675 M62 1872 MAIN ED5217 AN PARTY THE \VORK- S FRIEND. 3 S3fl 210 , we must also rememoer means, not ends. They ly for the enforcement of policies for the benefit of id as it is an axiom that fcal, ever triumphant, and >nly that political party the progressive spirit of promotion of the perma- ^Ifare ot the people, will be " with their confidence henever any party ceases the reformatory and )f the times, it ceases to of the majority, which efflcacj and governing; OF FRBB 0OVBRNM3NT. legsinga of a Republican parantees to every citizen management of affairs, *ie fact that the Republic to lite and pioperty than [it is more economical; of greater efficiency, or errors of public policy. I Republic consists in the mce and personal capa- ig citizen and a governed uess of power, and con- practfeal acceptation ian, no matter what hie hie vocation, is equally a >verning power, and that but of him, are the a republican State pre- lergisdng and beuetlcient )Wth of personal charac- " the infinite superiority lonarchical institutions, considerations of rela- incy dwindle into ingig- 3INTIAL TO HUMAN HAP- nssp. bs ago, Solon, the great aus, and the wisest man I the happiest man whom fremost as the first os- lat happiness, that he ordered State." le water we drink, and bathes us, are not the [.life because they are so 10 notice, and even ne- ient Providence which m to pur need I. And purity of life and prop- press, a free religion, lie s occupation and to tfcegift ot thf .people, ao universal recogni tion , that appreciate these essential and ;o a happy and we! I developed s sufficiently grateful and at- vernment which alone guarad- should never lorget that this ia and well-ordered republican State in the world; that everywhere else we have either despotisms, absolute or qualified,, or nominal republics tempered with anarchy and civil wars. THE DUTIES WB OWB TO THE GOVERNMENT. Tonsure the permanency of this magnifi cent and inestimable inheritance, we owe it more than our vote and pecuniary support ; we owe it our highest thought, constant vigilance, and zealous co-operation. Not only in time of war has the government a right to" command our lives and fortunes, but in time of peace it has the right to demand our most profound thought and watchful care. TM REPUBLICAN PARTY MAINLY COMPOSED OF WORKINOMEN. The great majority of the people of the United States, who are tojlers with brain and hand, are particularly interested in the main- tainence of our government. The Republican party, under whose leadership the arovernraent is now moving, is .composed almost. exclusively of laboring men ; in the North and West, its stronghold is among ftie farmers aod the me chanics of the villages, and in the South its most enthusiastic supporters are the recently emanci pated slaves. Thus the separate int-rets of the workingmen are safe in its keeping: for while we have an abundant number of laborers we have, thank God, no laboring class r>o hereditary caste. Men may be engaged either in physical or mental labors, or in any particular branch thereof, during their whole life, but it, is entirely voluntary, and many of them change from one to the other as it may to them eeem best. THERE ia NO PERMANENT LABORING CLASS. The assumption that there is a laboring class or interior caste, having separate and antago- niBljic interests, which descends frorc father "to son, and from which no one can rise or change is a monarchical idea, imported fro? a abroad and inapplicable to our country. And to pre vent the formation of a permanent laboring class, as distinguished from a professional or a capitalist class, ought to be tht- object of earnest solicitude with every American statesman and thinker. NO MATUBAL ANTAGONISM BETWIT5N LABOB AND CAPITAL. For the purpose of convenient distinction, and not because there exists such an absolute line oi demarkation in real lite, we ir.y.y assume that there are three distinct stages of capital in the United States: the capital oi physical labor; the capital of mental labor, and the capital of accumulated or capitalized labor. Between these three classes of capitalists! there is no natural or necessary antagonism. Ail of them are interested In the security of life and prop erty, in tke enforcement of coatracti. in t& Tir ^f M #P i THE REPUBLICAN PARTY THE INGMAN S FRIEND. 1*72- WORK- THK OBJIOT OF POLITICAL PARTIES. NO. 1. In a Republican Government, political parties lire essential State machinery, without which si ere would be political stagnation ; but while we recognize this fact, we must also remember that parties are only means, not ends. They are instruments solely for the enforcement of principles, ideas, and policies for the benefit of the entire nation ; and as it is an axiom that truth alone is immortal, ever triumphant, and conquering- error ; only that political party Y T hich adapts itself to the progressive spirit of toe age, and seeks the promotion of the perma nent and universal welfare ot the people, will be eodarinff, ana honored with their confidence and support. And whenever any party ceases to be in harmony with the reformatory and progressive tendency of the times, it ceases to le the representative of the majority, which g lone confers upon it efficacy and governing power. THE VITAL ADVANTAGE OF FREE GOVERNMENT. The benefits and blessings of a Republican government, which guarantees to every citizen an equal voice in the management of affairs, consist not chiefly in the fact that the Republic gives greater security to life and property than the Monarchy; that it is more economical; that its civil service is of greater efficiency, or that it commits fewer errors of public policy. The chief value of a Republic consists in the immense spiritual distance and personal capa- bjlity of a self-governing citizen and a governed subject. The consciousness of power, and con- tequent self-respect, the practical acceptation of the fact that every man, no matter what hie circumstances in life or his vocation, is equally a ruler and part of the governing power, and that government IB not abwe, but of him, are the uhfef advantages which a republican State pre sents. It is irj these energizing snd beneficient influences upon the growth of personal charac ter, wherein is manifested the infinite superiority of republican over monarchical institutions. . before which all minor considerations of rela tive economy and efficiency dwindle into insig nificance, GOOD GOVSRN1CP.NT ESSENTIAL TO HUMAN HAP PINESS, Twenty-two centuries ago, Solon, the great law-giver of the Athenians, and the wisest man of his age, in describing the happiest man whom he ever knew, placed foremost as