TbeNewWorld Order S.Z.Batten THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE GIFT OF Dr. Gordon Watkins . ^ \ v THE NEW WORLD ORDER THE NEW WORLD ORDER By SAMUEL ZANE BATTEN " We are laying the foundations of a new world " David Lloyd George PHILADELPHIA AMERICAN BAPTIST PUBLICATION SOCIETY BOSTON CHICAGO ST. LOUIS NF.W YORK LOS ANGELES KANSAS CITY SEATTLE HN3( Copyright, 1919, by GILBERT N. BRINK, SBCUKTARV Published March, 1919 PREFACE THE men of to-day stand upon a peak in Darien. Behind lies the world they have known, with its trials and failures. Beyond lies the uncharted sea, and the great un- known time. The world war represents the passing of the old order and the end of an epoch. A new day is begun, a page of new achievements is " 1 ^" The old order passes from view; the new world is nsmg upon our vision. Trie world can never again be as it has been. The house has collapsed, and its structure is discredited. In this period of reconstruction it is imperative that men should know what are the defective princi- ples of the old order that must be kept out, and what are the true principles that should be builded in as the very foundations of the house that is to be. What kind of world order do we want ? What are the principles and ideals that should guide us in our plan- Preface ning ? What__are_thg,. immediate jLhings^ in_ our efforts, and what are the ultimate ends ? What are the forces and factors on which we may count for aid and inspiration? These are questions of first importance in this hour. This little book suggests the answer to some of these questions. But it is simply the outline of a great subject. It makes no at- tempt to discuss the social order and the in- ternational situation in detail, or to interpret in all possible bearings the new policies and programs. It does seek to interpret some of the movements of the time, to state some of the questions that are up for a hearing, and to suggest the direction of movement in so- cial effort. A few aspects only of the great social task are noted, with constant recogni- tion, however, that these must be viewed to- gether in their relation to the one enterprise. The question of international justice is closely related to the condition of economic life at home. In view of the fact that the settlement of the issues pending depends upon the people Preface of the nations, it is necessary that the discus- sion of questions of reconstruction be se- riously undertaken by leaders of thought in Church and State. More than that, the peo- ple must have the mind to understand the questions at issue and the heart to undertake great enterprises for the kingdom of God. Some suggestions for further study of the questions discussed will be found in the references appended. JANUARY i, 1919. CONTENTS CIIAFTIR PAGE I. THE OLD AND THE NEW i II. THE REBUILDING OF THE COM- MUNITY 21 III. THE DEMOCRATIZATION OF IN- DUSTRY 45 IV. THE SOCIALIZATION OF THE NA- TION 73 V. THE RECONSTRUCTION OF INTER- NATIONAL LIFE 105 VI. THE CHURCH AND THE CRISIS. . . 141 THE OLD AND THE NEW Behold, I am making all things new. The Revela- tion 21 : 5. And this word, Yet once more, signifieth the re- moving of those things that are shaken, as of things that have been made, that those things which are not shaken may remain. Hebrews 12 : 27. But, according to his promise, we look for new heavens and a new earth, wherein dwelleth right- eousness. 2 Peter 3 : 13. Don't be always talking about going back to where you were before the war; get a really new world. Premier Lloyd George. Count Okuma, one of the oldest, most experienced, and ablest of the statesmen of Japan, watching the present conflict from the other side of the globe, de- clares it to be nothing less than the death of Euro- pean civilization. Draft Report on the General Policy of Reconstruction of the British Labor Party. He must have a callous soul who can pass through times like these and not hear a voice, whose call a man must answer or lose his soul. Your country needs you. The kingdom of God on earth needs you. The cause of Christ is hard bested, and right- eousness is having a heavy battle in the earth they need you. Harry Emerson Fosdick. THE OLD AND THE NEW The world is in a transition period. When, the sun went down Friday night, July 31 J 1914, it set upon an order that has foreveij passed away. The world war, whatever, may be the changes it brings in world geog-1 raphy, represents the close of an age and the opening of a new epoch ; it began as'a world war, it has developed into a world revolu- tion. It marks a change of front of the uni- verse. Things are in a state of flux. Events in/ society and the processes of history have' heated the furnace sevenfold, and into fires have gone the ideas and ideals of met the institutions of society, and the policie of nations. This fluid material of life ready to be run into new molds and be hard- ened into form. There never has been such an hour for a thousand years past There may not be another such hour for a thou- sand years to come. This makes at once the crisis and the opportunity of our time. I. The Present Hour is a Veritable Judg- ment-day. The root idea of judgment is revelation and disclosure. Now hidden C3l The New World Order I things are brought to light and the thoughts of many hearts are revealed. Defects in the social order and in the foundations of society are made to appear. The fact that the old order produced such fruits as we every- where see is' evidence that its foundations are unsound. Here is the world war itself, the greatest calamity that has ever befallen the human race. In our nation is disclosed a serious situation that almost makes our hearts stop beating. ^i-lllfiJDdllsiriaLwprld we face a condition of strife and confusion but little short of civil war. The fact that such strife exists shows conclusively that something is wrong with the principles and methods of industry. In modern society we see such evils as disease, poverty, crime, and misery. The fact that such things exist points to some fundamental defects in the social order. All this contains a challenge and a summons. In the revealing fires of judgment the world is gaining a new vision. Upon the men of this time is breaking the light of a new social order. The outstanding fact of to-day is the rediscovery of the kingdom of Gocl. ^To the world this comes almost as a new revelation from heaven. For eighteen hundred years men have believed in this kingdom and have prayed for its coming; [4] The Old and tlie New but now at last conception of its meaning comes larger and more true. We ing to see that the kingdom of .Goe of social reconstruction is wrapped up in the victorious outcome of the war, and we have unified the nation and have filled men with an inspired devotion. The people were united in the prosecution oftRe war, because they were inspired with the hope of a better world after the war. On this question we have some vital testi- mony. The archbishop of York, in his visit to the United States, spoke clearly on the change that had come over the people of Britain. He declared that the hope of the future of Britain lies in the possible extent to which this new spirit can be carried into social reconstruction. And he writes : " So far as I have been able to observe, there is this great difference in the effect which the war has had so far on public opinion in En- gland and the United States: We all feel in England that the war has compelled us to reconsider in a very wide and deep way the whole character of our social system. The thought of social reconstruction is only less constantly in the minds of the people than the immediate progress of the war itself. B [7] The New World Order We all feel that the war came to us at a time when we were all becoming conscious that our social system was revealing very deep defects, and our great trust is that the spirit of common fellowship which the war has called out may be transmuted after the war into an impulse toward wider social recon- struction, carried through in the same spirit of common fellowship and sacrifice." He tells us further how the soldiers at the front feel this : " They seem to respond readily and with enthusiasm to the prospect that they will return home to take a place in the building of a new and better social system. Indeed, this is coming to fill a, larger place in the consciousness of most people than the appeals for solidness and enthusiasm in the war. The ready response to these latter we take for granted, as is our national way ; the forefront of our minds is full of thoughts of what is to be done at home after the war is won." Secondly, if we are to have a better world, we must plan for it. Now that the war is over men face the task of rebuilding the waste places and restoring the many desola- tions. Just here rises the question which makes the supreme crisis and opportunity of this hour. Will men, weary and visionless, attempt simply to rebuild the old order and [8] The Old and the New restore things as they were ? Or will they, taught by bitter sorrow and loss and sacri- fice, undertake to reconstruct a social order that shall at once seek the divine ideal and prevent the recurrence of such world calami- ties ? Be it noted it is not a question whether changes are coming or not. Great changes are foredoomed and inevitable and cannot be- withstood. But it is a question whether there shall be a real and radical reconstruc- tion or a mere patching up of the social order. Jt is a question whether these changes shall be the mere shifting of material forces, or whether the mighty movements shall be at once aroused and directed by moral and spiritual forces. It is impossible to acquiesce in the present sociaT order; and it is impossi- ble to restore the social status quo ante and take up the old story again. It is, therefore, necessary for men to accept the divine sum- mons and undertake the task of building a better social order. 'But in what spirit shall they undertake this work of social recon- struction, and what are the things that they are really called to do? It is evident that the real struggle is within and the real con- quest is over ourselves. Let us conquer our- selves, our cowardice, our sloth, our selfish- ness, our tendency to postpone action and let things drift, our temptation to compromise [9] The New World Order and half-way measures, and we shall de- velop an inflexible morale and an uncon- querable spirit. As Sir Baden Powell has well said, " The true victory lies not so much in the actual tactical gains on the battle- field to-day, as in the quality of the men who have to carry on the work of the country after the war." The real struggle is at home, with ourselves, in our minds and hearts and wills. The war is a tremendous and tragic fact, and the destiny of humanity for a thousand years will be affected. And yet the war needs to be seen in its true per- spective ; for it is but an incident in the age- long struggle of humanity toward justice, and truth, and the kingdom of God. Let us see the real meaning of the struggle; let us see light ahead ; let us know that the vic- tory for democracy is an immeasurable gain for humanity, and we have conquered our- selves and have already gained the real victory. III. The People of the Nations Must In- terpret and Develop New Policies and Prin- ciples. This war may have begun as a world war, but it has become a world revolution. It differs from wars that have gone before in the number of nations involved. But most significant of all, it differs in the way the nations have been compelled to adopt [10] The Old and the New new policies and affirm new principles. We are too near these events to see their full significance; these changes, many of them, are in germ only, and it is too early to know their full fruitage. It is worth while, however, to note some of the principles af- firmed and the policies suggested. A. COMMUNITY 1. The human loss and social wastage in infant mortality; the moral and national necessity of child conservation. 2. The social handicap and moral danger in alco- holism and venereal diseases ; the necessity of a de- termined effort to eliminate and prevent these. 3. The danger and loss in disease and premature death; the demand for united action to prevent dis- ease and reduce the death-rate. 4. The danger and loss in crime and degeneracy; the determination to make community life safe, sani- tary, wholesome, moral. 5. The relation between bad housing and family dissolution and social evils ; the effort to secure for each family adequate housing at reasonable rates. 6. The danger in vicious amusements and injurious recreation ; the community effort to provide adequate and wholesome recreation for all. B. INDUSTRIAL 7. The danger and loss in industrial strife, and a new appreciation of the meaning and value of social justice. [II] The New World Order 8. The conviction that industry is an interest with- in society and must serve society; it must therefore come under the supervision of society and be coor- dinated with its other factors. 9. The recognition that industry is a partnership, and that workers must have a real voice in the direc- tion of industry and an equitable share in the prod- uct 10. The disappearance of class distinctions and the solidarity of all interests in the economic process. C. NATIONAL 11. The conviction that surplus wealth belongs to society, and the effort to use it for the common good. 12. The conviction that property, skill, life are a social stewardship and have social obligations; they must therefore be held and used for the common welfare. 13. The conception of the nation's welfare as the supreme concern, with the policy that everything shall contribute to this end, and every person must do some useful work. 14. The necessity of a united people and a positive democracy, leading to the creation of an efficient na- tional discipline. 15. A new emphasis upon democracy, and a grow- ing demand for its full realization in political and industrial life. 16. The closer cooperation of the church; a new emphasis upon the social content of the gospel, and a new valuation of the central truths of Christianity, justice, love, brotherhood, self-sacrifice. [12] The Old and the New D. INTERNATIONAL 17. The principles of morality, justice, right, and brotherhood are universal in scope, and nations equally with men are under obligation to observe them. 18. The creation of an international mind with a world conscience and a world patriotism; the loyal- ties of men to one national group must expand into a larger loyalty to all mankind. 19. The world to be made safe for democracy ; and the right of every people to liberty and self-govern- ment. 20. The interdependence of nations; the certainty that the conditions and policies of one people affect all ; and the consequent necessity of all people taking such action as may be required to secure justice for all and to protect each. 21. " The destruction of every arbitrary power anywhere that can separately, secretly and of its single choice disturb the peace of the world; or if it cannot be destroyed, at least its reduction to virtual impotence. 22. " The settlement of every question, whether of territory, of sovereignty, of economic arrangement, or of political relationship, upon the basis of the free acceptance of that settlement by the people im- mediately concerned, and not upon the basis of the material interest or advantage of any other nation or people which may desire a different settlement for the sake of its own exterior influence or mastery. 23. " The consent of all nations to be governed in their conduct toward each other by the same princi- [13] The New World Order pies of honor and of respect for the common law of civilized society that govern individual citizens of all modern states in their relations with one another; to the end that all promises and covenants may be sacredly observed, no private plots or conspiracies hatched, no selfish injuries wrought with impunity, and a mutual trust established upon the handsome foundation of a mutual respect for right. 