HD 
 
 UU-NHLP 
 
ONE SHILLING NET 
 
 INDUSTRIAL 
 UNREST 
 
 The Reports of the Commissioners (July 1917) 
 Collated and Epitomised 
 
 BY 
 
 SIR WILLIAM CHANCE, BT., M.A. 
 
 Chairman of Committee 
 British Constitution Association 
 
 PUBLISHED FOR 
 
 THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION ASSOCIATION 
 
 BY 
 
 P. S. KING AND SON, LTD. 
 
 ORCHARD HOUSE, WESTMINSTER 
 
 LONDON 
 


 
 INDUSTRIAL UNREST 
 
INDUSTRIAL 
 UNREST 
 
 The Reports of the Commissioners (July 1917) 
 Collated and Epitomised 
 
 BY 
 
 SIR WILLIAM CHANCE, BT., M.A. 
 
 Chairman of Committee 
 British Constitution Association 
 
 PUBLISHED FOR 
 
 THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION ASSOCIATION 
 
 BY 
 
 P. S. KING AND SON, LTD. 
 
 ORCHARD HOUSE, WESTMINSTER 
 
 LONDON 
 
 1917 
 
SYNOPSIS OF CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 I GENERAL CAUSES OF INDUSTRIAL UNREST 7 
 
 II PARTICULAR AND TEMPORARY CAUSES . 12 
 
 (a) FOOD PRICES AND PROFITEERING . . .12 
 
 (b) HOUSING ........ 14 
 
 (c) Low WAGES IN AGRICULTURE . . . -15 
 
 (d) THE SUBJECTION OF WAGE EARNERS TO INCOME TAX 15 
 
 (e) SHOP DISCIPLINE . . . . . .15 
 
 (/) BREACHES OF AGREEMENTS . . . .18 
 
 III UNREST CAUSED BY WAR MEASURES . . 18 
 
 A. DELAYS, CONFLICTS, AND GENERAL IN- 
 
 EFFICIENCY OF GOVERNMENT DE- 
 PARTMENTS 19 
 
 GOVERNMENT PROMISES NOT KEPT . . .22 
 
 B. THE MILITARY SERVICE ACTS . . .22 
 
 (a) THE TRADE CARD SYSTEM . . . .22 
 
 (b) THE SCHEDULE OF PROTECTED OCCUPATIONS 23 
 
 (c) PREFERENCE SHOWN TO YOUNGER MEN . 24 
 
 C. THE MUNITIONS OF WAR ACTS . . .25 
 
 (a) THE MUNITION TRIBUNALS . . .26 
 
 (b) LIQUOR RESTRICTIONS . . . -27 
 
 (c) DILUTION OF LABOUR . . . .28 
 
 (d) RECORDING CHANGES OF PRACTICE . . 29 
 
 (e) LEAVING CERTIFICATES . . . . 30 
 (/) RESTORATION OF PRE-WAR CONDITIONS . 30 
 (g) INEQUALITY OF EARNINGS AND SACRIFICE . 31 
 (h) INDUSTRIAL FATIGUE. CANTEENS . . 32 
 
 IV SUGGESTED REMEDIES TO ALLAY DISCON- 
 
 TENT 34 
 
 (a) NATIONAL INDUSTRIAL COUNCILS, DISTRICT COUN- 
 
 CILS, AND SHOP COMMITTEES . . . .36 
 
 (b) BETTER RELATIONS BETWEEN EMPLOYERS AND 
 
 EMPLOYED ....... 37 
 
 (c) A BETTER SYSTEM OF EDUCATION . . 38 
 
 (d) A ROYAL COMMISSION FOR THE SOUTH WALES 
 
 COALFIELDS ....... 39 
 
 V CONCLUSION 39 
 
 5 
 
 387888 
 
NAMES OF THE COMMISSIONERS 
 
 I. NORTH-EASTERN AREA : 
 
 Sir THOMAS MUNRO (Chairman}. 
 Mr. PHILIP BRIGHT. 
 Mr. HENRY DAVIES. 
 
 II. NORTH-WESTERN AREA: 
 
 His Honour Judge PARRY (Chairman}. 
 Mr. JOHN SMETHURST. 
 Mr. J. R. CLYNES, M.P. 
 
 III. YORKSHIRE AND EAST MIDLANDS AREA : 
 
 Sir GEORGE C. MARKS (Chairman). 
 Sir MAURICE LEVY, Bt., M.P. 
 Mr. J. J. MALLON. 
 Mr. ARTHUR J. WADESON. 
 
 IV. WEST MIDLAND AREA : 
 Major J. W. HILLS, M.P. (Chairman}. 
 Mr. J. W. OGDEN. 
 Mr. J. W. WHITE. 
 
 V. LONDON AND SOUTH-EASTERN AREA : 
 
 His Honour Judge O'CONNOR, K.C. (Chairman}. 
 Mr. ALLAN M. SMITH. 
 Mr. J. VocE: 
 
 VI. SOUTH-WESTERN AREA : 
 W. W. MACKENZIE, Esq., K.C. (Chairman}. 
 Sir ALFRED BOOTH, P.C. 
 Mr. T. CHAMBERS. 
 
 VII. WALES AND MONMOUTHSHIRE AREA : 
 
 Mr. LLEUFER THOMAS (Chairman). 
 MR. THOMAS EVANS. 
 Mr. VERNON HARTSHORN. 
 
 VIII. SCOTLAND AREA: 
 
 Sheriff T. A. FYFE (Chairman}. 
 
 Mr. NOEL E. PECK. 
 
 Mr. A. GORDON CAMERON. 
 
 Secretary to the Commissioners : 
 Mr. S. M. HODGSON. 
 
Industrial Unrest 
 
 THE causes of " Industrial Unrest " so called have been 
 recently inquired into by special Commissioners appointed 
 by the present Prime Minister. For this purpose the 
 country was divided into eight districts (Ireland as usual 
 being excluded): six English North-Eastern, North- Western, 
 Yorkshire and East Midlands, West Midlands, London and 
 South-Eastern, and South- Western ; the other two being 
 Scotland and Wales (including Monmouth). 1 Each district 
 had its own separate Commissioners, who issued separate 
 reports. Considering the importance of the inquiry and 
 the large amount of ground to be covered, it is almost 
 without precedent, we should imagine, that the work 
 should have occupied only one month (i2th June to I2th 
 July, 1917), while two of the reports, especially those for the 
 North- Western area and Wales, are most comprehensive and 
 almost voluminous. 
 
 I. THE GENERAL CAUSES OF INDUSTRIAL 
 UNREST 
 
 Industrial Unrest is, of course, no new thing, but it is 
 alleged to have been aggravated and intensified by war 
 conditions. So far as the South Wales Coalfield is concerned 
 
 1 When references to these reports are made they are marked with 
 the initial letters of each district, e.g., N.E. for North-Eastern, 
 N.W. for North-Western, Y. & E.M. for Yorkshire and East Midlands, 
 W.M. for West Midlands, L. & S.E. for London and South-Eastern, 
 S.W. for South-Western, S. for Scotland, and W. for Wales and 
 Monmouth. 
 
 7 
 
8 INDUSTRIAL UNREST 
 
 it had become almost a permanent condition, and existed 
 before the \yar: (W.,;p. ^2). Broadly speaking, it arises 
 " from human selfishness in all classes, a narrow outlook on 
 the possibilities of co-operation, and forgetfulness of the 
 golden rule ' to do unto others as you would be done by ' 
 (N.W. p. n) ; causes which no Government can remove. 
 In its political aspect it is the result of " a struggle by the 
 workers to secure a larger share of the profits of industry and 
 a greater control over the conditions under which they work 
 and live " (W.M. p. 3). " There exists an element inclined 
 to methods tending to undermine the authority of the duly 
 authorised Executive Councils and District Committees of 
 the Unions, and who are desirious of using the machinery 
 of the Unions to further their own extreme views " (S. p. 3). 
 But " quite distinct from this revolutionary element there 
 is another class who perhaps do something to create a form 
 of unrest, not altogether to be deprecated. . . . We refer 
 to the growing class among the workers of this country who 
 are taking an interest in economic questions, and are study- 
 ing the principles of political economy. This class which 
 is not at all in sympathy with the extremists first referred 
 to is, it is recognised, inspired by a genuine desire to better 
 the conditions of the workers by obtaining for them a larger 
 share in the results of industry. A strong feeling exists 
 that the workers are not fairly treated in the apportionment 
 of the results of the joint effort of employer and employees " 
 (Ibid.). 
 
 The permanent causes of the unrest as distinguished from 
 the temporary ones are carefully gone into in the Wales and 
 Monmouthshire Report (pp. 22-24). They are dealt with 
 from the economic, social and political points of view respec- 
 tively as follows : 
 
 Economic. " (a) While there has been an advance in 
 money wages during recent years, more particularly since 
 1895, there has been a decrease in real wages, and concur- 
 rently with this there has been a steady movement for the 
 raising of the standard of living which naturally necessitates 
 an increase in real wages. Employers have, of course, 
 resisted the demands of the workman for wage increases 
 for the reason that the concession of such demands tended 
 to reduce the margin of profits or were not otherwise justi- 
 
INDUSTRIAL UNREST 9 
 
 fied. This conflict of forces has resulted in a spirit of 
 antagonism between Capital and Labour. 
 