the first es sential condition of that happiness, that he "lived in Greece, a well ordered State." The air we breathe, the water we drink, and the genial sunshine that bathes us, are not the less essential or vital to life because they are so abundant, that we take no notice, and even ne glect to thank a beneficient Providence which has so iulJy adapted them to our needa. And In this great republic, security of life and prop erty, an untrammelled press, a free religion, Ireedom to change one i occupation and to Mpire to aiv afflce within the gift of the people, , are principles of ao universal recognition, thftt, we do not fully appreciate these essential and vital conditions to a happy and well developed life ; nor are we sufficiently grateful and at tached to our government which alone gnarari- tees them. We should never lonret that this is the only great and well-ordered republican State in the world; that everywhere else we have either despotisms, absolute or qualified, or nominal republics tempered with anarchy and civil wars. THE DUTIES WB OWE TO THE GOVERNMENT. To ensure the permanency of this magnifi cent and inestimable inheritance, we owe it more than our vote and pecuniary support ; we owe it our highest thought, constant vigilance, and zealous co-operation. Not only in time of war has the government a right to" command our lives and fortunes, but in time of peace it has the right to demand our most profound thought and watchful care. THJI REPUBLICAN FARTT MAINLY COMPOSED OF WORKINOMEN. The great majority of the people of the United States, who are toilers with brain and hand, are particularly interested in the main- tainence of our government. The Republican party, under whose leadership the srovernmenli is now moving, is .composed almost exclusively of laboring men ; in the North a-d West, its stronghold is among the farmers and the me chanics of the villages, and in the Booth its most enthusiastic supporters are the recently emanci pated slaves. Thus the separate interests of th workingruen are safe in its keeping; for while we ha^vean abundant number of laborers we have, thank God, no laboring classno hereditary caste. Men may be engaged either in physical or mental labors, or in any partie^ar branch thereof, during their whole life, but it is entirely voluntary, and many of them chang-i from one to the other aa it may to them seem best. THERE is NO PERMANENT LABORING CLASS. The assumption that there is a laboring class or interior caste, having separate and anta^o- nietic interests, which descends from father "to son, and from which no one can rise or change is a monarchical idea, imported from abroad and inapplicable to our country. And to pre vent the formation of a permanent laboring class, as distinguished from a professional or a capitalist class, ought to be the object of earnest soucitude with every American statesman and thinker. NO KATUBAL ANTAGONISM BET WHTCN LAJBOB AND CAPITAL. For the purpose of convenient distinction, and not because there exists such an absolute line of demarkation in real lite, we may assume that there are three distinct stages of capital in the United States: the capital o; physical labor the capital of mental labor, and the capital of accumulated or capitalized labor. Between these three classes of capitalists there is no natural or necessary antagonism. Ail of them are interested in the security of life and prop erty, in tke enforcement of eostractg. in tin 2 freedom of making contracts ; in the complete all liberty of changing vocation and investments, in general education, and the peaceful and econ omical administration of public atlairs. The capitalist of physical labor has for sale his day s work ; the capitalist of mental labor his pro fessional skill, and the capitalist of reserved labor the accumulation which either he or hie ancestors have acquired. Sometime* the one and sometimes the other of these classes receives the. highest share of reward. It frequently hap pens in our Western territories, or in our mining districts, that physical labor is in so threat de mand that lawyers and doctors engage side by side with ordinary laborers in physical work, because It brings by far Ihe highest reward. At other times the capital, represented by physical labor is so abundant, and the reserved and ac cumulated capitai is in such great demand that It receives the lion s share ol the reward. STATEMENT or THK LABOR PROBLEM. The main question, which an inquiry into the labor problem suggests, is twofold : First, how can the capitalist of a day s labor, com prising as it does the largest class of our popu lation, receive in exchange the greatest amount of comfort, and the greatest share of profit. Secondly, how can he rise most easily and speedily to the condition of a capitalist of re served labor, or a capitalist of skillful mental acquirements. These questions are of the moit Tital import ance to the progress of the world. They are so profound and interwoven with the fabric of so ciety, that they require the most earnest, con scientious, pains-taking, impartial, and non- partizan investigation, They cannot be solved by the cheap rhetoric of the political agitator, nor by intuition, nor by the unlettered and untutored suggestions of any class, looking upon them from a partial standpoint. And if the words of counsel which we are about to present to our fellow laborers do not clear away all the difficulties surrounding the subject , we know, at least, that our suggestions are the result, both of earnest thought, and of a sincere desire to level up our physical laborers without levelling down any other class. Elevate, edu cate, make moral and free, the basis of society, and not ouly is the safety of the State ensured, but all other classes will DC prosperous and contented. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY THE WO KK LNGMAN SFRLENiJ. No. 2, POLITICAL, PERSONAL AMD ASSOCIATED ACTTOM . To lift up the masses of men to a hipher standpoint of moral and mental excellence, to Impart to them greater skill, greater produc tive power , greater self respect and higher con scientious motives, are the only mean^ of a per manent cure of poverty, crime and discontent. This can be accomplished by three-fold action: Political, Personal aud Associated. PROPER POLITICAL ACTION. Political action can only tend incidentally to this object. Tbc workingmen, like all good citizens, ought to ally themselves with that party, whose hlRtory tarnishes thf most com plete guarantee* of beneflcieat progress. If the workingmen of the United States have any specific reforms to propose, they must first p re- teat them at *V< b*r of pulik wrii&m. where political causes are tried, and then endeavor to have them incorporated iu the platform oi the dominant political party; for in that way they will be most speedily converted into the hiw of the land. If then the Republican party has given evidence that it is ready to adopt till principles and ideas which the pupular con science approves, and make them a part of its platform, iurelv the worfeingman, as such, has no occasion first to tear down that political party and establish a new one, for the purpose of accomplishing his objects. Common sense clearly indicates that It is much easier to engraft any popular principle into the platform of dominant party which has the power to carry i out, than first to popularize a principle, which must bo done at all events, and then tear down the party and substitute a new and special party in its place. It may be strongly suspected, therefore, that those who advocate the pro priety of securing special legislation for the working man by the formation of a new party, are using this only as a pretext to bring the Democratic party into power, and for the pur pose of obtaining pelf, places, and power for themselves. In so far then as the workingjnan needs special legislation, he can obtain it, after due discussion, from the Republican party, which has a history that incontrovertibly shows that it has been, for the last ten years, the one, real, practical friend of the workingman, making no distinction on account ol race or color. HISTORY OT rwa WORKTNGMAH S MOVEMENT. What has given to the modern labor move ment its strength and consideration? What has given an impulse to the elevation and dig- nification of labor throughout the whole world, except the abolition of involuntary labor in the United States ? During the forty years reign of the Demo cratic party, several millions of workingmen and women and their offspring were bought and sold, like the cattle of the ield. and dedicated to the infernal rnoloch of American Slavery. American workingmen were prevented by cruel and outrageous laws from learning to read and write, and, consequently, to think. They were prevented both by laws and public opinion from leaving the class of physical la borers to enter the professions or to become their own employers. The Republican party, teekic? the emancipa tion of this oppressed class, through good and evil report, and after years ol si ruggle and obloquy, succeeded in arousing the public con science to demand the abolition of Involuntary servitude. The Kepublio&n party insisted that voluntary labor, secured by voluntary and equitable contracts, should be substituted for involuntary and hereditary slavery. The party has done more -than this, it has over come successfully, with the *id of the nation, a gigantic civil war. Under its leadership several hundred thousand n.en sacrificed their lives in behalf of that grand principle, ttiat in voluntary servitude shall be forever abolished. EDUCATION AHD The enormous debt which now rests upon the nation, and which is ao incubus upon everj man s energies, was caused hy the lace Igantif rebellion. These rebels we.-e all Democrat* There were no Rpublican in the rebellion. And since that time evr j means calculated U 6 benefit thlg cHss of poor emancipated laborers has been reveled -with insolence and malignity. The Ku Klui outrages to-day are nothing more than the earn* malignancy on the part of the land-holders against their former slaves, tiding by intimidation to nave them submit to their previous domination, cneating them out of their wages, and reducing them to their for mer state of Hb.ject dependence, though they cannot re-establish slavery in name. The Republican party has made the very name of reform a popular catch-word so that pseudo reformers are proclaming their silly re form nostrums, like patent medicine dealers, on ew, r y stump. Until the Republican party made "reform" popular, conservatism and conserva tive nostrume were the order of the day. THI HOMESTEAD LAWS. The record show*, and it is a dark and damn ing record, that th only veto which President Bnnhanan had th courage to muster, was nnrled against the Homestead Bill, which en acted that the public domain shall be set apart for the use of the actual settlers. It super- seeded the issue of land warrants, which could be bought up by capitalists, and located in large bodies, thus preventing the workingman from gaining a home upon the national domain, ex cept on ut-unous and disadvantageous terms. It was the Republican party that in the very first year of its power, enacted the Homestead Bill into a law, and has ui>b.eld its provisions ever since. The memory of the American peo ple mu6t bs short, indeed, if they do not recol lect that the Homestead policy was denounced by the Democratic press, U.H unconstitutional, aggramn *tud revolutionary. ENFRANCHISEMENT OP THB FXSBDMEH. The Republican party, not satisfied with the mere emancipation of the Southern working- men, enfranchised them, and conferred upon them the ireedman s weapon the ballot so tLat they might be able to maintain their poli tical and personal rights ot ? oluntary labor and of State education, against the assaults of their eueiuie*. TOTC FwEKi>itA*r s BUREAU. The Republican party did more than that . It saw that these people were too poor to main tain voluntary school s. It *aw that the public sentiment in the former slave States wits totally opposed to giving them *n education or to es tablish common schools of any kind. The South never had decent schools before emanci pation, ard determined not to have any icr the use of the treedmeo. Therefore the freedmen s bureau was instituted, which for several years undertook to establish schools under national auspices, free alike to the children of all classes ; and it the freedmen profited most largely by these national schools, it was be cause the white workingman had sunk so low as to be unable to appreciate the advantages and blessings of education. The Republican party made, moreover, & sol emn compact before readmitting the late rebel- flous STATES into the Union, that they should maintain, hereafter, public schools open to all, which couid ouly inure to the benefit of the irorkingmen , both black ami white. THB PUBITT or TWI KAJLLOT Box. The Republican party ha* enacted a law to protect each and every man IB casting hli bal lot, to greYrfKt baliot-ctufflni; b? aaworthy ma, to Kuar&ntet to each and every working- man hla absolute sovereignty ; and to secure to him his equal influence, which is endangered by the corrupting power of wealth, wielded by monopolies and consolidated capita But in every stage, in every