24. " The establishment of an organization of peace which shall make it certain that the combined power of free nations will check every invasion of right, and serve to make peace and justice more secure by affording a definite tribunal of opinion to which all must submit, and by which every international readjustment that cannot be amicably agreed upon by the peoples directly concerned shall be sanctioned." These principles and policies are signifi- cant and revolutionary, and open a new chapter in social development and interna- tional life. It is too early in the day for any one to indicate all of their implications and applications; in fact, it will require many years and involve many experiments to interpret and realize them. It would be un- wise therefore to attempt to frame an elabo- rate program of social advance and interna- tional organization. But it is not too early for us to consider these principles and pre- pare ourselves for coming changes. The most unwise policy is to live only for. the [Hi The Old and the New day; to Ie6 tilings drift and have no large program at all. Social progress at bottom is a moral and spiritual matter; it depends upon ideas and ideals, upon human hearts and wills. It must therefore be understood, planned for, and willed by men. These principles and policies must be taken seriously by men and nations. To secure the hearty cooperation of working men ; to solidify sentiment within the nation and maintain morale; to unify the allied peoples ; to divide the enemy nations, the al- lied peoples and governments have affirmed these policies and principles. These declara- tions of the nations must not be regarded as mere death-bed promises forgotten as soon as the crisis is past and the patient begins to breathe easily again. They must be taken seriously and must be made effective in the Itfe of the world. To treat these declara- tions as empty words mere scraps of paper would stultify the governments themselves and would drive the people into bitter revolt. If that foolish course should be attempted, it would react upon the na- tions and governments at fault. If that false policy should be followed, it would never again be possible to catch the workers and the people with such words. Fortunately the governments of the allied nations at least [15] The New World Order take these principles at their face value and intend to follow out these policies to the end. But the outcome will depend upon the rank and file of the people. These policies and principles, are all democratic in* impulse if not in form. For this reason their full realization will depend upon the intelligence of the people and their understanding of the issues at stake. The democratic ideal can be realized as fast and as far as men learn to cooperate and sacrifice for the common good. This brings us to the next item : IV. The Preparation of the People for the Work of Reconstruction. The war does not end when the fighting stops and treaties are signed. The war has been conducted with unparalleled fierceness and it has inten- sified national hatreds. The defeated nations will be sullen and resentful; they will think of the lost cause and will plan some way of retrieving their lost fortune. It will be generations at least, perhaps it will be cen- turies, before the peoples of the world can trust one another and live in friendship. Unless the nations can see the situation and can adopt just and fair measures, they will lay up for themselves wrath against the day of wrath. Unless they see clearly the underlying causes of war and remove these, they win sow the seeds of future wars [16] The Old and the New ^ wide-spread and destructive. Real peace cannot come by fighting; it must be based deep upon international good will and fair dealing. It is necessary, therefore, that the nations consider the things that are just, that they know the things that make for peace, and that they prepare for a just and peaceful world order. This work of reconstruction is a hard and long task. We must not make the mis- take of supposing that these changes which are so necessary will come of themselves. We must not suppose, either, that the mere affirmation of certain principles, however good, is the end of the campaign. As a mat- ter of fact, their affirmation is simply the first step in a long process. To put these new principles and policies into effect means a hard and bitter struggle. The people must be instructed in the meaning and sweep of these principles ; society will have to face the dead inertia of masses of people and the studied opposition of interested groups; many experiments will have to be tried and some mistakes will be made; the way into the better world lies through tEe^Tand^of sacrifice and service. The most necessary thing at this time i< the creation "of a state of mind in the people which will make them willing to undertake [173 The New World Order the work of social, national, and interna- tional reconstruction. The nation needs an intelligent, just, and Christian body of public opinion. We need a sacrificial attitude of mind which will make men willing to pay, the price of social advance. Yet significant and disturbing as it is, here is where demo- 1 cratic peoples are failing most signally. One listens in vain for any large discussion of these great questions in church assemblies. One finds almost nothing in this direction in the organs of public opinion. The nations have declared against secret diplomacy in favor of democratic ideals ; and yet the peo- ple are ignoring the questions of interna- tional justice and are committing them to their rulers. We have affirmed our faith in the principle that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the gov- erned; yet the people do not seem to know what are the deeper issues at stake or how the changes may be accomplished. The so- called leaders of the nations, in Church and State, seem to have no vision of the new world order and have no word to offer. In Britain it may be said there is a growing ap- preciation of the coming change and a brave effort to prepare for it. The British labor leaders have put forth a pronouncement which is one of the wisest and most states- [18] The Old and the New manlike documents thus far produced ; it has been aptly called the Majjna Charta of the Xe\v Democracy. In Aim-rica. the recog- nized leaders in both church and the labor . lagged behind and have spoken t* messaer 'This blindness to the larger issues, this unconcern for the future, this absence of any large program is one of the most ominous facts of the hour. Part of it is due to timidity and confusion/ within ; much of it is chargeable to the demcn/ cratic habit of thinking of the next campaign/ and ignoring the larger future. The way out is the way forward " Don't be always talking about going back to where you were before the war; get a really new world," said Lloyd George. " You cannot have the world as it was. It was a libel on Jesus Christ. It was a shame upon his name." The old order is broken and dis- credited; the molds of the new world are being made. Do we know what kind of world we want? Do we know the next steps in Christian progress? Have we the faith and courage to set about the making of the new world? Can the Church and the State give men a wise and strong leadership in this great hour? The men of to-day must build the world of to-morrow. There has never been such a challenge to the church, [19] The New World Order never such an opportunity before it. There has never been such need of men of faith and vision. The new principles which have been affirmed, often indefinitely and tenta- tively, must be interpreted in their sweep and must then be incorporated in human thinking. The new policies that have been accepted, in part at least, must be developed and become the settled policy of the nations. The new impulses awakened, the spirit of self-sacrifice evoked, must be conserved in new national institutions and new interna- tional guaranties. Ifjtnen could forget the essons learned at such frightful cost we night well despair of man's ability to learn mything. If the people will heed the call of iGod and follow the Christ in the task of social reconstruction, they may really shape the outlines of a new and better world. REFERENCES Fosdick, " The Challenge of the Present Crisis." Faunce, " The New Horizon of Church and State." Orchard, " The Outlook for Religion." Usher, " The Challenge of the Future." [20] n THE REBUILDING OF THE COMMUNITY And I saw the Holy City, the New Jerusalem, coming down out of heaven from God, made ready as a bride adorned for her husband. The Revelation 21 : 2. Jerusalem shall be called The City of Truth; and the mountain of the Lord of hosts, The Holy Moun- tain. . . And the streets of the city shall be full of boys and girls playing in the streets thereof. Zecha- riah 8 : 3, 5. Every church should have a constructive program for serving the social needs of its community, both individually and through the largest possible coopera- tion with other agencies of human uplift. The So- cial Service Commission of the Northern Baptist Convention. The Commonwealth of God as the ideal social order has come only as far and as fast as men have consciously joined with the purpose of Jesus. Con- stantly betrayed he is never defeated. . . He voices both the ideal of man and the eternal purpose. He joins together in his personality the will of God and the desires of men. He makes the divine human and the human divine. The future belongs to those who work with him. They share his immortality of pur- pose and power. To create the Christian Common- wealth by Christianizing community life this is to bring the new Heaven and the new Earth. Ward and Edwards, in " Christianising Community Life." THE REBUILDING OF THE COMMUNITY The present is a time of social self-reve- lation. Men have known for centuries that social evils existed, that these evils blighted human lives and cast heavy burdens upon society. But few persons realized the ex- tent or the harmfulness of these evils. Many refused to look the facts in the face and de- clared that the evils were greatly exagger- ated. And in general men felt little interest in the program of reform; in one way and another they evaded responsibility and did nothing. But in recent times these evils have forced themselves upon men's atten- tion. And in the crisis of the world war many things have been brought home to the people with a new appeal. Alas, that it should have required such a world disaster to force men to see the things that ought to have been so evident In the revealing light of to-day we see the extent and menace of these social evils. The scientist has known that we were wasteful of child life; in America there are fully c [ 23 ] The New World Order three hundred thousand needless deaths among children each year; but war has forced home upon us the meaning of this waste. Now the nation is alarmed, and the people are asking what they can do to pre- vent this loss. Social workers have known how prevalent and deadly were venereal dis- eases, how they are responsible for a large proportion of broken lives, of brain and ner- vous disorders; how they are the cause of feeble-minded children and ruined manhood. But the war forced us. to see the menace in these diseases to the efficiency of the army and the winning of the war. So the govern- ment Jias taken heroic measures to reduce the evil and protect the soldiers from con- tamination. Sanitarians have known that many of the people were suffering from va- rious ills that reduce men's working effi- ciency and cause much misery. We have known in a general way that many were de- fective :at some point, physical or mental. In the four years before the war it appears, according to figures of the surgeon general of the United States, that seventy-eight per cent of the men volunteering for army ser- vice were defective and had to be rejected. But the war revealed the seriousness of this fact and its menace to the nation. . _In all times men have seen the evil of poverty and ,..^._ *-- [24] The Rebuilding of the Community lia\c lamented its prevalence. But it is only in these latter times that we have seen its real nature and have measured its results. We see that the most tragic fact about pov- erty" is not the hunger and the cold, though these are sad enough; the real tragedy is lack of opportunity and meagerness of life. In its results it both impairs the vitality of the nation and causes bitter resentment. In all lands also there has been industrial fric- tion with class arrayed against class in bitter strife. But the world war has revealed the extent and danger of this friction ; it breaks the unity of the people and hinders the pro- ductive power of the nation. More than that, it sadly discounts our Christianity and discredits our civilization. Thus whichever way one turns, he beholds human sorrow, social evils, industrial strife, bitter warfare. It has become evident that the present social order is in large part responsible for the prevalence of these evils. Social condi- tions are the chief cause-of these social trage- dies ; as long as these conditions exist we can neither cure nor prevent social waste and misery. Any one who has eyes to see knows that many thing's are wrong in the present social order. Our cities are dirty, ugly, un- wholesome, unsanitary: in many sections it is practically impossible to live a normal, [25] healthy, moral life. Our civilization has its brighter side and has brought wealth and opportunity to many. But it has its darker side, and this means waste and disease, poverty and misery to millions. The princi- ples and policies of the nations have resulted in the greatest war of all history. Thus the present time witnesses the virtual break- down of the present social order. An evil well discovered is half cured. To- ^ a y as ' never before men are feeling these evils and are trying to find the causes and the remedy. Society ought to have felt the evil and damage of such things long ago; and society as a matter of moral right ought to have set about the prevention and cure of these evils. To-day as a matter of self- preservation the nation is forced to grapple with disease and poverty, drink and venereal disorders, and to undertake their cure. Whatever may be the occasion and the mo- tive, men are summoned to reconstruct the social order and thus prevent these evils and promote human well-being. Three things are significant here: Men are growing a conviction that these evils are unnecessary and can be cured; they are searching for causes and remedies; and they are determined to build a better and more Christian social order. [26] '/'//' Rebuilding of ttic Community I. The Searcli for Causes. The time was when men accepted the dark and tragic things of the world as a matter of course. These things are here in some mysterious providence. Some of them are inevitable and necessary; they must therefore be endured for the present Some of them are a part of Jife's discipline; but never mind, tilings will be adjusted in another world and evened upyonder. All we can do is to alleviate distress and make our human lot a little more endurable. This answer no longer satisfies the man who believes in Jesus Christ. He tells us that God loves the world and wants all men to know and rejoice in his love. He tells us that it is not the will of the Father in heaven that one of his little ones should perish. And he shows us that the will of God is the sweetest, gladdest, brightest thing that the heart of the Father can wish for his chil- dren. Further, he declares that Christ came, not to condemn the world, but to save the world. The will of God is a will to all good- ness and justice and peace. The evils that afflict our humanity and ruin so many lives are, therefore, not due to the will of God; they are contrary to the Father's purpose and must no longer be accepted as divine or necessary. [ 27 ] The New World Order The order that exists to-day is not the order that God wills and ordains. The heavenly Father does not wish and does not ordain that Lazarus shall starve at the gate while Dives feasts in the palace; he does not ordain that slums shall exist where infants pant for air and wail out their little lives; he does not wish that in crowded tene- ments not fit for pigsties, mothers shall fight with fever and girls shall make a losing fight for virtue; he does not ordain that saloons shall exist where men are tempted to drink, or that a certain proportion of women shall be tolled off to minister to the lawless pas- sions of men; he does not ordain that one man shall become the possessor of millions of money and shall control the lives of thou- sands of men, while the great mass of men must toil without hope and labor for an in~ adequate wage; he does not ordain that a few men shall control the land and trade and industry, while the great mass of men are aliens in the land of their birth, without pos- sessions and opportunity and true home life. To say that God wishes and ordains all this is to impeach at once his goodness and his love. To oppose these social evils, to declare that they are evils, to believe that God is against them and is with us in trying to de- stroy them, to believe that they can be [28] The Rebuilding of the Community destroyed, is the true Christian attitude to-day. One of the most significant discoveries of our time is this: Things have causes; and social evils have social causes. These causes are many and complex. Some of them are personal; but many of them are social. Many of these miseries are due to men them- selves, to their blundering, their ignorance, their meanness and selfishness. But beyond this, they are due to defects and maladjust- ments in the social order and to bad social conditions. The causes of_discasc are many and various. Some are personal and are found in the vices of men. Much sickness is due to ignorance and neglect But the causes of many diseases are bad social condi- tions, bad housing, overcrowding, unsani- tary conditions, and civic neglect. Much crime can be traced back to the individual hTnTself, to his ignorance, his selfishness, his choice of evil. But this is only half the story, for crime is no less a social product. It is due to evil surroundings, to bad com- panions, to foul literature, to evil sugges- tions. Pres. G. Stanley Hall is right; that every society has the number and kind of criminals that it makes and deserves. The time was also when all poster ty was charged up against the individual himself, to his own [29] The New World Order laziness and shiftlessness. But we know to- day that much poverty is due to social causes, to lack of industrial training, to un- employment, to accident, to economic mal- adjustment, to monopoly and exploitation. And so Prof. Amos R. Warner is justified in his declaration that seventy-four per cent of the poverty in our land is due to causes over which the individual himself has no control. And misery is due no less to social causes and conditions, as is shown very clearly in Professor Devine's study of " Misery." We do not mean to ignore the personal element, for this counts for much in the lives of men and the failures they make. Yet the fact remains that these social evils are due in large part to causes over which the in- dividual himself has no control. . .They are the direct result of defects and maladjust- ments in the social order. They can be cured, therefore, not by individual effort and action alone, but by removing defects in the social order and changing social condi- tions. As long as these conditions exist, so long will these evils follow. As long as such defects are here, we will work at a fatal dis- advantage in trying to reach individuals and save society. Our duty therefore, is clear: we must find the defects and maladjustments [30] The Rebuilding of the Community in the