 " (b) The adoption by the workers of the principle that 
 wages should be fixed on the basis of a satisfactory standard 
 of living and the advocacy of a still further view that, even 
 with the wage-rate based on the standard of living, workers 
 should also share in the prosperity of their particular 
 industry. 
 
 " (c) The adoption by a section of the workers of the 
 theory that the restriction of output is in the interest of 
 their class. 
 
 " (d) The concession of wage advances to one industrial 
 class has accentuated the disparity of wages between that 
 class and a lower paid one in another industry or in another 
 section of the same industry, and this has resulted in a 
 demand by the latter for wage advances. 
 
 " (e) The machinery for settling disputes and fixing 
 rates of wages in certain industries has not always worked 
 smoothly, and the delays that occur in the settlement of 
 disputes tend to exasperate the men and cause them to 
 resort to extreme measures. 
 
 " (/) The refusal on the part of a small section of workers 
 to recognise their obligation to join the trade union of their 
 industry, though deriving the full benefit of all advantages 
 gained through the Union, is one of the most prolific causes 
 of sudden stoppages and of threats to strike. The difficulty 
 is especially pronounced in the coal-mining industry of 
 South Wales, but is not confined to that industry. 
 
 " (g) Some of the employers, also, have occasionally 
 manifested an unsympathetic attitude towards trade 
 unionism, and this has confirmed the men's impression 
 that the employers are hostile to them and their organisa- 
 tion. Irritation is frequently caused also by the fact that 
 facilities are rarely given by the employers to enable the 
 unions to bring non-unionists into membership of their 
 lodges. 
 
 " (h) In addition to the above general causes there are a 
 number of causes special to particular industries or groups 
 of industries. Of these we can only enumerate the follow- 
 ing : 
 
 " (i) In addition to lowness of wages, railway 
 workers feel aggrieved at their long hours of labour. 
 
io INDUSTRIAL UNREST 
 
 " (2) The casual nature of the employment of dock 
 and wharf labourers and general cargo 'men produces 
 an often paralysing uncertainty which tends to a 
 certain irregularity of habits and to reckless and 
 impulsive action. 
 
 " (3) The employment on English ships of cheap 
 Chinese labour, while British seamen are unemployed, 
 is said to cause great indignation amongst sailors, and 
 threats of serious strikes are being freely made. The 
 feeling with reference to this matter is intense and is 
 likely to lead to serious trouble almost at any time 
 unless the matter is promptly attended to. 
 
 Social. " The conviction that Capital and Labour are 
 necessarily hostile, a conviction engendered by conflict on 
 industrial matters, has been accentuated by the fact that 
 the social conditions of the working classes are of an unsatis- 
 factory character. This fact was brought out by numerous 
 witnesses both on the employers' side and the men's side, 
 and there can be no doubt that, although not always ex- 
 pressed, the workers feel deeply discontented with their 
 housing accommodation and with their unwholesome and 
 unattractive environment generally. The towns and villages 
 are ugly and overcrowded ; houses are scarce and rents 
 are increasing, and the surroundings are insanitary and 
 depressing. The scenery is disfigured by unsightly refuse 
 tips, the atmosphere polluted by coal dust and smoke, and 
 the rivers spoilt by liquid refuse from works and factories. 
 Facilities for education and recreation are inadequate and 
 opportunities for the wise use of leisure are few. The 
 influence of the social factors on the creation of indus- 
 trial unrest cannot easily be measured, but that their influ- 
 ence is great is undeniable. 
 
 Political. " The sense of antagonism between Capital 
 and Labour has been considerably deepened during recent 
 years by the propaganda of a small but earnest group of 
 men whose teachings are rapidly permeating the entire 
 trade union movement. Advanced causes feed on discon- 
 tent, and the indisposition of employers to concede the 
 claims of the workers to a higher standard of life has pro- 
 vided fuel for the propaganda of the Independent Labour 
 
INDUSTRIAL UNREST n 
 
 Party and more recently, of the enthusiasts of the Central 
 Labour College movement. 
 
 " The influence of the ' advanced ' men is growing very 
 rapidly, and there is ground for belief that under their 
 leadership attempts of a drastic character will be made by 
 the working classes as a whole to secure direct control by 
 themselves of their particular industries. Hostility to 
 capitalism has now become part of the political creed of 
 the majority of trade unionists in the mining, if not in other 
 industries, and unless the employers are prepared to meet 
 the men part of the way disaster must overtake the mining 
 industry in the South Wales Coalfield. Nearly all move- 
 ments initiated by the South Wales Miners' Federation 
 during recent years, consciously or unconsciously, are 
 directed towards the overthrow of the present capitalist 
 system and the establishment of a new industrial order 
 under which the workers will have a greater measure of 
 control over their industry and a larger measure of the 
 produce of their labour. 
 
 " Opinions are as yet divided as to whether such over- 
 throw is to be accomplished by political or industrial action, 
 or by both. Until recently the political method was most 
 popular, but industrial action is now in the ascendant. 
 This is possibly due to the fact that the miners have been 
 disillusioned by the failure of the Labour Party to bring 
 about a complete change in the industrial fabric during the 
 past ten years in which they have held a number of seats in 
 the House of Commons. The lack of confidence in Govern- 
 ment action, moreover, is not confined to the men. The 
 employers are even more emphatic in their condemnation 
 of governmental interference, and the coalowners of South 
 Wales allege that the chief cause of trouble in the coalfield 
 has been the ' action of the Government in assisting the men 
 to break their agreements.' They further state that the 
 men collectively never broke their agreements until the 
 Government first ' interfered ' in 1915." 
 
 It is satisfactory to read in the reports, with the one 
 exception of that for Wales, how much the relations of 
 employers and employees have improved in recent years 
 (e.g., Y. & E.M. p. 4, S.W. p. 4, and W.M. p. 10) ; but 
 better organisation of both sections is needed. " If the 
 
12 INDUSTRIAL UNREST 
 
 men are badly organised the result is unauthorised local 
 strikes, and if the employers are not strongly federated you 
 have a minority who refuse to pay the district rate. It is 
 the minority which causes trouble " (W.M. p. 10). It is, 
 indeed, suggested that only compulsion can bring the two 
 minorities into line with the two majorities. All employers 
 and employees would then belong to their respective federa- 
 tions. 
 
 In South Wales, " a somewhat bitter antagonism has 
 grown up between employers and workers in certain indus- 
 tries, and this has to some extent been fostered by extremists 
 and tactless partisans on both sides. A sense of irrespon- 
 sibility has thus been created, and the men have shown a 
 tendency to strike on the slightest pretext, despite the advice 
 of their accredited leaders. Such class antagonism has been 
 especially pronounced in the mining industry and in a much 
 lesser degree in the transport industries " (W. p. 20), and 
 four reasons are given for this (Ibid. p. 21). 
 
 II. PARTICULAR AND TEMPORARY CAUSES 
 OF INDUSTRIAL UNREST 
 
 (a) Food Prices and Profiteering. The reports are unani- 
 mous that the question of Food Prices is the most important 
 present cause (N.E. p. 2, N.W. pp. 14-17, 34, Y. & E.M. 
 p. 3, W.M. p. 8, L. & S.E. pp. 2, 8, S.W. p. 3, W. p. 35, 
 and S. pp. 3, 4). 
 
 " No further increase in the price of foodstuffs should 
 be permitted if this can by any means be avoided, and 
 every effort should be made to reduce the present high 
 cost of living. The Commissioners are strongly of 
 opinion that if the Government could devise a plan 
 whereby staple commodities were procurable at prices 
 fixed by the State, coupled with an arrangement for making 
 up from State Funds any losses which might fall on pro- 
 ducers or traders arising out of such limitation of prices, 
 that policy would meet with general approval " (N.E. p. 3). 
 This opinion is expressed in much the same words in all 
 the reports, and the action of the Ministry of Food shows that 
 the Government have been impressed by it. The necessity 
 
INDUSTRIAL UNREST 13 
 
 of cheap food being supplied to the wage-earning classes is 
 stated to be of far more importance in allaying unrest than 
 a rise in wages. 
 