turn, no matter what beneflcient provisions were proposed, the Re publican party has encountered the virulent and deadly hostility of the Democratic leaders and presa. And even to-day, in the recent ad dress which was published by them, signed by fourteen United States Senators, and ninety- three Democratic Representatives, we defy any one to find one single generous sentiment, the proposal of a single specific measure of reform, a single line expressing intention to benefit, either the workingman, or the country at large, or as tending to augment the glory and honor of the Nation, either at home or abroad. It is the same system of fault-finding, of palling down, of belittleing, of every true conscien tious and philanthropic man that has endea- tered to promote the progress of our country, Whenever our Government has endeavored to protect the weak *nd poor in their rights, the Democratic party fcas exhausted the vo cabulary of oprobhous terms, in denouncia- tion of the Republican party. Surely the work ing-men of the United States are too intelli gent to be misled by this fierce denunciation of measures, which experience and time have proved of benefit alike to the nation at large, and particularly to the poor men of integrity, and interested in an honest government. LAZTD GHANTS TO RAR.KOAM. It is true Urge quantities of public lands kave been granted to Railroad Companies, and the time has come when this system of dis posing of the public domain must stop. Some of the land grants were not made judiciously, and the temptation to Congressiona corrup tion la very great. Yet the land grants given to the Pacific Railways are, by no means, an unmixed evil They have rendered accessible many millions of acres of )and loit in the American denert which, as long as speedy communication was wanting, could only be used as hunting ground*. The Railroad Companies are ifreatly inter ested ia emigration; it is of the utmost con- sequeBce to them, to have their long and ex posed Hues protected by settlement* ; and, therefore, they are offering their lands on such easy lenns that emigrants prefer them to the public lauds further off. A law, however, ought to be speedily enacted, fixing the max- imucB price of said lands, and preventing their sale la large contiguous bodies to single in dividuals and corporations. I aw glad that public sentiment has been aroused upon this question, and that the workingnaen ana people generally, will visit with political damnation the politician who favors the squandering of the public domain. Tne Republican, party and press are fully committed agaiust further land grants on the terms hithertoo unule. Tut iaT flora LAW. At the demand of the wortcingraen, and a* & national example, the Republican party en acted that, on all public works, eight hours shall constitute a day s work. Toi* is another evi dence that thii party has been anxious to a*- ears the telvcxca d eo-9p*r&tioi tf til* THE REPUBLICAN PARTY THE WORK- INGMAN S FRIEND. No. 3. ECONOMY AKD EDUCATION. Workingmen must, however, act individually for the attainment c* prosperity. So that con tracts are enforced ; so that life and property are secure ; so that every young man Is freely permitted to learn any trade, or enter any voca tion he pleases, and every man is allowed to change that vocation at will ; so that no law is made which takes more from than they ought to pay; so that it provides them with a com plete and free system of education taking the eLild from the primary school and advancing him tothegrammerand high school, and finally sending him to the University without any charge of tution ; the State has done all that it ought to do as an organized corporation. The individual workmen must observe tem perance, industry, energy and persistence, habits oi study and careful observation, espec ially in the way of making the mechanical arts and occupations more esteemed. ECONOMY is OF THIS HIGHEST YALUB. Is there anything in the conditions, circum stances, or laws of the United States that will prevent any of your boys from becoming inde pendent and have an accumulated capital of at least $10,000 wnen forty years of age ? I take the following illustration from a recent number of the D abnqfne Times, of what immense results the savings of thirty cents per day will accom plish : HOW BOYS MAY BECOME RlCH. IN DUBUQUE there are one thousand boys on the threshold of manhood and business life, possessing sufficient education for ordinary business purposes, and who feel sure that if they only had the capital with which to embark in business, they might, in the course of an ordi- parv lifetime, acquire an independence, if not great wealth. Of these one thousand boys, a large portion ol those who remain alive until they arrive at old age will then find themselves seedy, penniless and wretched or but a single step above this condition, struggling for a meager subsistence, by hard day s works de pendent upon some capitalist for the ernplov- meut whereby tney earu their bread. And then, in looking back over the past, and questioning with themselves why their lives should have been sueh a failure, they will declare, and, per haps, actually believe, that "luck was against tltem;" that they were obeyed to begin life without capital, and ne er louud an opportunity to acquire capital, to serve as a foundation for a fortune. We v pose to examine into the validity of this plea. The majority >! V-*se young men, in imita tion of the habit . f V-e. best society, make use of tobacco in the ,.;-,i. t .*: of cigars. Some smoke rarely, but are sdee.t in their taste, and use only the better kinds of citrare ; say, three a day at ten cents each. Others and by far the greater number average six cigars a day, at (we will su.v) live cents each. Thirty cents a day for cigars or tobacco in some shape Is a very moderate allowance for an ordinary habitual smoker. This amounts to (30x365) $109.50 a yaar. In the course of the year, by purchas ing at wholesale, the individual ma? make a saving of the odd $9.50* fc as the amount expended for tobacco te th* coarse of the year. We will begin with young men seventeen years of age. Between his seventeenth and eighteenth birthday he expends $100 for cigars. That $100, if placed at interest at 10 per cent, on his eighteenth birthday, would, by his nine teenth birthday, amount to $110. "That $110 placed at interest until his twentieth birthday, would amount to $121. That $121 placed at Interest until his twenty-first birthday, would amount to $133.10. By continuing the calcula tion, the smoker will find that the one hundred dollars expended during his seventeenth year, if simply put out at interest at ten per cent., and reinvested annually a very easy thing to do by the time the Individual had arrived at a good hale old age, ready to "retire from business" and enjoy life, would amount to the startling sum of $9,720.03. The amount at ten per cent interest, by the time the individual would be sixty-five years old, oi $100 expended in cigars or tobacco by a young man in his YEAR. YEAR. YEAR. 17th $ 18th . 