita- tions of Heliseus on the ground that he is nobler than she a^dra (J. v. 101) — a direct indication of the worth attached to social rank and position of which no trace is found in the poet's source. In many instances where the Latin offers either no incentive to refer to domestic or friendly relations, or at most only a sug- gestion of them the poet inserts and expands in such a manner as to express considerable on these themes: thus in Gr. v. 840 ff.) — 50- aiHl '.».').") ff. and in J. v. '.*.'> ff. as in several other instances which we shall have occasion to mention, this is the rase. The relation of friendship between Guthlac and his servant is strongly expressed where the source gives n<> occasion for it. We notice first the closest domestic relation, thai of husband and wife. The relation is expressed by sinhiwan (G. v. 823), a strong word meaning those members of a house-hold which are joined for all time: the term is more often used in our own poems of the relation between soul and body, two companions inseparably united for this world 1 1 ut whose connection is dissolved at death, |)eah his lie and jsesl hvra somwiste sinhiwan tu deore jedaelden G. v. 94 l f. (Cf. also J. v. 697 ff.). Almost a typical mutual esteem permeates the dialogue between Joseph and Mary (C. v. 164 ff.). Although ostensibly the husband had cause, the most flagrant that could exist, to exhibit feelings of a violent and angry character, his words are tempered with forbearance and sorrow, and are recip- rocated by Mary with due consolation, exculpating him from all fault. The most common word for husband is wear (Gr. v. 821, 957, J. v. 103). Teles is perhaps besl translated wife or spouse (G. v. 956); the word has the general meaning, woman, as well. Eve gave the hitter drink to her sweet husband hyre s-wcesum were (G. v. 057). Brycl is used sometimes in the sense of sponsa J. v. 41), sometimes in the sense of uxor (G. v. 842): Jyrydjuma in the sense of sponsiis ul. v. LOO). The custom of ring wearing as a special token of betrothal 1 ) is alluded tit in the expression heaja hroden. The wifjifta (J. v. 38) alludes to the old Germanic custom 2 ) of the betrothed girl bringing to her future husband at the marriage a certain dowry given by the girl's lather. Juliana v. 38 ff. seems to refer directly to an Anglosaxon wedding, to the adorning of the bride and her escorl to the house of the bridegroom fcumnaii jejyrede bryd to bolde (Of. J. v. 114). The terms for conjugal affection are various and expressive lufu (0. ! Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterthumer S. 177, 178, 132 Ibid. S. 429. — 51 — v. L67), /Wj« (C. v. 419, 37, J. v. L03), mcejlufu (J. v. fO), freondrceden (J. v. 71, 107, 220) Conjugal affection felt for the wife is tersely expressed as brydlufu (J. v. 114). Almost the only opportunity that the source offers him for speaking of parental and Hlial affection the poet lias considerably expanded, thus Hlia mea dulcissima Juliana lux oculorum mcorum lie has transferred to his own language pu eart dohter niiu see dyreste and see sw etrste in sefan milium anje for eoroan minra eajna leoht Juliana. (J. v. 93 ff.) In the discourse of Sachius to his sou (E. v. 441 f.) tili is translated min SWOBS sunn (v. 447) and farther on the son is addressed by the father as heeled min se leofa (E. v. 5 1 1. and the [later is min swees feeder (E. v. 517.) The son is again addressed as hyse leofesta (E. v. 523). These verbal references while not very decisive evidence of family attachment are at least indicative of the same. The relationship of Helen to her son the emperor Constantine is generally represented as that of an obedient and devoted subject rather than as kin and mother. The onlv allusions to fraternal affection arc those in the message of Guthlac to his sister: and here, as the deviation from the source is very slight, m> mere can be said than that whatever deviation there is, is on the side of greater expression of feeling than the original exhibits. G. v. 1152 ff. has no Latin equivalent. The references to Gruthlac's sister are indicative of the high esteem in which woman was held; Beccelin addresses her as glory's dear virgin witldres wimucej (v. 1319) the