 Every report, too, refers to the existence of profiteering 
 " by which is meant the amassing by a few people of 
 abnormal wealth out of the necessities of the country." 
 ' The actual increase in the cost of living does not appear 
 to be so important a factor in the workers' mind as the belief 
 that profiteering exists " (S. p. 3). This belief in profiteer- 
 ing, although it is declared to be " the chief immediate 
 cause of unrest " (W. p. 24), is not, however, supported by 
 any real evidence. The nearest approach to evidence is the 
 following extract from the Report for Scotland (p. 3) : " The 
 publication in the Press of the balance sheets of trading and 
 shipping companies showing large dividends, and hearing 
 reports of the increase of the price of commodities having 
 been caused by intermediate agency, commissions, etc., 
 tend to create in ' the workers' mind the belief that the few 
 are making fortunes at the expense of the many.' The 
 worker sees in the Press, for instance, that beef from 
 abroad can be laid on the British wharf at 6J^. per pound, 
 and he knows that his wife has to pay three times more per 
 pound for it. He naturally thinks that somebody is making 
 undue profit out of the consumers. He reads reports of 
 bacon lying rotting at the Port of London, or herring in 
 the north of Scotland, or of potatoes being in some places 
 superabundant, and in others non-existent, and he has 
 a feeling of deep resentment that the possibility of such 
 things was not timeously prevented." Against this I will 
 quote the following from the N.W. Report (p. 17) : " The 
 wholesalers and retailers who are in the main patriotic men 
 working under difficult conditions feel that much of the 
 criticism directed against them is unfair. A director of 
 the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, and chairman of 
 the Produce Section, Mr. Robert Graham, pointed out that 
 many other causes contributed to the present high prices. 
 Of these the most important were the high cost at points 
 of production both at home and abroad, and he cited as a 
 cause of this the Government buyer for the army in Montreal 
 competing against civilian buyers who were purchasing 
 foodstuffs for the industrial world, and by this means we 
 ourselves were raising prices against ourselves. This is a 
 
14 INDUSTRIAL UNREST 
 
 matter which evidently needs more careful control. Then 
 again he referred to the high freight rates on the Atlantic 
 routes, the great increase in war risk insurances, the differ- 
 ence in exchange rates, and the inflation of the currency. 
 In his view, he expected, in the near future smaller imports, 
 for which higher prices will have to be paid to attract goods 
 from abroad, and he was more concerned that we should 
 have an adequate supply of foodstuffs even at high prices 
 than not have enough. He thought that these matters 
 ought to be put authoritatively before the public who are led 
 by newspaper articles to believe that the profiteer is the 
 sole cause of high prices." The N.W. Commissioners 
 " think that this point of view deserves consideration, for, 
 of course, if the public are allowed to believe that profiteer- 
 ing is the sole cause of high prices they will naturally con- 
 tinue to blame the Government for not dealing with pro- 
 fiteers so long as high prices continue." The whole subject 
 is well and exhaustively dealt with in the Report from which 
 I have last quoted (pp. 14-17), and in the Wales Report 
 (PP. 34-36). 
 
 (b) Housing. This question is only lightly touched upon 
 in most of the Reports, probably because it is prominently 
 before the nation as a problem which must be solved as 
 soon as circumstances permit. In Scotland the Commis- 
 sioners had had startling revelations of the acute need of 
 houses in industrial centres, and they expressed the opinion 
 that the industrial unrest caused thereby " can only be 
 allayed by the Government taking steps to grapple with a 
 problem which appears to have grown too great for private 
 enterprise now to meet, by in some way having land in the 
 near neighbourhood of congested industrial districts made 
 available on reasonable terms for building working-class 
 houses and by rendering financial aid for building expe- 
 ditiously the urgently wanted houses " (S. p. 4). They say 
 " that in Scotland there is an immediate need for somewhere 
 about 100,000 workers' houses, that practically no building has 
 taken place during the war, and that, for some years before 
 that, the number of such houses built was not sufficient to 
 meet the increasing demand for them " (Ibid.). In Wales 
 and Monmouthshire, and especially in the South Wales 
 Coalfields, from 40,000 to 50,000 new houses are stated to 
 
INDUSTRIAL UNREST 15 
 
 be wanted (W. p. 33). Improved railway and transport 
 facilities, by which the population in industrial centres 
 could be distributed over a much wider area than at present 
 (N.E. p. 3), would no doubt lessen overcrowding, but it 
 would be useless unless the necessary houses were supplied. 
 It is well known what has been done by many employers 
 to provide houses for their workmen, and it were to be 
 wished that more had followed their example. In the 
 N.W. Report which deals at length with the question as it 
 concerns Barrow-in-Furness (pp. 31-34), an interesting 
 account is given of what has been done by the Vickers 
 Company to provide housing accommodation for its em- 
 ployees. They have built over 700 five-roomed houses to 
 meet the demand. 
 
 (c) Low Wages in Agriculture. This cause is referred to 
 in the South- Western District Report, and the recommenda- 
 tion as to a minimum wage of 255. per week to agricultural 
 labourers has now become the law of the land. It is a great 
 experiment, and it is to be hoped that it may not lead 
 to more discontent than it allays. 
 
 (d) The Subjection of Wage Earners to Income Tax. 
 This cause is referred to in the Reports for Wales (p. 38) and 
 Scotland (p. 7). Many men are stated to refuse to work 
 overtime because the extra wages would bring them within 
 the range of the tax. " The feeling seems to be that the 
 working man ought not to be required to pay a direct 
 income tax seeing that his class pays a large share of the 
 indirect taxation ; or at all events that the limit ought to 
 be fixed at such a figure as to exclude men who earn no more 
 than sufficient to meet their family need." The liability 
 to Income Tax may, however, be a healthy form of unrest, 
 for it " has undoubtedly roused the working man to a sense 
 of responsibility and opened his eyes to the fact that national 
 taxation is a matter in which all classes of the community 
 are interested " (S. p. 7). 
 
 (e) Shop Discipline. There does not appear to be more 
 complaint under this heading than what exists in normal 
 times. The North-Eastern Commissioners are of opinion 
 that every encouragement should be given to the workmen 
 
16 INDUSTRIAL UNREST 
 
 to bring local or personal disputes up for consideration by 
 the employers through the agency of their trade unions. 
 Past experience has convinced them " of the advantages 
 of the trade unions in adjusting labour difficulties and in 
 bringing about good relations between employers and 
 employed on the North-East Coast," and " that nothing 
 ought to be done to interfere with the usefulness of the 
 Unions " (N.E. p. 9). " Where it is not possible for 
 employers to arrange for personal access to them by deputa- 
 tions of employees who have difficulties to lay before them," 
 they " advocate the establishing of Shop Committees l 
 consisting of representatives appointed by the men to confer 
 with representatives of the employers at such times as may 
 be agreed upon for the discussion of questions affecting 
 
 1 Shop Committees are constituted in different ways ; often they 
 are quite informal and exist owing to a quite local arrangement 
 between the employers and workmen of some particular works. In 
 other cases there are shop Stewards appointed for the purpose of 
 seeing that all workmen maintain their trade union membership, 
 for collecting the subscriptions, and for conveying to the members 
 regulations and orders adopted by the Unions. In such cases these 
 men are generally recognised as the medium (or Shop Committee) 
 for discussing with the employers any local difficulties which may 
 arise in connection with labour in that particular business. It is 
 difficult to consider a better basis on which to establish these Shop 
 Committees than that adopted by Railway Conciliation Boards. 
 The different Departments have their own Boards to which Delegates 
 are elected by a formal election conducted under the supervision 
 of the Board of Trade. The men's side of each Board elect their 
 own Chairman and Secretary, and the latter may be a trade union 
 official or some outside person. Formal rules exist for the conduct 
 of business, but where confidence has been established between the two 
 sides the formal rules have been allowed to lapse and the Secretaries 
 are permitted to meet without ceremony, and by this means many 
 little difficulties are smoothed out before they have had time to 
 cause any bad feeling. The two sides of every Board meet periodi- 
 cally, but should important and urgent matters arise special meetings 
 are easily arranged. Every facility is afforded the Secretary of the 
 men's side to meet his Chairman or, if the necessity arise, the men's 
 Delegates for the private discussion of any grievances which may be 
 felt by the workmen. The Secretary is also given every help in 
 obtaining information for the proper guidance of his side. The more 
 the formal rules are allowed to lapse the greater the success of the 
 Boards. Of course this success depends upon the personnel. In 
 some cases the Committees have been productive of nothing but 
 evil, but after new men have gone to the two sides of the same 
 Board the happiest results have been produced. 
 
INDUSTRIAL UNREST 17 
 
 labour as they may arise in the shops. Should such dis- 
 cussions not result in the settlement of the points in dispute, 
 then the matter should be reported to the Union by the 
 representatives of the men on the Shop Committees " (Ibid.). 
 The North- Western Commissioners think the establishment 
 of Shop Committees would do away with a great deal of 
 industrial unrest if they were seriously and honestly worked 
 (Report, p. 36), but how far the establishment of these 
 Committees may affect the work of trade unions is a 
 disputed point. The West Midland Commissioners put the 
 two sides of this question as follows : " There are advan- 
 tages in having a Committee elected from the organised 
 labour in the shop. It can meet the Management, and 
 discuss and settle grievances which are small and local. 
 It can also meet employers and bring them in touch with 
 their men. It works more quickly than trade union 
 machinery, and it has a local knowledge which trade union 
 officials sometimes lack. It is in touch with all the changing 
 conditions in the shop, whilst the trade union Secretary 
 is not. It decentralises trade union procedure which is at 
 present too much officialised and too little controlled by the 
 rank and file. It creates solidarity among the workers 
 and breaks down trade union particularism. By agreement 
 between employer and workmen, its operation can be 
 extended to such questions as discussion of piece rates and 
 control of minor breaches of discipline. It gives the work- 
 men more control over the conditions of life. 
 
 " On the other side, it was urged that the system of settling 
 grievances by discussion between the Management and the 
 local trade union Secretary works well. A Shop Committee 
 would inevitably weaken trade union authority. It would 
 be composed of the wilder and less responsible spirits who 
 were out to make mischief. It would weaken or destroy the 
 employer's authority, and keep the shop in continual tur- 
 moil. It would waste time. It would lead to unauthorised 
 strikes. The local trade union Secretary is in touch with 
 conditions in the district. He settles small questions with 
 the Management and reports larger ones to his Union for 
 adjustment in the ordinary course " (Report, pp. 9, 10). 
 