19th . 20th . ! 21st . 33d . I 23d . i 24th . 25th . 26th . 27th . I 2Sth . 29th . I 80th . j 81st . 32d . Total In other words the young man who uses tobacco in any shape, to the value of thirty cents i a day, in the course of an ordinary life-time, expends an amount, which, il instead of spend- ) ing it for tobacco, he had invested annually at ten per cent interest, would afford him a fortune | ! of over one hundred thouvind dollars. We do not think of a word of comment that can add to the force of these fJguss. A PBRMANHNT PURPOSE IN LIFE. One thing above all others cannot be im- I pressed upon both old and younsr with too great j an emphasis. It is, that -.a definite purpose of life, and a conviction that what we may produce with hand or brain, i& for the benefit of the I world, is essential to our happiness. An idle i life leads to worthlessness, wretchedness, gam bling, debauchery, and finally to the State prison or an early grave. It isan essential con dition, made a law by the Creator Himself, which no man can, with impunity, transgress, that in telligent, continuous effort to do and accom plish something is essential to individual con-, tentrnent. The envy, therefore, which some times enters the heart of the workingmen against the sons of rich men whom they see loitering on the street corners, is misplaced. These men do not only, not enjoy the same degree of personal happiness and comfort, but they are often plunged into recklessness and vice. Look theo not to without for relJef, but frma **& AJIOOX the inalienable 9790.03 33d $ 2111.4? 49th $ 459.50 8820.03 34th . 1916.48 50th . 417.73 8018.21 35th . 1744.98 51st . 379.75 7289.28 36th . 1680.34 52d . 213.05 6v>36.68 3V th . 1443.13 sad . 205.31 6024.19 48th . 1311.05 54th . 250.80 5476.54 -,9th . 1191.85 55th 2S5.79 4978.07 40th . 1033.49 56 Mi . 214.36 4526.05 41st . 884.99 57th . 194.81 4114.59 42d . 895.44 58th . 1.7.15 3740.54 43d . 814.04 59th . 161.05 3400.48 44th . 740.03 60th, . 146.41 8001.5 ) 45th . 072.76 61st . 133.10 2810.3-2 46th . 611.60 62d . 121.00 2554.83 47th . 556.00 63d . 110.00 2322.52 43th . 505.05 64th , 100. 00 . . $105,395.50 rights of * freeman gtarn!i preeminent the right to enter into a contract, and the right to wor for whom he pleases, and at such wages as he tor himself may determine. First class me chanics ought to resist the attempt of Inferior and incompetent men to control their wages and hours of labor. The man who dares not to face the world on hie own hook who dares not to take a job of work without permission of some "order" will always remain as poor aaa church mouse. A TRJLDK AMONG THB INALHCNJLBLE BIGHTS. A trade or calling is the birth-right of every man and woman who chooses to follow it. To prohibit, by law, by usage or by combinations, any person from becoming a mechanic or artizan .8 a crime. The assumption, that if tLere are but a few rnn to work in a particular calling, doing a minimum amount of work, the price of that class of labor will thereby be enhanced, is entirely fallacious. There is a point at which consumption stops. Whenever the production of any article is so costly that by doing other work we cannot equal it as an equivalent, other articles are used in Us place. Thus, lor instance, Sf all the bricklayers in the United States were to combine and charge a hundred dollars for laying a thousand bricks, the consequence would be that brick houses would not be built, and brick laying avoided in every possible way. In fact, we are doing as much work with all the improved machinery that we now have with steam power, railways, steam-boats, power looms, Ac. in a month, than fifty years ago, we did in a year, yet there is more demand for work, a greater demand for skillful and intelli gent laborers than was ever known before. The nacre industry there is in the land, the greater is the demand for workers, and the more idle ness, the less capacity is there ior general em ployment. THE JLBSKNCS OF CAPITU* Some agitators are trying to make the work- ingman believe that the paradise of the laborer Is where theie is no capital. In other words, il all the rich men and wealth were evept out of existence, and every man had to do his own work, thus being his own employer, holding only as mucn land as he, by" himself, could cultivate, the milleuium for workingmen would have come. If any of these crentleinen wish to try this condition of affairs practically; if they wish to live in a land without capital, and, tnerefbre, without machinery, without roads, without good schools, universities, churches, public buildings and other necessary institutions of high civilization ; if they wish to go to a land where each man raises enough for his own needs and packs a little surplus, where with to obtain his tools, on the back of an ass or rnule and carries it to the sea coast, let nirn go to Santo Dominso, for there that happy con dition of society exists. There you have enough to eat kind nature gives that plentifully; there with very little exertion, you can raise enough tobacco and other products to exchange for clothing ; and then you can be as happy as the hog that only needs in addition a inud-pud- dle for complete enjoyment. The absence of capital, as such, is not a blessing, but a very great disadvantage, and, therelore, the object of the philanthropist is to show a way by which every man, every laborer can become, partly by *elf-sarifice, partly by higher skill and greater &<* partly b. aqvitfcblo lawa, * <*-*- Ullit himself. We should try to contort on* country Into & land of capitalists instead of land of poverty and wretchedness. Surely, il we have a consciousness of our own immor tality ; if we regard this life as only probation ary^ as one fitting th soul for a higher destiny, and greater mental and moral exertions heieaf- ter, a definite purpose in life which prevents the rust of idleness and corruption from corrod ing our vitality, is an essential condition both to our happiness here and hereafter. Thus the laborer who conscientiously does his duty, edu cates his child ren, urges them to enter au bouest. vocation, can be, and is the happieat man o iiis age and time. MEA.3UBKS OF PBHMANflNT RKLI/iF. But what of the future ? Among the rerafdtei most likely to develope the manhood o; the workingraea, aad aid their material develop ment., the following are suggested : First, The alliance of the workingmea wii& the party of progress, humanity, law and or der, and opposition to the party of organized villainy, deception and fraud. It, muat be evident to all, that Tammany flail corruption combined Kith secession hatret and Ku Klux outrage.