social order and reconstruct that order both to cure and to prevent such social evils. This demands some deep and radical changes, it implies a complete reconstruction of the community life. II. XheNeed of a Larger Program. As every onelcnoWs, fhe Christian discrpleship has felt these evils of humanity and the Christian spirit has moved men to many forms of helpful service. In the generations past great things have been done in the name of Christ to relieve distress, to lift up the fallen, to reform the delinquent, to mitigate human suffering. To enumer- ate these efforts and achievements would require a large volume. This work has been done by Charles Loring Brace in " Gesta Christi," by Lecky, and others. We cannot too highly honor the efforts of men to express the spirit of Christ and to help their fellows. These efforts, however, have been largely confined to individual work with indi- viduals. And they have mainly limited themselves to relieving distress and dealing \\ - ith results. The churches have striven ear- nestly to " rescue the perishing, to care for the dying " ; they have sought to save the in- dividual and to build him up in Christ Jesus. So they have preached the gospel, distrib- The New World Order uted Bibles, conducted rescue missions, and provided Sunday Schools. They have created many agencies of helpful service as hospitals, orphanages, relief stations, and Red Cross societies. The public school has gathered and trained the children and has taught physiology and hygiene; it has tried to secure a sound mind in a sound body ; and its efforts have been crowned with remark- able success. The community has provided soup-kitchens and parks for the people; it has sustained a police department and a charity organization society. The state has passed laws to punish and restrain the de- linquent; it has built prisons and reforma- tories, hospitals, and sanitariums for the care of the diseased. All of this work is most worthy and is productive of large re- sults; much of it must continue for a long time to come. But it has become very clear that this is not enough. Our plans and efforts fail to secure the largest results because they deal with symptoms and not with causes. They fail to reduce the amount of misery because they seek to relieve and not to prevent. They seek to cure evils by amelioratives when they should find fundamental de- fects and change the social order. Soup- kitchens, rescue missions, orphanages, hos- [32] The Rebuilding of the Community pitals, prisons, and reformatories do much good and are wholly necessary at this stage. At best, however, they are palliatives and makeshifts; they may help individuals but do not change conditions; they relieve dis- tress but do not prevent evils. We are try- ing to get beneficent and Christian results out of an unchristian social order. " Who can bring a clean thing out of an unclean ? Not one." "A corrupt tree cannot bring forth good fruit" As long as these defects in the social order remain, so long we work at a disadvantage. As long as evil condi- tions continue in our communities, we shall find ourselves defeated at every turn and shall have a flood of social evils. We need a large, comprehensive, scien- tific, and constructive program of social re- construction. We need a program that shall take into account the great factors and forces that enter into the making of life and the processes of society. It has become evident that social conditions, such as moral atmosphere, companions, saloons, red-light districts, housing regulations, industrial methods, income, and recreation, have much to do with the shape and bent of the life, with personal morality, disease and crime, the death-rate of children, church atten- dance, poverty, and misery. Individual [33] The J\ew World Order health is menaced in unsanitary surround- ings ; it is no defense against unsanitary con- ditions. Personal morality is difficult in immoral surroundings; it can hardly resist the down-drag of a vicious environment. In a more positive way we must recognize the factors that develop capacity and make for human well-being. The saved soul demands a safe environment. Three-fourths of the children who come before juvenile courts come because of a perverted play instinct. Society must therefore provide means of recreation that shall both keep the child from vicious ways and really develop char- acter. It is just here that we see the lack in many of the plans and methods to-day : They deal with symptoms when they should deal with causes. They seek to relieve evils by amelioratives when they should deal with fundamental defects and change the social order. Many of the books and plans dealing with social questions are interesting and well meaning, and perhaps suggest some reme- dies that will accomplish much good. But nine-tenths of them concern themselves with symptoms merely; they never touch funda- mental issues and never catch sight of under- lying principles. They move in the realm of palliatives and amelioratives ; they either do [34] The Rebuilding of the Community not see the defects in the existing system or they are afraid to disturb it. It may be said of them as it was said of the unskilful phy- sicians of old, " They heal the hurt of the daughter of my people but slightly." Three- fourths of our efforts are wasted because we ignore fundamental causes and accept existing conditions. Three-fourths of the discussions of the social problem deal with incidentals merely and ignore the funda- mental issue 'of social justice. We are try- ing to rescue souls out of the slums, but we accept slums as a matter of course. Our first duty is to abolish the slum itself We nurse the sick and build sanitariums for the tubercular; but we permit men to build and rent unsanitary tenements. Our first duty here is to build cities on human and healthful lines. We patch up the social system and try to make life endurable under it; but we stop at the point where our work really be- gins. We should go forward and demand a better system. Our course is therefore clear ; we must change social conditions and build a Christian social order. We must so reconstruct this order as to prevent the tragic ills of society and build up life in its fulness and power. III. The Program of Reconstruction. In carrying out this program there must be [351 The New World Order some thoroughgoing changes in our methods and some radical reconstruction of the com- munity life. i. We must search for social defects and deal with social causes. It is not my purpose [ /here to analyze these defects or illustrate the [/method of inquiry. This work has been largely completed and the main conclusions are within reach. In recent years some pretty thorough studies have been made of such phenomena as disease and poverty, crime and feeble-mindedness ; and sociolo- gists are well agreed as to the causes, direct and indirect, of these things. But this knowledge has not entered into the thinking of the people ; and it has not determined the people's conscience. Our great duty at this itime is to recognize the relation between so- Icial causes and social effects, and then to so- cialize this knowledge of social phenomena. Then in the light of this knowledge we must adopt such measures as may be necessary and change the community order. We want to reduce the number of delin- quents and lessen the amount of crime. By all means establish Sunday Schools and hold evangelistic meetings. By all means teach children the way of life and urge parents to do their duty. But at the same time and with equal urgency we must abolish the [36] Ttie Rebuilding of llw. Community things that suggest evil, such as bad pictures and unfit shows. We must get rid of saloons and vicious resorts. And we must demand satisfactory housing conditions for all fami- lies and provide adequate and wholesome recreation. We are anxious to reduce the death-rate and prevent sickness and misery. It is neces- sary for us to teach the laws of hygiene and provide hospitals and sanitariums. But we must go back and deal with causes which produce unsanitary tenements and over- crowding. This demands that the state have a good building and housing code; it demands that speculative holding of land in and around the city shall cease ; it necessitates the full public control of all public service corporations and the provision of such ser- vice by the city. So long as public service corporations can obtain exclusive franchises, overissue stocks, pay dividends on " water," they will charge high rates and give inade- quate service. The cure and prevention of poverty is one of the aims we set before our- selves. To this end society must provide an adequate education, technical and voca- tional. The church and home must teach thrift and diligence. But these things alone can neither cure nor prevent poverty, ciety must go further and end economic [37] The New World Order privilege and monopoly ; it must broaden the way of success for all and keep the door of opportunity wide open; it must establish full social justice and ensure every person his equity in the national heritage. 1 \ 2. It is necessary to rebuild the commu- nity on human, moral, sanitary, wholesome I lines. One of the oldest traditions of our race says that Cain, after the murder of his brother, went out from the presence of the Lord and built a city. The race has kept up that tradition pretty faithfully ever since, for our cities have been evil and murderous institutions. The city must be rebuilt be- fore the kingdom of God can come and re- main. Suppose that by some divine fiat every person in New York City or London could be converted to God and desire to live the Christian life. It is morally certain that they could not live the Christian life in such cities. It is certain that no city of God would be possible in either city; for true home life is impossible to millions of people ; they could not live normal, healthful, whole- some lives in such conditions. A mission worker in New York City said : " I am more and more convinced as time goes by, that there is no such thing as creating the type of church life we desire in New York either 1 Todd, "Theories of Social Progress," p. 486. [38] The Rebuilding of tlie Community among the very rich or among the poor, for that matter, so long as unchristian condi- tions characterize industry, housing, and amusement." These unchristian conditions will not be conquered simply by a general feeling of good will, but require definite and well-thought-out plans of action by which good will may be made to work. That these cities may become cities of God they must be changed and reconstructed from center to circumference. That men themselves in these cities may live as citizens of the king- dom, the entire order of the city, its cus- toms, ideals, its housing, its industry, must be reconstructed and Christianized. 3. All this demands work along many lines. It requires a study of social conditions on the part of Christian people. It demands a j broad and comprehensive program of social redemption. It demands that we touch life on all sides and deal with all social factors. It implies that we seek to have the life well born and well nurtured. It implies the elimina- tion of social evils that man's life may be freed from the handicaps upon it. It implies the effort to adjust the relations of men all along the line in terms of justice, love, and brotherhood. And it demands some radical changes in the transportation service of the city. It demands a change in the housing D [39] The New World Order system with adequate provision for family life. It demands some thoroughgoing changes in the industrial order from the wage system to cooperative industry. It de- mands that we end the reign of privilege and wealth in our land, and make wealth and industry serve life. It will demand such a use of the resources of the nation for the people's benefit as will ensure every person his equity in the national inheritance. It will demand adequate provision for play and recreation, with full opportunity for rest and relaxation. It will demand such changes in the whole educational system as will give every person an adequate training for life and efficiency. It will demand such a re- newal of social conditions as shall guarantee every person a fair opportunity in society. And this implies such a reconstruction of the" social order as shall equalize opportunity and give every life full scope. Jjg fh p p r e g - ent system we fincf sT^iw^people drawing Targe incomes, holding- valuable privileges,, living m fine houses ; and we find many people with meager incomes, with little opportunity, living in narrow, rented teneijients. And' all this, be it noted, with little or no relation to the personal merit or demerit of the persons involved. The deeper we go into life, the more closely we study social conditions, the [40] The Rebuilding of llie Community more certain it becomes that these things arc- due to defects and maladjustments in so- ciety ; and they can be remedied not through personal efforts alone but through changes in the social system. There is food enough for all ; there is shelter, clothing, education, opportunity enough for all. Yet many have none of these things. Why not? " It is not the will of the Father who is in heaven that one of his little ones should perish." The Christ has come that men might have life and might have it more abundantly. It is therefore the duty of all who believe in the kingdom of God to seek to secure a more equitable distribution of the resources of society, to equalize opportunity, and to give every person advantageous conditions in the struggle of life. 4. Thus far our program has been largely negative both in spirit and method. J[jjas suugtlt to cure and prevent social- loss and failure. This vvork' so necessary at this stage is yet but a part of the redemptive pur- pose of the kingdom and rnuj^J^jggmj^eJ^ in the more positive and>4MaMMH!ive''fmv> rnin. For Christ has come, not alone to save that which was lost, but to build up the kingdom of God on earth. He has come that men might have life, the abundant life, life physical, life mental, life moral, life The New World Order spiritual. It is the Father's will that all shall have this life, that they shall grow tall and straight, with head full, heart full, body strong, spirit free, each and all attaining unto the measure of the stature of the ful- ness of Christ. The marks of the kingdom are all vital and positive, as Bread, Safety, Fellowship, Health, Beauty, Plenty, Peace, Joy. This world is intended to be the nur- sery of souls. The community should - be a safe place for boys and girls to grow up in. The ideal of the kingdom implies the perfect life in the perfect society. We may be far from attaining this goal either in its per- sonal or its social aspect. But faith consists in the sight of the true ideal, and religion consists in struggle toward it. It is necessary therefore that , the social program should be positive and^constructive. It should cure -ad prevent disease and all it should seek to develop health and promote happi- ness. Relief of suffering and need is the immediate thing; but in all and beyond all the constant effort should be to prevent misery and develop life. It is necessary to rescue the perishing and care for the dying ; but it is better to keep men from falling and to train their wills. It is right and Chris- tian to win back the erring and take up [42] The Rebuilding of Uie Community stumbling-blocks out of the way; but it is quite as right and Oiristian to make straight paths for men's feet lest that which is lame be turned out of the way, but that it may rather be healed. This suggests a splendid program and calls men to a positive task. It should be our purpose to create such ideals and customs as shall develop capacity and induce a right course of conduct. Men must create such institutions of society as shall serve life and make for happiness, love, jus- tice, plenty. Our task is that of creating a righteous, ChristKuTSotraF or tier, that shall bless man and advance the whole kingdom e /~> i of God. In summary, six things are vital. 