 The same Commissioners add that the weight of evidence 
 given to them on both sides was against the change (Ibid.), 
 while in the opinion of the Yorkshire and East Midlands 
 
 B 
 
i8 INDUSTRIAL UNREST 
 
 Commissioners the movement in favour of it threatened to 
 become " a most serious menace to the authority and entire 
 work of the A.S.E. and other skilled workers' Unions " 
 (P-3). 
 
 (/) Breaches oj Agreements. " Another cause of unrest 
 and a very important one is stated to be the feeling of 
 uncertainty whether agreements regarding wages and work- 
 ing conditions can be relied upon, even although they have 
 been made by the accredited representatives of employers 
 and employees " (S. p. 8). The complaints come from both 
 sides. " Sometimes the indefinite nature of awards is 
 responsible, and frequently only some individual is at 
 fault ; in other cases ignorance of the terms of the agreement 
 or forgetfulness of its existence may explain the failure to 
 observe its terms. . . . Instances of organised disregard of 
 agreements and awards have occurred, but these appear 
 to have a revolutionary significance" (Ibid.). The sugges- 
 tion is made that " all industrial agreements voluntarily 
 entered into by responsible representatives of employers 
 and employees should, if approved by the Board of Trade, 
 be registered ; and when so registered should be enforceable 
 at law on all concerned in that trade or industry. This 
 suggestion is attractive on account of its simplicity, but we 
 recognise, of course, that the matter may be more compli- 
 cated than appears on the surface ; and, while recording 
 the undoubted fact that failure to observe working agree- 
 ments is a cause of unrest, we content ourselves with point- 
 ing that the above suggestion seems a practical mode of 
 compelling parties who have voluntarily made a bargain 
 to stick to it " (Ibid.). The matter is indeed a complicated 
 one, for the suggestion could not be made enforceable 
 without a radical alteration in trade union law. 
 
 Ill UNREST CAUSED BY WAR MEASURES 
 
 It was not to be expected that the regulations under the 
 Military Service and Munitions of War Acts could be carried 
 out without a great deal of friction, and the Reports are 
 naturally very full of the subject. The regulations are 
 
INDUSTRIAL UNREST 19 
 
 stated to " have been enforced and employed by methods 
 which are deeply resented " (Y. & E.M. p. 3). The root 
 causes of distrust are held to be the restriction of liberty, 
 the alteration of agreements, the failures of the Government, 
 and the want of publicity (W.M. p. 3). 
 
 I will now proceed to catalogue the various complaints 
 under this head. 
 
 (A) DELAYS, CONFLICTS, AND GENERAL INEFFICIENCY 
 OF GOVERNMENT DEPARTMENTS 
 
 One is not surprised to read of general complaints under 
 this head. An outstanding feature of the Wales Commis- 
 sioners' inquiry " has been the unqualified hostility on the 
 part of witnesses both on the men's and the employers' side 
 to Government interference " (p. 25). 
 
 Many of the complaints arise from misunderstandings, 
 and to the confusion caused by the number of Departments 
 dealing with Labour questions (S.W. p. 3, and W. p. 25). 
 No fewer than twelve Government Departments have to do 
 with them (W. p. 25). Not only is delay and confusion 
 caused thereby, but also a waste of time and public money 
 (S.W. p. 5). " Representatives of both the employers and 
 the trade unions concur in the complaint about the multi- 
 plicity of Departments. Much of the difficulty arising would 
 appear to be due to the want of complete co-ordination of 
 the provinces or activities of the several offices. Variations, 
 and to some extent conflict, in regulations and methods as 
 well as instructions have been recognised, and much uncer- 
 tainty exists as to the department to which communications 
 relating to Labour should properly be addressed. Delay, 
 and consequent irritation, have resulted from the embarrass- 
 ing position " (L. & S.E. p. 5). One is not astonished to 
 hear that " it would have been much better had the parties 
 been free to come to agreements and settle their difficulties 
 between themselves " (Ibid.). " In some cases the settle- 
 ment of questions has been procured only by stoppage or 
 threat of stoppage of work. For example, in one case in 
 which employers and men had agreed to raise a maximum 
 from 20 to 60 per cent, (the Ministry of Munitions having 
 failed to consent) and the matter had been placed before 
 the Committee on Production, it took fourteen weeks to 
 
20 INDUSTRIAL UNREST 
 
 get a decision. The men affected stopped work twice in 
 consequence ; and it required all the influence of the Union 
 officials to induce the men to resume and continue work." 
 (Ibid. p. 6). The Reports for Scotland (pp. 5, 6), for the 
 North- Western area (pp. 17, 20), and for Wales (p. 26) deal 
 at considerable length with the dissatisfaction caused by the 
 want of efficient machinery for the prompt settlement of 
 differences. The old Government Departments, such as the 
 Board of Trade, appear to know how to deal with this matter, 
 and what may be called the *' upstart " Departments must 
 bear most of the blame. In referring to the strike among 
 the engineers the Commissioners for the North-Eastern area 
 say : " The most serious situation created was in con- 
 nection with the strikes among the engineers, which took 
 place in the spring of this year (i.e., 1917). and which is 
 alleged to have been entirely due to the long delay in securing 
 arbitration on the question of wages. On the other hand, 
 we have testimony on the part of one Union to the commend- 
 able celerity with which wages disputes were settled by the 
 Board of Trade. We were, however, told of a strike of 
 bricklayers in certain steel works which delayed 7,000 tons 
 of shell steel, and resulted in the receipt of the arbitration 
 award within two days of the strike. We were told that a 
 certain section of the men advocated striking because they 
 were convinced that more speedy decisions resulted " (p. 8). 
 The North- Western Commissioners gave an example of what 
 individual effort can do where official interference would 
 fail. " The United Alkahi Company, Ltd., of which Mr. 
 Stuart is the General Technical Manager, employs about 
 10,000 men and 1,000 women. The bulk of the works are 
 at Widnes or St. Helens, but the Company have other works 
 at Newcastle, Glasgow, London, etc. Practically all their 
 men are Trade Unionists, with whom they work in harmony. 
 Mr. Stuart's main business in life is to handle labour ques- 
 tions, in which he has had fifty years' daily experience on 
 the Tyne and in Lancashire. His experience, he claims, 
 not without justice, has taught him all there is to know, and 
 all there is to avoid in handling labour questions. It is 
 interesting, therefore, that in the forefront he places prompti- 
 tude in dealing with troubles directly they arise. ' When (he 
 says) applications for advances in wages or for the adjust- 
 ment of any grievances are made, they are all forwarded to 
 
INDUSTRIAL UNREST 21 
 
 me in Liverpool. I then, figuratively speaking, take 
 the next train to Widnes, St. Helens, Newcastle, Glasgow, 
 or wherever the communication comes from, and meet the 
 men quietly in the room all sitting round the table. I 
 attach the highest importance to seeing the men immedi- 
 ately after their application is received without a day's 
 delay.' The success of this system, as worked by Mr. 
 Stuart, is undoubted, and the lesson to be learned from it 
 seems to be this. The Company finds that it is a business 
 proposition to appoint a powerful works' Director to deal 
 with their labour matters. He has no legal or police sanc- 
 tion to back up his efforts. He comes to the men, in their 
 Trade Union, directly he is required, not as a judge or an 
 arbitrator, or an official, but rather as a friend and con- 
 ciliator. He has no cut and dried procedure, no printed 
 rules and orders to fetter his discretion and promote quib- 
 bling discussions. The following statement of how he does 
 the business forms a concise gospel of the whole duty of 
 official man in dealing with labour matters : ' I sympathe- 
 tically hear the men's side of the case, look at it from their 
 point of view, and imagine myself for the time being one of the 
 workmen, asking myself what would be my opinion of their 
 contention if I were one of them. Then I place' before 
 them the case of our Company, discussing the two sides of 
 the question in a courteous and friendly spirit, taking care 
 always to recognise the important fact that to manage men 
 successfully you must learn to manage yourself ' ' {pp. 18, 
 19). Now listen to the comment of the Commissioners on 
 Mr. Stuart's evidence. They ask, " Why can an individual 
 succeed in promoting peace in the industrial world when 
 governments have for many generations failed to do so ? " 
 And they answer their own question as follows : " It is 
 at least interesting that three men " (i.e. the three Commis- 
 sioners) " of widely different experiences agree with absolute 
 unanimity that what is at the bottom of the trouble is that 
 governments have relied too much on the aid of judges, 
 tribunals, and officialdom guided by cast-iron rules and 
 orders with the sanction of police force at their back " 
 (Ibid.). It is to be hoped that this expression of opinion 
 will sink deep into the minds of our legislators. It will at 
 any rate put courage into the hearts of those who are striv- 
 ing to put a curb on officialism as much as possible, and to 
 
22 INDUSTRIAL UNREST 
 
 show the beneficial effects which a good and sound indi- 
 vidualism can produce. 
 