-?, would, in case of success at the next election, nation alize the New York system of organized eorrap. tion, aud the rule of great corporation?. Why is there more poverty and crime iu New York city than any whereon the comment? It ia because thirty-five million* of taxes are wniog from the producer?, annually, to be in great part, divided among a few "men of immense wealth like Tweed and others. 11 the workingmen were to organize and to support the Kepublican party, they could select their own .nen and place them upon the ticket for Congress in all laree cities, the Republican party would gladly honor with its support some intelligent and patriotic artizau. Beiore you rush into the dark, and peril all you have gained, you had better first try what, earnest co-opera tion with the Republican party will do. Secondly t Organized and powerful, railway and otter combinations nr..ist be restrained in their rapacity by law. There is nothing above the State, and no combination can be allowed to subvert the general rights of the community. The railway* are our only practical -public high ways, and Congress has full power to regulate the charge* on freight and passengers for tao protection of the public. "The laws of ihe States gave railways ttie right of entry oa pri vate lands, because it was held that they .vife necessary ior commerce aud inter-communica tion, and this part of the compact cannot be annulled by arbitrary and extortionate charges. Thirdly, The Government ought to aid lha construction or construct a double track rail way from St. Louis to New York, wita a iew branches from Chicago and Cincinnati, in the West, and one to Boston and Baltimore in the East, which should be open to all persona as a great freight road. A uniform rate oi speed, and a toll sufficient to keep the roadrbed in order, with a signal code and the use of the telegraph are all the conditions neeees-iry. Tins road would regulate the freights of ail others, and provide moreover cheap transportation for emigrants, and also for cattle. Fourthly, The Government ought to estab lish a system of Foet Office Saving Banks, wiiicJi would be of great benefit to the Government .-; i ? " : iter o*itantly it ret in onr widely extended coun try from three to four hundred million a of dol- l*r, which are not deposited because they are owned in too email sums and subject to con- tant use. If then the Government were to establish A Post Office Saving: Batik In every village of 2000 inhabitants or upwards, at which til persons could make deposits in sums of five dollars or more and receive interest on the same at the rate of four per cent per anuum, it would be R e:reat inducement to the -young to wive their earnings, aflord a cheap loan to the Gov ernment, and also cause the payment to the people of from twelve to sixteen millions of dol lars per year on money that is now lying idle. In addition to thie bank, a svstem of transfer draft* could be Introduced so that a family emi grating from Boston could deposit their money there, and take out a transfer draft, payable at StFaul. This system of national saving banks with transfer drafts would be of very great and permanent benefit to the working classes. It ! alto perfectly practical, easily managed and understood, and very much like the money order system. As goon as the National Debt is sufficiently diminished to make the interest burden easy, and the machinery of the Postal Government Saving Biinkt is perfectly established, the Gov ernment mav go one step further, and re-loan the people s money at five per cert, per annum, to build up bonaflde industrial enterprises, and more particularly, mechanics co-operative as- ociations. Let us enforce and set in motion the principles herein set forth, and we will have reached a highor level of social and administrative in fluences, upon which we can rear a beautiful and permanent superstructure. The happiness and prosperity of each and very citizen, and not the increase of commerce orof production, should be the first object of aociety and of law ; and it may even be neces- ary to discourage this wild and often unprin cipled hunt after material riebes, now inaugu rated. At all events, every real progress is achieved by long, continuous and painful strug gle, and. therefore, we must not be discouraged because ten or twenty years are required which IK the life of & nation are but as a single year to pain acceptance for new and important truths. Kitty, The Statistical Bureau ought to be ekarged with the regular collection of facts as to the demand of laborers and mechanics in different localities ; the wages paid, and the price of land, produce, board, <fec. If several hun dred thousand dollars can be spent to announce the daily state of the weather; surely this in formation is of greater importance, and can be collected with less expense. A BETTER SYSTEM o EDUCATION. Bixtly, The majority of the American peo- Ele are proud of their system of education, ave spent already large sums to establish it, and are willing to make even greater pecuniary sacrifices to enlarge it. And yet it must be evident to every thinker that the system is greatly and radically deficient. It cannot be expected that this great question shall be here fully discussed, but a few suggestions are thrown out whose consideration may, in time, produce good resultfi. First ami foremost, we muet have better and more highly trained teachers. W aivst make th ofce ti UK&at imto 6*t of tx* most, tt not ffemoit Important prof&#!ot, IB* while we insist on a long and arduous course of special training, w must also adequately re munerate the suceegefnl teacher. The system of hiring young women who only look to teach ing as a temporary expedient, until a chance for marriage occurs, is not only money wasted but a very great and lasting Injury inflicted upon the rising generation. The establishment of semi naries for teachers is ao absolute and immediate necessity; for Plato well and truly said, "that while seven years of silent study are necessary to diictrn the truth, fourteen years are necessary to enable one to learn how to teach it to others. " I take, moreover, the ground that what we call "education" is exceedingly deficient in compass. It does well enough within its chan