dearest of maids Jeofast mwjftct (v. 1350). Friendship and fidelity are nowhere else so vividly depicted in the ( Ynewultian poems as in the relation of the servant Beccelin to Guthlac his master; and perhaps nowhere else in Anglosaxon poetry is such exalted reverence and unbounded devotion re- presented as here 1 ). Heinzel has shown that the poet in G. v. J ) Heinzel, Quellen und Forschungen iiber den Styl der Altgermanischen Poesie S. 44. — 52 — 1020 II'., 1309 ff., and 1319 ff. has incorporated material entirely his own 1 ). Lefevre 2 ) very properly adds references to v. 981 ff. and l ] To ff. as being iudependenl of the source. The five passages indicated relate to the sorrow and grief fell by Beccelin upon his realization (1) of his master's sickness (v. 981 ff.), (2) upon Ins assurance of his approaching death (v. 1020 ff.), (3) upon receiving the message for Ids (Guthlac's) sister (v. 1 1 7 < > ff.), tti upon his arrival and delivery of the sad tidings as he bad been commissioned to do (v. L309 and L319 ff.). The devotion to and the interest frit in Ids lord's welfare is such that the realization of the sickness affects the servant greatly him pad injefeol hefij aet heortan, hyjesorje wsej, micle modceare. v. 981 f. The description of intense feeling is perhaps strongesl in (v. 1309 t'.i: as the servant set out to carrv the sad news to his lord's sister. Sorrow hot at the heart, sad thoughts, a grievous mind troubled him who had left behind his lord, robbed of lite, his dear friend: poignantly the sound of his weeping warned him, a tlood of tears welled forth, the hot cheek-drops, and in his breast he bore great heart-sorrow etc. The whole passage is expressive of the most poignant grief at the loss to himself and of the most lofty resped and ardent love for the departed one. Sarrazin in his skillful presentation of the features of Cyne- wulfian poetry which are common to the BeoAvulf poem as well, lias called attention to the similarities in the descriptions of the deaths of < i nth lac and Beowulf, and also to the similarities in the descriptions of the sorrow of Beccelin as compared with that of Wijlaf, Beowulf's relation and faithful c panion 8 ). A general resemblance in the description of the sorrow of the two friends is not to be denied and yet it seems to me that this distinction should be clearly made. Wijlafs sorrow is thai of a devoted subject for his master, that ») Heinzel, S. 44. 8 ) Lefevre, Anglia Bd. VI. Das Altenglische Gedicht voin heiligen < ruthlac. Lefevre has justlj objected to the statement of Heinzel that v. 1020 f. is the poet's own, as there is in his source a corresponding passage of extent. Sarrazin, Beowulf and Kynewulf. Anglia Bd. IX, S. 547. — 53 — of a warrior for his war-leader. lie thinks of Beowulf as the spender of rings, of holms, swords, coats of mail etc. as he met his devoted followers in the beorsele (B. 2636): In the fray Wijlafs master is the man of bold deeds, the terrible, destructive warrior, yielding to nothing and making all succumb to himself, and as such Wijlaf, a devoted follower of Beowulf's own choosing, seems ever to think of him. Beecelin on the other hand is not drawn to his master out of a warrior's admiration for heroic deeds or gigantic strength, nor out of gratitude for war-presents received in the mead-hall but rather because of Guthlac's spiritual excellencies. lie thinks of Guthlac as a friend, as a father even, the true companion ; the dearest of men; one whose companionship was most highly prized and whose loss was an irreparable calamity. The servant in relation to Guthlac is called ombehfpegn (G. v. 073, 1119, 1268), maju (v. 983), pejn (v. 1087), with slight if any difference of meaning. Terms significant of intimate friend- ship and fraternal affection applied to the servant are min pcet sweese beam (G. v. 1139), wine min (v. 1200), leofast monna (v. 1231), treowum jesioe (v. 1269), all strong expressions indicative of the lord's high appreciation of his servants love and companionship lufan piin-e and geferscype (G. v. 1231 f.). Guthlac on the other hand in relation to the servant is the mondryhten (v. 1024, 1124, 980): as addressed by the servant himself, he is the friendly lord winedryhten min (v. 984. 