 Government Promises not Kept. We are told that the men 
 have lost confidence in the Government owing to its depar- 
 ture from undertakings given to them, and that this has 
 also been a cause of stoppages of work, " which were directed 
 against the Government rather than the employers. The 
 danger lies in the possibility that the example set by the 
 Government may be regarded as an inducement to and a 
 justification for the adoption by the men of the same line 
 of conduct and the treating of their own undertakings as 
 ' scraps of paper ' ' (L. & S.E. p. 5). The Commissioners 
 of the North- Western district write to the same effect : 
 " There is no doubt that one cause of labour unrest is that 
 the workmen have cause to regard promises and pledges of 
 Parliament and Government Departments with suspicion 
 and distrust. Many an instance has been put before us of 
 what seemed on the face of it a clear announcement amount- 
 ing to a distinct promise which has afterwards been inter- 
 preted by judges and officials to be something quite other- 
 wise. It was painful to hear the common use of the phrase 
 ' a scrap of paper ' so constantly used by working men in 
 describing what they felt about the Government promises " 
 (p. 19). This criticism applies also to the calling up of 
 munition workers, and the experience of Vickers Ltd. at 
 Barrow is given as an example (Ibid. p. 35). 
 
 B. THE MILITARY SERVICE ACTS 
 
 " The whole system of the operation of these Acts is, in 
 the opinion of the great bulk of the working classes, an 
 exhibition of bungling, incompetence, and of exasperating 
 dilatory methods " (S. p. 9). They are alleged to work 
 unfairly and to be a great cause of unrest (Ibid.). " One 
 thing which would greatly minimise this feeling would be 
 the avoidance of delay in making payments of allowances to 
 dependants of soldiers, and to discharged soldiers " (Ibid.). 
 
 (a) The Trade Card System. It is unnecessary to say 
 much about this system, which gave rise to great discontent 
 and consequent trouble (N.E. p. 4, N.W. p. n, W.M. 
 p. 4, S.W. p. 4, and S. p. 9), as it has been discontinued 
 
INDUSTRIAL UNREST 23 
 
 and replaced by the " Schedule of Protected Occupations/ 1 
 "The system operated unfairly because it assumed that 
 skilled men were found in certain Unions, and certain Unions 
 only. These Unions received Trade Cards and could protect 
 their members. Other Unions, containing a large number 
 of skilled men, could protect none. This caused bitterness 
 and dissatisfaction. But a further cause of dissatisfaction 
 was the way in which Trade Cards were undoubtedly used 
 in some cases. Many Unions made a proper use of the 
 high responsibility entrusted to them, but some did not. 
 The cards were used for increasing membership, and men 
 were told that, if they joined certain Unions, they would be 
 protected, while if they joined rival organisations they would 
 not. Further, even when this was not the case, the cards 
 were issued by the Unions in a manner which, to say the 
 least of it, was haphazard. Altogether the scheme was a 
 bad one, and we welcome its withdrawal ; but we are bound 
 to point out that the actual withdrawal caused discontent 
 among those whom the system protected. That is more 
 especially the case since the system now introduced that 
 of the Schedule of Protected Occupations with ' A ' and 
 ' B ' certificates, does not at present work satisfactorily " 
 (W.M. pp. 4, 5). The Report for Scotland also refers to 
 the strong feeling " created by the withdrawal of the Trade 
 Card system, after many Unions had gone to much trouble 
 and expense in preparing to carry it out " (p. 9 ; see also 
 W. p. 36). 
 
 (b) The Schedule of Protected Occupations. This system, 
 which replaced the Trade Card system, has not worked 
 entirely satisfactorily as above stated. Under it two 
 forms of exemption certificates are issued to all employees 
 of military age in munition works. The Scheduled Occupa- 
 tion Certificate is issued to men protected from military 
 service. The ' Certificate of Protection ' is issued to men 
 not so protected. "The title of the latter certificate, how- 
 ever, is misleading and has caused a considerable amount 
 of apprehension in the minds, not only of the men, but also 
 of members of Tribunals. The withdrawal of the latter 
 certificate, we are informed, would remove a prolific cause 
 of irritation" (W. p. 36). 
 
 The success of the new scheme depends, of course, on 
 
24 INDUSTRIAL UNREST 
 
 " the care and circumspection on the part of the officials 
 charged with its administration, and, if the recruiting 
 officers are careful to exercise tact in those cases where 
 mistakes have been made, we have every confidence that 
 there will be little friction " (N.E. p. 4 ; see also N.W. p. n, 
 and W.M. p. 5). Further, the idea seems prevalent that 
 employers may use the system for victimisation, because 
 " the appeal to the Enlistment Complaints Committee is not a 
 real appeal. It may have been unwise to promise such an 
 appeal at all, but, as it has been made, the promise should 
 be kept. To our mind the use of the word appeal includes 
 the right to be heard, but it seems to be the practice to 
 decide an appeal against a man without hearing him, and 
 we think this a denial of justice. To send a man a printed 
 form stating that his appeal has been decided against him 
 is bound to be a cause of trouble. It may be that appeals 
 in many cases are dilatory and frivolous, but it passes our 
 comprehension how any man can claim that he is possessed 
 of a judicial instinct acute enough to decide this question 
 merely by reading an official form filled up by an uneducated 
 man. The workman is suspicious that in deciding the 
 question at issue the statement in his own appeal receives 
 no real consideration, whilst the written testimony of his 
 employer is accepted as the only thing that counts. It is 
 contended, not without reason, that this does not fulfil 
 the promises which have been widely advertised by the 
 Munitions Ministry in leaflets which have been distributed 
 in the works " (N.W. p. 24). Again, what happens some- 
 times is that men entitled to " A " certificates are receiving 
 " B " and vice versa. That has cast on the employer the 
 wholly unjustified suspicion that he has shown favouritism 
 in the lists sent in (W.M. p. 5, and S. p. 9). It is good 
 to hear from the Commissioners that such is not the case. 
 
 (c) Preference shown to the Younger Men. " Employers 
 are alleged to show a preference for the retention of the 
 younger men, and a readiness to part with the older men. 
 We cannot believe this to be a prevalent practice, but one 
 case of unfair discrimination is often sufficient to cause 
 irritation. The fact cannot be ignored that as the demands 
 on older men with family responsibilities in all walks of 
 life, and especially on the commercial classes, have grown 
 
INDUSTRIAL UNREST 25 
 
 more exigent, feeling has arisen against the exemption of 
 the young single men. The public cannot be expected to 
 appreciate fully the reasons that may render the retention 
 of these young men necessary, and this fact adds force to 
 the suggestion that the Government should so distribute the 
 country's man power as to be able to say that every man is 
 in the place where he is giving the most valuable service " 
 (N.E. pp. 4, 5; see also S. p. 9). 
 
 " The employment of Belgians of military age in munition 
 factories, especially in responsible positions, where it is 
 possible they might exercise pressure which would have the 
 result of sending older men into the army while they remained 
 in comfort " (N.E. p. 5), and the enrolment in Volunteer 
 Training Corps, are mentioned as minor causes of unrest. 
 
 C. THE MUNITIONS OF WAR ACTS 
 
 These Acts have doubtless revolutionised industry. " In 
 normal times the workman is free to leave his employment, 
 whether to secure better wages or on personal grounds ; 
 now he can do nothing unless his employer consents or the 
 Munition Tribunals grant a certificate. In normal times 
 an employer can discharge a man ; now, owing to labour 
 shortage, that power hardly exists. In normal times, the 
 man has the weapon of the strike and the employer that of 
 the lockout ; now both are illegal. In normal times wage 
 changes are settled by collective bargaining ; now they are 
 settled by the State. In normal times the employer dis- 
 ciplines his own men ; now discipline is enforced publicly 
 in a criminal court. Lastly, the trade unions have fought, 
 rightly or wrongly, and in the engineering trades have fought 
 successfully, for the principle that certain men or certain 
 Unions alone were entitled to certain work. Now this has 
 been swept away, and men and women of rival Unions or 
 of no Unions at all work alongside skilled craft esmen." Thus 
 speak the Commissioners of the West Midlands area (Report, 
 p. 5) . Can anyone be astonished at the effect upon employees 
 as well as employers ? " These changes," they go on to 
 say, " are strongly resented as infringements on personal 
 liberty, to which men are deeply attached. But beyond 
 this they affect profoundly everyday industrial life. In 
 many cases they are the renunciation of the gains of years, 
 
26 INDUSTRIAL UNREST 
 
 and what renders the renunciation more bitter is the feeling 
 that all changes bear more hardly on the men than on the 
 employers. This is obviously the case. The employer has 
 to submit to hardships ; he cannot run his business in his 
 own way ; he is perpetually controlled by the Government, 
 and he has a serious shortage of labour and limitation of 
 profits ; but his grievances are not comparable to those of 
 the workman who sees his cherished possessions taken from 
 him. From this feeling, that the workman has lost more 
 than his employer, it is an easy step to the feeling that the 
 restrictions have been definitely imposed in the employers' 
 interest. The more thoughtful men may not feel this ; they 
 are content with stating that, as a fact, the restrictions do 
 bear unequally on the workman and they do not impute any 
 base motive ; but it will readily be seen that the fact lends 
 itself to misrepresentation, and that when men are smarting 
 under a real loss, it is not hard to insinuate that that loss 
 was imposed with an improper intention " (Ibid.). There 
 can be no doubt that these Commissioners are right when 
 they add that the Government have never convinced the 
 men that the restrictions on their liberty of action are 
 necessary. What is wanted is publicity. " No method 
 should be neglected in bringing all cases before the people. 
 If the cause is a good one it will find acceptance" (Ibid.). 
 