nel which Is exceedina-ly narrow, but it does not pretend to educate all the faculties of the hu man being. The whole system consists in train- ins; the memory so that it may retain mechani cally a esrtujn number of facts ; nd IB sharpen- nin* tb intellectual faculties without enlarging their scope. I cannot think of one exception to the rule that the United States have uot pro duced a siuqAe man, great in any walk of life, Who has spent the first sixteen ywtrs of hie life in a city 01 upwards of eighty th.oDwa.nd inhabi tants. That individuality of character which alone gives personal prominence is entirely wanting, and cannot be replaced by mete cul ture or refinement. Our present system deals chiefly in words and trifles, which, whether re membered or not, are of very little consequence. Grammar and spelling are very well in their place, but they are not the chief end ol educa tion. If the man is otherwise yrreat, he learni them in other pursuits, and if his character ia dwarfed his spelling is of very little consequence. The child has varions faculties, physical, moral, mental and mechanical ; and wnSry system of education that does not aflord the means of educating all of these, is a failure. Our educational system ought to be moulded .upon the suggestions of Festal ozai and Froeble. The child between five to eight years of age, ought to have a chance to educate its eye. bands fingers and limbs. Under the guise of play, it ought to be taught the correct oae of the pencil, needle, tools, <fec. It ought to be taught to sing, to recite, to construct and to amasC itself and others. In fact, learning should be made, and it, moreover, can be made, the most pleasing and entertaining portion of a child s life. PROPER MOKAL INSTRUCTIONS. In our anxiety to keep out of our public schools all religious dogmas that is theology or reasoning about God proper so that Atheists, Deists, Jews, Protestants and Catholics may have no conscientious scruples to send their children, we have excluded all moral cultiva tion and instruction as such. We have exem plifications of the artificial and arbitrary divi sions of the sound of every letter in the alphabet we have the most insignificant grammatical deviation duly noted, we have all the anthmetl al, algebraical and geometrical rules com mitted to memory, but there i not a single texi book that points out to the growing cLild, tht point where deception, disobedience, dissimula tion and dishonesty begin ; or engraves into th youthful mind a proper abhorrence of erti thoughts and evil deeds. This question o< morality is not so easy as is usually supposed there are, in ffct, few pertos.t who can al^^e t*-.eonTars*HA% . nnd bvatae transactions. Exaggeration* of statement are found in sermons, and over-praifie of articles to be gold are not uncommon. Be fore we can have more honesty in public affairs we inuet have a higher moral sentiment in the iommunity. I do not care whether a Professor Huxley or a Catholic Bishop prepared the moral text book, so that it is plain and thorough, and avoids the introduction of theological dogmas. This subject is one of so great importance that It ought v .o excite the attention of all who wish to make a stand against the manifest increase of corruption in private and public life. Sunday schools, which are chiefly engaged in teaching theological dogmas, are entirely inadequate to give a sufficiency of purely moral instruction*. PROPER FEMALE EDUCATION. The masses of the growing female children nave ao suitable educational facilities provided lor their use. The answer that our universities, law aud medical colleges are now opened to all, is like the gift of a stone to those who hun ger for bread. The daughter* of our artizans, tradesmen, laborers and email farmers, have not the time to attend universities. Nor would It be of any benefit to many because they have not sufficient capacity, for neither the masses of men or women are fitted for the professions. Inasmuch as the probabilities are that four females out of five will get married, the Female Polytechnic schools should teach every branch of house-keeping and particularly cooking. The waste of bad cookery ia frightful fully equal to 25 per cent of all the food consumed. But inasmuch as she may never be married, or become a widow, she ought to have trie facility of learning a trade. The use of the sewing and knitting machine, bonnet trimming, drew mak ing, tailoring, fancy work, even carriage trim ming and painting, aud all sorts of trades fitted for woman should be taught freely to all. This ie the practical remedy lor four fifths of the complaints we now hear. It is a great absurdi ty to claim that females get lesg wages than men because they connot vote. The reason they get smaller pav is that thev do lew satisfactory work, and U,e chief cause of this is, that they have to "pick up," whatever they may under take, without thorough training or preparation. TRAI>B SCHOOLS FOR MAJLBS. It is about time that something should be done to meet the want ot our growing youth that i* prevented partly by Trades Unions, and partly by foolish public sentiment, from learning useful trades. To many youths any rhuig ia pre ferable to regular woik. The street railways are overrun with applications for conductor- ships, though the pay la only two dollars for fourteen hours work. The same men might tret four dollars for ten norir s v/ork as machinists, carpenters or masons. A trade is a sheet an chor. It is a real and abiding capital a never failing resource in case of failure elsewhere. The feeling oi security and power of the man who can eay, "very well, if all other means fail I can work at my trade" ; gives him courage to v age the battle of life with success. I would entrust the happiness of my daughter a thous and times rather to a competent mechanic than to any young man, no matter how genteely seeming, who has no regular profession or cal ling. The diploma given by a Polytechnic school of A high grade, after a thorough examination by experts, would be a passport to foremanships and ftc-partnersfeipt witb capitalist!. Ttvt gradntr tla of these youthful mechanics, .eoinjj fort* Into the world, full of heart and hope that they are able to toil and to build, would be witnessed and applauded by all classes of society. A graduated mechanic, with the training, air and polish of the student, would be welcome ia every social circle. Thus must labor be honored, elevated and respected. And I hope that the Republican State Governments will at once initiate this beueflcient and necessary reform. Lastly, This system of education naturally leads to the last and most important of all