1175), feeder (v. 985), the protector of friends freonda Meo (v. 985), the dearest prince fyeoden leofesta (v. 887), noble lord freodryhfcn (v. 994), lord Maford (v. 1026), the dearest of men hceldfta leofast (v. 1176), Joy of earls eorla wyn (v. 1179) and feeder frofor min (v. 1184), frea min (v. 1195). Maford min (v. 133H. The servant's message to the sister herself is a beautiful tribute to the high esteem in which constancy in friendship was held by the Anglosaxon (v. 1322 ff.). A tribute to strong family attachment is also yielded by the poet in v. 1154 ff. which adds considerable to the original respecting the pleasure of Guthlac's sister's companionship constituting one of the joys of heaven: in a passage entirely the poet's own the same is referred to again in G. v. 1345 ff. — 54 — Having noticed political and social relations so far as the\ are found in the poems, as I believe, 1 wish to note next some references to the scat of different intellectual and emotional im pressions, references to the individual man. to men in general and to different occupations and customs. In addition to what lias been said respecting friendship and emotions we may notice the names given to the seal of these impressions. For hearl was the general name heortan (C. v. 171. J. v. 239, G. v. 9Si> . hyge (E. v. 685): this word Grimm connects with the name of the wise bird Hujinn by which the highest god obtained information 1 ). Mod (C. v. 1601. .1. v. 39, G. v. 104 1 1 is used also of the heart as scat of thought and emotion. Sefct (C. v. 442, G. v. 938) means mind: hrefter (C. v. 539, G. v. UlOi is the breast as scat of the emotions and hrefterloca (G. v. 1237) is the breast (lire^er) enclosure; hreftercofa is also the lire¥>er apartment: fert (C. v. 1331, J. v. 270, G. v. 985) is mind, soul or spirit and fertiloca (J. v. 239, 279) is the enclosure, the 'Ver- schluss' of the //'rfi. Almost synonymous with these arc breost (C. \\ 341), modsefa (J. v. 72i and breostsefa (C. v. 540). The breostltord may be cither the heart itsdt'. or life or the thoughts whose seat was located in the breast. The term- descriptive of the body are especially poetic, often metaphorical in character. The Anglosaxon distinguished sharply in his terminology between the body simply and the body united with the spirit gcest or soul samel. The body apart from life is most often called Vuhoma (C. v. 7f>.">. J. v. 415, G. v. L073); Ik is also found; lira may be body cither living or dead (C v. 14): further designating the body arc bone-enclosure banloca < '. v. 769, J. \. t7»',. (J. v. 914J or the bone-apartmenl bancofa (G. v. 927) or the bone-vessel banfwt (G. v. 1166, 1239) banloca is the favorite expression in Guthlac. The body is also lirf t ri (G. v. 1063), bone-house banlms (G. v. 1341), soul-house sawelhus (G. v. 1003), the tenemenl of the soul hus (E. v. 880). Alluding to the flesh rather than the bone the body is a flesh-covering flascJwnw (C. v. 1298, J. v. 489, f., 609 f., 714 f.: G. v. 940, 901, 810, 1062 f., 1149 f„ 1272 f., 1237 f.: E. v. 889; F. A. v. 37. S3. The poetical designations of the individual man are rich in variety and descriptiveness. I mention the more important of them. To the sea-loving Anglosaxon. man is an ocean-dweller sundbuend (C. \. 73. 221), or described from his mode 'of habitation he is a citadel-dweller bur.gsittende (C. v. 339): other expressions are: those endowed with speech reordberend (C. v. 278. 381), also eortiwaru (C. v. 582, 723). eaftbuend (C. v. 422, 1279) peodbuend (C. v. 616, 1372). foldbuend (C. v. 868. G. v. 944): jcestberende (C. v. 1600). the offspring of the earth eorftan tuddor (C. v. 688). We learn little from these poems of how the Anglosaxon spent his time. Iioav he was occupied apart from his employment in war or on the sea of which occupations mention is made elsewhere in this essay. In Elene those are spoken of who made the cross according to the emperor's directions, and there were those mechanics also who were able to set it with precious stones and to adorn it with gold (E. v. 1022 ft'.). Those who were most skillful in stone-cutting were commanded by Helen to build the church upon the spot where the