 (a) The Munition Tribunals. These Tribunals which 
 were set up to deal with disputes and complaints could not 
 be expected to be popular, and they are not. In fact they 
 " are considered by the men to be peculiarly obnoxious, 
 they find it difficult to distinguish them from a Police Court, 
 and they resent the stigma which appears to attach to them. 
 From information placed before the L. and S.E. Commis- 
 sion there would seem to be some justification for the com- 
 plaint that personal feeling has been the cause of some of 
 the prosecutions, many of which are brought on frivolous 
 or insufficient grounds " (p. 6). 
 
 On the question of prosecutions for bad time keeping 
 the Scotland Commissioners say (Report, p. 6) that " work- 
 men complain that they are called before the tribunal 
 without sufficient inquiry being first made as to whether 
 the workman had a reasonable explanation for his absence, 
 although he may have omitted at the time to inform his 
 
INDUSTRIAL UNREST 27 
 
 foreman of it. We are inclined to think that in some 
 instances there has been ground for this grievance, and we 
 are, at all events, of opinion that it does tend to create 
 unrest that employers should prosecute at all." They 
 think that all prosecutions for bad time keeping should be 
 instituted by the Minister of Munitions. " This is already 
 done in the Western Division of Scotland with good results, 
 both in the way of promoting good time keeping and of 
 allaying irritation." 
 
 A description of the constitution of the Tribunals, of the 
 objections urged against them by the men, and suggestions 
 for their improved working, will be found in the West 
 Midlands Report (p. 6). 
 
 (b) Liquor Restrictions. The Reports are not by any 
 means unanimous as to the effect of the restrictions placed 
 on the supply of beer to wage-earners in Munition areas. 
 The N.E. Commissioners do not attach much importance 
 to the subject. They say " there are two aspects to 
 this question, viz. (i) The effect of the Liquor Control 
 Board's restrictions regarding the hours during which 
 intoxicating liquors can be supplied, and (2) the effect 
 of the shortage of beer in consequence of the limited 
 quantity which may be brewed. As regards the first aspect 
 of the question there is a general consensus of opinion that 
 the Board's regulations have done good " (p. 3). The only 
 question was as to what hour in the evening licensed premises 
 should be closed, so as to suit overtime workers. It was 
 suggested to these Commissioners that the time for closing 
 in the North-East era area should be 9.30 instead of 9, so 
 as to bring it into line with other parts of England. Certain 
 employers, however, thought that this would be a mistake, 
 and that the better plan would be to allow the men working 
 overtime to get away at 8.30 or 8.45 so as to get refreshments 
 before the closing hour. The second aspect of the question, 
 viz., shortage of supplies of beer combined with the present 
 exorbitant prices, had led to rather more resentment. " The 
 workers are convinced that beer is an indispensable beverage 
 for men employed in the so-called ' hot ' and ' heavy ' 
 trades. The belief is prevalent that certain parties are 
 endeavouring to use the national exigencies as an excuse 
 for forcing on prohibitions, to which the great bodies of 
 
28 INDUSTRIAL UNREST 
 
 workers are bitterly opposed. " There was no evidence 
 whatever that excessive drinking existed, and the workers' 
 representatives made it clear that they had no sympathy 
 with men who drank to excess." 
 
 The N.W. Commissioners consider that the restrictions 
 contribute to unrest rather than cause it, and that the main 
 grievance arises from the inability to procure good whole- 
 some beer at a reasonable price (p. 25 ; see also p. 34 of 
 the same Report as to the complaints under this head which 
 came from Barrow-in-Furness. There the regulations are 
 stated to have been a cause of " stoppage "). The W.M. 
 Commissioners " were frankly amazed at the strength of 
 the objections to the liquor restrictions. These came not 
 only from men in the habit of drinking beer, but from those 
 who were life-long teetotalers and yet recognised the need 
 of beer to those working in certain occupations" (p. 9). 
 In the S.W. District the restrictions were not a cause of 
 unrest, though there was some complaint, but not much, as 
 to the price and scarcity of beer in certain localities (p. 3). 
 In Scotland no complaint had come from any quarter of the 
 restrictions being a cause of industrial unrest (p. 12). 
 
 (c) Dilution oj Labour. The reports under this head are 
 conflicting. The North-Eastern area Commissioners found 
 little real objection to the system. " Indeed, so far as we 
 can gather, no objection to its extension on an even wider 
 scale will be taken provided the skilled trades are assured 
 (i) that dilution is really necessary and that it is not being 
 enforced when adequate skilled labour not required for 
 other purposes is available ; (2) that, if it is introduced in 
 order to free men for the army, this should be clearly stated, 
 and an assurance given that members of the trade diluted 
 will not be taken for the army so long as militarily fit men 
 who have been taken on under dilution schemes are allowed 
 to remain ; (3) that the provisions of the Munitions Acts 
 and Circular L. 6 as to giving reasonable notice of the 
 intention to introduce dilution are complied with by the 
 employers ; (4) that the recognised rates of wages are paid 
 in accordance with Circulars L. 2 and L. 3, as these have 
 been modified ; and (5) that, if labour has to be displaced 
 for any reason, the members of the skilled trades should not 
 be discharged while the diluting elements are retained " 
 
INDUSTRIAL UNREST 29 
 
 (N.E. p. 5). The West Midlands Commissioners also cannot 
 find that the system has caused much unrest (W.M. p. 6). 
 On the other hand, we hear that it " has brought about 
 everywhere very intense disappointment and dismay in 
 the minds of the skilled workers, who are fearful as to the 
 subsequent status of the industry. The skilled workers are 
 further perturbed by the very high wages earned by the 
 unskilled and semi-skilled workers being so greatly in excess 
 of the earnings of the highly skilled men and actual instruc- 
 tors, who willingly assisted in dilution, and who have been 
 constantly assured that their work was of far greater national 
 value. In every district typical instances were given in 
 which unskilled workers, labourers women and girls were 
 earning more than double that of the skilled men, thus 
 provoking discontent and acute unrest, not only in the 
 ranks of the skilled men and in their homes concerning the 
 inadequacy of their pay, but also in the other grades of 
 ordinary unskilled labour, where the earnings of the workers 
 have been but slightly increased, and thus made a demand 
 for higher rates of pay, such as would provide the bare 
 necessaries of living at the present- exorbitant} prices " 
 (Y. and E.M. pp. 3, 4). Another complaint about dilution 
 is that it has aroused suspicion in some quarters that it may 
 be used to release men for the army and to prejudice the 
 position of skilled men after the war (S.W. p. 2). 
 
 " All agree," say the West Midlands Commissioners, 
 " that women's work has been extremely successful. The 
 men are still suspicious of women's work, partly because it 
 is an innovation, and partly because they feel that it will 
 reduce rates " (p. 6). 
 
 There is a general agreement that the system should not 
 be applied to private firms. 
 
 (d) Recording Changes oj Practice. This matter is referred 
 to specially in the North-Eastern Report as follows : "It 
 is one of the many safeguards on which the workmen rely 
 for the protection of the future of their crafts. We are glad 
 to be able to report that the system of recording in this 
 district seems to be well conceived and carefully carried 
 out. Notwithstanding this, there still seems to be a want 
 of knowledge, confined to a few trades, of the methods 
 adopted, and the right to have changes of practice ade- 
 
30 INDUSTRIAL UNREST 
 
 quately recorded. There is also some objection to alleged 
 changes of practice which are not agreed, being held over 
 for final settlement until after the war. But on the whole 
 we are satisfied that no serious objection can be taken to 
 the method of recording now in force " (N.E. p. 6). 
 
 (e) Leaving Certificates. The Reports while, pretty well 
 unanimous that this system should be abolished, express 
 fears as to what may replace it. Six fruitful causes of 
 discontent on this score are given in the North-Eastern 
 Report (p. 6). It is, however, unnecessary to enlarge on 
 the subject at any length as the Munitions of War Act of 
 this year enabled the Minister of Munitions by order to put 
 an end to the system, which he has, as reported in the Press 
 of the 26th September last, already done. The workmen 
 were almost unanimously in favour of its abolition while 
 the employers regarded its abolition with considerable 
 apprehension, not " due to any partiality on their part as 
 affording them an undue restrictive power over their em- 
 ployees," but because " they fear a sudden and unsettling 
 disturbance of labour, as it is certain that a large number of 
 men will, for various reasons, immediately seek to change 
 their employment " (see N.E. pp. 6, 7 ; and also W.M. 
 p. 7, and S. p. 4). " Should this be the case it may be 
 necessary for the Ministry of Munitions to freely exercise 
 its power of veto. This will inevitably give rise to many 
 vexed questions, as will also the numerous cases that will 
 undoubtedly occur under the ' Poaching ' clause. The 
 Minister must therefore anticipate the situation, and take 
 steps to minimise the friction. Otherwise the new pro- 
 cedure may be as fruitful of unrest as the old " (N.E. p. 7 ; 
 and see also L. & S.E. p. 6). It is clear that Mr. Churchill's 
 task will be a very difficult one and that as much unrest as 
 before may be created. 
 