means for the elevation of the workingmen the system of mutual co-operation between capital ists and workmen. Whenever this system has been fairly tried, it has been a wonderful suc cess. It is true mere sham co-partnerships, where the capitalists have tried to overreach the employes by fraudulent entries and charges, have failed. But an honest and brotherly divi sion of profits has always been a success. The proposition that the workingmau should receive a stipulated sum, and in addition a reasonable share of profit, has every where produced satis factory results. But a thoroughly educated aud trained mechanical class will make these co partnerships the rule instead of tliu exception. CONCLUSION. What a glorious country this will be when we have well educated and gcientific artizans ; when the printer, the book-binder, the blacksmith, and the carpenter will be graduates from institutions, taking a pride in their calling, believing that they are not only equal in law to all other men, but that their vocation is as honorable, as respectable, and as conducive to the comfort and necessity of men as that of the lawyer, the doctor, or the min ister. Thus we will have a real fraternity, a broth erhood, not in speech but in fact, a brotherhood of highly-skilled, intellectual men, who choose to be the one thing or the other, because they expect to excel in their respective callings. And thus will b realized, the kindly declaration of Scotland s poet of the people, that "flank ia but the guinea s stamp A man s a niaa for * that." The Government of the United States is at present in honest hands, in safe hands, ia patriotic hands. No one doubts the patriotism of Presi dent Grant, by whose foresight and military skill, the workingman s cause was prevented from being the "lost cau," and the confederate or capitalist* cause w&a prevented from being the dominant cause. No one questions the high integrity or un approachable honesty of Secretary Boutwell, who presides over our finances ia these times of rapaci ty and corruption, when meu are more eager to accumulate fortunes than to retain reputations for integrity. We are about to lesseu the burdens imposed upon us by the slave-holders- war, inaugurated undr the auspices of the Democratic party, by paying off permanently destroying the debt of tke United States. Thus we are not simply postpon ing payment by asy taxation now for greater tax ation hereafter, but by prompt payment of the principal, stop the interest and thus afford per manent relief Two hundred and thirty millions of dollars have thus already been paid, the interest on this sum is no less than fourteen million! of dollars per year, and the retrenchment and reform inauguratd in other channels of the civil servict will show at the end of Grant s administration, a balance sheet equal to fifty million! of dollar* of la annual *xpenditnre toss at it* fee-fining. the greatness of the nation, Its jrorev anu vi tality, its civilization and manhood must act be measured by its productions, nor by its com merce, nor by its manufactures ; the greatness, T crrer and durability of the nation must be measured by the intellectual and moral worth of its people; by their frugality, by their tern- perateness, by their conscientious devotion to duty, by their self-sacrifices on the altar of truth. Production and commerce only show prosperity ni a coarser form. It ia the literature, the r .vjtry, the arts, and the religion of the land. whtch are the criterion by which to judge of its permanency and power. America is the reservoir into which the most energetic and enterprising elements of all na tions have poured aud are pouring. It is a great nation, grand In its physical proportions, grand in its Dolitlcal institutions, grand in its moral aspirations, grand in Its patriotic devotion and hope of a permanent life*; and grand in ita ex ample to other nations. Let us then rally all the progressive elements, all that is moral aud virtuous, into one power ful and harmonious party, sacrificing private views OB far as may be for the sake of upholding our Government, and handing it down to our children, ever increasing in power and glory. A SUMMARY. WHAT THE REPUBLICAN PARTY HAS DONE, is PBOOF OF WHAT IT WILL DO. 1st. Among the first acts of the Republican Congress, after some necessary rneasurrs to resist the Democratic Rebellion, wa*, the adoption of the Homestead law, under which the whole mass of the public domain is opened to the possession and ownership or the laboring man, upon the condition of settlement and cultivation, at the nominal price of $10 for a 160 acres. 2nd. Provision was made by which this vast property is largely enhanced in value, and ren dered accessible to men of limited means, ovar the lines of thy Trans-continental Railroad the construct .on of whjcJi, bad basso, djalasfldl Democratic rale, by t -e tat that free would possess thia rich Inheritance, to the ex clusion of slave labor. 3rd. The whole system of servile labor wa abolished by the Republican partv, in spite of the united and persistent opposition of the Democracy in Congress and on the battle field. 4th. Again, the wnole mass of unrequited labor was lifted to the dignity of the country s defen ders, thereby giving it enlarged opportunities, enabling^it to command the attention and the sympathies of the nation, and rendering:: its future subjection to bondage absolutely im possible. 5th. This whole class was eudowed with citi zenship and all its rightg and aclvantages-against all of which acts, che Democrats in Congress and in the States, recorded a united negative yet it Is easy to see that each successive step added immeasurably to the dignity and power of labor. 6th, The whole remaining public lands of the South, were reserved from sale, nnd appropriated to the exclusive use of actual Bottlers, by which the landless laborers of that section, come to the ownership of more that 45,000,000 acres, sufficient for half a million of homes of 80 acres each, and by which, also, the further progress of land monopoly in that section is forever stopped. 7th. It has given guaranty by a solemn and unanimous declaration of the House of Repre sentatives, that the future land policy of the party shall be in the interest of individual occu pation and ownership, and opposed to sales or eraata under conditions, which will admit the further growth of personal or corporate mo nopoly. 8th. And finally it has given practical evidence of its fidelity to the principles of land distribu tion to actual occupants, through ita organized land committees, and in the defeat of numerous land grswat bjlls>*t t&e, recent ecwMi of Con- ggftlfc