cross was found. References to the bishop bisceop, the prophet witja and the counsellor are of course found in poems of this character. In Crist however there is one passage still (v. ^66 ff. i which is very interesting in this connection, even if it does show some similarities with the Biblical passage 1 Cor. 12, 7 — 10, and was in all likelihood suggested by some thoughts in Gregory's twenty-ninth homily. That the poet has in mind occupations with which he is familiar is shown — 56 — by his enthusiastic reference to sea and war-lite. One can sing and speak many things se mcej ealfela sinjan find secgan: here we may readily think that the poet has the scop in mind; perhaps recalling his own earlier career; another can play the harp skillfully liearpan stirjan jleobeam gretan; this may well designate the gleeman or minstrel whose presence upon festive occasions was not only agreeable hut quite indispensable: a third can teach, interpret the Divine Law sum mcej jodcunde recean rilil<- m: another can tell the course of the stars ryne tunjla secgan is an astrologer: another is a copyist - can write well the spoken word, mcej searolice wordcwifie writan: another is a warrior, another a seaman and yet another applies his talents to the preparation of weapons mcej styled sweord, wcepen jewyrcan: another has special knowledge of the topography of the country con wonja bigonj wejes widjielle: another has special physical activity and skill. can climb the lofty tree hhvj Jicfiune beam gestijan. The lines whence these references have been taken, though doubtless suggested by the source above referred to, cause us involuntarily to recall different occupations of the middle ages: the profession of the scop and gleeman. the teacher and monk, the seaman and warrior, the astrologer, the weaponsmith and the athlete. 1 have already referred to the custom of drinking in the mead-hall so often referred to in Beowulf, and to the dream as an enjoyment which those barred from heaven may not have. I shall mention now several other references to drinking where the poei discloses, inadvertently perhaps, phases of Anglosaxou life. These references are in Juliana and Guthlac and are independent of his source. The poet makes the devil say I.I. v. !*."> ff.) that one of his ways of working evil is by causing men drunk with beer beore druncne to renew old grudges, and by lending to them from the cup such enmity that in the wine-hall they perished by the sword-stroke. The temptation, yielded to by Eve and by her set before Adam, with all its malignant con- sequences is compared to a bitter drink pone bitran drync i< ; . v. 840). a potion which each one of the human race must drink because of old the young bride drank to her husband byrelade bryd geonj. The same idea is presented in (G. v. 955 f.): and — 57 — the inherited sin which no one may escape is compared to a draught of misery, a cup of death pane blffltan drync deopcm deaftwejes. These allusions and comparisons hear with them the suggestion at least, that within the range of the poet's own observation excessive drinking was at times indulged in and carried even to the extremes of drunkenness and baleful quarrels. IV. NATURE. I. .1 were perhaps superfluous to preface what I shall have to say under the above heading by any attempt to explain why the manifestations of nature, and especially the sea. with which 1 shall be principally occupied in this chapter, worked so powerfully upon the mind of the poet. A people whose island home was found only after tedious sailing over the roughesl of seas, and no corner of whose island was more than a few day-' journey from a coast which affords almost all degrees of rugged and picturesque scenery, and where ocean wave, tide and current heat eeaslessly, must of necessity have had an intimate acquaintance with and certain love for the ocean and the various experiences of ocean life. The literature of the Anglosaxons bears all marks of this familiarity with the ocean and all that concerns it, whether it be attractive or repulsive. An interesting and valuable stud} nt' the descriptions of natural scenery in the old Germanic poetry is that of Liming 1 ). The subject is looked at in all of its