 (f) Restoration of Pre-war Conditions. This is probably 
 the question which most exercises the minds of the industrial 
 community employers as well as employees. There exists 
 a considerable feeling on the part of the workers that the 
 pledges of the Government as to restoration of pre-war 
 conditions will prove illusory. The Reports, however, do 
 not support the idea of exploitation (N.E. p. 7, W.M. p. 7). 
 
INDUSTRIAL UNREST 31 
 
 Indeed, the North-Eastern Commissioners say : " We have 
 frequently regretted that the employers had no opportunity 
 of hearing the reasonable expression of the views of the men 
 on the amelioration of their conditions, and their desire to 
 assist in increasing output, and that the men had not the 
 opportunity of being made directly aware of the broad 
 outlook of the employers with regard to labour and their 
 manifest desire to improve working conditions " (N.E. p. 7). 
 It is important to note that the difficulty in restoring pre- 
 war conditions after the war " is not mainly between the 
 Government on one side and workmen on the other, or 
 indeed between employers and workmen, but rather between 
 different classes of workers. On the one side are the 
 ' Craftsmen ' and their Unions ; on the other men and 
 women belonging to the ' general ' or ' unskilled ' Unions. 
 These men and women have attained skill since the war, and 
 are in many cases doing the same work as ' Craftsmen/ 
 They will certainly object to any proposal to expel them from 
 the higher grades of industry " (W.M. p. 7). 
 
 The feeling of discontent which has been raised from this 
 cause would, in the opinion of the Wales Commissioners, be 
 allayed by the repeal of all the special war legislation at the 
 earliest possible moment after the close of the war and by 
 the restoration of the pre-war rights and privileges of trade 
 unions which have been suspended, unless they should 
 otherwise desire (W. p. 34). 
 
 (g) Inequality oj Earnings and oj Sacrifice. The skilled 
 operator feels resentment in that he is debarred from earning 
 as much as his less skilled companion. This complaint is 
 general in every district, although the grievances are quite 
 restricted in extent in the South- Western area (Report, p. 3). 
 As already stated, evidence was given before the Yorkshire 
 and East Midlands Commissioners that unskilled workers, 
 labourers, women, and girls were earning more than double 
 the wages of the skilled men. " The methods followed in 
 fixing the prices for the pieceworkers appear to have been 
 of a very haphazard and careless character, arrived at 
 generally without conference with those who could have 
 suggested more scientific and equitable methods of securing 
 that the greatest output could have been ensured by advancing 
 skill and the employment of new and improved means of 
 
32 INDUSTRIAL UNREST 
 
 production. Unskilled workers in some factories are 
 earning from 10 to 18 a week, and could easily earn more 
 but are afraid to " (Y. and E.M. p. 4). This difference in 
 wages is partly explained by semi-skilled workmen and 
 unskilled workmen and women being for the most part 
 engaged on a system of payment by results. Thus the 
 earnings of the skilled men are much less as a whole (L. 
 & S.E. p. 3). In Wales " the high wages paid to boys as 
 compared with skilled men of many years' experience has 
 induced considerable unrest " (W. p. 24). Having regard 
 to the high wages said to be paid to women in Munition 
 Works, it is no wonder that in Edinburgh those employed 
 in the Dressmaking and Millinery trades struck work on 
 account of the lowness of their wages 135. a week for a 
 woman of ten years' experience (S. p. 8). Various remedies 
 for this inequality of earnings have been proposed (see 
 W.M. p. 8), but piecework when it is possible might meet 
 the difficulty. When it is not possible then the '' Fellowship " 
 or shop bonus system is recommended to be tried (Ibid, and 
 see N.E. p. 8). " The main objection to the introduction 
 of piece work and especially to the premium bonus system 
 is that the workmen are apprehensive that if they fully 
 exert themselves prices or times will be cut, especially in 
 the post war periods, when they fear that the extra efforts 
 which they are prepared to put forward now in the national 
 interest will be used against them. We, therefore, consider 
 that the expressed intention of the generality of employers 
 not to reduce prices or times in the absence of a change of 
 method should be clearly brought home to the employees, 
 with the assurance that no price or time will be reduced 
 unless, on clearly defined lines which it seems to us not 
 impossible to prescribe, a good reason can be shown for such 
 reduction " (N.E. pp. 8, 9). 
 
 (h) Industrial Fatigue. Canteens. This fatigue is, of 
 course, caused by overwork and overpressure, and it is 
 emphasised in most of the Reports. It is urged that 
 Sunday work (except to meet special contingencies) should 
 be discontinued, and that overtime should be regulated. 
 Where overtime is necessary " it should be fairly distributed 
 so as to prevent the overstrain of individuals, and also to 
 allay the feeling that sometimes exists that it is unfairly 
 
INDUSTRIAL UNREST 33 
 
 allotted and does not allow individual workers to earn the 
 extra rates paid " (N.E. p. 9; and see L. & S.E. p. 8, and 
 W.M. p. 9). ' There is ample evidence to show that the 
 continuous labour and unduly extended hours during the 
 war have caused a state of nervous exhaustion in large 
 numbers of workers which has made them more susceptible 
 to influences contributing to unrest " (L. & S.E. p. 3). 
 " The workers have been for three years working at high 
 pressure during too long hours and under strenuous work- 
 shop conditions never before experienced. They have been 
 denied all opportunities of relaxation and recuperation, and 
 this, too, at a time when there was an ever-growing physical 
 weariness and fatigue " (Y. & E.M. p. 5). 
 
 In connection with this subject, and also to allay discon- 
 tent with the liquor restrictions, the establishment of 
 canteens near the places of employment, and possibly the 
 permission of limited departures from the specified times 
 of opening public houses, are suggested (W. p. 33, and L. 
 & S.E. p. 4). The institution of canteens is, however, 
 stated not to have had " the effect of reducing the feeling 
 of irritation in regard to food, and the inability to procure 
 suitable foods. In many cases the food provided at can- 
 teens has not been satisfactory, and the sameness of the 
 food has militated against the success of the movement. 
 No adequate arrangement has been made to meet the 
 reasonable requirements of workers in the matter of refresh- 
 ment, a difficulty which is in great part due to the large 
 influx of outside labour " (L. & S.E. p. 4). Generally 
 greater regard should be paid by employers to the health, 
 safety and comfort of their employees. " In many cases, 
 however, the whole of the cost of such welfare institutions 
 would not need to be borne by the owners of industrial 
 concerns ; in some instances, if the employers manifest a 
 good spirit, the men will respond and will themselves bear 
 their share in the establishment of better working condi- 
 tions." (W. p. 33). One reason why canteens have not been 
 provided has been owing to want of space in the works ; 
 and in some cases where they have been provided they have 
 not been taken advantage of (N.E. p. 9). The reasons why 
 they have not always been successful are set out in the same 
 Report as follows : Inadequate provision of facilities for 
 workmen to wash and tidy themselves, leading to men 
 
 c 
 
34 INDUSTRIAL UNREST 
 
 having to sit down to meals just as they leave their bench 
 or machine ; and the difficulty of serving meals with 
 sufficient dispatch without employing an unduly large staff 
 of attendants (Ibid.). The provision of good and well 
 managed canteens might help the housing problem as 
 tending to remove the workman's objection to live at a 
 distance from his employment (Ibid.). 
 
 IV. SUGGESTED REMEDIES TO ALLAY 
 DISCONTENT 
 
 On the general question of the betterment of the condi- 
 tions of the wage-earning classes "it is necessary," one 
 Report says, " to secure to the working man a fair share 
 of the product of his labour and a just participation in the 
 establishment of the conditions of industry. The workmen 
 consider that they should be treated as men " (L. & S.E. p. 2). 
 It is not much use arguing whether the wage earner does or 
 does not get his fair share and the just participation to 
 which he claims to be entitled, or whether he is exploited as 
 a slave. We must take it that he feels that this is so, and 
 deal with the question from this point of view, and draw 
 attention to the remedies set out in the Reports. To begin 
 with they make it clear that the wage earners as a whole, 
 excluding, of course, the revolutionaries, have found State- 
 action so unsatisfactory that they look to the establishment 
 of better relations between employers and employed for 
 the satisfactory settlement of any disputes and differences 
 which may arise between the two parties. 
 