003! evils have social causes. Men must seek and find these -causes and dead with them, They must cultivate an attitude of mind which will make them willing to pay the price of prog- reSR JjJQQB&fct set to work to create "a just and Christian community life. , There areMiU nttussary evils; never again ..dare we accept poverty and crime, disease and blind- ness as divine and inevitable. From this time forth we challenge their right to be and demand that they cease. ^VitTi fllHTtf in- telligence and conscience at our command we sit about' Llitf H/Uik yf UullUliik a Christian type -of community life. [43] The New World Order REFERENCES Ward and Edwards, "Christianizing Community Life." Drummond, " The City Without a Church." Sears, " The Redemption of the City." Ellwood, " Sociology and Modern Social Prob- lems." Watson, " Social Advance." Todd, " Theories of Social Progress." [44] HI THE DEMOCRATIZATION OF INDUSTRY Be not ye called Rabbi: for one is your Teacher, and all ye are brothers. And call no man your father on the earth : for one is your Father, who is in heaven. Neither be ye called masters: for one is your Master, even the Christ. Matthew 23 : 8-10. Ye know that they which are accounted to rule over the Gentiles lord it over them; and their great ones exercise authority over them. But it is not so among you. But whosoever would become great among you, shall be your minister, and whosoever would be first among you, shall be servant of all. Mark 10 : 42-45. The passion for democracy has become the master passion of our time. Thus far, however, the idea of democracy has been interpreted and realized in its political bearings and relations. But democracy, we begin to see, is a universal principle, and applies in every relation and realm of society. Some great re- ligious body is needed that shall interpret this great principle not in word only but in life, and shall lead the world in its search for social and industrial de- mocracy, and shall aid in its practical realization in society. The Social Service Commission of the Northern Baptist Convention. Christian democracy applied to industry means the development of cooperative relations to the fullest possible extent. The church should therefore teach clearly the principle of the fullest possible coopera- tive control and ownership of industry and the natu- ral resources upon which industry depends, in order that men may be spurred to develop the methods that shall express this principle. The Federal Coun- cil of the Churches of Christ in America. THE DEMOCRATIZATION OF INDUSTRY It is admitted by all that great changes are coming in the industrial order. The catas- trophe which has hefullen the world in the war, as the British Labor Party's pro- nouncement of December, 1917, well says, if not the death of European civilization itself, is at any rate the culmination and collapse of a distinctively industrial civiliza- tion. The old economic system has practi- cally broken down on our hands and is in disrepute. Confusion and strife have filled TPovkl, issuing 1 in a condition that is Tittle short of civil war. The situation sadly discounts our Christianity and se- riously discredits our American democracy ; the peace of society is broken and the effi- ciency of the nation is impaired, industrial questions have long be^fl f v fifi^JnglY trffiTTP r problem is now confessedly L wax, iaaid Sir Stephenson Kent, Director deneral of Labor Supply of Great Britain. " If Great Britain had only one-eighth of [471 The New World Order the number of labor troubles in the past two years that the United States has had, my country would have had to conclude a dis- graceful peace with Germany by this time." Only the fact that we have grown used to these troubles, and our attention has been directed elsewhere, has hidden this scandal and menace from our eyes. Jallf of^uceturix^ta t jfae. industrial .cojidi^. tions that were is ignorant and vain. Re- construction "of the industrial order is a moral and a social necessity. *" BUT WflSTHTO'HflWF'^fsn to reconstruct ? What are the fundamental principles that we should recognize and upon which we should build ? What are the great ends that we are to seek in and through the industrial order? What changes are necessary in the primary principles and ideas of men ? And in what new policies of action and forms of organi- zation shall we seek to embody the new life ? These are some of the questions that press upon us as we face the future. I. The Present Industrial Order is Built titwn False Principles and Guided by Un- christian Ideals. Its fundamental principles are selfish and immoral. In some relations of life we expect men to be unselfish and gener- ous; in some realms of society we regard life as a service, and we help one another. [48] The Democratization of Industry But in one realm we affirm the law of selfish- ness and expect men to be self-seeking. In one relation we accept it as a matter of course that men will live and labor for the one end of gain. We should be shocked to find a teacher or preacher or missionary who chose his line of work for the sake of income and riches. But we expect a man to engage in business for this one end only. We do not expect men to be unselfish in their com- mercial life. We are flatly told, in fact, that to take away the hope of large money gains from men is to cut the nerve of effort. It is assumed that selfishness ynd sglf-interest must he the fundamental principles of eco- nomic action. However it may he in other realms ot life, whatever principles may pre- vail there, it is assumed that men in the eco- nomic world are getting all they can for themselves and are giving as little as neces- sary to others; "men are free to do one another to the death, provided only the arena be a market and the instrument a bargain." Now fly* flfiflcipjesof sdf-intcrest and competition, by the nature oj; fo? ifoit JjjP principles of confusion, and division. The method* of competition and self-seeking are causes of friction and warfare. Such princi- ples and methods foredoom the industrial world to be a scene of anarchy and strife. The New World Order They allow economic injustice to thrive; they give scope to the reign of tyranny in society; they sanction and justify the preda- tory and selfish interests in men. It is impossible for men to be brotherly in an eco- nomic order built on selfishness and compe- tition. The goodly fellowship of the apos- tles could not operate the present industrial system and make its working either just or peaceful. Our duty is therefore clear: all who be- lieve in Human Brotherhood and the Golden Rule are called to repudiate, the false princi- ples of our economic life and to honor the true principles of human association. They are called to change the economic order and make it possible for one to be a Christian. hey are to create a social order . that will set a premium upon cooperation and brother- liness. They must build an industrial sys- tem that will induce men to look on one another's good and to take thought for the common welfare. " Competition is put forth as the law of the universe/* says Mau- rice in a letter to Kingsley. 1 That is a He. The time is come for us to declare that it Is a lie by word and deed. We all admit that the profit motive vitiates the work of the artist, the physician, the 1 Maurice, " Life," Vol. II, p. 32. [50] The Democratization of Industry minister, the missionary. \Ye must now say that the profit motive vitiates no less the making of pig-iron, the running of a rail- road, the-tuiu'liicr of a mill, the plans of a corporation. We must teach that life is a service and one's talents are his means of service. We must teach young men to enter the life of business and industry with the same ideas and motives that they cherish in the family and the church. We must learn to measure success in life, not by the amount of money one has gathered, but by the ser- vice he has rendered. We must change the policy of industry fromTtfiaf 'of industry for profits to that of industry for .life. The time iHTcome for the believers in the kingdom of God to affirm the principles of cooperation, of labor copartnership^ of industrial democ- racy. Our task is to honor the true princi- ples of human association in industry as in church, and to -say that all human relations must be personal, human, just, brotherly re- lations. Men will play according to the rules of the game. If society wants better conduct of men in industry, society must change the rules of the industrial system. II. We Must Make these Ideals Effective in Xc\v Methods of Industrial Organization. There are three stages in the development of industrial life. Xhgjirst is called status. The New World Order This is represented by slavery in its various forms. Here the worker is born into a cer- tain status or condition, and he has little voice in the choice of his work and little share in the proceeds of labor. This stage has practically passed away, and in form at least, is forever impossible in civilized lands. The second is what is called contract, and * this is the system that generally exists throughout the world. It is known by va- rious names, but at bottom it is the wage system. On one side is an employer, whether an individual, a company, or a corporation, who has some work to be done for which he is willing to pay a certain wage. On the other side are the working people, whether " few or many, organized or unorganized. These are possessed of strength, skill, and labor power which they are willing to sell for a certain wage. As a result of the in- dustrial revolution, brought about by the in- troduction of power-working machinery, we have large-scale production and corporate control of industry. Now we find the great industries, both in production and in distri- bution, owned by absentee stockholders who manage the enterprise through directors and superintendents. We find also the workers massed in great numbers, without owner- ship in their tools or voice in the enterprise, [52] The Democratization of Industry controlled and directed by managers and agents. This has brought about one of the most momentous changes in the history of mankind, "Jf he economic world as we know it, is broken up into two groups, the em- p!\ers and employees, and the relation be- tween tlieni has been depersonalized, it has l.'eO'ine a mere " cash nexus," and the prin- ciple of action is competition. Not only so, but the,pre&et>t -system has de- stroyed the worker's interest in his work and his incentive to do his best. The processes oT industry are beyond his conscious partici- pation ; he becomes a part of the machinery and a mere unit in production. On all sides employers complain of their working people because they have no interest and no loyalty. But frankly now, why should a worker have much interest in his work? What is there to be loyal to? Let a man work hard and he becomes a pace-maker for his fellows. However hard he works, he believes that it makes little difference in his pay. And no man can develop much loyalty to a soulless and impersonal corporation. The wage system has broken down on our liands and is working- badly. Misun- derstanding-, friction, and strffe are not mere incTdents and accidents. They are not due alone to the follies of working- men and the [53] The New World Order 3, words of irresponsible agitators; they are inherent in the system itself and will con- tinue as long as the system continues. This system is working at cross-purposes with human nature. Man is a person and not a mere labor unit; he is a being of mind and heart and will. Ruskin was on solid ground when he taught that man was a soul who would not do his best work until his affec- tions and imagination were enlisted. One would lose hope in human nature if men could be contented in such a system. By con- cessions and compromises, by protocols and trade agreements we may patch up a truce and may tide over some difficulties. _Biit^as_ long as the wage system exists, friction and strife are foredoomed and certain. We must therefore create a system that reduces the chances of friction, that honors human naTure^anT'enlists its motives in the work of life: we must have .a, system tbat creates, a presumption in favor of cooperation and sets a premium upon brotherhood. It is necessary that we pass into the third stage of industry and establish cooperative industry or industrial democracy. It is not possible here to consider all that is involved in this; but some immediate things may be noted. We must say that an industry should be held to consist of the stockholders, the [54] The Democratization of Industry inana^ers, and the workers. All the parties In" an industry are partners in the enterprise; and its successful wprking depends upon the cooperation of all and the contribution of each. Each should have a partner's knowl- edge and a partner's voice in the affairs of the enterprise. Ownership and control of tools and products must be in the same hands. All the partners should share in terms of equity _'IiTjhe control and proceeds of the enterprise. Democracy ill industry is just as valid and as necessary as democracy, ilUhe state. III. In this Program of Industrial De- mocracy, Some Tilings are Immediate and .Some are Ultimate. Full democracy will come as fast and as far as men are prepared for it and practise it. It does not come by wishing or by voting resolutions. We might as well recognize the fact that democracy produces results as far as it finds men who have its spirit and accept its obligations. I. That democracy mny hnvni Jliipirfirrr work mgq ffiftf pe. trained to be citiseas in. htstry. Democracy in political relations rests upon the intelligence of the people, and it assumes the competency of the average man in things which concern the public wel- fare. Democracy in industry is as inevitable and as necessary as democracy in the state. [ 55 1 The Neiv World Order And democracy in industry must rest upon the interest and cooperation of all the work- ers. But we cherish no illusions on this point. Nature demands the best, and de- mocracy to justify itself must prove that it is more effective than autocracy. Jh^sn^ ce.ssful practice of democracy in industry de- pends upon the interest and skill of the work- ers. How to secure this is one of the serious problems before society. Our present indus- trial system has not succeeded at this point. It is wasteful both in human and social values. It is wasteful in that so few workers really do the best work of which they are capable. It is wasteful in that so many workers are really unskilled and will not try to be efficient. It is wasteful because of the frequent shifting of workers ; the labor turn- over results in a dead loss to all parties. It is wasteful in that it does not develop loyal- ties; it does not evoke any creative impulses in men ; many workers become nomads with- out any sense of responsibility in society. What can be done to make men qualified and efficient industrial workers? Mark this : democracy in the state accepts its"~ot5lig i ation to prepare people for qualified citizenship ; so we have the public school system, from the primary to the university, with many trade and technical schools more [56] The Democratization of Industry or less public. Industrial democracy must prepare its participants for qualified indn-- tflSJ cOQpera.lion7 How can this end be at- tained ? ^2IQSttU]UtMfiULJ2&jd^ nc no doubt by the development of trade-schools, provid- technical training and giving vocational guidance. I'm we must not narrow life too early ; man is a mind and heart, and he must think and love. To narrow life and give (only a technical education, is to dehumanize man and make him so much less than a man. \Ve must educate the person, seeking to develop capacity and train man to think and aspire. Then he must he made a quali- fied economic, worker, making a full man's must be provided an industrial education which shall develop capacity and arouse initiative ; it must teach the individuals " to function with conscious creative intention in the environment in which they live " ; it must furnish " a basis for critical and in- formed valuations in industrial activity." 3 Let us recognize the fact that it is man's duty to be a worker of some kind, to be a producer of values; and he is under obli- gation to produce commodities and values to the utmost It is true that man has pro- gressed somewhat beyond the deficit econo- * Marot, "The Creative Impulse in Industry," p. 114. [571 The New World Order my. But he has not fully reached the sur- plus economy. Society has few resources, and for the present each person must be a producer. In recent times a means has been devised for creating efficient workers and increas- ing the product. Every one who is ac- quainted with the facts knows that many workers " soldier " at their tasks and re- fuse to do their best. Various methods have been devised for stimulating the workers and developing initiative. By bonuses and profit-sharing, by fines ancT~ pace-making, employers have tried to evoke more energy and skill from the workers. These things have accomplished something ; but the results have been disappointing and uncertain. During the past Decades there has been a detailed study of labor opera- tions; and there has been developed a sys- tem of scientific management. 3 We cannot here describe this system in "detail ; suffice it to say it endeavors to eliminate lost mo- tion in the worker, to reduce waste effort to the minimum, to stimulate the worker to do his best and enable him to produce the maximum amount. v /" s See Taylor, "The Principles of Scientific Management"; VHobson, "Work and Wealth," chap. XIV; Marot, "The A Creative Impulse in Industry"; King, "Industry and Hu- / \manity," chap. VIII. T i-Q ~\ [ & J The Democratization of Industry It must be confessed that its results are somewhat disappointing. First of all, it has the opposition of organized labor; men feel that it aims to mechanize them, to in- crease the product without yielding any commensurate increase in wages. Some employers do not understand this, so they attribute it to the perverseness of the work- ers who will not be aroused and managed. Others charge it up to labor agitators who are hostile to capitalists. But these expla- nations do not explain. The fact is, scien- tific management .as it is applied ignores human nature. It tries to secure results from men \vitln nit creating in them a desire to do. It violates a universal law in that it denies to vast numbers of individuals the opportunity to do creative work. 4 To secure large results from men we must" enlist their interest, encourage initia- tive, release latent spiritual forces, and de- velop a creative impulse. There is no use in exhorting men to feel a responsibility for industry where, there is no chance of bearing the responsibility. There is only one way out. TJm ivuiK ers must become partners in the enterprise, Hiey must realize that they are a part of the enterprise and understand its aims and share * Marot, " The Creative Impulse in Industry," chap. II. [59] The New World Order inujts results-. We must develop the idea of industry as an adventure in creative enter- prise. 5 We must give the workers an in- centive to do their, best and be as efficient as possible; and this not for the hour nor for wage merely; but as a creative enter- prise and a social service. Thus the train- ing of the workers and their efficiency as participants depend every step of the way upon realization of democracy in industry. 