aspects. The sea has been quite exhaustively treated by Merbach 2 ), win- has studied his subject in the whole field ut' the poetical Anglo- saxon literature. The allusions to the sea in the Cynewnlfian poems - with the exception of the description uf Helen's voyage like the references t<> war. are desultory and apt in appear as the overflow from .1 mind stored with a rich sea vocabulary which is seizing *) Liining, Die Natur, ihre Auffassung and poetische Verwendung in der Altgermanischen und mittelhochdeutschen Epik l>is zum Abschluss der Bliitczeit. Ziirich, 1889. *) Hans Merbachj l»:i Meer in der Dichtung der Angelsachsen. Bres- lauer I dissertation, 1 885, — 59 — every opportunity to express itself upon a subject of which it is especially fond. Considering the number of references to the sea, the names for it are very numerous and vary according to the impressions it made upon the mind. Many of these designations arc very poetical in themselves: they arc often suggested by some peculiarity of the sea itself or its inhabitants. Of frequent occurence is see (C. v. 677, 1145, E. v. 240): other expressions are flod, pi. flodas; laju, the rune, may designate generally the waters: laguflod (C. v. 851. J. v. 674V. holm (C. v. 850. J. v. 112); holm^racu (C. v. 678, E. v. 727) "ungestume See" 1 ): chop jelcid (C. v. 857, (i. v. 1266); hreone fa-ycj (C. v. 859); //« (C. v. 855, 1168, E. v. 239) designates the wave really but is used often in the plural to denote sea; wcej (C. v. 981, J. v. 680, E, v. 230); stream (J. v. 481, E. v. 1200) designates the sea as a moving body of water in contrast with a lake of standing water [se mere standee^, Beow. 1363); the same word designates the Danube lajostremn (E. v. 137): edJistream (C. v. lies. J. v. 673); ififaru (J. v. 478); mereflod (J. v. 480). As a thoroughfare, the sea was named the utrn>stf3). sc hneiln (C. v. 1145), sees swine fcefim (E. v. 728). and salty seaUne (C. v. 679) and deep deop (G. v. 857) and rough reone (J. v. 481) and windy windije (C. v. 856) and cold mA7 (C. v. 852) and foamy famine (E. v. 237 1 and high n/cr heanne holm (E. v. 982) and dangerous frecne (C. v. 854) and surging washes wylm (J. v. 680) 2/fta sivenjas (E. v. 239) and of enormous waves //a ofer fifelwsej famije scrioan bronte br'nnj)isan. E. v. 237. The rapid succession here of words meaning roaring, murmuring, displays both the wealth of poetical expression the poet had at his disposal and also the skill with which he knew how to ase it. The poet alludes to other manifestations of nature, as well as the sea, with a heartiness which bespeaks his love for and intimacy with out-door lite. He saw about him the broad 1 ) brade (J. v. 992), sidne (C. v. 1008) ami bright creation jesceaft above which was the roof of the sky rodnrrs forof (C. v. 59) or the roof of clouds wokna forof (E. v. 89). At his feet was the earth which he variously named hruse (C. v. 883, E. v. 218), mold (E. v. 55, C. v. 889), /-/'A (E. v. 7l>1. < '. v. 72), miManjeard (C. v. 248 made up of wide plains wmjOS (C. v. 811, E. v. 684) and furnished with mountains leorgwm (C. v. 968). The plains are decked with blooming flowers 5. 2 ) Merbach, S. 22 f. 3 ) Liming, p. 58 ft'. 5* — 64 — clouds, misl spread over the world, decked it in darkness throughout the night, hid the decorations of tho land |>a se seftela jlsem setljonj sohte swearc aorflrodor won under woleum worulde miste oferteah [)ystrum bif)eahte E>rinj niht ofer tihte londes fraetwa. (G. v. 1252 ff.) The Anglosaxon delighted to represent the sun as rising over the sea as indeed was natural to him whose horizon was the point of apparent contact ol the sea with the sky « [iiite as often as the point of contact of the earth with the sky. The breaking of the morning ever the earth after the night in which the phenomenal light appeared above Guthlac's dwelling is called the rustling of the approaching day dcejredwoma and is represented as coming over the deep sea from the wesl eastan cwom ofer dcop jelad dsejredwoma wedertacen wearm (G. v. 1265 ff. i Nol only the approaching light but the gloaming cefenjlome G. v. L265), the eventide 1 mfentid i Or IHJMHi U ,^iimM,[i i . E .?.i9,^.L L . l .BRARY FACILITY AA 000 346 801 SO