 As stated in the Report of the Reconstruction Committee, 
 which is now called shortly the Whitley Report, " the 
 circumstances of the present time are admitted on all sides 
 to offer a great opportunity for securing a permanent 
 improvement in the relations between employers and 
 employed, while failure to utilise the opportunity may 
 involve the nation in grave industrial difficulties at the end 
 of the war " (p. 3). But it is easy to see that the trade 
 unions, while desirous of taking advantage of the oppor- 
 tunity, are very nervous about the methods by which these 
 better relations may be brought about. They do not wish 
 
INDUSTRIAL UNREST 35 
 
 to see the workmen in different industries settling disputes, 
 etc., without their help. This fear is illustrated by their 
 action in past years in the matter of profit sharing, and 
 we have already quoted from the Reports about the sus- 
 picion with which they regard the setting up of Shop 
 Committees (ante, p. 16). They naturally want to have a 
 voice in the relations between the two parties. " Much 
 time/' say the Scotland Commissioners, " would be saved 
 (and delay always causes unrest) if employers would deal 
 with one Union, representing workmen of one class, or one 
 Union representing cognate trades, instead of having to 
 negotiate with, and make arrangements with separate 
 trade unions, representing the same class of employees. 
 Competition among Unions is probably also apt to create 
 differences between officials and members, which may add 
 to the difficulties met with when endeavouring to effect a 
 settlement in any trade movement, and it is suggested that 
 the trade union representatives should give serious con- 
 sideration to the possibility of facilitating expedition in 
 negotiation, and expedite the making of agreements, and 
 promoting more prompt settlement of differences by 
 improved methods of industrial organisation " (Report, p. 10). 
 Compulsory membership of a Trade Union or an Employers' 
 Federation is alleged to be the ideal to be aimed at, and 
 "it is worthy of consideration whether, in the national 
 interest, non-federated employers, or non-union workmen, 
 should be permitted to obtain the benefits of federated 
 agreements without accepting corresponding responsi- 
 bilities " (Ibid.). The same suggestion is also made in the 
 Wales Report (pp. 29, 30). There is no doubt that agree- 
 ments can be more easily negotiated, and that the machinery 
 for settling disputes becomes more effective, when both 
 employers and employed are fully organised. But the 
 Commissioners appear to have advocated compulsory 
 membership of the Unions without sufficient thought. It 
 is not so much that the man now outside the Union would 
 be forced in, as the bad effect such a policy of compulsion 
 would have on the man already in the Union. He must 
 be obedient to every injunction of the Union however 
 wrong he might know it to be. He must strike or break 
 agreements when told without asking for reasons. It could 
 not fail to have a bad effect on the Unions themselves, 
 
36 INDUSTRIAL UNREST 
 
 making them autocratic and heedless of the wishes of their 
 members who could not give up their membership under 
 any circumstances without at the same time leaving the 
 particular industry and finding every other industry closed 
 against them as non-unionists. 
 
 (a) National Industrial Councils, District Councils, and 
 Shop Committees. The Whitley Report, referred to above, 
 recommends that the Government " should propose without 
 delay to the various associations of employers and employed 
 the formation of Joint Standing Industrial Councils in the 
 several industries, where they do not already exist, consist- 
 ing of representatives of employers and employed, regard 
 being paid to the various sections of the industry and the 
 various classes of labour engaged" (p. 3). This proposal 
 receives general support in the Reports under review, 
 although they naturally criticise it in details (see N.E. p. 10, 
 N.W. p. 22, Y. & E.M. p. 6, L. & S.E. p. 6, S.W. p. 5, 
 and W. pp. 30, 31). The North- Western Commissioners 
 say : " We have no doubt that it would be a great message 
 of hope in this area, both to men and employers, if con- 
 ferences were called together consisting of the leaders of 
 Trade Unions, and the Directors of Employers' Federations 
 in each trade to discuss how the programme of the Recon- 
 struction Committee can best be made a living fact. We 
 have only one suggestion to offer, and that is in explaining 
 it to working men (b) should be placed before (a). 1 The 
 man at the bench is not greatly interested in District Councils, 
 and National Industrial Councils are to him as far removed 
 from his ambition as the House of Lords, but the Shop or 
 Works Committee is another thing altogether, and this we 
 think should be put right in the front when any endeavour 
 is made to explain the scheme to the working man. We 
 know this by experience because we have tried to explain 
 the scheme in the ' order of going in ' assigned to the various 
 
 1 (a) That District Councils, representative of the Trade Unions 
 and of the Employers' Association in the Industry, should be created 
 or developed out of the existing machinery for negotiation in the 
 various trades. 
 
 (b) That Works Committees, representative of the management 
 and of the workers employed, should be instituted in particular 
 works to act in close co-operation with the district and national 
 machinery. (See Section 14 of the Report.) 
 
INDUSTRIAL UNREST 37 
 
 Councils by the Reconstruction Committee. When we 
 approached the matter by describing National Councils 
 first the working man was not interested, as indeed, why 
 should he be ? But when we began to describe the scheme, 
 starting in the shop and gradually by a natural evolution 
 blossoming out into District Councils and finally National 
 Councils, he got a real grip of what we were telling him, 
 and seemed to think there was a lot in it, and that it was a 
 practical business affair touching his daily life which he 
 would like to take a hand in " (N.W. pp. 22, 23). This 
 seems to be admirable common sense. 
 
 We have already referred to Shop or Works Committees 
 (ante, p. 16). The N.W. Commissioners believe that if these 
 Committees were set up generally they would be " a message 
 of hope to those who are rightly dissatisfied with their 
 conditions. Many a sensible young man who now thinks 
 that the only hope of betterment for himself and his class 
 lies in the spreading of advanced doctrines would understand 
 how far more useful he would be to himself and his fellow- 
 men by taking a seat on the Shop Committee and doing 
 direct work in improving the condition of the Shop " (p. 36). 
 
 If Joint Standing Industrial Councils were established 
 the machinery of the already existing Conciliation Boards 
 and Works Committees might be adapted or extended so as 
 to undertake the duties which the new Councils are intended 
 to perform (see W. p. 42). 
 
 From the debate on " Labour and the War " in the 
 House of Lords on the 7th of November last it appears that 
 the Government, owing to the favourable reception of the 
 proposals of the Whitley Report, have already taken 
 action to carry them out. 
 
 (b) Better Relations between Employers and Employed. 
 Many of the Reports refer to the excellent relations which 
 already exist between masters and men in certain businesses, 
 and to make this condition of things universal over the whole 
 country is the aim of all reformers who believe that no 
 country can progress and flourish without the '' security of 
 capital " as the prime factor. At the same time much more 
 could be done to bring about better relations between 
 employers and employed if the wage-earner felt that the 
 " security of labour "was also a prime object to be attained, 
 
38 INDUSTRIAL UNREST 
 
 It would be well if the workman could be identified more 
 closely with the control of the industry in which he is 
 engaged. The subject is well dealt with in the Report 
 for Wales (pp. 27-30). " There is good reason to believe 
 that labour will demand after the war a larger place in 
 industry, and we strongly urge that efforts should be made 
 without delay to bring about a readjustment of relations 
 by peaceful means rather than to subject the nation to 
 internal strife at a time when all her energies should be 
 concentrated on the important work of reconstruction " 
 (Ibid. p. 27). It is satisfactory to find that Mr. J. J. Mallon, 
 in a Minority Report, is the only one of the twenty-five Com- 
 missioners who advocates the "conscription of wealth " (Y. 
 and E.M. p. 7). This, it is generally agreed would put an end 
 to all saving, on which the prosperity and existence of 
 every country depends. 
 
 (c) A Better System of Education. The Commissioners 
 for Scotland look forward in the future to a better system of 
 education as the main direction in which relief can be looked 
 for in the future, " with a greater insistence on the 
 corporate spirit and recognition of the principle that there 
 is a national as well as a personal element in all industry. 
 This may, we hope, in course of time remove that ignorance 
 and lack of perspective on the part of both employers and 
 employees which is at the root of so many of the labour 
 troubles " (S. p. 4). The subject is referred to in greater 
 detail in the Report for Wales (pp. 44) as follows : 
 
 (i) ' The extension of the system of continued education 
 for young persons between the ages of fourteen and eighteen 
 and the widening of the scope of studies to include subjects 
 bearing on the duties and privileges of citizenship and right 
 living. 
 
 (ii) " The development of adult education by the estab- 
 lishment through the joint agency of the University Colleges 
 and of labour organisations of classes in industrial centres 
 in which subjects of general human interest maybe studied 
 in an impartial and systematic manner under expert guid- 
 ance, whereby the relations of industry to the community, 
 and the desirability of a broad and sympathetic outlook upon 
 the complex factors of modern society may be adequately 
 realised, 
 
INDUSTRIAL UNREST 39 
 
 (iii) ' The provision of lectures, by arrangement with the 
 University Colleges or other independent bodies, to the 
 employees and management of works and factories, dealing 
 with the nature of the industry, the arts and methods of 
 working and such cognate subjects, as a basis for a mutually 
 clearer understanding of the methods and conditions of 
 employment." 
 
 There canJSbe no doubt that the revolutionary ele- 
 ment referred to in The Times articles in September 
 last draws its chief support from the ignorance of wage- 
 earners, who while they see on the one hand evidences of 
 the display and misuse of wealth by the rich, and on the 
 other hand the misery and degradation in which many of the 
 poor live,' do not realise how small a minority comparatively 
 each section of the two classes forms of the whole. 
 
 (d) A Royal Commission. The Reports make it quite 
 clear that the revolutionary element of labour derives its 
 chief support from the social and economical conditions 
 of the South Wales coalfields, and it is recommended that 
 a Royal Commission of Inquiry should be appointed to 
 conduct a thorough investigation into them. (W. p. 44). 
 
 V. CONCLUSION 
 
 I have now concluded my examination of the eight 
 Reports, having only drawn attention to the major griev- 
 ances to which industrial unrest is attributed, but I hope 
 that my review may induce others to get and study the 
 Reports. It will be seen that they are by no means limited 
 to unrest caused by special war legislation, although this 
 has brought the question prominently to the front. They 
 are written with moderation and with the one object of 
 bringing about a better understanding between employers 
 and employed in the various industries of the country, and 
 they will undoubtedly be of very great assistance in the 
 solution of this most important and difficult problem. 
 
 P. S. KING AND SON, LTD., ORCHARD HOUSE, WESTMINSTER. 
 
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