2. As a preparation for democracy and a. means' to this end We have labor unions and collective bargaining. The churches have affirmed the right of workers and employers to organize ; and they have approved of con- ciliations and arbitration in industrial dis- putes. They further state that a "first method of realizing democracy in industry is through collective bargaining." This principle is agreed to in the report of the Employers' Section of the Federal Commis- sion on Industrial Relations. " The princi- ple of collective bargaining being generally accepted, the urgent question is, what method shall embody it? It has already been largely worked out in agreements between organized employers and organized workers, some- times covering an entire industry for a large section of the country. The results, on the Marot, Ibid, p. 63. [60] The Democratization of Industry whole, have made for true social progress. To those employers and workers, however, who reject this method, the churches must point out that they are under moral obliga- tion to discover some other form of collec- tive bargaining that will make more for the good of their industry and of society at large. The safety and development of the workers, the best interests of employers, and the security and progress of the community all demand it" * 3. This may be the first step in the demo- cratic control of industry, but it is not the ftnal stage. For collective bargaining, like all bargaining, is apt (> be a struggle -for advantage ; or it may become a mutual alli- ance to plunder the rest of the community* Christianity moves up to higher ground. It requires the supremacy of the principle of cooperation in the industrial world. We must therefore seek to unite all the parfWlS in an enterprise on a cooperative basis. This may mean a council of control made up of representatives of employers and employees, who shall pass upon all questions that affect the industry. It will mean a distribution of the proceeds of industry on the basis of ser- vice and contribution. It will mean that all " Christian Cooperation and World Redemption," Vol. 5, p. 66. [61] The New World Order the parties shall be shareholders with a di- rect stake in the enterprise. It will mean that all who share in the proceeds of indus- try shall render some service with hand or brain. This implies the adoption of a constitution or charter for industry, with a bill of rights, providing for joint and fair representation of all parties, defining the terms and condi- tions of labor, and containing standards to which all can refer and by which they may adjust all differences. This carries with it guaranties of participation by all parties in knowledge of the enterprise, community of control, and an equitable sharing in the pro- ceeds. It provides also for speedy redress of grievances by adequate means of investi- gation, conciliation, and arbitration. It is impossible here, even if it were desirable, to give the details of such a program. But valuable suggestions are found in the plan of the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company. This includes an employees' bill of rights de- fining principles and policies governing the parties in possible cases of controversy. It provides for joint representation on commit- tees dealing with such things as conciliation, safety, sanitation and housing, recreation and education. Beyond all, it contains the beginning at least of an industrial parlia- [62] The Democratization of Industry ment guaranteeing full representation to all parties in the enterprise. 7 Valuable sugges- tions are contained also in the Reports of the British Reconstruction Committee, known as the Whitley Committee, as given in three documents issued during the war. These reports provide that for each industry there shall be constituted joint industrial councils, composed of representatives of em- ployers and employed organized on a three- fold basis. There are to be works commit- tees of local industries; district councils representing trade-unions and employers' as- sociations in the industry ; and national coun- cils which shall define and maintain stand- ards throughout industry. In addition most significant suggestions are contained in the memorandum on " The Industrial Situation After the War," issued by the Carton Foun- dation. This much is clear : The movement toward democracy fairly commits us to the task of adopting a constitution or charter for industry and providing for the joint representation of all parties in the manage- ment and proceeds of industry. ljsoisekss to talk ^ Hpmoyrpr ?T"* vain fni Tal peace until both labor and capital are thus represented in the control of indus- .^^l ;!! IH If 7 J. D. Rockefeller, Jr., "Colorado Industrial Plan," 1916. [6 3 ] The New World Order 4. But_t3iere isastage^jj^ond this-which must ever be taken into account. We might have collective bargaining and cooperative industry, and yet be as far as ever from real : industrial democracy. Indus fry must take its place in the social order and come under ffff'siipcrz'ision and control of society. The time has gone by when an industry can re- gard itself as a private business and conduct its affairs for its own advantage alone. The time has passed when society, the third party in every industry, can stand by and suffer while employers and workers fight out their differences. Neither employers alone nor employees alone, nor both to- gether, can deny their social relations and obligations. Society is an active partner in every enterprise ana the public interest must i 1 always be paramount. Industry is not an interest by itself, but has social relations. Industry must there- fore be conducted, not for the interests of employers and employees alone or together, but for the sake of the common weal. This applies to the whole conduct of the enter- prise, in its processes and its products, its methods and its results. Otherwise we might have an industry that would be wholly unsocial and undemocratic. The particu- lar industry within itself might be a co- [64] The Democratization of Industry operative group; within itself it might be democratic and peaceful. But in its rela- tion to society it might be a disturbing and injurious element, an imf>criutn in imperio, considering only its own interests and blind to its social relations. Every industry has social relations and social obligations. 1 1 cnce its affairs must come under the super- vision and control of society. Hence also in its processes and results it must be co- operative and democratic as far as the whole of society is concerned. Labor unionism, collective bargaining, tractc' agreements, labor copartnership, are good in themselves as means to an end. But they never can be the^end Itself. Labor unionism, if strong enough. tyranny. Labor copartnership might be- come a close corporation and plunder the The Christian and democratic principle applied to industry demands that industry be socialized and recognize both its social relations and obligations. " It insists that no group and no combination of groups engaged in the industrial process shall seek merely their rights or privileges. It de- mands that every group shall consider its duty to the common welfare, that it shall regard its part of the work as a, ministry of [65] The New World Order service, and shall ask how it may best co- operate with all the other groups to pro- mote the general good. It can tolerate neither the despotism of capital nor the tyranny of labor. When they deadlock in struggle and become oblivious to the com- mon good, its voice must demand that some method be found to express the desires of the whole people and to exert social con- trol." 8 This implies the full socialization of industry; and this is discussed more fully in the next chapter. Fpr the present our duty is to interpret and apply the democratic principle in its re- lation to industry. The churches have de- clared that democracy"7s the social expres- sion of Christianity. They have affirmed that we must realize the democratic principle in industry no less than in. the. state. " The church should therefore clearly teach the principle of the fullest possible cooperative control and ownership of industry and the natural resources upon which industry de- pends, in order that men may be spurred to develop the methods that shall express this principle." ' More than that, the church must arouse and inspire men to go forth and reconstruct the industrial order on the basis 8 " Christian Cooperation and World Redemption," Vol. 5, p. 67. 9 Ibid., pp. 67, 68. [66] 77ie Democratization of Industry of brotherhood and cooperation, that thus " all who participate in industry shall be- come partners with each other and cowork- ers with God in the service of humanity. Then will industry become a religious experi- ence, developing mutual service and sacri- fice, the expression in economic terms of the Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood of Man." In fine, the democratic principle must be aivepted in industry at its full value. It should be unnecessary to say that autocracy in industry is no better than autocracy in the state. It should be unnecessary to say further that the democratic principle is as valid in one relation as in the other. Those who hold the democratic faith should there- fore seek to interpret that principle in the industrial order and seek to realize it in its fulness. It is possible that the struggle for democracy in industry will pass through the same stages as democracy in the state. As there have been Magna Chartas and Bills of Rights in political life, so there must be Magna Chartas and Bills of Rights in the economic world. As there are constitu- tional guaranties in the political realm, so there must be constitutional guaran- ties in the industrial order. In a word, there must be some constitutional guaranties [67] The New World Order which define and safeguard the rights of men in industry, which recognize that in- dustrial management derives its just powers from the consent of all parties, and which provide that wealth which is of all and by all shall be by all and for all. In the light of this we see that many of the measures highly approved of men may not really make for democracy. Welfare work for workers is good, but we must not call it democratic or accept it as a finality. Profit-sharing recognizes that there is some- thing more than wages, but it may not be a step toward the goal. Here, as so often, the good may be the enemy of the best. W&4& not havfi dcmocra^ jfl* * h?vt 7 1 ? flH 00 meeting as partners and having a direct voice in eyerything that rnnrerns.. thft anfarprise. We do not have democracy in industry till the conduct of the enterprise both in its processes and its products rests upon the consent of the participants. There may be collective bargaining; there may be a committee on conference on minor matters. But we do not have democracy as long as the decision rests with one party and deals with the employees' lives. We., do not have real democracy till distribution of the product is by common consent and industry in, the total process is [68] The Democratization of Industry The various plans proposed to lessen in- dustrial strife and secure industrial justice, such as profit-sharing, compulsory arbitra- tion, protocols, and trade agreements, are all good enough in their way. They may do something as emergency measures to re- duce warfare. They may and they may not work out the results desired. But at best they are palliatives and makeshifts and can never bring industrial peace, for they stop short of fundamental conditions and deal only with surface symptoms. We have fric- tion and warfare in the industrial world to- day because human relations are broken and disturbed. We can never have peace till we have gone down beneath all surface differ- ences and have dealt with fundamental hu- man relations. We must therefore bring about in the community such a spirit of brotherliness and sense of justice as will rule men in all of their relations. We must real- ize that men were men and brothers before they were employers and employees. And we must adjust the relations between them in terms of justice, love, and brotherhood and reconstruct the industrial order on a Christian basis. Democracy is both a faith and a practice. It will be a reality as fast and as far as it finds people who see the good and work to- [69] The New World Order ward it. " We are justified by faith," says the apostle; and our industrial life is justi- fied in so far as it accepts the true principle and works it out in institutions. It must therefore be the common aim of all to affirm the true faith and teach men that it will work. They must seek to train and prepare men for effective participation in industry as directors and workers. They must seek to give all partners full knowledge and direct participation in the industry; they must recognize the right of every person to a voice in everything that concerns his life. They must seek to bring the ownership and control of tools and product in the same hands ; they must guarantee to all parties full representa- tion in management, conditions, wages, dis- tribution, .^s^democracy in government means government of the people, by the peo- ple, and for the people; so democracy in in- dustry means industry of the people, by the people, and for the people. And it will never have its perfect work till in industry as in state we have cooperation of all for the sake of all. The following principles may be affirmed : That is a good policy which sees the democratic goal for industry and carries us toward it. [70] The Democratization of Industry That is a good policy for the time and place which brings employers and employees together as partners and equals. That is a good policy which makes for the common ownership and control of the tools of industry. That is a good policy which prepares men for intelligent and direct participation as equals in the affairs of industry. REFERENCES Carter, " Industrial Reconstruction." Henderson, " The Aims of Labor." Ward, " The Gospel for a Working World." Hobson, " Democracy After the War." King, " Industry and Humanity." [71] IV THE SOCIALIZATION OF THE NATION He that withholdeth corn, the people shall curse him : But blessing shall be upon the head of him that selleth it. Proverbs il : 26. Open ye the gates, that the righteous nation which keepeth truth shall enter in. Isaiah 26 : 2. They helped every one his neighbor ; and every one said to his brother, Be of good courage. So the carpenter encouraged the goldsmith, and he that smootheth with the hammer him that smote the anvil, saying, It is ready for the soldering: and he fastened it with nails, that it should not be moved. Isaiah 41 : 6, 7. The resources of the earth, being the heritage of the people, should not be monopolized by the few to the disadvantage of the many. The Social Ser- vice Commission of the Northern Baptist Convention. If we are to escape from the decay of civilization itself ... we must ensure that what is presently to be built up is a new social order, based not on fight- ing but on fraternity not on the competitive strug- gle for the means of bare life, but on a deliberately planned cooperation in production and distribution for the benefit of all who participate by hand or by brain not on the utmost possible inequality of riches, but on a systematic approach toward a healthy equality of material circumstances for every person born into the world. Draft Report on the General Policy of Reconstruction of th& British Labor Party. God said, I am tired of kings, I suffer them no more ; Up to my ear each morning brings The outrage of the poor. Emerson. THE SOCIALIZATION OF THE NATION The nation today faces a great new task. In the judgment which has befallen the world secret things are brought to light and hidden defects in society are revealed; the inadequacy of the policies and programs of the nations is shown. In all this the need of a new national policy is suggested. And in the struggle of the nations to-day we find the hope of a new social order. The nation * will never be the same as it was before. A return to the statiis quo ante is impossible. Changes are coming, and we must pre- pare for them. What shall these changes be? Shall reaction regain its hold and con- trol the power of industry and the life of the nation ? If so, there is trouble ahead, with friction, strife, and rebellion. Shall we allow things to drift and trust that they will adjust themselves? We need to remember that moral progress is not automatic ; things grow better just as fast and as far as men see the better and strive for it. To allow things to drift is to invite disaster. There [751 The New World Order is only one course open, therefore. We must understand the changes that are right and necessary; we must have an intelligent conception of the laws of social and national life ; and we must unite the people in behalf of social justice and democratic progress. Only a few illustrations of the inadequacy of the old policies can be given ; and only a bare outline of the new policy can be set forth. I. The Failure of the Old Individualism. It appears, for one thing, that we "have been most neglectful and wasteful' of ..our human resources. We have been intent on the proj- ect of developing the natural resources of the nation, and we have done this at an un- paralleled rate. But in all this we have been neglectful of higher values and have been wasteful of the most valuable asset, the lives given to us. We Jiaye built our cities and developed our industries with little regard for the health, the happiness, the welfare of the people. It appears that the industrial processes have been regardless of the welfare of the people and the larger life of the nation. Each industry has been controlled by its own managers, usually a few men, whose imme- diate object was profits. Coal has been mined with little concern for the welfare [761 The Socialization of the Nation of the people to-day or the resources of the nation to-morrow. The supplies of oil have been exploited by individuals for the day's profits without regard for the coming gen- eration. Individuals and corporations have gained control of the nation's resources, and have developed these to their own enrich- ment without concern for the rights of the people, 1 Men have manipulated the rail- roads of the country as mere gambling de- vices, and have practised stock-jobbing that is disguised highway robbery. Industries have been run for industry's sake with little regard for the life and welfare of the work- era. This has worn out men and women before their time and then thrown them aside as so much junk. It has worked the spirit and hope out of men and has left life devoid of eternal values. It appears further that special privilege and industrial autocracy have exploited the people and have had a malign influence upon the nation. Tlie^.cQatroljgf^ indjustry _ has fallen into a few hands, and these are able to determine the destiny of mittions of men. They can say how much coal shall be mined, how much wage the miner shall receive for his toil, and how much the family shall pay for fuel. They can decide what shall be the 1 Van Hisc, " The Conservation of the Natural Resources." [77] The New World Order price of crude oil, and how much the people shall pay for electric-power. The same is true with reference to transportation and trade. A few men control railroads and ex- press companies and are able to make and unmake communities and States. By de- grees certain great combinations have gained control of grain-elevators and slaughter- houses, and are able to force down the price paid the producer and force up the price paid by the consumer. By a combination of power on the part of railroads and storage- houses, a few people can levy a heavy toll on the people's food. Between the produc- ers and consumers stand certain interests and combinations that fix prices and control the people's necessities. As every one knows, the price of the staple commodities of life has no relation whatever to the cost of producing them and placing them upon the market Food pirates and selfish profiteers are able to force down prices to producers and almost drive them out of business ; they are able to force up prices to consumers to virtually famine rates. And they have used this power to enrich themselves out of the necessities of the people. This evil became especially patent in the early stages of the world war. During the past years there has been a marked increase [78] The Socialization of the Nation in the cost of living. When the war began what did we find ? Practically every group in the land used the war as a plea for raising the price of everything they could control. The fanner raised the price of grain and insisted on having his share in the general increase. The miller and baker increased their profits to an impossible degree. The manufacturers of steel and the makers of paper charged all the traffic would bear. Coal operators used the occasion to force up the prices of coal. Men went on strike and crippled trade and hampered the govern- ment. It appeared also that all groups and classes of men were ready to take advantage of the nation's need and to raise prices as they pleased. In some cases there was a scarcity of labor and goods, due to the war and other causes. But in most cases mo- nopolists simply took advantage of the peo- ple and charged whatever they might exact. A few men became millionaires almost over- night. Some corporations were able to show profits of three hundred per cent. The cost of living rose to an almost prohibitive figure, and much distress fell upon millions of families. Working men became discon- tented and demanded a share in these profits. Social unrest increased among the people, and murmurs of revolt were heard every- [79] The New World Order where. There were some, notable and noble exceptions all along the line; but these ex- ceptions served rather to show the general attitude. An r* qfUB and corporations growing enormously rich out of the greatest calamity of the .race ; they have' allowed self-interest to determine their attitude and conduct Thus- -the individual- istic doctrine, in its negative aspect at least, leads to the reign of capitalism in industry and of self-interest in trade. "Tn fine, the world war became a veritable Day of Judgment, testing the works of men and nations and revealing the sins of the one and the defects of the other. It became evi- dent that the old individualism had run its course and had produced its natural fruits. Each person was looking out for himself, and few were living for the common good. Each group and class was intent upon its own advantage and indifferent to the gen- eral welfare. It became evident that Ameri- cans on the whole have been living in pioneer conditions, with each section looking out for itself but with little sense of the whole. Business was conducted in a slipshod and wasteful way. There was little coordination of forces and unity of effort. The churches were divided into two hundred and fifty denominations and were inchoate and in- I //> Socialization of tlie Nation effective. Clearly, we were revealed to be an unorganized people, with abundant energy and lofty patriotism, but without co- ordination of forces or discipline of will. II. The Socializing of the Nation. The war which revealed some of the defects in the national life suggested the potent remedy. In the stress and strain of the war it became necessary for the nation to change its policy and take control of the nation's y resources. Government was compelled to / take over the railroads and sjLeeLmills, to regulate trade and fix prices, to limit profits and determine income. It was compelled to assign men their tasks and establish a stern discipline. In all countries, and in our own no less, the war has profoundly modified the old economic system and has introduced far-reaching innovations in national poli- cies. Methods of state control and national discipline which would once have been re- garded as intolerable infringements of the rights of employers and workmen, have l.een accepted without protest by all parties. Ten years ago no one could have imagined that such changes would be possible in our generation. In a few years of crowded and eventful life we have gathered the results of a. century of economic evolution. Some of these changes are no doubt temporary and [81] The New World Order provisional. They were dictated by necessity and were accepted on the understanding that they were temporary. Nevertheless, many of these changes have proved so beneficent and necessary that they must not be allowed to pass. Many of them are permanent and must now become a part of the settled policy ^of the nation. The old prewar order has passed away forever, and we have come into ; a new \yorld. 2 In, all this the nation has demonstrated the value of social control and the necessity of national discipline. In the past many of our people have been individualists and have / feared social control. They have opposcxl / "public" uwiiei'sliip and T^^g^ltjfnt ""^ sources, production, distribution, and trans^ portation on the ground that private management was more efficient, and progres- sive. But the war has changed all this and r has revealed the weakness, the inadequacy, tKeTneffectiveness, the costliness of the old individualistic organization of business. Why were the governments of Great Britain and the United States obliged to take over the means of transportation and communica- tion and to assume full control over industry and trade? The simple fact is the govern- ments were compelled to do this in order to - Henderson, " The Aims of Labor," chap. I. [82] The Socialization of tfie Nation get things done. The old individualistic managements were proved to be disorgan- ized and inefficient. " Their organizations were found to be full of waste, friction, of- ficial and personal extravagance. Their operations were not properly correlated, and social needs were remorselessly subordinated to dividends. . . To an extent which proba- bly will not be disclosed until the war is won, but which will certainly be remorse- lessly disclosed when the strife ends and the world turns to the problems of reconstruc- tion, individual enterprise in big industry was as wasteful and incompetent as any bawling socialist ever proclaimed and as selfishly devoted to profiteering." 8 It is too early in the day for any one to indicate all of the changes that are coming and to frame the policies that must be adopted. But the nation has gained a sense of direction" in national policy, and it has given an illustration of the meaning and value of socialization. Every consideration of right and expediency which justified this action in wartime amply justifies it for all times. The welfare of society is the supreme concern in war and in peace. Private in- terest must yield when public good is at stake. Every person must hold his property "The Independent," August 31, 1918. The New World Order and life as a social trust and must accept his social obligations. Sqciejyj|^tjj.dogt^such a policy as shall secure the largest goocToF" the whole people. In behalf of the com- *EjMMB>dfc^B^fc^EMMtM*aMfll*Hy*<*Btftf r - - - ' mon welfare society may control natural re- sources, regulate trade, fix prices, require services, limit income, determine building operations, discourage pleasure automobil- ing, regulate food supplies. In all this we tf have affirmed the principles of eminent do- lain and social stewardship and have vin- licated the right of social control and na- tional discipline. It is true that we have not forked out these principles in all of their bearings, and we do not know what these rights imply. This is matter for the future to accept and work out in detail. It is enough for the present to affirm these princi- ples and to know that in their application lies the way to progress and security. He is a fool and blind who supposes that the nation will relapse into the old order land will resume life where it was left when 'the war began. The world to-day is in the swing of one of the mightiest movernents, of aJl time. Nothing less than a world revolu- tQn_s in p?OgTg8g?*flBStfB(!^^ life of the nations and the structure of so- ciety. mis is a war oi enlranchisement, errors, political, social, economic, [84] The Socialization of the Nation personal, will be slain. Never again, it is to be hoped, can oppression and monopoly and injustice pass unchallenged. The spirit of selfishness and greed which leads men to corner food supplies, to grow rich out of the needs of others, to seek only their own interest and neglect the common welfare, must be slain forever. The sacredness of life, the right of the child to be well born and well nurtured, the right of every life to fair opportunity in society and an equity in the national heritage, must be affirmed and secured. The door into a fuller life for all must be kept open, a living wage for every worker must be secured, the right to a voice in everything that concerns his life must be guaranteed to each. A just distribution of the products of industry must become a part oTTKe nation's program. Industry must be conducted not for profits but for life, and the people must come into their own and enjoy that which belongs to them. The resources of the earth are the heritage of the people and must not be exploited by the few to the disadvantage of the many. The resources of the earth must be held in trust for the people, and every child must receive the equivalent of his equity in the form of educa- tion and opportunity. We entered the war to oppose autocracy, to save government for [ 85 ] The New World Order the people, and to make the world safe for democracy. We do not believe in kings and autocrats ; we know that the people are not safe in their hands. We will abolish political kings, but we must not allow money kings. We repudiate the medieval baron, but we must not accept the coal baron. We say that government is not safe in the hands of hereditary autocrats, but we must say that the people's welfare is not safe in the hands of industrial hereditary autocrats. A return to old _ condition^ is impossible. It IslmpossiBIeTrom the point oTview olthe changes that have come; it is impossible from the point of view of the new demands upon society. There is no use, therefore, in talking about a restoration of the statn-s quo qiite. Any discussion of such a return is disingenuous; it can only lead to confusion and trouble. The way out is the way for- ward. What we must have is a new policy which shall guide men in a new social advance. III. The Ne:&ifetional Policy. WhaUhe nation needs at this time is a well-thought- out^ -comprehensive plan of social reconstruc- tipji which will guarantee freedom, equality, ajid }ustic.to~all. It must ensure a national order governed on democratic principles which shall unify the forces of the nation, [86] The Socialization of llie Nation develop a national discipline, and express the cooperation of all for the sake of all. In this program four things are vital : I. Th*rf HIV** fie a f/i/ing^ in. thr spirit and ^/t > T n i f^ffffffffti T*^ **](] indi- IS A- mill niS Wtereste are his final law. Jt taught that tlic rule of the game i.s each for himself and the devil take the hindmost. Thus it sanctified the game of grab and the rule of self-interest. Under the sway of this doctrine we have thought of life as a magnified grab-game, in which each was expected to take everything in sight and shut out his neighbor. Men have had a provin- cial spirit in thought, in morality, in politics. They have thought of their street, their town, their business, their party, and have viewed every question in this light. They have insisted that their representatives in city council, in legislatures, and in Con- gress shall secure appropriations for their district without reference to the general welfare. They have upheld a party and its policies for the sake of their own business advantage. They have taken for granted that various selfish policies would add them- selves up into the national good. They have assumed that political right consisted in a balance of expediencies. G [8 7 ] The New World Order The nation must have a new mind and heart and conscience. There must be de- veloped a national spirit of sacrifice and service. We must gain the sense of the whole, and learn to take thought for the common life, and to value every policy and program by this standard. The land is full of people who would die for the nation, who yet swear away their taxes and dodge jury service. We need thfi najjonal^ conviction that one is to seek, not his own advantage^ but the profit of the many. We must realize 'that the good man is a good citizen and lives for the common weal. To-day one may win or lose his crown of sainthood by the way he practises his citizenship. Men must learn to hunger and thirst after righteousness in just city franchises. They must seek the kingdom of God and its justice in a fair system of taxation. They must be fellow helpers unto the truth by insisting that pub- lic service corporations shall give good ser- vice and issue no watered stock. They may play the Good Samaritan by securing an honest and efficient police department. They may love their neighbors by guaranteeing pure air and community playgrounds for children. They may bear their cross after the Master by fighting graft in the city and speculation in public franchises, and by [88] The Socialization of the Nation upholding righteous but unpopular causes. They may prove the quality of their citizen- ship in the kingdom of God by the practice of good citizenship in their community. All this demands the imagination to look beyond self and see the common good ; and the will- ingness to subordinate self-interest and co- operate for the common life. It demands the creation of a social conscience that shall honor the moral ideal and be quick to search men through and through with the fire of God. It demands the development of a comprehensive national discipline, the ability to do team-work, the willingness to find one's good in the common welfare. With- out this mind and spirit and habit democ- racy will be a sham and the nation will be full of confusion. With the growth of this mind and spirit and habit national policies will change and political institutions will produce better fruit. The course of the nation during the war , has answered one libel on human nature and has given some hope for the future. It has been assumed that men are selfish, and that men of large ability will not put forth their best efforts unless they are motived by the hope of money rewards; society must not interfere therefore with human nature, but must leave the door open for individual [89] The New World Order initiative. But to organize the nation and ensure victory hundreds of the nation's ablest men surrendered large salaries and devoted their talents without reserve and without pay. The secret is^ service for the nation. This is the secret for the future course of society. -Let men see that their efforts in business and industry are a social service, and all right-minded men will be willing to do their best. The 'supreme task before society is therefore to teach the social meaning and obligation of industry ; to show that it is called to render a social service as truly as the church or the school. Society must expect men of ability to enter business and industry, not for the sake of money reward, but to give social ser- vice. Society must teach men that they are toTreate wealth by doing work and ren- dering service, and not by devising some ways, often devious and unjust, to win money away from others. Given this Chris- tlan_and^ social.- conception of industry, and all other things will follow in due time. 2. There mitsf fa a, siiper^^on_and _con~ f ~ the nation. We cannot longer permit a few men to gain control of the means of pro-, duction and distribution and to tax the peo- ple in the form of a, monopoly, price. We / /; Socialization of the Nation cannot allow monopolists and profiteers to exploit the people's necessities and make the child's loaf small and the family's fuel dear. Society roust- gr^ fllT p*"* 1 * bring about ^ T^jffl rng aou musF abolish Jf fT"'c<" - break the strangle-hold of capitalism upon labor, industry, and life. The people must ^"""^^^^^^^^^^7^^ . . . !**_ regain the lost right to the earth and its re- sources. Wo to the autocrats and junkers who oppose the coming of social justice and would keep the people down. Several items in this program may be mentioned : (i) Thp, natural resources of the nation must be socialized* The ^arth and jts^eT- sources God has given to men to be their common home and heritage. Such resource; as coal and iron, oil and water, must he hel( in trust for all, and each must receive hi| equity. This means that these resources mus be taken over by tne state as national MOJ ertv, or they must be so supervised and con- :folle trolled as to revent people and be conducted wholly as public spices. (2) The nationalization and control of all water-power. There should be a careTuT survey of the streams and lakes of the coun- try, with a knowledge of the possible utili- [91] The New World Order zation of water-power. There should be erected sufficient super-power-stations to generate and transmit electricity at cheap rates for power and light in homes, indus- tries, and communities. Also there should be the social control of water for irrigation and its full use for the largest possible benefit. (3) TW orw< ialiratip" of all such public utilities as railroads, telegraph and telephone lines, city light, water, and transportation. This may be effected either through social ownership and operation, or by full social supervision and control. In no case should such utilities be used for private speculation aqd against public welfare. (4) A system of rational taxation which shall equalize taxes, prevent speculative. hold- ing of land, lift the burden from the family's necessities, and secure a more equitable dis- Tt is in the direction of these principles that thought and effort must move in the time to come. 3. Tfy? prnrpssps pf industry must come under the direct supervision and coordina- iton oi AM'telll TllH UllUi Wim WtUiB tli6 Bt- dividual who wanted to stand on his feet and secure justice had to depend upon his own strong arm. In the progress of man [92] The Socialization of the Nation and the development of society we have long since passed this stage. In what we call the state we recognize the principle of social control ; and we substitute the general, definite, impartial will for the uncertain, ar- bitrary, personal will. In a civilized state each person consents to have his interests interpreted and measured by the common will and general welfare. In case of a con- flict of wills and interests all parties agree to settle the questions at issue by an appeal to the common welfare and will. The time has come when men in their economic relations must agree to come under the control of society, and to have their in- terests interpreted and measured by the com- mon will and welfare. As the individual in his personal and political matters is willing to have his interests safeguarded and guaran- teed by the state; so men in their social and industrial processes must be willing to have their interests safeguarded and guaranteed by the same agency. In a modern, civilized society it would be an impeachment of the government if every person who wanted to escape attack and secure his rights, should think it necessary to go armed upon the street. In a modern, intelligent society it is no less an impeachment of the state if every group of workers or employers who would [93] The New World, Order protect themselves must form a fighting group and battle for its rights. The latter no less than the former would show plainly that society is not fully rational or fully efficient. If the state did its duty by all of its members and were fully conscious of its mission, such things would be impossible. In a word, the state must widen its scope and must fulfil its social mission. The state, which in the fine phrase of Prof. Franz Oppenheimer, is " the impartial guardian of the common interests," must represent all and must socialize every group. It is the one agency through which all of the people can cooperate in their search after social justice and social progress. It is the one agency comprehensive enough to consider the interests of all and to guarantee justice to each. More and more the state must con- sider the welfare of each and must safe- guard the rights of all. It must determine the level of industrial action. It must super- vise and control the processes and proceeds of industry. It must socialize all and pro- mote the cooperation of all for the sake of all. The one supreme end, the great whole which implies and includes the parts, is the common welfare. .Whatever promotes this end is o-ood. Whatever interferes with it is O evil. Industry and trade, like everyining [94] The Socialization of the Nation else, are for the sake of man and society. Thus far, however, we have regarded men for the sake of industry, and industry for the sake of profits. All this must be changed, both in policy and methods. In fine, there must be ;i socialization of tile economic processes in the interest of the total life of the nation. We must recognize the fact that the in- dustrial process is a part of the social life, and must always be considered in its rela- tion to the whole. It is not an end in itself, but exists for the sake of society. It is neces- sary, therefore, that the process in its units be related to the process as a whole. It must be subordinate to and included in all commu- nities and interests within the common pur- pose of the nation.* The socializing of jn- dustry means, therefore, the industry witn tne total welfare 01 society. It spirit, methods, and results shall be con- ducted in such a wa life 01 tbe process of making- wealth, controlling and distributing it Whenever the process af- fects society in any way and every industry does it must be supervised and controlled. It has become evident that the industrial Small, " General Sociology," p. 343. [95J The New World Order process must be related to all the other fac- tors and processes and must serve the whole welfare of society and make its full contribu- tion to social values. As a person must be socialized, that is, learn to take his place in society, conform to its regulations, and serve its welfare, so industry and trade must be socialized, find their place in the social order, and have their methods and results conform to social regulations. 4. We must create a more just and effi- cient social order. The_ present order has failed at many points. It has failed to guar- antee the right to life of all human being's. It has failed to ensure equality of opportu- nity to all and has compelled" many to WOtfc against heavy handicaps. It is unjust in that it allows a few to exploit~the many an'd deprives many of a real chance in life. It is jvasjteful on the side of production and unjust on the side of distribution. It has inverted the true order and has turned values topsy-turvy. Tf makae mm fh f means of producing things, whereas things are only tolerable in so far as they pro- ^MQ* uya^ > It compels the gyeat majority of people to toil beyond their strength with- out true opportunity in life and joy in work ; and it enables a few to live in luxury without rendering any service or producing anything * v "MMHMMMMHnMMMMnMMW**BMIP*VlOTI* l top^tfrfiriii tfinjiSyQ^nittf tir** The world lias solved this question sn far as the individual and society are con- cerned. We have learned that man lives in society and for society; he must there- fore take his place in the social order, ac- cept the law of social life, learn to live for the common good, and be willing to have his interests measured by the common wel- fare. We have solved this question also as [117] T/ic New World Order far as the United States is concerned. We have here a confederation of States co- operating toward one common end, accept- ing their place in the nation, and in all things that affect their external affairs obeying a common law and leaving the final decision to a national government. In our time humanity is facing the ques- tion of an organization of the nations in a society of states. It is becoming clear that humanity is one, that the nations are the in- terrelated and interdependent members of one body, and that each nation is under obli- gation to take thought for the things of others, and to look not alone on the things of self but also on the things of others. It is necessary therefore for the nations that believe in world humanity and international justice to express their common life in some form of international organization. There is no such thing as absolute liberty for the individual ; he is a part of society, and must be willing to accept his place in the social order and consent to have his interests measured by the welfare of all. There is no more justice for the claim of absolute sovereignty on the part of a nation than on the part of an individual. " Absolute sovereignty," says a suggestive writer, " means absolute anarchy." The one nation [118] I nt Reconstruction of International Life must therefore think of itself as a part of humanity and learn to live with others in terms of justice and peace; it must realize that nothing can be really good for itself which is evil to the rest ; it must come to per- ceive that whatever policy blesses all blesses each. There are fnir p<>>le ways in which na- - may live together and. may seek pence. These ml^DCDnen^rotca: i. Xatioiuil liuli;-i a mural and spiritual -cieiice. Tin- kingdom comes as fast as men learn to do ju-tly. to love mercy, to be brotherly. The evils of the world are to be conquered in and through a change in the minds and hearts and wills of men. Men must gain new and true ideas and ideals; they must see the right and do it ; they must see right ends and seek them in intelligent ways; they must come into just relations with one another; they must create right social institutions; in a word, men must learn to live as children of God and citizens of the kingdom. It therefore comes back to this, that the churches are challenged to help the world in this trying hour and lead in the work of human redemption. We do not ask that the churches shall answer all questions in ad- vance or give men a complete program of social work. But they can at least offer men the vision of a better world and give them a sense of direction in thought and effort. They can create in men a Christian state of mind and train them for effective r 149 1 The New World Order service in the kingdom. They can rally the men of good will, give them a wise and strong leadership, and send them out to fight the battles of the King and to build on earth the city of God. These things the churches can do and must do if they would honor Christ and carry off the prize of the world's allegiance. If there is no power in Chris- tianity to inspire and move men to do these things, what advantage hath it over Bud- dhism or Confucianism? If the churches will not take Christianity seriously and allow Christ's power to have full scope, they should confess their sin and change their ways. Some things are implied in this which are worthy of mention. II. The Churches must Give Men the Vision 'of Hie Kingdom of God. The Master gave men the idea of the kingdom of God and charged them to seek that kingdom first of all. That idea as it came from the Master was a great human, social hope, and it con- templated the realization in the earth of a new social order, founded upon righteous- ness, motived by love, and expressing itself in human brotherhood. But very early the church lost the vision of the kingdom and fastened its eyes upon other things. The idea of the kingdom faded into the back- ground, and other and smaller ideas took its [ISO] The Church and the Crisis place. Through all of the nineteen centuries the church has substituted itself for the idea of the kingdom. This substitution changed men's conception of the work of Christ; it changed their outlook upon the world; it changed their understanding of the work given them to do. The consequence is that men have not had the vision of the kingdom of God on earth. They have not seen the religious meaning and kingdom value of the social institutions of life, as the state and industry. They have not known what to do in order to use these mighty institutions of life as means and agencies in the kingdom's advance. And they have not tried in any large and real way to Christianize all the relations and ia- stitutions of life. The most signal failure of the church "has been its lack of vision, its narrowness, the smallness of its purpose. Christianity has suffered much from the wrong thinking of bad men, but even more from the small thinking of good men. In our time men are regaining a larger and truer conception of the kingdom. This may be called the age of the rediscovery of the kingdom of God. It is becoming clear that the kingdom in Christ's conception never means anything less than a righteous social order. It may mean more, for while L [151] The New World Order the kingdom begins here, it does not end here. But it is certain that it never can mean less. They who believe in the kingdom of God are called' to build a social order grounded in the will of God and in fulfil- ment of his great purpose. The kingdom of God is nothing less than the inner meaning of the world. It is the Alpha and the Omega of the Christian revelation. It is the one great far-off divine event to which the whole creation moves. It finds its consummation in the new heavens and the new earth where- in dwells righteousness. They who seek the kingdom of God expect a city of God on this earth, where righteousness is done and men live together as brothers. They who are seeking to build this city of God are moving in line with the great purpose of the Eternal. They have the prestige of the universe be- hind their plans ; and the mighty powers of the gospel are pledged in their behalf. We need the idea of the kingdom of God that we may know the real goal of the world. We need the hope of the kingdom to- put meaning into life, to fill the soul with a holy enthusiasm 1 , and to set the feet of young men and young maidens marching into the morn- ing, keeping step to> the trumpet-calls of God. III. ThfiL Churches must Teach Men how to Seek the Kingdom of God. The Master [152] The Church PKfflnc? is science it may be said we mean those moral ideals and ethical principles which are dis- closed to the soul, with the ratification and fulfilment of those ideals and principles by the man himself. By socialcpnscience we mean those ethical i Jeal^* jBBr'yiHiiples which deal with men's social relations and actions and the convictions and obligations that they carry. There are, of course, many agencies that are doing this work in part at least. The home is the primary unit of life, and deter- mines in large part the ethical attitude of every person. But in few homes is there full recognition of the larger obligations of life or systematic training in social duty. The public schools are doing much to train mind and unfold its powers. But by the nature of the case the schools cannot con- cern themselves with the great ideals and religious principles' of social life. The state [159] is the organ of the political consciousness, and it assumes a consciousness lying behind its organization. The time will probably never come when the making of the people's conscience can be safely entrusted to the state's machinery. Beyond all this, moral principles have little power to warm the heart and compel the will till they have a religious ground and motive. This brings us back to the church as the only agency that has at once a divine warrant and social com- mission for this very work. We have seen that social evils have human f~*******H***BmtHfiv**a**-*-'A'*f r -'^ --..- M M'l f and social causes. It is easily possible for men to believe this and"yet lose all sense of pel^sonal responsibility. This is the tendency to-day 'iii some of our sociological thinking; this deals with social factors as heredity and environment; sometimes it deals with social evils as impersonal results and fails to note the .human responsibility. Behind "social evils are human sins and living sinners. What we call the economic and political factors are the outward and visible ex- pression of moral will and spiritual forces. Men and nations are responsible for slums, poverty, crime, disease, misery, war. It is the business of the church to recognize this profound truth, to go behind the economic factors and political conditions, [160] / // Church and the Crisis to the heart and conscience of men. Then by means of the evils of society and the tragedies of war it may reveal the sin- fulness of sin and the need of repentance. Some time, when men have what may be called the social mind and have learned to see the relation between cause and effect, there will come to them a most deep and stinging conviction of sin. In the presence of city slums, tubercular children, the wast- age of child life, poverty, the delinquent child, industrial strife, and world war men will stand with anxious hearts and troubled conscience. This is the business of the church, to create in men a permanently troubled conscience in the presence of social evils, a conscience that will give men no rest till they have cleansed themselves of all com- plicity and have changed the evil conditions. The churches have a positive duty at this point. They must bring home to men a deep conviction of sin and must create a discrim- inating and active conscience. They must make all who call themselves Christians feel that themselves and their profession are steadily put to shame as long as a single wrong tarries in society, and a single life is without true inheritance in the world. They must make men feel themselves charged with the welfare of the downmost man and [161] The New World Order must send them out in a missionary effort in his behalf. As long as a wrong tarries in the community, as long as stumbling-blocks are placed before men, as long as child life is snuffed out in filthy tenements and girl- hood is outraged, so long the church must search men through and through with the merciless fire of self-examination and must summon them to bring forth fruits meet for social repentance. 1 VI. Xfa^Qiu^rches^must Lead Men in the Thorough Reconstruction of the -Social Order. Something is wrong with modern society. Something is wrong with a civili- zation that contains within itself such possi- bilities as the world war. These defects as we have seen in earlier chapters are funda- mental and are a part of the social structure itself. So long as these defects remain we shall have social evils in continuous outflow. So long as these defects remain we shall work at a disadvantage in the work of help- ing men. The work of reconstruction must therefore go deeper than symptoms and pal- liatives; it must deal with fundamental principles and social institutions; it must in short seek to construct a new social order 1 See Prof. Ross's keen analysis of social sin in " Sin and Society," and an article by the writer in " The American Journal of Sociology," March, 1902, on " The Church as the Maker of Conscience." [162] The Church and the Crisis on Christian foundations that shall realize the ideal of the kingdom of God. In the work of building the new social order we must beware of patchwork and piecemeal effort Half-way measures have made the tragedies of history. Piecemeal effort has been largely wasted. Nay, worse, much of this effort has diverted men from the true path and sent them off on side- issues. There are no isolated reforms. The fundamental defects are with society itself, in its ideals, its principles, its methods, its organization. The effective reconstruction must be fundamental and thoroughgoing. This work is a unit. It must deal with life as a whole and seek a new world. We need to remember that Christ has not come to patch up the old order, but to make all things new. But, as a significant article in the " Contemporary Review " says, " The church has been trying to referee the game of civili- zation as the world now plays it rather than to revolutionize the game itself." Those who believe in the kingdom of God are squarely committed to the work of build- ing a new social order. They are called to a lifelong, unsurrendering fight against all injustice and evil. They are to take sides with God against all disorder and ignorance, all cruelty and vice, against every enemy of [163] The New World Order man and every wrong in society. More than that, they who expect the kingdom of God are called to the work of social redemp- tion ; they are to seek in a positive and con- structive way the kingdom and its righteous- ness; they are to get the will of God done and to make justice prevail. They are to find the flaws in the social order and mend these ; they are to go out and build a social order after the pattern shown them in the kingdom of God. We are not here to keep things fixed. We are not called to accept things as they are and bid men to endure the evils of the world. We are here rather to give men the hope of the kingdom and arouse them to seek that kingdom and its justice with all their might We accept the present social order as far as it is just, and no farther. We are not here to mitigate the evils of society, but to challenge their right to be, to oppose them, and in the name of Jesus Christ to destroy them. Too long we have accepted poverty and disease, saloons and slums, industrial strife and deadly wars as a matter of course, perhaps as necessary, as more or less inevitable in the present order. Too long God has been regarded as sending plague and pestilence, famine and disease, blindness and feeble-mindedness, for some mysterious reasons, perhaps for [164] The Church am! the Crisis our discipline. So men have taken a fatalistic attitude toward these evils and have felt that little could be done, for the present at any rate, to change the world. In face of social injustice and political wrong 1 there has been a quiet submissiveness, the half feeling that rebellion against these was a denial of God's will. The power of Christianity which should have turned the world upside down and destroyed its evils, has been turned into a means of making men submissive and keeping things as they are. The gospel has been an anodyne, God's will a submission. All this must pass and we must have a true conception of the gospel. Christianity is not a passive, static, fixed thing, but is an active, dynamic, revolutionary power. The will of God is not a submission only, but a dedication as well. Christ has not come to keep things as they are, but to make all things new. He has come not to accept the evils of the world, but to destroy the works of the devil. The kingdom of God is a revolutionary idea and is a direct challenge to every evil of the world. These evils are not the will of God at all ; they are not to be accepted and endured; they are rather to be challenged and destroyed. Content- ment with the world as it is amounts to trea- son against the kingdom of God. Accep- [ 165 ] The New World Order tance of the evils of the world as inevitable is a denial of the Cross of Christ. The will of God means the redemption of the world, and it is a declaration of warfare against everything that hurts man and opposes the kingdom. The will of God is being done in the earth as slavery, pain, disease, poverty, injustice, crime, oppression, war, are con- quered, and freedom, health, joy, safety, bread, and peace are realized among men. " The true God," says H. G. Wells, " is not a spiritual troubadour wooing the hearts of men and women to no purpose. The true God goes through the world like fifes and drums and flags calling for recruits along the street." The church must regain the Christian conception of the kingdom of God and must stand for Christ in the social order. It must believe in justice and must teach men to hunger and thirst after righteous- ness. It must develop in men a hatred of evil and must send them out to destroy every work of evil. It is the duty of the church to witness for the true order of the world, to declare that social evils are unnecessary and can be cured, to interpret to men the means and methods of social redemption and unite them in the tasks of the kingdom. VII. The,^Qhttrch _tnust Develop in _ the Hearts plTMen a S^iritofJFaith in the King- [ 166 ] The Church and the Crisis ftiijSfflMBff' ^ en arc ea er to if thcn^uiyT>e a kingdom of God aiul a way to realize it on earth. They want to know whether life is a forlorn hope or whether a better world is really possible. They never can seek the kingdom first and wholly till they know that there is a king- dom of God and that God wills it and or- dains it. They will never face their problems in a brave spirit unless they believe those problems can be solved. It is the business of the church to witness for God and for his kingdom, to certify that this is a redeemed world, to create in men a spirit of faith, and to send them out to build the kingdom of God. One thing, however, is vital here as the basis of thought and the inspiration of ef- fort. We do not have to create the kingdom of God or invent a new social order. We need rather to know that God is King and his kingdom is a reality. The kingdom of God is the very meaning of the universe, its beginning, its power, its goal. That king- dom is here beneath all of our lives; it is here upholding the life of the family and the order of the state ; it is here constituting the bond of humanity and interpreting the proc- esses of society. The fact of God's king- dom is as real as the world, and its coming M [ 167 ] The New World Order is as certain as the sun's rising. We do not make this kingdom more certain by our faith ; for that kingdom rests upon God and not upon men. But our faith puts us in harmony with the kingdom and its law; our faith saves us from sloth and uncer- tainty and sends us out to do the King's will and live as citizens of his kingdom. The world can be made a great deal better than it is. The scientist knows that a stronger, healthier, better race is easily pos- sible. The sanitarian knows that our cities can be made perfectly clean, smokeless, wholesome, and sanitary. It is possible to have pure air and pure water for all. Every city could have schools for children and playgrounds for all. In a few years we could get rid of the great scourges of tuber- culosis and typhoid fever; we could reduce the death-rate one-half in ten years and abolish many diseases entirely. We could abolish abject poverty in a generation and could lift this heavy handicap from the shoulders of millions. We could lighten the economic slavery that binds three-fourths of the people to treadmill tasks, and give every life a fair inheritance in society. We could drain all swamps, irrigate whole regions of the earth, increase the fertility of the soil, ensure every family an adequate income [168] The Church and the Crisis and a sanitary home. We could fill the world with health and beauty and joy and peace. All these things we could do in a few years if we believed that we could ac- complish them and were willing to pay the costs of progress. We could do this if we had the believing attitude of mind, if we had imagination enough to see that the evils from which we suffer are needless, if we would give thought to understand how these evils can be cured, if we would just begin to unite our forces and work together for the common good. Nothing prevents the com- ing of a better world except the unbelief and unwillingness of men. We have science enough, religion enough, conscience enough, for a gigantic creative effort. But alas, these are scattered about the world, unor- ganized, and half wasted. If men would only believe in the kingdom of God and the coming of a better world, their very faith would make that world possible. So long as men are of doubtful mind concerning the kingdom and question the right of right- eousness to be triumphant, they will be of divided mind in their work and will put themselves off with half measures. But if they would only believe the good news of the kingdom and would go forward in the will of God, their very belief would make the [169] The New World Order better order easy and would show the king- dom at their doors. And so it comes to this, that the supreme work of the church is to cultivate the believing attitude of mind and unite men in the kingdom's advance. " The kingdom of God is at hand; change your mind ; believe the good news that the king- dom is coming, and you shall see the king- dom around you." VIII. The Chitrchfea must Find Some Way of Expressing their Common.. IJtfe and of .Cooperating for the Kingdom of God. The Master, within the shadow of the cross, prayed that his disciples might be one. He declared that " By this shall all men know that ye are my disciples, if ye have love one for another." Then the world would be- lieve that the Father had sent the Son to be the Saviour of the world. In face of this our present divided Christendom, is the great scandal of the church. It really denies the redemptive work of Christ and defeats his reconciling purpose. It makes it impossi- ble for the churches to give a united and po- tent testimony. It makes the gospel appear as a fractional and provincial matter. It compels the churches to present a broken front to the enemies of the kingdom. In view of this the question of Christian union is one of the vital questions before the world. [ 170] The Church and tlie Crisis These divisions of the church lessen the power of the gospel. The churches are do- ing much for God and for man; they are the only institutions that stand for Christ and his Cross in the world. But not a tithe of the possible power of the churches is really effective in community life. And these divisions in the church delay the cause of world brotherhood. The vital need just now is an international mind, a conscious- ness of the unity of humanity. Christianity comes to men with its truth of the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of mankind. But alas, the churches cannot witness for these great truths except in a very limited and partial way. How can a divided Chris- tendom witness for cooperation and brother- hood? The churches by their very names and profession are provincial and partial. How can the Roman and Greek churches witness for the unity of humanity? It is within the truth to say that the divided churches have been one of the strongest factors making for particularism and na- tionalism. It seems vain therefore for the churches to talk about the unity of humanity and the society of nations till they have found some way of expressing their com- mon life and cooperating in world redemp- tion. The New World Order What can be done to promote this de- sired unity ? There is little use of discussing the question of church union, for that at present is a purely academic question. It may be many long years before any advance can be made in that direction. Perhaps when the churches have regained the idea of the kingdom of God and a new generation has grown up under the spell of that ideal, the frank discussion of this question may be possible. For the present the question of church federation and cooperation is possi- ble and practicable, and this should be emphasized. There are many ways in which believers in Christ may express their common life and cooperate for kingdom ends. They can regain the idea of the kingdom of God and make it central in their thought and life. They can unite in social tasks and unite all men of good will in their accomplishment. In our communities many things are possi- ble; in fact many things are being done. The churches are cooperating in temperance work, in protecting children, in securing better housing, in working for better in- dustrial conditions. Let them encourage all such activities; let them find some way of making a full impact of their religious life upon society and the nation. Let [ 172] Ttie Church and the Crisis them also look above their partialisms and emphasize the universal elements of the gospel; let them witness in thought and practice for the brotherhood of mankind and the unity of the nations. And one day they will find that interest in incidentals has dis- appeared and they are really one one, not in creedal forms perhaps, or church policies, but one in the unity of the Spirit, one in desire to seek a common kingdom and honor a common Lord. The church needs faith, courage, devo- tion. It needs faith in God and in the com- ing of his kingdom, faith in the right of righteousness to be triumphant, faith that the world can be made a great deal better than it is, faith that labor for the kingdom will not be in vain. It needs courage to face the evils of the world without flinching, courage to search for the deeper causes of social evils and deal with those causes, cour- age to have done with compromise and half- way measures and go the whole length with Jesus Christ, courage to break with the rulers of politics and finance if necessary and stand with Jesus Christ for brother- hood and justice. It needs devotion to pay the costs of progress, self-sacrifice to hold talent, property, life itself as a stew- ardship for the kingdom and its justice, the [173] The New World Order crucified spirit which makes men willing to bear the reproach of Christ and sees beyond the Cross the redemption of the world. If the church had the faith, the courage, the devotion, it might lead men into the kingdom of God. If the church were in- deed crucified with Christ, it might become the very power of God unto' salvation of society. Nothing but a crucified Christianity can ever win the world to a crucified Christ. ' The church of to-day faces the greatest challenge and has the supremest chance: of Tier long history. The church holds the key of humanity's unsolved problems. The church has the only gospel mat contains any promise for the world. Never have men felt the woes of humanity so keenly. Never have such vital questions been up for a hear- ing. One and all, the helpers and saviors of the world have failed. Men have tried science, and it has failed ; they have tried education, and it is impotent ; they have tried compromise, and it has brought only confu- sion; they have tried diplomacy, and it has /' resulted in war. When half gods go, then i God arrives. There never has been such an \ opportunity for the church as to-day. The \ field has never been so free for a religion \of reality and power. For the present a large part of the church's work is to witness for [174] / // Church and the Crisis the kingdom of God and its righteousness and keep alive in men the hope of a new social order. J cunscience over the evils of n hccU'tcn men in their for iiistic_an{LjirQgTess. In tne gospel of the Son of God there afe spiritual potencies now untouched but wholly beyond our imagination to measure. For the present the churches can incarnate these potencies in the lives of Christian men and through these lives can release them into the world. The churches can give Christ his rightful place as Master and King and can enthrone the Cross in their very life. A crucified and potent church contains the promise and po- tency of redemption of the world and the establishment of the kingdom of God. REFERENCES Orchard, " The Outlook for Religion." MacNutt, " The Church in the Furnace." Faunce, " The New Horizon of State and Church." MacFarland, " The Churches of Christ in Time of War." Scudder, " The Church and the Hour." Williams, " The Christian Ministry and Social Problems." Rauschenbusch, " The Social Principles of Jesus." Fosdick, " The Challenge of the Present Crisis." [175] f Date Due Library Bureau Cat. No 1137